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Microfiche 

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Collection  de 
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THE 

.    C^'^TMAL   RACES 

OJ.  Ill   A. \i ERICA; 

Pil  SKKTfllES   OF  KMINENT   INDlVIDUAfS. 

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C  «  I'  5  0  U  .;    A  N  A L  Y  1 1  C  A  L    I N  D  F,  X 
'^>r   -  \  MITEL  G.  .ldi.\KE. 

Plf^TfefNTH     EDJTJON, 
'»SKI>,    WITH    TAH:a»:.JI   ABDII!'''^?, 

BY   J.  W.  O'NEILL. 

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272./ 


THE 

ABORIGINAL  RACES 

NORTH  AMERIPA; 

CONPRISIHO 

BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  EMINENT  INDIVIDUALS. 

AHD 

AN    HISTORICAL  ACCOUNT   OF  THE   DIFFERENT   TRIBES, 

raoif 
THE  FIRST  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  CONTINENT 

to 

THE    PRESENT    PERIOD 

WIT^  A  DI88BBTATI0I(  ON  TBBIR 

(Drigin,  IntiqultieH,  Manners  nnb  Cnstoms, 

ILLUSTRATIVE  NARRATIVES  AND  ANECDOTES, 

AMD    A  . 

COPIOUS    ANALYTICAL    INDEX 
BY  SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE. 


FIFTEENTH    EDITION, 
RKTISKD,  WITH   TALOABLl   ADDITIONS, 


BY  J.  W.  O'NEILL. 

« 

fllnstraUlr  toit|f  pmerous  d^olorelr  J^ttel-]|laU  ^ngnbings. 


They  wute  ui;  ky,  like  tbe  April  mow 
In  Um  wum  noon  «•  ihrink  away; 

And  ftMt  they  follow  u  we  (o 
Toward  the  letting  day; 

Till  tbey  ihkll  Bll  the  land,  and  w« 

Are  drlTan  Into  the  wMtem  aaa. — BKTim. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
CHARLES     r>ESILVER. 

No.  T14  CHK8TNUT   STREET. 

1860. 


%■ 


\ 


Kntered,  kooording  to  the  Act  of  CoDgrem,  In  the  year  1859,  by 
CHARLES  D88ILVER, 

_tn  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  Dlntriei.  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Eastern  DiKlrlct  of 

PennsylTania. 


I 


PRINTED  BY  SMITH  A  PETKRS, 

Franklin  ButlUings,  Sixth  Str<x>t,  Iwlow  Arch. 

Philadelphia. 


PREFACE. 


TuE  history  of  the  aboriginal  races  of  the  American  Continent  is  an 
interesting  study,  not  only  to  the  people  of  this  Unit>n,  but  also  to  those 
of  other  lands,  who  regard  then  as  the  congeners  of  the  nomadic  hordes, 
which  in  times  long  past  swarmed  over  the  plains  of  now  civilized 
Europe.  In  many  respecis  there  is  a  very  close  resemblance  between 
the  characters  and  final  fate  of  all  the  primitive  tribes  and  nations  of 
the  wo.ld  —  their  mode  of  government,  habits,  customs,  &c.,  being 
somewhat  similar  —  and  their  recession  before  the  onward  march  of 
civilization,  as  well  as  their  final  absorption  or  disappearance,  following 
an  inexorable  natural  law,  which  decrees  the  submission  of  the  animul 
to  intellectual  development.  From  the  study  of  past  events  alone  can 
an  opinion  be  formed  of  the  causes  which  gave  origin  to  them,  and  for 
this  reason  should  every  American  citizen,  who  desiro^  to  understand 
the  true  history  of  his  country,  peruse  with  attention  the  records  of  the 
former  owners  of  that  soil,  which  ere  long  will  no  more  give  sustenance 
to  any  of  their  descendants. 

No  ordinary  task  is  it  for  the  faithful  chronicler  to  trace  the  history 
of  a  people  who  have  no  written  annals,  and  no  written  language; 
whose  only  records  are  of  a  pictographic  character ;  and  whose  traditions 
are  so  vague  and  unconnected  as  to  be  very  unreliable.  Such  are  the 
difficulties  he  has  to  encounter  anterior  to  the  discovery  of  America  by 
Columbus ;  and  even  subsequent  to  that  period,  owing  to  the  unsettled 
condition  of  the  country  until  within  the  last  half  century,  years  of 
research  and  comparison  are  rendered  necessary  in  order  to  reconcile 
conflicting  statements,  and  unravel  the  tangled  web  of  confused  narra- 
tives. Believing,  however,  that  the  end  to  be  attained, — ^that  of  giving 
to  the  world  a  reliable  history  of  the  Indians  of  the  North  American 


4  PREFACE. 

Continent  —  was  one  which  jiutified  the  author  in  making  any  sacrifice 
of  time  and  labor  in  ita  accomplishment,  he,  for  many  years,  toiled 
unremittingly  to  accomplish  this  purpose;  sparing  neither  trouble  nor 
expense  in  the  collection  of  facta  and  their  sectional  arrangement. 
Whether  he  has  succeeded  in  accordance  with  his  hopes  he  does  not 
pretend  to  say;  leaving  to  the  judgment  of  the  intelligent  reader  the 
decision  of  the  question,  after  a  thorough  and  attentive  perusal  of  the 
work. 

The  Indian  has  been  traced  through  all  his  misfortunes,  wanderings, 
and  forced  transmigrations,  to  his  present  home  on  the  western  shores 
of  the  Mississippi,  where  there  is  every  prospect  of  his  speedy  absorp- 
tion in  the  Anglo-Saxon  current  wiiich  is  so  steadily  flowing  toward  the 
setting  sun ;  and  the  last  remnant  of  the  race  will  soon  in  spirit,  if  not 
in  words,  echo  the  language  of  a  poetic  writer,  who  thus  portrays  the 
sole  survivor  as  apostrophizing  the  Deity : 


'*  Where  is  my  home  —  my  forest  home  ?  the  proud  land  of  my  sires  T 
Where  stands  the  wigwam  of  my  pride  ?  where  gleam  the  council  fires  T 
Where  are  my  fathers'  hallowed  graves?  my  friends  so  light  and  free? 
Gone,  gone,  —  forever  from  my  view  I    Great  Spirit  I  can  it  be  ?  " 


CONTENTS. 


An   Alphabetioal  Enumbsatioic    op 
THE  Indian  Tuibbs  and  Nations,  9 


BOOK  I. 

Orioin,  Antiquities,  Hannbbs  and 
Customs,  &o.,  op  tub  Ambbican  In'- 

DIANS. 

Chi  r.  I .  Orifin  of  Uie  ntiM  TndiBn—  Why  applied 
to  the  people  found  in  America — AneieDt  authora 
■uppoeed  to  katre  refoired  to  America  in  their 
writinjf—Theopompu*— Voyage  ofHanno— Oi- 
odorui  Sirulue— Plato— Arittotle—Sctieca,  .19 

Chaf.  II.  Modero  tiieoriati  upon  the  lirat  peo- 
pling of  Amorica, 39 

CHir.  III.  Anecdote!  and  Narrativea,  illuatra- 
tire  of  the  Manner*,  Cuiloim,  Tradition!,  and 
Anliaiiitiei  of  the  Indiana, 34 

Chaf,  IV.  American  antiquitiea.— Few  Indian 
antiquilie*— Of  mounda  and  their  content*— 
Account  of  tliiwe  in  Cincinnati — In  the  Miami 
eountnr — Wurki  au|i|M)*od  to  have  been  built 
for  det<iiici<«  or  forlilicalion*— Some  at  Piijua — 
Near  ilumilton — Millurd— Deerfield— Six  railea 
almve  Lebanon — On  P.iinI  Creek — At  Marietta 
— At  Circluville — Tlieir  age  uiicctluin — VVorka 
on  Licking  lliver — Ancient  mcavationa or  wolU 
near  Newafli — Vurioua  other  wurk!,,..,,,., 55 
^— 

BOOK  II. 

BlOORAPHY      AND      HiSTORT      OP      THB 

Nortubbn    or   New   Exolano   In- 
dians. 

Chap,  I.  Conduct  of  the  early  voyagera  towarda 
the  IndiMii*— {<ome  account  ofthu  individualB,67 

Chap.  II,  Arrival  and  Itrat  proceedingi  of  the 
EiiEJiah  who  aettle  at  Plimoutb — Their  firat 
discovery  of  Indiana- Their  firat  battle  with 
them  —  Samoaet  —  Squiinto  —  Ma!ii!ait  and 
other*. 75 

Chap.  III.  Some  account  of  the  Maaeaehoislt! 
Indiana — Geography  of  their  country— Ita  chlcfi 
— Cliikatuiibnl — VVamputuck — Hia  war  with 
the  Muhnwki, |06 

Chap.  IV.  Of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragan- 
aetta — Oeogrupliy  of  their  country— <7anonTcua 
— Miantunnomoh — Hi*  relntiona — Aida  the  Eng- 
Ii9h  in  dnatroying  the  Poquota— Sella  KhoJe 
Island— Hi*  difficultie*  with  the  Eneliah — Via- 
it4  Boaton— Ilia  ma^niinimitjr  and  indepemlence 
—Ilia  capture  and  deiith — Circumdancea  ofhia 
execution— Participation  of  the  white*  therein 

— IinpnrtinI  view  of  that  affair — Tradition* 

Ninigret — Mexuin — Cultaquin — Aacanauotick 
—  Niniarot — Preaent  condition  of  hia  deacend- 
ant!— Peaaacu! — Killed  by  ihe  Mobaivka,...117 

Chap,  V.  Cncaa— Ilia  character — Connection! 
— Geography  of  the  Mohegan  country — Poquots 
— Uncoa — Viaita  Boston — Ilia  apeecb  to  Gov- 
(Tnor  Winthrop — Specimen  of  the  Mohegan 
language — Minor  cliiefa, ,149 

Chap.  VI.  Of  the  PtM)uot  nation — Oeoirapby  of 
their  country — Saaancua,  ;heir  firat  chief,  known 
to  the  English— War— The  cause  of  it, 165 

Ohap.  VII.  Of  the  I'rnying  or  Christian  Ind'  'na 
in  New  England — Labors  of  John  Eliot — ^\  un- 
ban the  first  Christian  anganiore — Indiun  lawa 
— (Jncaa  protests  against  the  attempt  to  convert 
bis  people — Ninigrut  refuse*  to  receive  mission- 
aries— The  Indiiiii  Bible — Wattaasacomponum 
— Hiacoome* — Miohq*oa — Occum, 175 

♦— 

BOOK  III. 

Biography  and  History  op  the  New 
England  Indians,  continued. 

Chap.  I.  Wninpnnoogcliiels — Alexander — Event* 
which  led  to  Ihe  war  with  Philip — Ninigret— 
Death  of  Alexander — Saaaamun ly? 

1* 


C"AP.  "■  Lifli  of  King  Phllliv-Hia  real  nnm*— 
The  name  of  hi*  wile— Make*  rkequenl  nale*  af 
bis  lamia — Account  of  them— His  rirai  treaty  at 
Plimouth— Ex|>edition  to  Nantucket— E>enta 
of  1671— Begina  the  war  of  ICTS-Pinl  ana  of 
hoetllity— Fighta  the  Engliah  under  MoeeW— 
—The  great  Fight  at  Narragan*«t— Fliea  hia 
country— Viaiia  the  Mehawk*— IH-deviwHl 
•''•tH"'n~B»enta  of  I67t>-la  banted  by  Ca^ 
lain  Church— Akkom|>oin — Ills  wife  and  aao 
fall  hilo  the  haiida  of  t'hurch— Fliea  to  Po- 
kanoket— la  aurprised  and  alain— Bpecimrn  of 

the  Wampanoag  Lr  ngiinge, Ijfj 

Chap.  III.  Livaa  or  PniLip'a  cHixr  C»r- 
T*iwa — Nanuntenoo— Reason*  for  hi*  aidiag 
Philip — ^^Hia  former  name — Meet*  Ihe  EnglieE 
and  Indiana  under  Cnplain  Peirae— Fighu  and 

deetroy*   hi*  whole   cumimny  at   Paw  tucket 

Surprieod  and  taken— Ilia  magnanimity— 
Speech  to  hi*  captora— Is  executed  and  hia  hody 
burnt  —  Caasaaaii..  'mon  —  Catiip,izet—  .Mono, 
poide — Annawou  i*  put  to  death — Uuinoapin 
— Hia  '.'onnection*  oml  mariioge — At  the  cap- 
ture of    Lnncnster — Account    uf  hi*   wivr*^ 

Wotamoo — lie  i*  taken  and  shot — Tuspequtn 

Hi*  operation*  in  Philip's  war — .''urrendrrs 
himself,  and  i*  put  to  death — Tatwon — Captnrea 
a  garriaon  in  Plimoutb— Tyaska— Other  chief* 

and  inr idonts, a30 

Chap,  IV.  Chief  women  eonspicuou*  in  Pbilin'a 

war — Mognu* — Her  country  and  rrlatiun* H«r 

capture  and  death — Awaahenks — Her  men  dio- 
armed — Philip  endeavor*  to  engage  herngriiiui 
the  Engliah— la  finally  in  the  power  ui' Philip- 
Reclaimed  by  Church— Some  particular*  of  tmt 

fan  li  I V , 31^ 

Ohap,  V.  A  nirtber  account  of  chief*  ron*piru- 
ou*  in  Philip's  war— Pumham— Taken  aud  *laia 
— Hi*  »on  Quaqualh — Chickon— Hocononoro— 
Potock— Complaint  again*!  Wilaihow— Uebver* 
himaelf  up— Put  to  death— Stone-wall-Jobo— A 
great  captain — Hia  men  greatly  annoy  jha 
Engliah  army  in  Narraganaet— Kilb  *evrral  of 
them — They  burn   a  gnrriinn,  and  kill  fit\ecn 

E Orson* — A  traffic  in  Indian  prisoners The 
urniiig  of  Rehoboth  and  Providence — John'* 
discourse  with  Knser  William* — I*  killed 
Sagamore  John — Fnle  of  Matooiia* — Put  to 
death  on  Boaton  Common — His  aon  hanged  for 
murder — Monoco —  David  —  Andrew  —  Jumea- 

the-printer  —  Old    Jelbero  —  S<igamore-Sam 

Viaitod  by  Eliot  in  1650— Anecdote— Peter  Je- 

thero, 857 

Chap.  VI.    Friendly    Indiana— Captain    Arooe 

Esenpel  the  slaughter  at  Pawtucket — I'oiB- 
manda  a  company  in  thn  eastern  war — Captain 
Ligbtfoot — His  services  in  Philip*a  war— In  iJm 
eastern  war— Kettcnnnit— Quannapohit— Mau- 
tamp — Monoco — Nepanet — Emploved    to  treat 

with   the  enemy — Bringa  lettera   from  them 

Effect*  an  excbangit  of  priaonera — Peter  Con- 

woy — Peter  Ephraim,, gg} 

Chap,  VII,  Of  the  Indiana  in  New  Hampabira 
and  Maine  previous  to  their  war*  with  tha 
white* — Dominion*  of  the  hashalia — Perishes  io 
war — Pa**aconaway — His  dominion* — His  las! 
speech  to  his  people — Petitions  the  cunrt  of 
Massttchusett* — Lands  allottpd  to  him — English 
aenda  a  force  to  disarm  him — Their  feir*  or  bis 
enmity  unfounded — They  seixe  and  ill  treat  hia 
•on— He  eacupes — Traditions  concerning  him- 

Wannalancet— His  situation  in  Philip's  war 

Meaaengera  and  letters  sent  him  by  the  English 
— Ho  again  retires  into  the  wiMemoss — Ma>ely 
destroy*  his  village — Imprisoned  for  debt — Fa- 
vor* Cfhristianity — A  speech — Webannwnowit, 
■iichem  of  New  Hampshire — Rohinhnoil— ||i« 
lalea  of  liind  in  Maine — Mniiqnini' — Kenncliis 
— 'Assiminusqua— Aldiiguda-iset — Their  residin- 
ce*    und    aalea    of  Ino'J — Melancholy  fate   of 

Chocorua, 377 

Chap.  VIII,  Squando  aacliem  of  Saco^Atlack* 


C0NTEKT8. 


Ih*  t  jwn  of  8«eo— Slnnhr  >ecoaal  of  bim  hy  a 
lonlempocaijr— Tbr  ill  Itculnwnt  of  liU  wife  • 
c*u*e  orwai— liif  humaiiitjr  in  iritiirinf  •  cap- 
tive— HatliikawaiMto— CauM*  or  hia  hwlilily — 
AiaiiniiMa<|U»— Hia  aptwcb — B|M«ch  of  Tariim- 
kin — Mugg — la  carriad  la  Boaloa  to  aiecuta  a 
Irealjr — la  Mailokawamto'a  ambaaaador— Re- 
laaae  oTTbaoMaCubbot-  Madoluwaada'a  kiiid- 
nu'a  to  pria<»e»— Mmua  altacba  Wclla  ami  ia 
beaten  orT— Atlaakad  tli«  neit  jraaf  bjr  ttia  In- 
diana under  Madokawando  and  a  oompany  of 
Frenchmen — Ar«  rapulaad  witb  |raat  loaa— lii- 
eidenu  uf  Iha  aiago— Muoa.  Caaliana— A  further 
•ccouot  of  Moiua — Wanangooet — Aaaacambuit 
— Further  account  of  Mugg— Hia  death — Hy- 
mon,  Andrew,  JeoflTiey,  Peter,  aod  Joaepb — Ac- 
count of  their  depredaliofw— Life  of  Kankama- 
|iia— Treated  with  neglect— Fliea  bin  country— 
Becomea  an  enemy— Suipriae  of  Dover  anil 
murder  of  Major  Waldron— Maaandowet— Wo- 
ronibo— Hia  liict  captured  by  Cburcb — Kankani- 
a<ua'a  wife  and  cbildten  taken — Hopehood— 
Coiupieuoua  in  the  niaaaacrc  at  Salmoo  Falla — 
Mil  deatb— Mattiiha»d«>— MegwuMway, . . .  .9Bfi 

Chat.  IX.  BooiaiceD— Treachery  of  tiM  whitea 
towarda  hin>— la  impriaooed  at  Boaten— AaToa 
the  life  of  a  female  captive — Captnrea  Baca— 
la  killed— Anuhawikwabeml— Hie  capture  and 
death — Egeremel— tfeisad  at  Pemmaquid— Bar- 
baroualy  murdered — Treachery  of  Chubb — Ita 
requiut— Captain  Ton — tiurpriaea  Hampton — 
Deny- Hia  furt  captured  by  Coloael  Church — 
ETentaufChurcb'a  expedition  -Captain  Simmo 
— TreaU  with  the  Engliah  atCaaco— Hiaapeech 
—Wattanummon— Captain  Samuel— Hia  fi«kt 
at  Damarie  Cove— Hegan— One  of  the  -«jne  bar- 
buroualy  dealroyed  by  Iha  whitea— Itogg— 
Weelbrook  boma  Nerigwok— Some  account  of 
the  Jeauit  Raale— Moultoo'a  expedition  to  I'Ter- 
igwuk— Deiith  of  Mogg— Death  of  Father  Ravle 
—Notice  of  MoultoD— Cbarlevoix'a  account  ol 
tliia  aflair — Paugua — Bounty  offered  for  Indian 
icalpa— CapUin  John  Lnvewell'e  firat  expedi- 
tion—Hia  aecond  hunt  for  Indiana— Falla  in  with 
Paugua — FighU  him  and  ia  clain — Incidenta — 
Song*  com|MMed  on  the  event, 903 

Jhap.  X.  The  8t.  Francia  Indiana— Rogera'a  ex- 
pedition againat  them — Philip— Sabatia — Ar- 
Dold'a  expedition — Natania — Tlie  modem  Pe- 
nobacota — Aitteon — Nrptune — Capt.  Francia — 
Suaup  murdera  an  Englialiman — Specimen  of  the 
Ponobacot  languiige— Kowlea— Hi*  prophecy- 
Blind  Will— Killed  by  the  Uohawka— Aaaacam- 
buit—ViaiU  Franco  and  ia  knighted  b*  the  king 
— AtUcka  and  bum*  Haverhill — Hia  d«ath,.3l6 

Cmaf.  XI.  Deatmciion  of  UeerfieM,  and  captiv- 
ity of  Reverend  John  Williama  and  familytin 
1704, 3» 

CHAr.  XII.  Varioua  locidenU  io  the  hiatory  of 
the  New  England  Indiana,  embracing  aeveral 
imporunt  eventa,  with  a  awjuel  to  aome  pre- 

viou*  memoir*, • .....396 

— • 

BOOK  IV. 

BlOOKAPHT      AND      HiSTORT      OF     THE 

SouTHERir  Indians. 

Chat.  1.    Preliminarr  abacrvation*  reapectiog  the 

country  of  the  »outhem  Indian* — Win^ ina,  the 

firat  Virginia  chief  known  to  the  Engliah — De- 

■troya  the  fir«t  colony  aettled  the  s^Menatonon 

Skiko— Eosenore — Second    colony  abandon* 

the  country — I'ubacco  6rat  carried  to  Enj^laiid 
— Granganemeo— Hi*  kindneaaea— Hia  family- 
Hi*  death — Powhatan— BouiidHrie*  of  hi*  coun- 
try—Surpriaea  the  PavankaUnka — Captain 
Smith  ficbta  hi*  people— Opekankanongh  Ukea 
Smith  priaonar— Takea  him  to  Powhatan,  who 
condemna  him  to  be  put  to  death — Smith'*  life 
•aved  at  the  intetceaaion  of  Pocahontaa— Inao- 
lence  of  Powhatan  increaaed  by  Newport'*  folly 
—Smith  bring*  bim  to  term* — A  crown  *ent  over 
to  Powhatan  from  Englanfl — 1*  crowned  em- 
perur — Speech— (J*e(  atratagcm*  to  kill  Smith 
— Ii  baided  in  every  attempt— Smith  viait*  bim 


-l>pe«cbe* — Poeahonia*  again  *ave*  Smith  and 
Ml  romradp*  from  being  murdeied  by  lier  father 
— Tomocomn, .343 

Chap.  II.  Kellcrtinn  uiwn  the  chnrarlerof  Piiw. 
hataiv— Pncuhontaa— She  aingulurly  cnleitaiii* 
Captain  Smith— Diaaeter  of  a  boat'*  crew — 
Smith'a  attempt  to  *<irpri»a  Powhatan  fiu*- 
tralod  in  rnnaequence— Pocahontaa  aavei  Ilia 
life  of  VVyffin — Betrayed  fnio  Ihn  hnndi  of  lliu 
Engliah— -Japaiawa— Mr.  Kolfe  mariiia  Puca- 
Loiilaa— 0|Hichiac<K— Pocahiintoa  viait*  England 
—Her  interview  with  Smith- Dlc>  at  Graveaend 
— Her  *on — Opekankanuugh — Made  priioner  by 
Smith — I*  *el  at  libartv — Conduct*  the  mo»> 
aacre  of  l69!^PIoli  tna  extirpation  of  tha 
Eiuliili — Conduct*  the  horrid  mi***rre  of  IM4 
— U  taken  prlaooer— Hi*  conduct  tnon  the  oc- 
raaion — Baibarou*ly  wounded  by  tne  guard — 
I.apt  apeeeh,  and  magnanimity  in  death — Re- 
fleet  Ion* — Ntckotawanee — Totopotomoi — Join* 
the  Engli*h  Bgalnit  the  Rechahecrlani — I*  ile« 
feated  and*laln, 3AS 

Chap.  III.  Of  the  Creek  Indian*— Mu*ko|eea — 
Prohibit  tha  nie  of  ardent  ipirit* — Their  ii*a 
*nd  importance — Their  origin — Cntawhtia — 
Chika«au»— Cherokcea — A  mode  of  flattening 
their  heada — Complexion  lighter  than  other 
Indian* — Seminulea — Ruin*  at  Onkmiilnee 
Field*— Expedition  of  Soto— Ha  kill*  9U0O  In- 
dian*—  Lnudonniere  —  Oourgea'  expedition  — 
Grijalva — Moytoy  made  emperor  of  the  Cher- 
jkee^'— Sir  Alexander  Cumming— Hi*  travel! 
among  the  Cherokee* — Seven  chiefa  accompany 
him  (o  England— Attakullakulla — Skijaguatah 
— Hiaapsech  Io  the  king— hi*  death, 363 

Chap.  IV.  Snitlement  of  Carolina  and  Georgia 
— Tom.iebichi  receiver  the  Engliah — Goe*  to 
F%!and  with  General  Oclelhorpe^Make*  a 
apeeeh  to  the  king — Hi*  i^atli— War  with  tha 
Spaniard*— Outacitie  —  Malachty  — Attakulla- 
kulla— Indian*  murdered — Attakullakulla  pre- 
vent* retaliation  upon  white*  in  hi*  power- 
Cherokee  war  begin* — Governor  Littleton'* 
expedition — Impri*oni  their  Amba**ador* — 
They  are  m8**aered — Colonel  Montgomery  lent 
again*t  them — Battle  near  Keowee — Chero- 
kee* tuke  Fort  London — Siloue— Save*  the 
lifn  of  Colonel  Byrd— Colonel  Grant  eubduc*  the 
Cherokee*,  and  they  make  peace  with  tha 
Whitea— Chlucco, 369 

Chap.  V.  Moncachtape,  the  Yaxoo— Narrative 
of  hi*  adventure*  to  tlia  Paciflc  Ocean — Grand 
aim,  chief  of  the  Natches — Receive*  great  in- 
ju*tice  from  the  French — Concert*  their  de- 
*truction — 700  French  are  cut  oif— War  with 
them— The  Natchex  deatroyed  in  their  torn — 
Great-Mortar — H'Gillivray — Hi*  birth  and  edu- 
cation^ Viait*  New  York — Trouble*  of  hi*  na- 
tion—Hi*  death— Tame-king— Mad-dog,  ...380 

Chap.  VI.  Wcatberford — Hi*  character  aud 
country — The  coroer-atoneof  theCieek  confed- 
eracy— Favor*  the  deaign*  of  Tecumaeh — Cap- 
ture* Furt  Himm* — Dreadful  ma**acre— Sub- 
jection of  the  Creak* — Weatherfuid  aurrender* 
himeelt- Hi*  *peeche>— M'lnto*h— Aid*  tha 
Americuni— Battle  of  Auto**ee— Great  *laugli- 
ter  of  the  Indian* — Battle  of  the  Horae-aboe- 
bend--Late  trouble*  in  the  Creek  nation^ 
H'Intoah  make*  illegal  lale  of  land* — Exe- 
cuted for  breaking  the  law*  of  hi*  country — 
Menaw  way  —  Tu*tenugge  —  Hawkini  —Chilly 
M'lntoeh,  *on  of  William— Marriage  of  hi*  aii- 
ter— Lovett, 388 

Chap.  VII,  Creek  war  continued — View  of  the 
Creek  country — QaDeral  Jackaon  ordered  out 
againat  them— Relieve*  Ohinnaby— Shelokta— 
Path-killer— Capture  of  Littafutche— The  Tal- 
luabatche*  de*troyed  by  General  Cofffe— 
Battle  of  Talladega — Anecdote — Maaaacre  of 
the  Hallibee* — Further  account  of  Autuaaee 
battle — Buttle  of  Camp  Defiance — Tinipoochia 
— Battle  of  Eckanakaka — Pu*hamata — Weatli- 
erford — Jim  Fife — Battle  of  Emukfuu — A  *ec 
ond  battle— Fife'*  intrepidity — Battle  of  Enoto- 
chopko— Toliopoka— End  of  the  Creek  war— 


CONTENTS. 


Oatlh  oribra*  frophoti— Monohoe— M'Qamn 
— <y<ilbert,alMt  Pioininm— Hi*  •iplolt*— Ance- 
doto— MuriteroTJohn  Morria— Mualialal«lM»— 
Puihmnata— A|M«ch  of  Muihilaluku*  ■nd  ur 
Piuhamiita  lo  Lantjretta  ■!  Wuhiii(inn— Pu- 
•hamiilit  diM  thura — HillUhafo  viaiu  iSngland 
— KxciUi  lb*  BamlnolM  to  war — A  mmlarn 
Pueahontai — Hurnotlimad — Maaaaerai  a  b«il'a 
craw  ia  Apalaohieola  River— It  eapturad  with 
Hilliihafo,  and  hangad— NaanathU — Komuml 
of  Iha  Florida  Indiana — Tliair  wretahed  eundi- 
tion — M'Queen — Eieli  in    landt  and  ilavaa — 

Fliai  lo  Florida,  and  loaat  hit  effacu, 3B4 

Omap.  VIII.  Oruundt  of  ll)o  Soininolo  war — 
CircumiUneat  of  lliota  Indinnt  mitunderttood 
— Unjuttneta  of  tlie  war — Neamtllila  depoaad 
— Traatiat— or  Moullria  Creeli— Pajrna'a  Land- 
tng— Council  at  Oamp  King — It  brokan  up  by 
Oteaola — It  it  ranawad,  and  a  party  agraaa  to 
amifrata — Otceola'a  oppotjtioii — It  taiiad  and 

{>ut  in  ironi — Paifnt  a  tubmittion,  and  it  re- 
aatad — Exaculai  an  agreeineni  to  comply  wirh 
tha  damandt  of  tha  whilat — Tba  pbyiieal  con- 
dition of  lbf>  Indiana, 410 

Oh*p.  IX.  The  Indiiint  prepare  for  war — Aflhir 
of  lloftown — A  mail  carrier  killed — Salct  of 
the  Indiana'  naltia  and  honet  adveriiaed  by  tlia 
Indian  afnnt,  but  nona  ukei  place^Buminp 
and  murdera  are  eommiltad--8altlemenl  at 
New  Hirer  detlroyed — Remarkable  preierva- 
tion  of  a  Mr.  Oodfray't  iamily — Colunol  War- 
ren't  dereat— Swamp  B(ht — Doalruotion  of  New 
Smyrna — Dereat  and  denth  of  Major  Dade,  with 
tha  dettruction  of  nearly  bit  whole  party — 
Viiit  to  b  t  battle-fround, 4M 

Chap.  X.  Uf  tha  piincipal  chlera  and  war  lead- 
art  of  the  Semmolet — Otceola — Micanopy — 
Jumper— Mniiaere  of  General  Thompton  and 
othera  at  Fort  King— Battle  of  the  Ouithlo- 
aooehee — Fight  near  Watumka — Oreat  dittreaa 
of  the  country — Action  of  Congreaa  upon  it — 
Battle  at  Muaquito— Many  Craekt  join  the 
Baminolea — Fight  on  the  Suanee  River,..,. 430 

Ohap.  XI.  Congreta  maket  an  appropriation  for 
carrying  on  the  war — Romarkt  in  the  Senate  of 
the  United  Statei  on  the  war  with  tba  Semi- 
nolea — Debate  In  the  Houae  of  Repreienlatire* 
on  tha  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  inbabitanta  of 
Florida — Attack  on  tome  Creekt  at  Bryant't 
Ferry — General  Oainea'a  campaign  in  Florida — 
Fighta  the  Indiana  on  the  Ouithlecooobee — Hit 
conference  with  Oaeeola — Reaigiu  hia  com- 
mand, and  learet  the  country — Oaptain  Alli- 
•on'i  tkirmiah— Tha  chief  Ouehee  Billy  killed 
—Siege  of  Oamp  McLomore— Oreat  auiferinga 
of  ita  gnrriaon — Delivered  by  Captain  Read— 
The  chief  Had  Wolf  alain 496 

Ohap.  XII.  Creek  War— Murderi  and  devatta- 
tioni  begin — Eleven  penont  killed  near  Colum- 
bui — Hail  routei  in  poaiettion  of  the  Indiana — 
A  ateamboat  attacked  and  men  killed — Chielb 
of  the  war  partiet — Mail  ttagea  deatroyed — The 
town  of  Roanoke  burnt — Colonel  Lindaay'a 
Florida  aflhir — Exeetiive  diamay  of  the  people 
of  Gaergia — Murder  of  familiet— Fight  on  the 
Obattahooehie — Capture  of  Jim  Henry  and  Ne- 
amathia — Account  of  the  chieft — Surrender  of 
the  Indiana, 433 

Ohap.  XIII.  HMarf  tf  (JU  eiftriatitn  uf  tike 
Chenktu, 437 

Ohap.  XIV.  fxpotriotieii  tf  tkt  Ckenkttt,  (•«- 
MaaW,. 443 

Chap.  XV.  HUtorf  tf  fJU  Cktnkut,  uMtm- 
ned, 449 

Chap.  XVI.  flutory  of  Uu  Cketvkiu,  caiulud- 
*d, 454 

Chap.  XVII.  The  Seminole  war  returned — 
Further  account  of  the  eauaei  of  the  war — Nu- 
mcront  caiei  of  |rro«a  impoaltion — Bnd  conduct 
of  government  offii-cra — A  new  tronty  of  remo- 
val urged— A  deputition  viajta  the  weat — Their 
report — Another  treaty — Spoechea  ot  the  ehleft 
— Eiaminatlon  of  the  policy  of  tna  government 
relative  tn  a  removal  of  the  Indians — Character 
of  bordercrt — Review  of  the  manner  treatioa  of 
•ale  wore  procured — The  praaident  angry  at  the 


I  jnicaaaauRwe,. • •••• •••  .v>4 

XVIIL  OvritMgltstMmli^lktwmm 
laa*  «/<*•  »Mr  lUSft— Review  of  earljr  diO- 
c»— The  Hoglown  murder- The  inault  to 


Indiana'  pfeaamptlM— Barhaiam  treataeat  of 

three  Miekaiauktee, 4«il 

Chap.  XVIIL 

eullle»— The  liafloii 
Oaoaula— Micaaopy— King  Payne— General 
Cliiiob't  expedition— Gen.  Seott  allaokad— 
Mattaert  at  Cbarlolta  Harbor— Fort  Mieanop* 
betiegod — Dvatli  of  oflcert— Ligbtbouta  allkfr 
-Battle  of  Welika— Creekt  and  Cheroke* 
affair*— Indiana  aurpriaao — Murder*— Battle  of 
Ban  Felatoo— Cot.  Lana'i  expeditino— Hia 
melanaboljr  deatli — Gov.  Call  in  eomnaad  - 
Battlea  of  the  Wahoo  Swamp— Geo.  Jaaup 
teaumee  oommaod— Ula  eipeditioa  to  the  Wa- 
boo, 470 

Ohap.  XIX.  JCmX*  ^  lh$  tmr  tmring  Uu  wmt 
1837— Expedition  to  Ahapopka— Otuebe*  killed 
^eiup  parleya  wilb  the  ehiefa— Col.  Header* 
•on'a  axpadition— Battle  of  I.aka  Monroe- 
Treaty  of  F»rt  Dade — Unobe«rve<l — Oiceola  at 
Furt  Mellon — Numhera  of  rhc  Seminole*— 
Sudden  abduction  of  emigrant*— Jeaup  requetta 
to  be  relieved  fIromeommand—Weatern  Indiana 
applied  to— Gen.  ilttmaadex'*  expedition — Cap> 
tura  of  King  Philip— Surpriae  of  the  Uchee*— 
Surrender  of  obiafa — Mediation  of  Roe*— Cap. 
lure  of  Oaeeola  and  othera — View  ofihe  aflair 
—Wild  Cat'*  eaoape— Battle  of  Okechoboe,  177 

Ohap.  XX.  timtradng  tkt  ntuU  ^  1838  and 
1839— Battle  of  Wacaaa  Swamp— Defeat  of 
Lieut.  Powell — Battle  of  Lueha  ilatcha— Gen. 
Jeaup  wounded— Death  of  Oaeeola — Ilia  char* 
aoter — Gen.  Jeaup  deairea  to  give  up  the  war, 
and  allow  the  Indian*  lo  live  in  Florida— Not 
allowed  by  the  government— Ilia  talk  with  Toa- 
kegee— Indian*  *eised  at  Fort  Jupiter— Gen. 
Je«up  leave*  Florida — Death  of  Philip  and 
Jumper — Capt.  Elli*'*  exploit — Indian*  auipriaa 
Capt.  Beall — Familiee  murdered — Crew*  of 
ve**el*  murdered — Death  of  Muabalatubee^ 
Camp  Furbea  attacked — Numerou*  murder*— 
Capt.  Ruaaell  and  Mai.  Noel  killed— Capt. 
Rowell  defeated^43en.  Macomb  lake*  command 
In  Florida — Endetvora  to  make  a  treaty — Lieut. 
Huliiert  killed — Reward  for  Indiana — Maaaacra 
•t  Colooabatcbie^Indiana  aorpriaed  al  Fort 
Mellon — Murder*  on  the  Wacolla — Blood- 
hound* to  be  employed  agaioat  the  Scminolea — 
Depredatlona  continue, 484 

Ohap.  XXI.  £e(Nl*  ^  O*  pmr  1840— A  train  of 
wagon*  taken — Lieut.  Whedan  killed— Dog 
exploit*— 'Familie*  deetroyed^Oefent  of  Capt. 
Raina— Lieut.  Banderaon'*  defeat — l^ol.  Riley'* 
exploit — Col.  Green'*— Col.  Harney 'a — A  com- 
pany of  player*  attacked — Cow  Creek  akirmitb 
—Indian  Kay  deatroyed — Lieut.  Arthur'a  ex- 
ploit—Eleven familie*  deatroyed — Cnpl.  Beall'a 
nght — Lieut.  Haiuon'a  battle— Indian  bnnged— 
Ficlfieation  attempted  Ihreogb  a  deputalioa  of 
Seminole*  from  Arkanaae— It  fail»— Whilea 
taken  in  aiding  Indiana— Wild  Oaf*  *xplai^— 
Sad  accident— Lieut.  Judd  ambuahed — Fort 
Hanaon  burnt — Col,  Harney'*  voyage  to  tba 
Everglade* — Hann  nine  Indiana — The  chief 
Chiakika  killed— Fort  Walker  attacked— Capt. 
Davidaon  diea — liieut.  Sherwood'a  ambuih,  and 
death  of  Mr*.  Montgomery, <91 


BOOK  T. 

BlOORAPHT    AND  HiBTORT  OF  THB  ImO- 

QU0I8  OB  Five  Nations,  and  othbb 

MEIQUBOBINO  TRIBES  OF  THB  WEST. 
Ohap.  I.  Particular*  in  the  hiatory  of  the  Iro. 
qooia  or  Five  Nation* — Extent  of  their  domin- 
iont — Antlqultiea  and  Iradltiona — Deatroy  tha 
Eriea — Wur  with  the  Adirondaka — Speeimea 
of  Ihpjr  language — Account  of  the  chief*— 
Grangula — Bluck-kettle — Hia  bloody  wara  with 
the  French — Adario— Hia  aingular  ttratagem  to 
unite  hia  countrymen  againat  the  Frcncb^De* 
atroya  Montreal  and  near  a  tliouannd  inbabitanta 
— Die*  in  peace  with  the  French — Doknniaora 
a  renowned  orator — Feiakatot — The  niiraculuua 


coinrEins. 


■torlei  eoncerninc  him— Hiitory  of  the  Jonrncj 
of  6vs  Iioquoia  cniafk  to  England, 499 

Chav  n.  Tunany,  a  Cunooa  aneient  Delawara 
— Hii  hbtorjr— ShikclI'mua— FaTora  t>ie  Mora- 
vian Brethren — Hii  reeeptioB  of  Count  Ziiiain- 
dorF— Hii  death— Cnnaaaatejro—ViiiU  Phila- 
delphia— Hit  apeech  to  the  Delawarea — Anec- 
dotet  of  hiin— Glikhikan— Hia  apee  h  to  Half- 
king — Hii  BttAchnient  to  the  Chriitiao  Indiana 
— Meeta  with  much  trouble  fVom  Captain  Pipe — 
Conduct  of  UalMIng— or  Pipe— Glikhikan  per- 
iihei  in  the  maaaacre  at  Onadenhuetten — Pa- 
kankfr  -His  hiiutry — NetawattTeea — Bucomei  a 
Chr'.dtian— Hii  ipeeeh  to  Pakanke — His  doatli — 
raxnoui — Tadeiukund— Hia  history  and  daath 
—White-eyes — Hia  transactions  with  the  niia- 
aiouariei— ^kenando— His  eelebraied  speech — 
Carious  anecdote  of  him— Hia  death, -"^IS 

Chaf,  IH.  Waahincton's  embassy  to  the  French 
OH  the  Ohio — Battle  near  Ureat  Meadows,  and 
death  of  Jumonville — Chiefs  met  with  by 
Washington — ijhingis  —  Monacatoocha — Half- 
king — Juskukaka  —  White-thunder  — Alliquipa 
— Capt.  Jacobs — Hendrick — His  history — Cu- 
rious anecdote  of  Logan — Cresan's  war — Bat- 
tle of  Point  PInasant — Logiin's  famous  speech 
— -Cornelttlfc — His  history— Red-hawk — Ellinip- 
aico — Tlie  barbarous  murder  of  these  three — 
Melancholy  death  of  Logan — Pontiuo — A  re- 
nowned warrior — Colonel  Roger's  account  of 
him — Hisfralicy — Fall  of  Michilir.iakin»k — Me- 
nehwelina — Siege  of  Detroit — Pontic's  strata- 
gem to  surprise  it — la  discovered — Official  ac- 
count of  the  afluir  at  Bloo.'y  Bridge — Pontiao 
abauilons  the  siege — Becomes  the  friend  of  the 
Engliflh — Is  assassinated, 530 

Chap.  IV.  Cnpt.  Pipe — Situation  of  affairs  on 
the  frontiers  at  the  period  of  the  revolution- 
Bad  condition  of  the  Moravian  Indiana  at  this 
period— Half-king  engages  to  take  them  to  Cau- 
ada — His  speech  to  them — They  remonstrate — 
Hnlf-king  Inclines  not  to  molest  them,  but  Capt. 
Pipe's  cour.scl  prevails,  and  thejr  are  aeized — 
Pipe's  ec'iduct  thereupon — Missionaries  taken 
to  Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  goes  to  accuse 
tliem — Changea  hia  conduct  towards  them,  and 
they  are  acquitted — Remarkable  deliverance — 
Captain  White-eyes  opposes  the  conduct  of 
Pipe — His  speech  to  his  people— Colonel  Broad- 
head's  expedition — Brutal  maaaacre  of  a  chief— 
Gelelemend  —  Buokongaholas  —  Reproves  the 
murder  of  Major  Trueman  and  others — In  the 
battle  of  Presq'Isle— His  death— His  intre- 
pidity— Further  particulars  of  Captain  Pipe — 
His  famous  speech — Expedition  and  defeat  of 
Colonel  Crawford,  who  is  burnt  at  the  stake — 
Ciiiktommo —  Kine-crnne  —  Little-turtle  —  De- 
feats General  St.  Clair's  army — Incidents  in  that 
affair — I<ittle-turtle's  opinion  of  General  Wayne 
— Visits  Philadelphia — His  interview  with  C. 
F.  Volney — Anecdotes — Blue-Jacket — Defeated 
by  Gen.  Wa^ne  in  the  battle  or  Presq'Isle,.  .554 

Chap.  V.  Life  of  Thayandaneca,  called  by  the 
whites  Brant — His  education — Visits  England 
— Cuniniissioned  there — His  sister  a  companion 
to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson — His  letter  to  the  Oneidas 
— Affair  with  Herkimer  at  Unudilla — Cuts  off 
Herkimer  and  200  men  at  Oriskana — Anecdote 
of  Herkimer — Burns  Sprinifield — Horrid  affair 
of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  V  .1- 
ley— Barbarities  of  the  tories^Bullivan's  dep- 
redatjuns  among  the  Five  Nations — Brant  do- 
foatod  by  the  Americans  at  Newtown — De- 
struction oi'Minisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  peo- 
ple—Dustructicn  of  Harpersfield — Brant's  letter 
to  M'CaUDland — Marringe  of  his  daughter — Her 
husband  killed — Rrant  necnmes  the  friend  of 

Feace— Visits  Philadelphia — His  marriage — 
<ands  granted  him  by  the  king — His  death — His 
aon  John— Traits  of  character — One  of  his  sons 
killed  by  hini,  in  an  attempt  to  kill  his  father — 
A  <couRt  of  Brant's  arrival  in  England — Some 

account  of  liis  children, 577 

Chap.  VI.  Facis  in  the  history  of  the  Snnect 
nation— Sogoyewatba,  or  Red-Jacket — His  fk- 


''  Dooi  ipeeeh  to  a  miniooair— His  tnterviaw 
with  Colonel  Soallinf— Britiah  invade  his  coun 
try — Besolvea  to  repel  them — His  speech  upon 

(i  the  event — Governor  Clinton's  account  of  him 
—Witchcraft  affair — Complains  of  encroach- 
ment*—One  of  hi*  people  put  to  death  for  being 
a  witch — He  defend*  the  executioner — His  in- 
terview with  Lufavette— Council  at  Canandai- 
gua— Farmers-brother— Red-Jacket  visit*  Phil- 
adelphia— Hi*  ibeech  to  the  governor  of  Penn- 
kylvanio — Speech  of  Agwelondongwaa,  or  Good- 
peter — Narrative  of  his  capture  during  the  rev- 
olutionary war — Farroers-4)rolher,  or  Honaya- 
wus  —  Visit*  Philadelphia  —  Peter-jaquette  — 
Visit*  France — Account  of  hia  death — Memo- 
rable speech  of  Far>ners-brother — His  letter  to 
the  secretary  of  war — Nctiea  of  several  other 
Boneea  chieM-  -Koyingquatah,  or  Young-king — 
Juskakaka,  or  Little-billy^Achiout,  or  Half- 
town— Kiandogewa,  or  Big-tree — Gyuntwaia, 
or  Corn-plant — Address  of  the  three  latter  to 
President  Washington — Grant  of  land  to  Big- 
tree — His  visit  tu  Philadelphia,  and  doatii — 
Further  account  of  Curn-piant — His  own  ac- 
count of  himself— Interesting  event*  in  liis  life 
— His  sons, 593 

Ohap.  Vil.  Teeuip:oh — His  great  exertions  to 
prevent  th<i  •■  uites  from  overrunning  his  coun- 
try— Hu  expedition  on  Hacker's  Creek— Co- 
operation of  his  brother,  the  Prophet — Rise  of 
the  difflcultier  between  Tecumseh  and  Gover- 
nor Harrison — Speech  of  the  former  in  a  coun- 
cil at  Vincennea — Fearful  occurrence  in  that 
council — Winnemak — Tecumseh  visited  by 
Governor  Harrison  at  his  camp — Determination 
of  war  the  result  of  the  interview  on  botli  sides 
— Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief— Deter- 
mines, in  the  event  of  war,  to  prevent  barbar- 
ities— Battle  of  Tippecanoe— Battle  of  the 
Thames,  and  death  of  'i'ecumaeh — Description 
of  his  person — Im|iortant  events  in  bis  life — 
Pukeesheno,  fiither  of  Tecumseh — His  death — 
Battle  of  Magaugo— Specimen  of  the  Shawanee 
iangudge — Particular  account  of  Ellskwatawa, 
or  the  Prophet — Account  of  Round-head — Cap- 
ture and  massacre  of  General  Winchester's 
army  at  the  River  Raisin — M;feeiah,  or  the 
Crane,  commonly  called  Walk-in-the-Water — 
Black<4iird  —  Wawnahton  —  Black-thunder  — 
Ongpa  tonga, 61S 

Chap.  Vltl.  Black-hawk's  war — Historical  ac- 
count of  the  tribes  engaged  in  it — Treaty  be- 
tween them — Murders  among  the  Sioux  and 
Chippewas  —  Red-bird — Black-hawk  —  Indians 
insulted — Their  country  sold  without  their  roii- 
sent — This  occasions  the  war, 637 

Cbap.  IX.  March  of  Major  Stillman— Kills 
some  of  Black-hawk's  men — Stillman' ~  defeat 
— Menomonies  join  the  whites — SettI  »it  de- 
stroyed— Captivity  of  two  young  wome!  -Con- 
gress orders  out  troop* — Indians  cut  off  by  Gen- 
eral Dodge — Snider's  defeat— Stevenson's  de- 
feat— Deleat  of  Major  Dement — Battle  of  the 
Ouiscousin — Battle  of  the  9d  of  August,  and  end 
of  the  war, .... , 044 

Chap.  X.  History  of  the  chiel^  under  Black- 
hawk — Nenpope — Surrender  of  Ulack-hawk— 
Wabokieskie— Indians  at  Washington, 654 

Chap.  X(.  Observations  on  the  causes  of  the 
war — Indians  visit  the  Atlantic  States. 661 

Chap.  XII.  From  the  lime  Black-hawk  was  set 
at  liberty  in  his  own  country,  in  1833,  to  his 
dtalh,  on  October  3<l,  1838,  with  other  impor- 
tai!t  matters  connected  with  the  Indians  in  the 
west, 673 

Chap.  Xltl.  Some  further  particulars  of  early 
events  on  the  borders  ofFennnvlvaniu, 678 

Chap.  XIV.  Early  western  history — Incidents 
of  battles — Skirmishes  and  defeats, 669 

Chap.  XV.  Events  qf  the  Indiun  war  ^  17G3 
and  1764,  en  tki  OUo, 689 

Apfsndii, 697 — 716 

Index 717-738 


N 


ALPHABETICAL  ENUMERATION 


OF 


THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    AND    NATIONS 


An  attempt  is  made,  in  the  following  Table,  to  locate  the  various  bands  of 
Aborigines,  ancient  and  modem,  and  to  convey  the  best  information  respect- 
ing their  numbers  our  multifarious  sources  will  warrant  Modem  writers 
have  been,  for  several  years,  endeavoring  to  divide  North  America  into  cer- 
tain districts,  each  of  which  sho'jld  include  all  the  Indians  speaking  the  same, 
or  dialects  of  the  same,  language ;  but  whoever  has  paid  any  attention  to  the 
subject,  must  undoubtedly  nave  been  convinced  that  it  can  never  be  done 
with  any  degree  of  accuracy.  This  has  been  undertaken  in  reference  to  an 
approximation  of  the  great  question  of  the  origin  of  this  people,  from  a  com- 
parison of  the  various  languages  used  among  them.  An  unwritten  language 
is  easily  varied,  and  there  can  be  no  barrier  to  innovation.  A  continual  in- 
teraiixing  of  tribes  has  gone  on  from  the  period  of  their  origin  to  the  present 
time,  judging  from  what  we  have  daily  seen ;  and  when  any  two  tribes  unite, 
speaking  different  languages,  or  dialects  of  the  same,  a  new  dialect  is  pro- 
duced by  such  amalgamation.  Hence  the  accumulation  of  vocabularies 
would  be  like  the  pursuit  of  an  infinite  series  in  mathematics ;  with  this 
difference,  however — in  the  one  we  recede  from  the  object  in  pursuit,  while 
in  the  other  we  approach  it.  But  I  would  not  be  understood  to  speak  dispar- 
agingly of  this  attempt  at  classification ;  for,  if  it  be  unimportant  in  the  main 
design,  it  will  be  of  considerable  service  to  the  student  in  Indian  history  on 
other  accounts.  Thus,  the  lichees  are  said  to  speak  a  primitive  language, 
and  they  were  districted  in  a  small  territory  south  of  tlie  Cherokees ;  but> 
some  200  years  ago,  —  if  they  then  existed  as  a  tribe,  and  their  tradition  be 
true,  —  they  were  bounded  on  the  north  by  one  of  the  great  lakes.  And 
they  are  said  to  be  descended  from  the  Shawanees  by  some  of  tliemselves. 
We  know  an  important  community  of  them  is  still  in  existence  in  Florida. 
Have  they  created  a  new  language  in  the  course  of  their  wanderings  ?  or 
have  those  from  whom  they  separated  done  so?  Such  are  the  difliculties  Ave 
meet  with  at  every  step  of  a  classification.  But  a  dissertation  upon  these 
matters  cannot  now  be  attempted. 

In  tlie  following  analysis,  tlie  names  of  the  tribes  have  been  generally  given 
in  the  singular  number,  for  the  sake  of  brevity ;  and  the  word  Indhns,  after 
such  names,  is  omitted  from  the  same  cause.  Few  abbreviations  have  been 
used :  —  W.  R.,  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  m.,  miles ;  r.,  river ;  1.,  lake  ; 
and  perhaps  a  few  others.  In  some  instances,  reference  is  made  to  the  body 
of  the  work,  where  a  more  extended  account  of  a  tribe  is  to  be  found.  Such 
references  ure  to  the  Book  and  Page,  the  same  as  in  the  Index. 

Abekas,  probably  MuskoRcca,  under  the  French  at  Tombeckbee  in  1750. 
Abenakies,  over  Miine  till  1754,  then  went  to  Canada;  200  in  1089;  IW  in  1780. 
Absoroka,  (Minetore.)  8.  branch  Yellowstone ;  li.t.  46°,  ion.  105^  ;  lo.OOO  in  1834, 
AcooKESAW,  W.  side  Colorado,  about  '200  m.  S  W.  Nacogdoches,  in  1805. 
Acomak,  one  of  the  six  tribes  in  Virginia  when  settled  by  the  Knglish  in  1007. 
An.viZK,  4  m.  from  Nachitoches,  on  Lake  Macdon  ;  40  men  in  IBOo. 
AotuoNDAKS,  (Algonkin,)  along  the  N.  shore  St.  Lawrence  ;  100  in  1786. 


10 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


Affaqoitla,  small  clan  in  1783,  on  Mississippi  r.,  8  m.  abore  Point  Coup^. 
Aaxwou,  (Wampanoags,)  at  Sandwich,  Mass. ;  otliers  at  Ipswich,  in  1620,  &e. 
Ahwahawat,  (Minetare,)  S.  W.  Missouri  1820,  3  m.  above  Mandans ;  200  in  180f. 
Ajoubs,  S.  of  the  Missouri,  and  N.  of  the  Padoucas  ;  1,100  in  1760. 
Alansar,  (Fall,)  head  branches  S.  fork  Sasliashawan  ;  2,600  in  1804. 
Aloonkin,  over  Canada  ;  from  low  down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Lake  of  the  Woods. 
Aliatan,  three  tribes  in  1805  among  the  Rocky  Mountains,  on  heads  Platte. 
Alichb,  near  Nacogdoches  in  1805,  then  nearly  extinct ;  spoke  Caddo. 
Allakaweah,  (Paunch,)  both  sides  Yellowstone,  heads  Big  Horn  r. ;  2,300  in  1805. 
Allibama,  (Creeks,)  formerly  on  that  r.,  but  removed  to  Red  River  in  1764. 
Amali'«te8,  (Algonkins,)  once  on  St.  Lawrence;  500  in  1760. 
An A8AOUNTAKOOK,  (Abenaki,)  on  sources  Androscoggin,  in  Maine,  till  1750. 
ANDA8TE8,  once  on  8.  shore  Lake  Erie,  8.  W.  Senecas,  who  destroyed  them  in  1672. 
Apaches,  (Lapane,)  between  Rio  del  Norte  and  sources  of  Nuaces  r. ;  3,500  in  1817. 
Afalachicola,  once  on  that  r.  in  W.  Florida ;  removed  to  Red  River  in  1764. 
APFALOuaA,  aboriginal  in  the  country  of  their  name ;  but  40  men  in  1805. 
Aquanuschioni,  the  name  by  which  the  Iroouois  knew  themselves. 
Abaparas,  S.  side  main  Canada  River ;  4,000  in  1836,  on  Kanzas  River. 
ABMOUCHiauois,  or  Mabachite,  (Abenaki,)  on  River  St.  John,  New  Brunswick. 
ARRENAMU8E,  on  St.  Antonio  River^  near  its  mouth,  in  Texas  ;  120  in  1818. 
A88INNABOIN,  (Sioux,)  between  Assmn.  and  Missouri  r. ;  1,000  on  Ottawa  r.  in  1836. 
Atenas,  in  a  village  with  the  FacuUi  in  1836,  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Athapascow,  about  the  shores  of  the  great  lake  of  their  name. 
Atnas,  (Ojibewas,)  next  S.  of  the  Athapascow,  about  lat.  57°  N.,  in  1790. 
Attacapas,  in  a  district  of  their  name  in  Louisiana ;  but  50  men  in  1805. 
Attapuloas,  (Seminoles,)  on  Little  r.,  a  branch  of  Oloklikana,  1820,  and  220  souls. 
ATTIKAMIOUE8,  in  N.  of  Canada,  destroyed  by  pestilence  in  1670. 
Aucosisco,  (Abenaki,)  between  the  Saco  and  Androscoggin  River  in  1630,  &e. 
AuoHQUAOA,  on  E.  branch  Susquehannah  River ;  150  in  1768 ;  since  extinct. 
AYAUAI8,  40  leagues  up  the  Des  Moines,  S.  £.  side ;  800  in  1805. 
Ayutans,  8,000  in  1820,  S.  W.  the  Missouri,  near  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Bayaqoula,  W.  bank  Mississippi,  opposite  the  Colipasa ;  important  in  1699. 
Bedies,  on  Trinity  River,  La.,  about  60  m.  S.  of  Nacogdoches  ;  100  in  1805. 
BiG-PEviLS,  (Yonktons,)  2,.500  in  1836;  about  the  heads  of  Red  River. 
Biloxi,  at  Biloxi,  Gulf  Mex.,  1699  ;  a  few  on  Red  r.,  1804,  where  they  had  removed. 
Blackfeet,  sources  Missouri ;  30,000  in  1834 ;  nearly  destroyed  by  small-pox,  1838. 
Blanche,  (Bearded,  or  White,)  upper  S.  branches  of  the  Missouri  in  1820. 
Blue-muu,  W.,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  1820. 
Bbothebton,  near  Oneida  Lake  ;  composed  of  various  tribes ;  350  in  1836. 

Caddo,  en  Red  River  in  1717,  powerful ;  on  Sodo  Bay  in  1800  ;  in  1804,  100  men. 
Cadodache,  (Nacogdochet,)  on  Angelina  r.,  100  m.  8^3ve  the  Nechez  ;  60  in  1820. 
Caiwas,  or  Kaiwa,  on  main  Canada  River,  and  S.  of  it  in  1830. 
Calasthocle,  N.  Columbia,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  the  Chillates  ;  200  in  18!A). 
Callihix,  coast  of  the  Pacific,  40  m.  N.  Columbia  River;  1,200  in  1820. 
CAMANCHB8,  (Shoshone,)  warlike  ana  numerous;  in  interior  of  Texas. 
Canarsee,  on  Long  Island,  N.  Y.,  in  1610,  from  the  W.  end  to  Jamaica. 
Cancbs,  (Kansas,)  1805,  from  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  over  Grand  r.,  toward  Vera  Crux, 
Canibas,  (Abenaki,)  numerous  in  1607,  and  after;  on  both  sides  Kennebeck  River. 
Caranxoua,  on  peninsula  of  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  Louisiana ;  1,500  in  1805. 
Cabee,  on  the  coast  between  the  I^uaces  and  Rio  del  Norte ;  2,600  in  1817. 
CABKieas,  (Nateotctains,)  a  name  given  the  natives  of  N.  Caledonia  by  traders. 
Camtahana,  between  sources  Padouca  fork  and  Yellowstone;  5,000  in  1805. 
Cataka.  between  N.  and  S.  forks  of  Chien  River ;  about  3,000  in  1804. 
Ca.  AWr.A,  till  late,  on  their  river  in  S.  Carolina  ;  1,600  in  1743,  and  460  in  1764. 
Cathi  ACUMUF8,  on  main  shore  Columbia  River,  S.  W.  Wappatoo  i. ;  450  in  1820. 
Catula::ahikit,  at  the  rapids  of  the  Columbia,  160  m.  up;  000  in  1820. 
Cath'..akamafs,  80  m.  up  Columbia  River ;  about  700  in  1820. 
Catulamat,  on  the  Pacific,  30  m.  S.  mouth  of  Columbia  River ;  600  in  1820. 
Cathlanamenamen,  on  an  island  in  mouth  of  Wallaumut  River ;  400  in  1820. 
Cathl.anaqui\h,  (Wappatoo,)  S.  W.  side  Wappatoo  Island ;  400  in  1820. 
Cathlapootle,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cathlakamaps  ;  1,100  in  1820. 
Cathlafooya,  600  in  1820,  on  the  Wallaumut  River,  60  m.  from  its  mouth. 
Catulasko,  90U  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Chippanchikchiks. 
Catiilathla,  900  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Catnlakahikits. 
Catulath,  600  in  1820,  on  the  Wallaumut  River,  60  ni.  from  its  mouth. 
Cattanahaw,  between  the  Saskashawan  and  Missouri  Rivers,  in  1805. 
Cauohnswaoa,  places  where  Christians  lived  were  so  called. 
Chactoo,  on  Red  River;  in  1803,  but  100;  indigenous;  always  lived  there. 
Chaouanons,  the  French  so  called  the  Shawanese ;  (Chowuns  ?) 
Cheboee,  (Cherokees,)  60  to  80  m.  S.  of  them;  called  also  Mid.  Settlement,  1"80. 
Chehaw4,  small  tribe  on  Flint  River,  destroyed  by  Georgia  militia  in  1817. 
Ckkpeyan,  claim  from  lat.  60"  to  06°,  Ion.  100°  to  110°  W. ;  7,600  in  1812. 
CuEUOKEE,  in  Georgia,  S.  Carolina,  &c.,  till  1836;  then  forced  beyond  the  Missiti, 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


ii 


iSbbsxitalowa,  (Seninolea,)  580  in  1820,  W.  side  Chattahoochee. 
Chibn,  (Dog,)  near  the  sources  Chien  River;  300  in  1805;  200  in  1820. 
Chiheeleesh,  40  m.  N.  of  Columbia  River ;  1,400  in  1820. 

Chickasaw,  between  heads  of  Mobile  River  in  1780 ;  once  10,000 ;  now  in  Arkansaa, 
Chippanchikchiks,  60  in  1820,  N.  side  Columbia  River,  220  m.  from  its  mouth. 
Chikamomim,  on  Kalapony  River,  Va.,  in  1661 ;  but  3  or  4  in  1790 ;  now  extinct. 
Chikamauqas,  on  Tennessee  River,  90  m.  below  the  Cherokees,  in  1790. 
CiiiLLATES,  mo  in  1820,  on  the  Pacific,  N.  Cohimbia  River,  beyond  the  Quieetsoi. 
Chillukittequau,  on  the  Columbia,  next  below  the  Narrows;  1,400  in  1820. 
Chiltz,  N.  of  Columbia  River,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  of  the  Killaxthocies. 
CuiMNAHPUH,  on  Lewis  River,  N.  W.  side  of  the  Columbia ;  1,800  in  1820. 
Chinnook,  on  N.  side  Columbia  River  ;  in  1820,  about  400  in  28  lodges. 
Chippewas,  about  Lake  Superior,  and  other  vast  regions  of  the  N.,  v-y  numeron" 
Chitimicka,  on  W.  bank  Mijs.  River  in  1722;  once  powerful,  then  slaves. 
Choktaw,  S.  of  the  Creeks ;  15,000  in  1812 ;  in  1848  in  Arkansas. 
Chopunnish,  on  Kooskooskee  River ;  4,300  in  1806,  in  73  lodges. 
CuowANOK,  (Shawanese  ?)  in  N.  Carolina,  on  Beimet's  Creek,  in  1708;  3,000  in  1630. 
Ckowans,  B.  of  the  Tuscaroras  in  N.  Carolina  ;  60  join  the  Tuscaroras  in  1720. 
Christrnaux,  only  another  spelling  of  Knistenaux,  which  see. 
Clahclellah,  700  in  1820,  on  the  Columbia  River,  below  the  rapids. 
Clakstak,  W.  R.,  on  a  river  flowing  into  the  Columbia  at  Wappatoo  Island. 
Clamoctomioh,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  of  the  Chilti ;  260  in  1820. 
Clanimatas,  on  the  S.  W.  side  of  Wappatoo  Island  ;  200  in  1820,  W.  R. 
Clannarminimuns,  8.  W.  side  of  Wappatoo  Island ;  280  in  1820,  W.  R. 
Clatsops,  about  2  m.  N.  of  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River ;  1,300  in  1820. 
Clarkames,  on  a  river  of  their  name  flowing  into  the  Wallaumut ;  1,800  in  1820. 
Cneis,  on  a  river  flowing  into  Sabine  Lake,  1690;  the  Coenis  of  Hennepin,  probably. 
CouAKiES,  nearly  destroyed  in  Pontiak's  time;  in  1800,  a  few  near  Lake  Winnebago. 
CoLAPissAS,  on  £.  bank  Mississippi  in  1720,  opposite  head  of  Lake  Puntchartrain. 
CoNCHATTAS  Came  to  Appalousas  in  1794,  from  E.  the  Mississ. ;  in  1801,  on  Sabine. 
CoNOAREES,  a  small  tribe  on  Congaree  River,  S.  Carolina,  in  1701 ;  long  since  ^one. 
CoMOTS,  perhaps  Kanhawas,  being  once  on  that  river ;  (Canais,  and  variations.) 
CooKKOO-oosE,  1,500  in  1806,  coast  of  Pacific,  S.  of  Columbia  r.,  and  S.  of  Killawats. 
CoopsPELLAR,  on  a  river  falling  into  the  Columbia,  N.  of  Clark's ;  1,600  in  1806. 
CooBADAS,  (Creeks,)  onceresiaed  near  the  River  Tallapoosie. 

Copper,  so  called  from  their  copper  ornaments,  on  Coppermine  River,  in  the  north. 
CoEEES,  (Tuscaroras,)  on  Neus  River,  N  Carolina,  in  1700,  and  subspquently. 
CoHONKAWA,  on  St.  Jacintho  River,  between  Trinity  and  Brazos  ;  350  in  1820. 
CowLiTsiCK,  on  Columbia  River,  62  m.  from  its  mouth,  in  3  villages  ;  2,400  in  1820. 
Creeks,  (Muscogees,)  Savannah  r.  to  St.  Augustine,  thence  to  flirt  r.,  1730. 
Crees,  (Lynx,  or  Cat,)  another  name  of  the  Knistenaux,  or  a  part  of  them. 
Crows,  (Absorokas,)  S.  branches  of  the  Yellowstone  River;  45,(X)0  in  1834. 
CuTSAHNiM,  on  both  sides  Columbia  River,  above  the  Sokulks ;  1,200  in  1820. 

Dahcota,  or  DocoTA,  the  name  by  which  the  Sioux  know  themselves. 

Delaware,  (Lenna-lenape,)  those  once  on  Delaware  River  and  Bay  ;  500  in  1750, 

DiNONDADiES,  (Hurons,)  same  called  by  the  French  Tionontaties. 

DoEOS,  small  tribe  on  the  Maryland  side  Potomac  River,  in  1675. 

DooRiBS,  (Blackfeet,)  but  speak  a  different  language. 

Doos,  the  Chiens  of  the  French.     See  Chibn. 

DoTAME,  120  in  1805 ;  about  the  heads  of  Chien  River,  in  the  open  country. 

Eamuses.    See  Euusas. 

EcHEMiNB,  (Canoe-men,)  on  R.  St.  Johns  ;  include  Passamaquoddies  and  St.  Johns. 

Edistoes,  in  8.  Carolina  in  1670  ;  a  place  still  bears  their  name  there. 

Emusas,  (Seminoles,)  W.  side  Chattahoochee,  2  m.  above  the  Wekisas ;  20  in  1820. 

Enesuuhes,  at  the  great  Narrows  of  the  Columbia;  1,200  in  1820,  in  41  lodges. 

Eries,  along  E.  side  of  Lake  Erie,  destroyed  bv  the  Iroquois  about  1654. 

EsAWS,  on  River  Pedee,  S.  Carolina,  in  1701 ;  then  powerful ;  Catawbas,  probably. 

EsKELOOTS,  about  1,000  in  1820,  in  21  lodges,  or  clans,  on  the  Columbia. 

EsauiMAUX,  all  a'.^ng  the  northern  coasts  of  the  frozen  ocean,  N.  of  60o  N.  lat. 

Etohussewakkes,  (Semin.,)  on  Chattahoochee,  3  m.  above  Ft.  Oaines  ;  100  in  1820. 

Facullies,  100  in  1820 ;  on  Stuart  Lake,  W.  Rocky  Mount. ;  lat.  54°,  Ion.  125o  W. 
Fall,  so  called  from  their  residence  at  the  falls  of  the  Kooskooskee      Sec  Alaksars. 
Five  Nations,  Mohawks,  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  and  Oneidns ;  which  see. 
Flat-Heads,  (Tutsecwas,)  on  a  large  fiver  W.  R. ;  on  S.  fork  Columbia  r. 
FoLLES  AvoiNES,  the  French  so  called  the  Menomiaies. 
FoNi)  DU  Lac,  roam  from  Snake  River  to  the  Sandy  Lakes. 
Fowl-towns,  (Seminoles,)  12  m.  E.  Fort  Scott ;  about  300  in  1820. 
Foxes,  (Uttagamics,)  called  licnards  by  the  F'rench  ;  disposseiiscd  by  B.  Hawk's  war 

Ganawese,  on  the  heads  of  Potomac  River ;  same  as  Kanhaways,  probably. 

CJaviieai),  Martha's  Vineyard  ;  200  in  1800;  in  1820,  340. 

CiJt.vNU  JliVEii,  on  Uraudr.,  N.  side  L.  Ontario;  Mohawks,  Senecas,  and  oth.{  2,000. 


12 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


Guos  Ybntbrs,  W.  Mississippi,  on  Maria  River,  in  1806 ;  in  1834,  3,000. 

IIarb-foot,  next  S.  of  the  Esquimaux,  and  in  perpetual  war  with  them. 
Hallibbbs,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  destroved  in  1813. 

Hannakallal,  600  in  1820,  on  Pacinc,  S.  Columbia,  next  beyond  the  Luckliarso. 
Hassanambsits,  a  tribe  of  Nipmuks,  embraced  Christianity  in  1660. 
HiiiiOHENiMMO,  1,300  in  1820,  from  mouth  of  Lastaw  River,  up  it  to  the  forks. 
Hellwits,  100  m.  along  the  Columbia,  from  the  falls  upward,  on  the  N.  side. 
Herhino  Pond,  a  remnant  of  Wampanoags,  in  Sandwich,  Mass. ;  about  40. 
Hiktanb,  (Camanches,)  erratic  bands ;  from  Trinity  to  Brazos,  and  Red  River. 
HiNi,  (Cadodache,)  200  in  1820,  on  Angelina  r.,  between  Red  r.  and  Rio  del  Norte 
HiTCHiTTEES,  once  on  Chattahoochee  r. ;  600  now  in  Arkansas ;  speak  Muskogee. 
HouiLPOs,  (Tushepahas,)  300  in  1820,  above  great  falls  on  Clark's  River. 
Hi'MAS,  (OHmas,)  "Red  nation,"  in  Ixsussees  Parish,  La., in  1805,  below  Manchak. 
lIuuoNS,  (Wyandots,  Quatoghies,)  adjacent,  and  K.  gt.  lakes;  subd.  by  Iroq.,  1650. 

Illinois,  "  the  lake  of  men."  both  sides  Illinois  r. ;  12,000  in  1670;  60  towns  in  1700 

In:b8,  or  Tachibs,  [Texas  ?]  branch  Sabine ;  80  men  in  1806;  speak  Caddo. 

I u WAYS,  on  loway  River  before  Black  Hawk's  war;  1,100  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

Iiioauois,  1606,  on  St.  Lawrencp,  below  Quebec ;  1687,  both  sides  Ohio,  to  Miss. 

IsATis,  sometimes  a  name  of  the  Sioux  before  1755. 

Itukyemamixs,  600  in  1820,  on  N.  side  Columbia,  near  the  Cathlaskos. 

Jelan,  one  of  the  three  tribes  of  Camanches,  on  sources  Brazos,  Del  Norte,  &e. 

Kadapaus,  a  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1707. 

Kahunkles,  400  in  1820,  W.  Rocky  Mountains ;  abode  unknown. 

Kaloosas,  a  tribe  found  early  in  Florida,  long  since  extinct. 

Kanbnavish,  on  the  Padoucas'  fork  of  the  Platte ;  400  in  1805. 

Kanhawas,  Ganawese  or  Canhaways ;  on  the  River  Kanhawa,  formerly. 

Kansas,  on  the  Arkansas  River;  about  1,('  'I  in  1836;  in  1820,  1,850. 

Kaskas&ias,  (Illin.)  on  a  river  of  same  name  flowing  into  the  Mississ. ;  250  in  1707. 

Kaskayas,  between  sources  of  the  Platte  and  Rocky  Mountains ;  3,000  in  1836. 

Katteka,  (Padoucas,)  not  located  by  travellers.    See  Padoucas. 

Keekatsa,  (Crows,)  both  sides  Yellowstone,  above  mouth  Big  Horn  r. ;  3,500  in  1305. 

Kevche,  E.  branch  Trinity  River  in  1806;  once  on  tho  Sabine;  260  in  1820. 

KiAWAS,  on  Padouca  River,  beyond  the  Kites  ;  1,000 in  'm)G. 

KiaENE,  on  the  shore  of  Pacific  Ocean  in  1821,  under  L.ke  chief  CVittegntcs. 

KiKAPUO,  formerly  in  Illinois ;  now  about  300,  chiefly  beyond  the  Mis^)i8sippi. 

KiLi.AMUK,  a  branch  of  the  Clatsops,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  about  1,000. 

KiLLAWAT,  in  a  lurge  town  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  E.  of  the  Luktons. 

KiLLAXTHocLBS,  100  in  1820,  at  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River,  on  N.  side. 

KiMOENLHS,  a  band  of  the  Chopunnish,  on  Lewis's  River ;  800  in  1820,  in  33  clans. 

KiNAi,  about  Cook's  Inlet,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Kites,  (Staetans,)  between  sources  Platte  and  Rock)  Mountains;  about  500  in  1820. 

Ki»iCAKONS  inhabited  Michilimakinak  in  1680;  a  Huron  tribe. 

Knistenau.x,  on  Assinnaboin  River;  5,000  in  1812;  numerous;  women  comely. 

KoNAOENs,  Esquimaux,  inhabiting  Kadjak  Island,  lat.  58°,  Ion.  152°  W. 

KooK-Koo-oosE,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  S.  of  the  Killawats  ;  1,500  in  1835. 

KusKA?iAWAOKS,  one  of  six  tribes  on  E.  shore  of  Chesapeak  in  1607 ;  (Tuscaroras  r^ 

Lahanna,  2,000  in  1820,  both  sides  Columbia,  above  the  mouth  of  Clark's  River. 

Lapanne.    See  Apaches. 

Lautielo,  600  in  1820,  at  the  falls  of  Lastaw  River,  below  Wayton  Lake. 

Leaf,  (Sioux,)  600  in  1820,  on  the  Missouri,  above  Prairie  du  Chien. 

Leech  Rivek,  about  350  in  1820,  near  Sandy  Lake,  lat.  46°  9'  N. 

Lenna  Lenapg,  once  from  Hudson  to  Delaware  River  ;  now  scattered  in  the  West 

LiPANis,  800  in  1816,  from  Rio  Grande  to  the  interior  of  Texas ;  light  hair. 

Loucueux,  next  N.  of  the  Esquimaux,  or  8.  of  lat.  67°  15'  N. 

LiKAWLS,  800  in  1820,  W.  of  the  Rocky  Mountains;  abode  unknown. 

Li  KKAitso,  1,200  in  1820,  coast  of  Pacific,  8.  of  Columbia  r.,  beyond  the  Shallalah. 

Luktons,  20  iu  1820,  W.  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ;  abode  unknown. 

Machapunoas,  in  N.  Carolina  in  1700 ;  practised  circumcision. 

Mandans,  1,2-50  in  1805,  1200  m.  fm.  mouth  of  Misso. ;  1838,  reduced  to  21  by  sm.  po« 

Manooaos,  or  Tutbloes,  (Iroquois,)  Nottoway  River,  formerly  ;  now  extinct. 

Manhattans,  (Mohicans,)  once  on  the  island  where  New  York  city  now  stands. 

Mannahoaks,  once  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Rappahannock  r. ;  extinct  long  ago 

Marachites,  (Abcnakies,)  on  the  St.  John's  ;  a  remnant  remains. 

Mausapeaoues,  .)nce  on  Long  Island,  S.  side  of  Oyster  Bay  ;  extinct. 

MAK.SHP'iES,  (Wamparoags,)  315  in  1832;  Barnstal)le  Co.,  Mass. ;  mixed  with  blankr. 

Mascoutins,  or  Fire  Ind.,  betw.  Mississ.  and  L.  Michigan,  1065;  (Sacs  and  Foxe:«  i*) 

Massachusetts,  the  state  perpetuates  their  name. 

Mas.sawomes,  (Iroquoiti,)  once  sf)read  over  Kentucky. 

Mathlanous,  500  in  1820,  on  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Wallaumut  River,  W.  R. 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


13 


Mates,  600  in  1805,  St.  Gabriel  Creek,  mouth  of  Ouadaloupe  River,  Louisiana. 
Menohinies,  (Algonkins,)  once  on  Illinoifl  r. ;  now  300  W.  Mississippi. 
ME88A8RAONES,  2,000  in  1764,  N.  of,  and  adjacent  to,  L.  Huron  and  Superior.  ^ 
MiAMis,  (Algonkins,)  once  on  the  r.  of  their  name ;  now  1.500,  beyond  the  Mississ. 
MiKASAUKiES,  (Seminoles,)  about  1,000  in  1821 ;  very  warlike. 
MiKMAKS,  (Algonkins,)  3,000  in  1700,  in  Nova  Scotia ;  the  Suriquois  of  the  French. 
MiKauK8BALT0N,  (Tushepaha,)  300  in  1820,  Clark's  River,  above  great  falls,  W.  U. 
MtNETAKES,  2,500  in  180d,  5  m.  above  the  Mandans,  on  both  sides  Knife  River. 
MiNOAWAECAKTON,  in  1805,  on  both  sides  Mississippi,  from  St.  Peter's  upward. 
MiNOOES,  once  such  of  the  Iroquois  were  so  called  as  resided  upon  the  Scioto  River. 
MiNSi,  Wolf  tribe  of  the  Lenna  Lenape,  once  over  New  Jercey  and  part  of  Penn. 
MissouBiES,  once  on  that  part  of  the  River  just  below  Grand  r.,  in  1820. 
MiTCHiOAMiES,  one  of  the  five  tribes  of  the  Illinois  ;  location  uncertain. 
Mohawks,  her.d  of  Five  Nations  ;  formerly  on  Mohawk  r. ;  a  few  now  iu  Canada. 
MoHBOANS,  jr  M0HEAKUNNUK8,  in  1610,  Hudson  r.  from  Esopus  to  Albany. 
MoNACAKC,  ('fuscaroras,)  once  near  where  Richmond,  Virginia,  now  is. 
MoNoouLATCHES,  On  the  W.  side  of  the  MississippL    See  Bataooulas. 
M0XTAONE8,  (Algonkins,)  N.  side  St.  Law.,  betw.  Saguenay  and  Tadousac,  in  1609. 
MoxTAUKS,  on  £.  end  of  Long  Island,  formerly  ;  head  of  13  tribes  of  that  island. 
M0BATOK8,  80  iu  1607  ;  40  in  1669,  in  Lancaster  and  Richmond  counties,  Virginia. 
Mgsquitos,  once  a  numerous  race  on  the  £.  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 
MuLTNUMAHS,  (Wappatoo,)  800  in  1820,  mouth  of  Multnomah  River,  W.  R. 
Munseys,  (Delawares,)  in  1780,  N.  branch  Susquehannah  r. ;  to  the  Wabash  in  1808. 
MusKoOEEs,  17,000  in  1775,  on  Alabama  and  Apalachicola  Rivers.    See  B.  iv. 

Nabedaches,  (Caddo,)  on  branch  Sabine,  Id  m.  above  the  Inies ;  400  in  1805. 
Nabijos,  between  N.  Mexico  and  the  Pacific ;  live  in  stone  bouses,  and  manufacture. 
Nanuakoes,  120  in  1805,  on  Sabine,  60  m.  W.  of  the  YatUssees  ;  (Caddo.) 
NAMTIK0KE8,  1711,  on  Nantikoke  River ;  1755,  at  Wyoming ;  same  year  went  west. 
Narcotah,  the  name  by  which  the  Sioux  know  themselves. 

Narraqansets,  S.  side  of  the  bay  which  perpetuates  their  name;  nearly  extinct. 
NashuayS)  (Nipmuks,)  on  that  river  from  its  mouth,  in  Massachusetts. 
Natchez,  at  Natchez;  discovered,  1701 ;  chiefly  destroyed  by  French,  1720. 
Natchitoches,  once  at  that  place  ;  100  in  1804 ;  now  upon  Red  River. 
Nateotexains,  200  in  1820,  W.  R.,  on  a  river  of  their  name,  W.  of  the  FacuUies. 
Natiks,  (Nipmuks,)  in  Massachusetts,  in  a  town  now  called  after  them. 
Nechacoke,  (Wappatoo,)  100  in  1820,  S.  side  Columbia,  near  Quicksand  r.,  W.  R. 
Neekbetoo,  700  in  1820,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  of  the  Columbia,  beyond  the  Youicone. 
Nehalquinneb,  (Wappatoo,)  200  in  1820,  N.  side  Wallaumut  River,  3  m.  up. 
NiANTiKS,  a  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  and  in  alliance  with  them,  p.  131. 
NiCARiAOAS,  once  about  Michilimakinak  ;  joined  Iroquois  in  1723,  as  seventh  nation. 
NiPissiNS,  (original  Algonkins,)  400  in  17m,  near  the  source  of  Ottoway  River. 
Nipmuks,  eastern  interior  of  Mass. ;  1,500  in  1775 ;  extinct.    See  p.  82,  104, 164,  275. 
Nobridoewoks,  (Abenakies,)  on  Penobscot  River.    See  Book  iii.  303,  311. 
NoTTOWATS,  on  Nottoway  River,  in  Virginia ;  but  2  of  clear  blood  in  1817. 
Mtacks,  (Mohicans,)  or  Manhattams,  once  about  the  liairows,  in  New  York. 

Gakmuloes,  (Muskogees,)  to  the  E.  of  Flint  River;  about  200  in  1834. 
Ocamechbs,  in  Virginia  in  1607 ;  had  before  been  powerful ;  then  reduced. 
OcHEBS.    See  Uchees.  —  Perhaps  Ochesos ;  230  in  Florida  in  1826,  at  Ochee  BlufH 
OCONAS,  (Creeks.)    See  Book  iv.  369. 

Ojibwas,  (Chippeways,)  30,000  in  1836,  abou^  <   e  great  lakes,  and  N.  of  them. 
Okatigkinans,  (Seminoles,)  580  in  1820,  near  Fort  Gaines,  E.  side  Mississippi. 
Omahas,  2,200  in  1820,  on  Elkhorn  River,  80  m.  from  Council  Bluffii. 
Oneidas,  one  of  the  Five  Nations ;  chief  seat  near  Oneida  Lake,  New  York. 
Onondaoas,  one  of  the  Five  Nations ;  formerlv  in  New  York  ;  300  in  1840. 
OOTLASHOOTS,  (Tushepahas,)  400  in  1820,  on  Clark's  River,  W.  Rocky  Mountains. 
OsAOBS,  4,000  in  1830,  about  Arkansas  and  Osage  Rivers ;  many  tribes. 
Otaoahies,  (Winnebagoes,)  %0  in  1780,  betw.  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  the  Mississ. 
Otoeb,  1,500  in  1820;  in  1805,  500;  15  leagues  up  the  River  Platte,  on  S.  side. 
Ottawas,  1670,  removed  from  L.  Superior  to  Michilimakinak ;  2,800  in  1820. 
OuiATANONS,  or  Waas,  (Kikapoos,)  mouth  of  Eel  r.,Ind.,  1791,  in  a  village  3  m.  long 
OuKAS,  E.  bank  Mississippi  in  1722,  in  2  villages,  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  river. 
Owabsissas,  (Seminoles  j  100  in  1820,  on  E.  waters  of  St.  Mark's  River. 
Okas,  2,000  in  1750 ;  on  Czaw  River  in  1780,  which  flows  into  the  Mississippi. 
OziHiBS,  one  of  the  six  tribes  on  £.  shore  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  in  1607. 

Paoanas,  on  Quelquechose  River,  La. ;  30  men  in  1805 ;  40  m.  8.  W.  Natchitoches. 
Padouoas,  2,000  warriors  in  1724,  on  the  Kansas ;  dispersed  before  1805. 
Padowaoas,  by  some  the  Senecas  were  so  called ;  uncertain. 
Paiuh,  200  in  1820,  on  coast  of  the  Pacific,  N.  Columbia  r.,  beyond  the  Potoashs. 
Palaohks,  a  tribe  found  early  in  Florida,  but  long  since  extinct. 
Pamlico,  but  15  in  1708,  about  Pamlico  Sound,  in  N.  Carolina ;  extinct. 
Panoas,  once  on  Red  River,  of  Winnipeo  1. ;  afterwards  joined  the  Omahas. 
Panis,  (Xonicas,)  49  villages  in  1750,  S.  br.  Missouri ;  70  villages  on  Red  r.,  1755. 
4 


14 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


Panneb.    See  Alijika  .r bah,  2,300  m  18M,  on  heads  Bib  Horn  RWer. 
Pascatavays,  once  »  considerable  tribe  on  the  Maryland  side  Potomac  River. 
Pascaooulas,  26  men  in  1806,  on  Red  r.,  60  m.  below  Natchitoches ;  from  Florida. 
Passamaquoddib,  on  Schood»k  t..  Me.,  in  Perry  Pleasant  Point,  a  small  number. 
Paumbe,  10,000  in  1820,  on  the  Platte  and  Kansas:  Republicans,  Loupes,  and  Picts. 
Pawistucibkbhuk,  600  in  1820 ;  small,  brare  tribe,  in  the  prairies  of  Missouri. 
Fawtdckbts,  (Nipmnks,)  on  Merrimac  River,  where  Chelmsford  now  is  ;  extinct. 
Peoans,  (Nipmnks,)  10  in  179S,  in  Dudley,  Mass.,  on  a  reserration  of  200  acres. 
Pblloatpallah,  (Chopunnish,)  1,600  in  1820,  on  Xooskooskee  r.,  above  forks,  W.  R 
Fbnobsoots,  (Abcnakies,)  330,  on  an  island  in  Penobscot  r.,  12  m.  above  Bangor. 
Pbnnakooks,  (Nipmuks.)  along  Merrimiio  r.,  where  is  nov  'Concord,  N.  H.,  &c. 
Peokias,  97  in  1820,  on  Current  River  ;  one  of  the  five  tribes  ui  the  Illinois. 
Pbquakbts,  (Abenakies,)  on  sources  Saco  River;  destroyed  by  English  in  1725. 
Pbquots,  about  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  River :  subdued  in  1637. 
PuiLLiMEBS,  (Seminoles.)  on  or  near  the  Suane  River,  Florida,  in  1817. 
PiANKASHA'ws,  3,000  ouce,  on  the  Wabash ;  in  1780,  but  950 ;  since  driven  west. 
PiANKATANK,  »  trib«  in  Virgicia  when  first  settled ;  unlocated. 
PiNESHOW,  (Siouju)  loO  in  1820,  on  the  St.  Peter's,  16  m.  from  its  mouth. 
PiSHauiTPAR,  2,600  in  1816,  N.  side  Columbia  River,  at  Muscleshell  Rapids,  W.  R. 
PoTOASH,  200  in  1820,  coast  Pacific,  N.  mouth  Columbia,  beyond  Clamoctomichs. 
PoTTOWATTOMiE,  1671,  ou  Noquet  i.,  L.  Michigan  ;  1681,  at  Chicago. 
PowHATANS,  32  tribes  spread  over  Virginia  when  first  discovered  by  the  English. 
PuANB,  the  Winuebagoes  were  so  called  by  the  French  at  one  period. 

QuABAOoa,  (Nipmuks,)  at  a  pince  of  the  same  name,  now  BrookSeld,  Mass. 
QuAPAW,  700  in  1820,  on  Arkansas  r.,  opp.  Little  Rock  ;  reduced  by  sm.  poz  in  1720. 
QuATHiiAHPOHTLBS,  on  S.  W.  side  Columbia,  above  mouth  Tahwahnahiosk  River. 
QuATOOHiB,  (Wyandots,)  once  S.  side  L.  Michigan ;  sold  their  lauds  to  Eng.  in  1707- 

QUBSADAS.      See  COOSADAS. 

QniBETSos,  on  the  Pacific    260  in  1820 ;  N.  Columbia  r.,  next  N.  of  the  Quiiiilts. 
QciNiiLTS,  on  coast  of  the  i'acific,  N.  of  Columbia  r. ;  260  in.  1820 ;  nex/t  the  Pailshs. 
QuiNNECUART,  coast  Pacific,  next  N.  Calasthocles,  N.  Columbia  r. ;  2,000  in  1820. 
QuiNN.TPissA  are  those  called  Bayagoulas  bv  the  Chevalier  Tonti. 
QuoDDiES.    See  Passakaquoddie.  —  3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i;.'.  181. 

Rapids.    See  Pawwtucienemuks. 

Redoround,  (Seminoles,)  100  in  1820,  on  Chattahoochie  r.,  12  m.  above  Florida  line. 

Redknife,  so  called  from  their  copper  knives  ;  roam  in  the  refjion  of  Slave  Lake. 

Beivstick,  (Seminoles,)  the  Baton  Rouge  of  the  French. 

Red-'WINO,  (Sioux,)  on  Lake  Pepin,  under  a  chief  of  their  name ;  100  in  1820. 

RiCABBE,  (Paunees,)  before  1806,  10  large  vill.  on  Missouri  r. ;  reduced  by  small  pox. 

RiTBR,  (Mohegans,)  S.  of  the  Iroquois,  down  the  N.  side  of  Hudson  r. 

Round-heads,  (Hurons,)  E.  side  Lake  Superior :  2,600  in  1764. 

Rtawas,  on  the  Padouca  fork  of  the  Missouri;  900  in  1820. 

Bachdaouohs,  (Powhatant,)  perhaps  the  true  name  of  the  Powhatans. 

Sankhikans,  the  Delawares  knew  the  Mohawks  by  that  name. 

Saktbes,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1701,  on  a  river  perpetuating  their  name. 

Saponies,  (Wanamies,)  Sapona  Uiver,  Carolina,  in  1700 ;  joined  Tuscaroras,  1720 

Satamas,  a  name,  it  is  said,  given  the  Shawanees  by  the  Iroquois. 

Sauke,  or  Sac,  united  with  Fox  before  1806  ;  then  on  Missies.,  above  Illinois. 

Sadteurs,  or  Fall  Indians  of  the  Frc-nch,  about  the  falls  of  St.  Mary. 

Savannahs,  so  called  from  the  river,  or  the  river  from  them  ;  perhaps  Vamasee* 

ScATTAKOOKs,  upper  part  of  Trov,  N.  Y. ;  went  f^om  New  England  about  1672. 

Seminoles  havu  been  established  in  Florida  a  hundred  years. 

bENECAS,  one  of  the  Five  Nations;  "  ranged  many  thousand  miles"  in  1700. 

Bepones,  in  Virginia  in  1776,  but  a  remnant.    See  Saponies. 

Sebbanna,  (Savannahs  ?)  in  Georgia;  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Westoes  about  1670. 

Sewbbs,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina,  mentioned  by  Lawson  in  1710. 

Bhallalah,  1,200  in  1816,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia  r.  next  the  Cookkoo-oosee. 

Bhallattoos,  on  Columbia  River,  above  the  Skaddals ;  100  in  1820. 

Bhanvapponb,  400  in  1820,  on  the  heads  of  Cataract  and  Taptul  Rivers. 

Shawane,  once  over  Ohio ;  1672,  subdued  by  Iroquois  ;  l,o83  near  St.  Louis  in  1820 

Sheabtukle,  900  in  1820,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia  r.,  next  beyond  the  Youit*. 

Shinikooks,  a  tribe  of  Long  Island,  about  what  is  now  South  Hampton. 

SflOSHONEB,  90,000  in  1820,  on  plains  N.  Missouri ;  at  war  with  the  Blackfeet. 

Shoto,  CWappatoo,)  460  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  mouth  of  Wallaumnt. 

SiCAUNiBS,  1,000  in  1820,  amons  the  spurs  of  the  Rocky  MountainL  W.  of  the  Rapids 

Sioux,  discovered  by  French,  1660 ;  33,000  in  1820,  St.  Peter's,  Mississ.,  and  Misso.  I 

8iss ATONES,  upper  portions  of  Psi  r.,  of  L.  Winnipec  and  St.  Peter's,  in  1820. 

SiTiMACBA.    See  Chitimicha. 

B:tka,  on  King  George  III.  Islands,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  about  lat.  67°  N. 

Six  Nationi),  ilroquoib,)  Mohawk,  Seneca,  Onondaga,  Oneida,  Cayuga,  Shawane. 

Skaddals,  on  Cattrvet  River,  26  m.  N.  of  the  Big  Narrows ;  200  in  18*20. 

BtLBBTSOHiSH,  'ifiOO  u  1820,  on  a  river  r"  wheir  name  flowing  into  the  Lastaw. 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


18 


Skilioot,  on  Columb'  \  River,  from  Sturgeon  Island  upward ;  2,500  In  1820. 
Skunnbmokb,  or  Tuckapas,  on  Vermilion  River,  La.,  6  leaaues  W.  of  N.  Iberia. 
Smokshop,  on  Calurobia  r.,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Labiche ;  800  in  1830,  in  2i  elans. 
Snakq.    See  Auatans,  or  Shoshonbbs. 

SoKUKiB,  on  Saco  River,  Maine,  until  1725,  when  .taev  withdrew  to  Canada. 
SozuLK,  on  the  Columbia,  above  mouth  of  Lewii  's  River;  2,400  in  1820. 
SouRiavois,  (Milimaks,)  once  so  called  by  the  eirly  French. 
SouTin,  (Ottowas,)  a  band  probably  mistaken  ft'' '.  tribe  by  the  French. 
SoTENNOU,  (Ohopunnish  >  on  N.  siae  £.  fork  of  Lewis's  River ;  400  in  1820;  W.  B. 
Spokain,  on  sources  Lewis's  River,  over  a  larse  tract  of  countiy^W.  Rocky  Mts. 
Squannaboo,  on  Cataract  r.,  below  the  Skaddala ;  120  in  1820 ;  W.  Rocky  Mu. 
Stabtans,  on  heads  Chien  r.,  with  the  Kanenavish ;  400  m  1806 ;  resemble  Kiawas. 
Stockbbidob,  Nbw,  (Mohegans  and  Iro«uois,)  collected  in  N.  Y.,  1786;  400  in  1820. 
Stockbbidob,  Mass.,  (Mohegans,)  settled  there  in  1734;  want  to  Oneida  in  1786. 
St.  John's,  ( Abenakies,)  about  300  still  remain  on  that  river. 
SusauBHAMNOK,  OH  W.  shore  of  Md.  in  1607 ;  that  river  perpetuatea  their  name. 
SussBES,  near  sources  of  a  branch  of  the  Saskashawan,  W.  Rocky  Mountains. 
Stkebons,  a  numerous  race,  on  the  B.  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 

Taoullies,  "  people  who  go  upon  water ; "  on  head  waters  of  Frasier's  River,  La. 

Tahsaoboudib,  about  Detroit  m  1723 ;  probably  Tsonothouans. 

Tahuacana,  on  River  Brazos ;  3  tribes ;  180  m.  up ;  1,200  in  1820. 

Taixahassb,  (Seminoles,)  15  in  1820,  between  (Noklikana  and  Mikaaankie. 

Taxlbwheama,  (Seminoles,)  210  in  1820.  on  B.  side  Flint  River,  near  the  Chebaws. 

TAMAB0K..8,  a  tribe  of  the  Illinois ;  perhaps  Peorias  afterwards. 

Tamatles,  (Seminoles,)  7  m.  above  the  Ocheeses,  and  numbered  220  in  1820. 

Tabbatinbs,  £.  of  Pascataaua  River;  the  Nipmuks  so  called  the  Abenakiee. 

Tattowhehallts,  (Seminoles,)  130  in  1820;  aince  scattered  among  other  towns. 

Taukaways,  on  the  sources  of  Trinity,  firasos,  De  Dios,  and  Colorado  Rivers. 

Tawakbnob,  "Three  Canes,"  W,  side  Brasos  r.,  200  m.  W.  of  Nacogdoches,  1804. 

Tawaws,  (Hurons,)  on  the  Mawme  in  1780,  18  m.  from  Lake  Erie. 

Tblmocbesbe,  (Seminoles,)  W.  side  Chattahoochee,  15  m.  above  fork;  100  in  1820. 

Tbnisaw,  once  on  that  river  which  flows  into  Mobile  Bay ;  went  to  Red  r.  in  1765. 

Tetons,  (Sioux,)  "  vile  miscreants,"  on  Mississ.,  Misso.,  St.  Peter's;  " real  pirates." 

Tionontaties,  or  Dinondadies,  a  tribe  of  Hurons,  or  their  general  name. 

TocKMrooKS  one  of  the  six  tribes  on  the  Chesapeak  in  1607. 

Tonicas,  20  •  drriors  in  1784,  on  Mississippi,  opp.  Poiit  Coup^ ;  once  numerous. 

ToNKAHANS,  a  nbtion  or  tribe  of  Texans,  said  to  be  cannibals. 

ToNKAWA,  700  in  1820,  erratic,  about  Bay  St.  Bernardo. 

ToTEBOS,  on  the  mountains  N.  of  the  Sapones,  in  N.  Carolina,  in  1700. 

ToTVSKBTS.    See  Mobatoks. 

TowAOANNO,  or  TowoASH,  one  of  thro?  tribes  on  the  Bracos.    See  Tahitaoana. 

TsONONTHOUANS,  Hennepin  so  called  the  Senecas ;  by  Cox,  called  Sonnontovans. 

Tvkabatche,  on  Tallapoosie  River,  30  m.  above  Fort  Alabama,  in  1775. 

TcMiCA,  (Mobilian,)  on  Red  River,  90  m.  above  ito  mouth ;  but  30  in  1820. 

TuNXis,  (Mohegans,)  once  in  Farmington,  Conn. ;  monument  erected  to  them,  1840. 

TtrsHEFAHAS,  and  OotlashooT8,  5,600  in  1820,  on  Clark's  and  Missouri  Rivers. 

TU3CAB0HA,  on  Neus  r.,  N.  Carolina,  till  1712 ;  a  few  now  in  Lewiston,  Niagara  r. 

TcTELOBS.    See  Manooaks,  or  Manooaos. 

TuTSBEWA,  on  a  river  W.  Rocky  Mta.,  supposed  to  be  a  branch  of  the  Columbia. 

TwiOBTWBES,  (Miamies,)  in  1780,  on  the  Great  Miami ;  so  called  by  the  Iroquois. 

UcHEE,  once  on  Chattauchee  r.,  4  towns ;  some  went  to  Florida,  some  west. 
Ufallah,  (Seminoles,)  670  in  1820, 12  m.  above  Fort  Gaines,  on  Chattahoochee  r. 
UoALJACHMDTZi,  a  tribe  about  Prince  William's  Sound,  N.  W.  coast. 
Ulseah,  on  coast  of  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia,  beyond  the  Neekeetoos ;  150  in  1820 
UNALACHTno,  one  of  the  three  tribes  once  composing  the  Lenna  Lenape. 
Unamies,  the  head  tribe  of  Lenna  Lenape. 
Unchaooos,  a  ttihv  anciently  on  Long  Island,  New  York. 
Upsaboka,  (Minetare,)  commonly  caUed  Crows. 

Waakicttm,  30  m.  up  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cathlsmats ;  400  in  1836 

Wabinoa,  (Iroquois,)  between  W.  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson  r. 

Waco,  (Panis,)  800  in  1820,  on  Brazos  River,  24  m.  from  its  mouth. 

Wahowpums,  on  Tf.  branch  Columbia  River,  from  Lapage  r.  upward;  700  in  1806. 

Warpatonb,  (Sioux,)  rove  in  the  country  on  N.  W.  side  St.  Peter's  River. 

Wahfacoota,  (Sioux  ?)  in  the  country  S.  W.  St.  Petci's  in  180.^ :  never  stationary. 

Wahesitb,  (Nipmuks,)  once  on  Merrimac  River,  where  Lowell,  Mass.,  now  is. 

Wahpanoao,  perhaps  the  3d  nation  in  importance  in  N.  £.  when  settled  by  the  Eng 

Wapfinos,  at  and  about  Esopus  in  1758 ;  also  across  the  Hudson  to  the  Minsi. 

Wabananconocins,  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  the  Wappings. 

Washaws,  on  Barrataria  Island  in  1680,  considerable ;  1805,  at  Bay  St.  Fosh,  6  only. 

Watanons,  or  Weas.    See  Ouiatinoms. 

Watebees,  once  on  the  river  of  that  name  in  S.  Carolina,  but  long  since  extinct. 

Watefaneto,  on  the  Padouca  fork  of  the  Platte,  near  Rocky  MU. ;  900  in  1830. 


16 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


Wawbnoks,  (AbenakiM,)  onc«  from  Sagadahoek  to  St.  Oeorge  Rirer,  in  Maine. 

Waxsaw,  jae«  in  8.  Carolina,  45  m.  aboT<  Camden ;  name  ami  oontinuea. 

Wkas,  or  Waas,  (Kikrpoos.)    See  Odiatano^ts. 

Wbkisa,  (Semin.,)  250  ^n  1820,  W.  side  Chatuhooehee,  4  m.  aboTe  th«  Cheikitaloaa. 

Wblch,  Mid  to  be  on  a  aoutbern  branch  of  the  Miatouri. 

Wbstobs,  in  1670,  on  Aahley  and  Ediato  F  Wera,  in  S.  Carolina. 

Wbtbpahato,  with  the  Kiawas,  i&  70  loagea  in  180S,  Padouca  fork  of  Platte  River. 

Whbblpo,  on  Clark'a  River,  from  the  mouth  of  the  LatUw ;  2,S00  in  1820 ;  W.  R. 

"Whiblpoou,  (Chikamao^ad,)  so  called  from  the  place  ot  their  residence. 

Whxtb,  W,  of  Hiasissippi  River ;  mentioned  by  manytravellers. 

'WioBOOiiocos,  one  of  the  six  tribes  in  Virginia  in  1607,  mentioned  by  Smith. 

'WiLLBVAHB,  (Chopunnish,)  600  in  1820,  on  Willewah  r.,  which  falls  into  Lewis's. 

Winnbbaoo,  on  S.  side  Lake  Michigan  until  1832 ;  Ottagamies,  &c. 

Wolf,  Loups  of  the  French ;  several  nations  had  tribes  so  called. 

'WoKKON,  2  leagues  from  the  Tusoaroras  in  1701 ;  long  since  extinct. 

'WoLLAWALLA,  on  Columbia  r.,  from  above  MuscleaheU  Rapids,  W.  Rooky  Mt«. 

Wtandots,  (Hurons,)  a  great  seat  at  Sandusky  in  1780 ;  warlike. 

Wtcombs,  on  the  Susquehannah  in  1648,  with  some  Oneidaa,  250. 

Wtmiawb,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1701. 

Tam AORAW,  at  the  bluff  of  their  name  in  1732,  near  Savannah,  about  140  men. 
Yahasbb,  S.  border  of  S.  Carolina ;  nearly  destroyed  in  1715  by  English. 
Yampbbaox,  (ComanQhes,)  3  tribes  about  sources  Brasos,  del  Norte,  &c. ;  1817, 30,0001 
Tamktons,  in  tne  i>lane  country  adjacent  to  E.  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Tattassbr,  in  I-ouiaiana,  50  m.  from  Natchitoches,  on  a  creek  falling  into  Red  r. 
Yazoos,  formerly  upon  the  river  of  their  aame ;  extinct  in  1770. 
Ybahtbntanbb,  on  banks  St.  Joseph's  r.,  which  Jows  into  L.  Michigan,  in  1760. 
Ybhah,  above  the  rapids  of  the  Columbia  in  1820 ;  2,800,  with  some  others. 
Yblbtfoo,  (Chopunnish,)  2bO  in  1'820,  on  Weancum  r.,  under  S.  W.  Mountain. 
ToviooNB,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  of  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River ;  700  in  1890. 


a 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  I. 


B 


I 


I 


'   ,/-/"//■ 


BOOK    I. 


OBlulN,    AN'TIQI'ITIES,    MANNERS    AM)    rrsTOMS 
Ac.   OK  THK   AMKllICAN   INDIANS. 


O  rooM  ili»ir  iinei*iit  fn'iw  r><«  *f  iln, 

lluMT  wotilil  tlwy  lakP  U|>  t.rml'a  Imiitini  atnin ! 

Aft  ilioii  i()o  liillnii,  Ibwii-i '  l>u  vKi  •<■« 

Thn  i.)lih«r  mill  tlio  niur.lcrcr  weak  nt  wt>  ? 

TSo'i,  '!  if  hn«t  wii"lml  ••iitih.  hihI  iliri'J  driipiMI 

A.-.  •■'  ■   V  of  Uiii  <kii>«. 


M 
•|- 

And  v«>ii(sanc«  «>-'i-ii'.k>  what  j 


. — Oowrki 


CHAPTER  T. 


Orqfit  •>/  '*•  •••»««  Indian. —  Iffiij  •;>/-.'-.frf''/  tht  praplt  found  in  Amtriea. — .InrienI 
aathort  «i/7/i-  r'i  In  hnrr  rtj'rrrd  Ir  .•fmrrif/i  :m  tf"i'  irritirtPi — Thtopomf-un — 
Voynet  of  y/iiniuK    OitHlorut  Suiilii—Fhilo — . lrufloH^~\nfj'a 

The  imnip  Indian  wiw  ciToneoiwlT  H;>iiU«'d  to  tli*  ori^innl  rimn  nf  AiiM^rica* 

(•y  its  first  diriroviu-frs.  'V\\>'  n'ti-iiijit  f  >  Mxivc  at  th«  Kurt  Indi' »  by  f^iilling 
w'St,  (Miiwil  tli«'  disoovrry  "t  'in-  islnro'^  miH  coiitiaoru  of  AuuTicu.  WIkmi 
fdfv  were  nt  fli"st  (liwovi'red,  Ccihimbvji,  «ti'{  many  after  hnn,  niiptKirifd  tlipy 
lia(i  nnived  '  ilu;  (>tmfi»rti  ^ilorc>  oC  tlm  cMi'inciii  ot"  Iritliu,  uiid  liou  o  lln'  pno- 
l>i  ■  tliey  (b'uiii  ilmn'  ^w-'rc  Ciillod  ludiiins.  'I'tio  rrror  wns  not  (!i8covere(i  (iiilil 
thn  ii.'tmo  liiiil  so  «>l)taiiir~l,  tJrJif  it  could  tiol  w»'l!  be  changed.  It  is  true,  that  it 
nmttfrs  Init  liith  to  us  Ity  '*hat  ii'itrie  thf  '"dijfcnts  of  a  country  arc  known, 
and  osiwcinlly  iiii>-'''  "f  Atiuricn,  in  ns  fiu-  .-  th<'  name  is  s«:ldom  nscd  among 
lis  I'lit  in  njiplicui-;!'-  to  in'  aixiriifiniil  Amt'ricmH.  Knt  witli  tlie  pcopli;  of 
Eiiropti  it  \Mi)<  not  «  'inimiH.-.-iicit.  hitnntcd  hetwf(.>n  ilie  two  roimtrics,  India 
and  Amorii'!!,  thi>  saiM.i  '■..■mh'  ;.•»  tho  ndiahitanls  of  hotlnmst,  nt  first,  lia>e 
pmdurod  conRidi'ral>t<  ■•  nvt-i;.  ■*,  if  nut  cnnliision  ;  liocausi-,  in  P|)i-ul\ing 
of  an  Mian,  no  ^mv  w^^  kn<n  ■  "'..'thcr  an  Anirrican  or  a  Zealandt-r  wod 
II'  imt,  unless  by  tb')  coiu  »tlii»ii  course.  Then-fore,  in  a  liistoriciil  point 
;>f  view,  the  error  i:*,  at  )'■;•"  *.■  mucii  i  •  \hi  dejilort'd  as  thiit  the  name  of  the 
foiuinent  itself  shonM  liav:  Jttj«i'i:  dcri*-"!  iVnrn  jhiuncua  instead  of  Columbus. 


*  So  r.iiino'l  fr«in    Vfxfnrfius  Anf 
«.  ihf  coasi  i>(  Soiuh  Ami.'M -n  in  \lv:' 
A^wricB]  but  Amcricus  lia>.l  the  furlunc  ' 


rinii'iu ;  ■  who  nn'lo  a  disoovprv  of  sniiip  pnrt 
venrs  ;.'■  .' '  itot  haM  oxplofe<l  llie  roast  oi  Noru) 
■iiCcr  Wii  iMi't<    upon  both. 


J 


BOOK    I. 

ORIGIN,    ANTIQUITIES,    MANNERS    AND   v':USTOMS, 
&c.   OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIANS. 


O  could  tlioir  ancient  Incaf  rise  ng  lin, 

How  would  they  take  up  Israel's  taunting  itrain! 

Art  thou  loo  fallen,  Iberia?  Do  we  see 

The  robber  and  the  murderer  weak  as  we .' 

Thou,  that  hast  wasted  earth,  and  ilared  despJM 

Alike  the  wrath  and  mercy  of  the  skies. 

Thy  pomp  is  in  the  grave,  thy  glory  laid 

liOw  in  the  pits  thine  avarice  has  made. 

We  come  with  joy  from  our  eternal  rest. 

To  see  the  oppressor  in  his  turn  oppressed. 

Art  thou  the  God,  the  thunder  of  whose  hand 

Rolled  over  all  our  desolated  land, 

Shook  principalities  and  kingdoms  down. 

And  made  the  mountains  tremble  at  his  frown? 

The  sword  shall  light  upon  thy  boasted  powers, 

And  waste  them  as  they  wasted  ours 

'Tis  thus  Omnipotence  his  law  fulfils. 

And  vengeance  executes  what  justice  wills, — Cowrci 


P, 


CHAPTER  I. 

Origin  of  the  name  Indian. — Why  applied  to  the  people  found  in  America. — Ancient 
authors  supposed  to  have  referred  to  America  in  their  writings — Theopompus — 
Voyage  of  Hanno — Diodorus  Siculus — Plato — Aristotle — Seneca. 

The  name  Indian  was  erroneously  applied  to  the  original  man  of  America* 
by  its  first  discoverers.  The  attempt  to  arrive  at  the  East  Indies  by  sailing 
west,  caused  the  discovery  of  tiie  islands  and  continent  of  America.  When 
they  were  at  first  discovered,  Columbus,  and  many  after  him,  supposed  they 
liad  arrived  at  the  eastern  shore  of  the  continent  of  India,  and  hence  the  peo- 
ple they  found  there  were  called  Indians,  The  error  was  not  discovered  until 
the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  could  not  well  Im  changed.  It  is  true,  that  it 
matters  but  little  to  us  by  what  name  the  indigenes  of  a  country  are  known, 
and  especially  those  of  America,  in  as  far  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  among 
us  but  in  application  to  the  aboriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  ot 
Europe  it  was  not  so  unimportant.  Situated  between  the  two  countries,  India 
mid  America,  the  same  name  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  first,  have 
produced  considerable  inconvenience,  if  not  confusion  ;  because,  in  speaking 
of  an  Indian,  no  one  would  know  whether  an  American  or  a  Zealander  was 
meant,  unless  by  the  context  of  the  discourse.  Therefore,  in  a  historical  point 
of  view,  the  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  deplored  as  that  the  name  of  the 
continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  l^mericua  instead  of  Columbus. 

"  So  named  from  Vespittius  Ainerieus,  a  Florenline,  who  mad  a  discovery  of  somo  pari 
of  Ihe  coast  of  South  America  In  MOD,  two  years  after  Cabot  had  explored  the  coast  ofNorlil 
America;  but  Amcricus  had  tiio  fortune  (o  confer  his  name  upon  both. 


20 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


It  has  been  the  practice  of  almost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about  th« 
primitive  inhabitants  of  a  country,  to  give  some  wild  theories  of  others,  con 
earning  tiieir  origin,  and  to  close  the  account  with  his  own ;  which  generally 
nas  been  more  visionary,  if  possible,  than  .hose  of  his  predecessors.  Long, 
laborious,  and,  we  may  add,  useless  disquisitions  have  been  daily  laid  before 
tlie  world,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  to  the  present  time,  to 
endeavor  to  exyjiain  by  what  means  the  inhabitants  got  from  the  old  to  the 
new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with  many  of  our  predecessors,  wo 
will  begin  as  fur  back  as  they  have  done,  and  so  shall  commence  with  Theo- 
pompiis  and  other,  from  intimationa  in  whose  writings  it  is  alleged  the  an- 
cients had  knowledge  of  America,  and  therefore  peopled  it. 

Theopompiis,  a  learned  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
Alexandtr  the  Great,  in  a  book  entitled  Thaumaaia,  gives  a  sort  of  dialogue 
betW(!en  Midas  the  Phiygian  and  Silenus.  The  book  itself  is  lost,  but  Slrabo 
refers  to  it,  and  Mlianus  has  given  us  the  substance  of  the  dialogue  which  fol- 
lows. Afler  much  conversation,  Silenus  said  to  Midas,  that  Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa  were  but  islands  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  sea ;  but  that  there  was 
a  continent  situated  beyond  these,  which  was  of  immense  dimensions,  even 
without  limits ;  and  that  it  was  so  luxuriant,  as  to  produce  animals  of  prodi- 
gious magnitude,  and  men  grew  to  double  the  height  of  themselves,  and  that 
they  lived  to  a  far  greater  age  ;*  that  they  had  many  great  cities ;  and  their 
usages  and  laws  were  different  from  ours ;  that  in  one  city  there  was  more 
than  a  million  of  inhabitants ;  that  gold  and  silver  were  there  in  vast  quanti- 
ties.! This  is  but  an  abstract  from  Mlianus's  extract,  but  contains  all  of  it  that 
can  be  said  to  refer  to  a  country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa.^  Mlxan  or  Mli- 
anus lived  about  A.  D.  200. 

Hanno  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  prosperity, 
but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40,  and  oiIkts  140, 
years  before  the  founding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about  800  years  before 
our  era.§  He  was  an  officer  of  great  enterprise,  having  sailed  around  and  ex- 
plored the  coast  of  Africa,  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  now  called 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  30  days.  Hence  it  is  inferred  by 
many,  that  he  must  have  visited  America,  or  some  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a 
book,  which  he  entitled  Periplus,  giving  an  account  of  his  voyaged,  which  was 
translated  and  published  about  1533,  in  Greek.|| 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reasons,  believe  that  an  island  or  con- 
tinent existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  but  which  disappeared 
afterwards. 

*  Buffon  and  Raynal  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  they  did  not  believe  it  to  have  been 
America ;  for  they  taught  that  all  animals  degenerated  here.  Man^  of  the  first  adventurers 
to  iho  roasts  of  unknown  countries  reported  them  inhabited  by  giants.  Swi/l  wrote  Gulliver's 
Travels  to  bring  such  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  well  ne  succeeded  is  evident  from  a 
comparison  of  books  of  voyages  and  travels  before  cuid  afler  his  lime.  Dubartaa  has  this 
passage  :— 

Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyages  ■ 

(More  led  by  gain's  hope  than  their  compasses), 
On  th'  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room ; 
And  in  the  South  Sea  they  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-topped  and  huge-armed  trecn  ; 
And  other  some,  wliose  monstrous  backs  did  bear 
Two  mighty  w  heels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  were 
Much  like  tiie  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales. ' 

ViKine  VVeeki,  p.  117,  ed.  4to,  1C13. 

I  if^lian,  Variar.  Historiar.  lib.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

t  Since  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  n  copy  of  a  translation  of  JfLW- 
airs  work,  "  in  Englishe  (as  well  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Greeke  Icxte,  as  of  the  Laline), 
hy  Abraham  Flemtng."  London,  1576,  4to.  It  differs  not  materially  from  the  above,  whict 
is  given  from  a  French  version  of  it. 

S  Encyclopoedia  Pcrthonsis. 

(l  The  best  account  of  Hanno  and  his  vovnges.  with  which  we  are  acnuainterl,  is  to  Je 
found  in  Mariana's  Hist,  of  Spain,  vol.  i.  1)3,  lOU,  lit),  122,  l.'J3,  and  160,  ed.  Paris,  1723, 
6  vols.  4to. 


Chap.  I.J 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS 


21 


► 


I 


Diodonis  Sicidus  snys  that  some  "Phoenicians  were  cast  upon  a  mom  fertile 
island  opposite  to  Africa."  Of  this,  he  says,  they  kept  the  most  studied  serrcoy, 
which  wtis  doubtless  occasioned  by  their  jealousy  of  the  advantage  the  dis(M>v- 
ery  might  be  to  the  neighboring  nations,  and  which  tiioy  wii^lied  to  secure 
wholly  to  tliemselves.  Diodorua  Sicidus  lived  about  100  years  before  Christ 
Islands  lying  west  of  Europe  and  Africa  ai'e  certair>ly  mentioned  by  Homer 
and  Horace.  They  were  culled  Atlanlidts,  and  were  su|)posed  to  be  about 
10,000  furlongs  from  Africa.  Here  existed  the  j)oets'  fabled  Elysian  fields. 
But  to  be  more  particular  with  Diodonis,  we  will  let  him  8]>cak  for  himself. 
"After  having  passed  the  islands  which  lie  beyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we 
will  speak  of  those  which  lie  much  farther  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa, 
and  to  the  west  of  it,  is  an  immense  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days'  sail 
from  Lybia.  Its  soil  is  very  fertile,  and  its  surface  variegated  with  mountains 
and  valleys.  Its  coasts  are  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  and  its  fields 
are  well  cultivated ;  delicious  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  and  trees." 
He  finally  sets  it  down  as  the  finest  country  known,  where  the  inhabitants 
have  spacious  dwellings,  pnd  every  thing  in  the  greatest  plenty.  To  say  the 
least  of  this  account  of  Diodorus,  it  corresponds  very  well  with  that  given  of 
the  Mexicans  when  fii"st  known  to  the  Spaniards,  but  pei'haps  it  will  compare 
as  well  with  the  Canaries. 

Plato's  accoimt  has  more  weight,  perhaps,  than  any  of  the  ancients.  He 
lived  about  400  years  before  the  Christian  era.  A  \mn  of  his  account  is  as 
follows : — "  In  those  first  times  [time  of  its  being  first  known],  the  Atlantic 
was  a  most  broad  island,  and  there  were  extant  most  powerful  kings  in  it, 
who,  with  joint  fcwces,  appointed  to  occupy  Asia  and  Europe :  And  so  a  most 
grievous  war  was  carried  on ;  in  which  the  Athenians,  with  the  commo)i 
consent  of  the  Greeks,  opposed  themselves,  and  they  became  the  conquerors 
But  that  Atlantic  island,  by  a  flood  and  earthquake,  was  indeed  suddenly 
destroyed,  and  so  that  warlike  people  ^^<■re  swallowed  up."  He  adds,  in  an- 
other place,  "  An  island  in  the  mouth  of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits, 
called  the  Pillars  o(  Hercules,  did  exist ;  and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger 
than  Lybia  and  Asia ;  from  which  there  was  an  easy  passjige  over  to  othei 
islands,  and  from  those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situated  out  of  that 
region."  *  "  Mptune  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son,  Mlas,  its  narno 
was  derived,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  To  the  youngest  fell  the 
extremity  of  the  island,  called  Gadir,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  country, 
signifies  fertile  or  abounding  in  sheep.  The  descendants  of  J^eptunt  reigned 
here,  from  father  to  son,  lor  a  great  number  of  generations  in  the  order  of 
l)rimogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  elso  possessed  several 
other  islands ;  and,  passing  into  Europe  and  Africa,  subdued  all  Lybia  as  fiir 
as  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length  the  island  sunk  under 
water;  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards  the  sea  thereabouts  was  full  of 
rocks  and  shelves."  t  This  account,  although  mixed  with  fable,  cannot,  we 
think,  be  entirely  rejected;  and  that  the  ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries 
westward  of  Europe  appears  as  plain  and  as  well  authenticated  as  any  passage 
of  history  of  that  period. 

Aristotle,  or  the  author  of  a  book  which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,), 
speaks  of  an  island  beyond  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar ;  but  the  passage  savors 
something  of  i  earsay,  and  is  as  follows: — "  Some  say  that,  beyond  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules,  the  Carthaginians  have  found  a  very  fertile  island,  but  without 
inhabitants,  full  of  forests,  navigable  rivers,  and  fruit  in  abundance.  It  is 
several  days'  voyage  from  the  main  land.  Some  Carthaginians,  charmed  by 
the  fertility  of  the  country,  thought  to  marry  and  settle  there ,  but  some  sjiy 
tliat  the  government  of  Carthage  forbid  the  settlement  upon  pain  of  death, 
from  the  fear  that  it  would  increase  in  power  so  as  to  deprive  the  mother- 
country  of  her  possessions  there."    If  Aristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a  prediction, 

*  America  known  lo  the  Ancients,  10,  8vo.  Unston,  1773. 

|-  Enryclopcedia  Perlhensis,  art.  Atlantis. 

i  l)e  I'nirnbil.  auscultat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  Voltaire,  says  nf  this  book,  "  On  en  fesait  honncui 
Bi  X  ('arlliaffir.ois,  el  on  cilait  un  livrc  d'Arislote  qu'il  n'a  pas  compose."  Essai  sur  ht 
Mamrs  el  I'efj  -it  del  tuUiotu,  chap.  cxlv.  p.  703.  vol  iv  of  uis  works.  Edit.  Paris,  1817, 
11  8vo. 


V. 

•       I 


n 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


[DooK  L 


timt  such  a  thing  would  take  place  in  regard  to  some  future  nation,  no  one, 
perhaps,  would  have  called  him  a  false  prophet,  for  the  American  levohition 
w  ould  have  heen  its  fulfilment.  This  philosopher  lived  about  384  years  before 
Christ. 

Seneca  lived  almut  the  commencement  of  the  vulgar  era.    He  wrote  trage 
dies,  and  iii  one  of  them  occurs  this  passage : — 


-"  Venient  annis 


Siecula  seris,  quibus  oceanus 
Vinciila  reruin  laxet,  el  ingens 
I'aleat  tcllug,  Typhiscjue  novos 
Dotcjral  orbes ;  iicc  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule." 

Medea,  Act  3.  v,  375. 

This  is  nearer  pro|)hccy,  and  may  be  rendered  in  English  thus : — "  The 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  loosen  the  chains  of  nature,  and  we  shall 
behold  a  vast  country.  A  new  Typhis  shall  discover  new  worlds:  Thule 
5hall  no  longer  be  considered  the  last  country  of  the  known  world." 

Not  only  these  passages  from  the  ancient  authors  have  been  cited  and  re- 
cited by  moderns,  but  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show  that,  in 
some  way  or  other,  America  must  have  been  peopled  from  some  of  the  eastern 
continents.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor  of  having  been  its 
first  discoverer,  and  hence  the  progenitor  of  the  Indians.  But  since  the  recent 
discoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the  subject  say  but  little  about  getting 
over  inhabitants  from  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africi,  through  the  diflicult  way  of  the 
Atlantic  seas  and  islands,  as  it  is  much  easier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  chan- 
nels of  the  north  in  canoes,  or  upon  the  ice.  Grotius,  C.  Mather,  Hubbard,  and 
after  them  Robertson,  are  glad  to  meet  with  so  easy  a  method  of  solving  a 
question  which  they  consider  as  having  puzzled  their  predecessors  so  much. 


CHAPTER  n. 

Of  modem  theorists  upon  the  peopling  oj  Jimerica — St.  Gregory — Herrera — T. 
Morton —  Williamson —  Wood — Josselyn  —  Thorowgood  — Adair — R.  Williams —  C. 
Mather  —  Hubbard  —  Robertson  —  Smith  —  Voltaire  —  Mitchill  — M'  CuUoch — lard 
Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera. 

St.  Greoort,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St.  Clement, 
said  that  beyond  the  ocean  there  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  new  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ;  and  that  what  Seneca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had  kept 
it  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  them  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ;  and  that, 
in  the  secrecy  a"d  incomprehensibility  of  his  providence,  he  has  been  plcr.t>ed 
to  give  it  to  the  Castilian  nation.  That  Seneca's  prediction  (if  so  il  may  be 
considered)  was  a  false  one,  because  he  said  that  a  new  world  would  be  dis- 
covered in  the  north,  and  that  it  was  found  in  tlie  west.f  Herrera  wrote 
about  15U8,t  before  which  time  little  knowledge  was  obtained  of  North 
America.    This  may  account  for  his  impeachment  ofSenecaKs  prophecy. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  came  to  Now  England  in  1023,  published  in  1637  an 
account  of  its  niitural  history,  with  much  other  '3iU"ious  matter.  In  speaking 
upon  the  peopling  of  Atnerica,  he  thinks  it  altogether  out  of  the  question  to 

*  "  S.  (Jrceoiro  sur  I'epislrc  do  S.  Clomeiil,  dit  que  pass6  I'occan,  il  y  a  vn  autre  niouil.'' 
(Herrera,  I  Dccailc,  2.)     This  is  tlie  wiiole  passage. 

t  Il)i<i.3. 

X  He  dieil  27  March,  IC'25,  at  the  ape  of  about  fifi  years.  His  name  was  Tordesillas  Antonio 
Ue  //c/Tcni— one  of  the  best  Spauish  hisloriaiis.  His  history' of  tlie  voyages  lo,  and  sctlloinciil 
of  America  is  very  miiuile,  and  very  valiialile.  The  original  in  Spanish  is  very  rare.  Acoi- 
tix's  iraiislation  (into  French)  3  v.  4to.,  IGliO,  is  also  scarce  and  vaiualile.     It  is  this  we  cilo. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


^3 


suppose  that  it  was  peopled  by  the  Tartars  from  the  north,  because  "  a  people, 
once  settled,  must  be  removed  by  compulsion,  or  else  tempted  thereunto  in 
hopes  of  better  fortunes,  upon  commcndationfl  of  the  place  unto  which  they 
should  be  drawn  to  remove.  And  if  it  may  bo  thought  that  these  people  came 
over  the  frozen  sea,  then  would  it  be  by  compulsion.  If  so,  then  by  whom, 
or  when  ?  Or  what  part  of  this  main  continent  may  be  thought  to  border 
upon  the  country  of  the  Tartars  ?  It  is  yet  unknown ;  and  it  is  not  like  that  o 
people  well  enough  at  ease,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  undertake  to  travel  ovei 
a  sea  of  ice,  considering  how  many  difficulties  they  shall  encounter  with.  As, 
Ist,  whether  there  be  any  land  at  the  end  of  their  unknown  way,  no  land 
l)eing  in  view ;  then  want  of  food  to  sustain  life  in  the  mean  time  upon  that 
sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  fuel,  to  keep  them  at  night  from  freezing 
to  death  ?  which  will  not  be  had  in  such  a  place.  But  it  may  perhaps  be 
granted,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  might  originally  come  of  the  scattered 
Trojans ;  for  after  that  Brutus,  who  was  the  fourth  from  Eneas,  left  Ijatium 
upon  the  conflict  held  with  the  Latins  (where  although  he  gave  them  a  great  . 
overthrow,  to  the  slaughter  of  their  grand  captain  and  many  others  of  the 
heroes  of  Latium,  yet  he  held  it  more  safely  to  depart  unto  some  other  place 
and  people,  than,  by  staying,  to  run  the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or  doubtful 
conquest ;  which,  as  history  maketh  mention,  he  performed.)  This  people 
was  dispersed,  there  is  no  question,  but  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  by 
reason  of  their  conversation  with  the  Grecians  and  Latins,  had  a  mixed  lan- 
guage, that  participated  of  both."*  This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton^  but 
he  says  much  more  upon  the  subject ;  as  that  the  similarity  of  the  languages 
of  the  Indians  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.  From  the  examples  he 
gives,  we  presume  he  knew  as  little  about  the  Indian  languages  as  Dr.  Mather, 
Adair,  and  Boudinol,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  the  Hebrew. 
Though  Morton  tiunks  it  very  improbable  that  the  Tartars  came  over  by  the 
north  from  Asia,  because  they  could  not  see  land  beyond  the  ice,  yet  he  finds 
no  difficulty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide  Atlantic,  although  he  allows  them 
no  compass.  That  the  Indians  have  a  Lutin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because 
he  fancied  he  heard  among  their  words  Pasco-pan,  and  hence  thinks,  w'  hout 
doubt,  their  ancestors  were  acquainted  with  the  god  Pan,\ 

Dr.  fVilliamsonl  says,  "It  can  hardly  be  questioned  that  the  Indians  of  South 
America  are  descended  from  a  class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the  soul'iern  parts  of 
Asia."  That  they  could  not  have  come  from  the  north,  because  the  South 
American  Indians  are  unlike  those  of  the  north.  This  seems  to  clash  with 
the  more  rational  views  of  Father  Venexas.^  He  writes  as  follows:  "Of  all 
the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered,  the  Califomians  lie  nearest  to  Asia, 
We  are  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  writing  in  all  the  eastern  nations.  We 
can  distinguish  between  tl  e  characters  of  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese,  the 
Chinese  Tartars,  the  Mogul  Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Kamschathka;  and  learned  dissertations  on  th^m,  by  Mr.  Boyer,  are 
to  be  found  in  the  acts  of  the  imperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Peteraburg. 
What  discovery  would  it  be  to  meet  with  any  of  these  characters,  or  others 
like  them,  among  the  American  Indians  nearest  to  Asia !  But  as  to  the  Cali- 
fomians, if  ever  they  were  possessed  of  any  invention  to  perpetuate  their  me- 
moirs, they  have  entirely  lost  it;  and  all  that  is  now  found  among  them, 
amounts  to  no  more  than  some  obscure  oral  traditions,  probably  more  and 
more  adulterated  by  a  long  succession  of  time.  They  have  not  so  much  as 
retained  any  knowledge  of  the  particular  country  from  which  they  emi- 
grated." This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the  Indians 
of  California. 

Mr.  Williatn  Wood,l  who  left  New  England  in  1633,11  after  a  short  stay,  says, 
"Of  their  language,  which  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  inclining  to  any 
of  the  refined  tongues :  Some  have  thought  they  might  be  of  the  dispersed 


•  Now  Caiinnn,  book  i,  pages  17  and  13 

}  III  Ills  Hist.  N.  Cprolinn,!.  21G. 

6  Hist.  California,  i.  (JO.     His  work  was  published  at  Madrid,  in  1758. 

11  Tlie  author  of  n  work  entitled  Neiv  hngtaniVs  Prospect,  published  ii 


(to.     It  is  H  very  rare,  and,  iitgomt'  respects,  a  curious  and  vuluatilu  work. 
Ti  Prospect,  61. 


t  Ibid.  18. 


in  London,  IGS'I,  in 


24 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Rook  I. 


1:^ 


Jew's,  br  ^ause  some  of  their  words  be  near  unto  the  Hebrew ;  but  by  the  sam 
rule,  thdy  may  conclude  them  to  be  some  of  the  gleanings  of  all  nations,  l)e- 
cause  ^iicy  have  words  which  sound  after  the  Greek,  Latin,  French,  and  other 
tongues."* 

Mr.  John  Joaselyn,  who  resided  some  time  in  New  England,  from  the  year 
1Q38,  says,  "  The  Mohawks  are  about  500 :  their  speech  a  dialect  of  the  Tar- 
tars (as  also  is  the  Turkish  tongue)."!  In  another  work,|  he  says,  "  N.  Eng- 
land is  by  some  affirmed  to  be  an  island,  bounded  on  the  north  with  the  River 
of  Canada  (so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane),  on  the  south  with  the  River  Mon- 
hegan  or  Htidson's  River,  so  called  because  he  was  the  first  that  discovered  it. 
Some  will  have  America  to  be  an  island,  which  out  of  question  must  needs  be, 
if  there  be  a  north-east  passage  found  out  into  the  South  Sea.  It  contains 
1,152,400,000  acres.  The  discovery  of  the  north-west  passage  (which  lies  with- 
in the  River  of  Canada)  was  undertaken  with  the  help  of  some  Protestant 
Frenchmen,  which  left  Canada,  and  retired  to  Boston  about  the  year  KM). 
The  north-east  people  of  America,  that  is,  N.  England,  &c.,  are  judged  to  be 
Tartars,  called  Samoades,  being  alike  in  complexion,  shape,  habit  and  man- 
ners." We  have  given  h^re  a  larger  extract  than  the  immediate  subject  re- 
quired, because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  his  curiosity,  as  well  as  we 
ours,  in  seeing  how  people  understood  things  in  that  day.  Barlow,  looking 
but  a  small  distance  beyond  those  times,  with  great  elegance  says, — 

"  In  those  blank  periods,  where  no  man  can  trace 
The  gleams  of  thought  that  first  illumed  his  race, 
His  errors,  twined  with  science,  took  tlieir  birlh, 
And  forged  their  fetters  for  this  child  of  earth, 
And  when,  as  oft,  he  dared  expand  his  view, 
And  work  with  nature  on  the  line  she  drew, 
Some  monster,  gendered  in  his  fears,  unmanned 
His  opening  soul,  and  marred  the  works  he  planned. 
Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  state, 
Redoubles  all  the  woes  that  round  him  wait, 
IMncks  nature's  path,  and  sends  him  wandering  wide, 
Without  a  guardian,  and  without  a  guide." 

Cotumbiad,  ix.  137,  6ce. 

Revercr'd  Thomas  Thoroiogood  published  a  small  quarto,  in  1652,§  to  prove 
that  the  inaians  were  the  Jews,  who  had  been  "  lost  in  the  world  for  the  space 
of  near  2000  jeai*s."  But  whoever  has  read  Adair  or  Bovdinot,  has,  beside  a 
good  deal  that  is  irrational,  read  all  that  in  2'hornwgood  can  be  termed  rational. 

Reverend  Roger  IViUiams  was,  at  one  time,  as  appears  from  Thorowgood's 
work,||  of  ftie  same  opinion.  Being  written  to  for  his  opinion  of  the  origin  of 
the  natives,  "  he  kindly  answers  to  those  letters  from  Salem  in  N.  Eng.  20th 
of  the  10th  month,  more  than  10  yeers  since,  in  hcRc  verba."  That  they  did 
not  come  into  America  from  the  north-east,  as  some  had  imagined,  he  thought 
evident  for  these  reasons :  1.  their  ancestors  affirm  they  came  from  the  south- 
west, and  return  thence  when  tliey  die :  2.  because  they  "  separate  their  wo- 
men in  a  little  wigwam  by  themselves  in  their  feminine  seasons;"  and  3.  "be- 
side their  god  Kuttand  to  the  S.  West,  they  hold  that  J^anaxDitnavnt'i  [a  goa 
over  head)  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth  ;  and  some  tast  of  affinity  with 
the  Hebrew  I  have  found." 

Doctor  Cotton  Mather  is  an  author  of  such  singular  qualities,  that  we  almost 
hesitate  to  name  him,  lest  we  be  thought  without  seriousness  in  so  weighty  a 
matter.  But  v.'e  will  assure  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author  with  whom  we 
woiiM  in  no  wiso  part ;  and  if  sometimes  we  appear  not  serious  in  our  intro- 
duciion  of  him,  what  is  of  more  importance,  we  believe  him  really  to  be  so 
\nd  we  are  persua«^ed  that  we  should  not  be  pardoned  did  we  not  allow  hire 
to  speak  upon  tl»e  mi.^t.?r  before  us. 

•  Ibid.  nX  ed.  \1C4. 

t  rtis  account  of  !» i  xoya^'es  to  New  England,  printed  London,  1G73,  page  124. 

i  New  Engliind  Reril'-e»  4,  !S,  printed  London,  1672. 

6  Its  title  commeucfcs,  '  Digt-'iu  Dei :  New  Discoveries,  with  sure  Arguments  lopreve,"  Ste 

i  ^ages  5  and  h. 

\   Getarmitmoit  is  trod  \\  ^'vwan^—HecAeweuier. 


Chap.  11] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


3S 


He  says, "  I>  should  not  paws  without  remark,  that  three  most  memorable 
things  wiiich  iiave  borne  a  very  great  aspect  u|K>n  human  affairs,  did,  near  tlie 
same  time,  namely,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  RJleenth,  and  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth,  century,  arise  unto  the  world :  the  first  was  the  Resurrection  of 
Literature ;  the  second  was  the  opening  of  America ;  the  third  was  the 
Reformation  of  Religion.''^  Thiu?  far  we  have  an  instructive  view  of  the  sub 
jeet,  calculated  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  dork  ages,  when  literature 
was  neglected  and  forgotten,  discoveries  might  have  been  also,  and  hence  the 
knowledge  of  America  lost  for  a  time.  The  reader  must  now  summon  his 
gravity.  "But,"thip  author  continues,  " as  probably  the  Z}et>i7,  seducing  the 
first  inhabitants  of  America  into  it,  therc^in  aimed  at  the  having  of  them  and 
tiieir  posterity  out  of  the  sound  of  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  gospel,  then  to  be 
heiu'd  through  the  Roman  empire.*  If  the  Devil  had  any  expectation,  that,  by 
the  peopling  of  America,  he  should  utterly  deprive  any  Europeans  of  tlwj  tvo 
benefits,  literature  and  reZigion,' which  dawned  upon  the  miserable  world,  (one 
just  before,  the  other  just  after,)  the  first  fumed  navigation  hither,  'tis  to  b^ 
hoped  he  will  be  disappointed  of  that  expectation."t  The  learned  doqt^r, 
having  forgotten  what  he  had  written  in  his  first  book,  or  wishing  to  inculcate 
his  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeats  a  passage  which  he  had  at  firet  given, 
in  a  distant  part  of  his  work ;  |  but,  there  being  considerable  addition,  we  re- 
cite it :  "  The  natives  of  the  country  now  possessed  by  the  Ne  wen  glanders, 
had  been  forlorn  and  wretched  heathen  ever  since  their  first  herding  here ;  and 
though  we  know  not  ivhen  or  how  these  Indians  first  became  inhabitants  of , 
this  mighty  continent,  yet  we  may  guess  that  probably  the  Devil  decoyed  those 
miserable  salvages  hither,  in  hopes  that  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
would  never  come  here  to  destroy  or  disturb  his  absolute  empire  over  them. 
But  our  Eliot  was  in  such  ill  terms  with  the  Devil,  as  to  alarm  him  %vith 
sounding  the  sU.ver  trumpets  of  heaven  in  his  territories,  and  make  some  noble 
and  zealous  attempts  towards  outing  him  of  ancient  possessions  here.  There 
were,  I  think,  20  several  nations  (if  I  may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that 
spot  of  ground  which  fell  under  the  influence  of  our  Three  United  Colonies ; 
and  our  Eliot  was  willing  to  rescue  as  many  of  them  as  he  could  from  th  it 
old  usurping  landlord  of  America,  who  is,  by  the  wrath  of  God,  the  prince  t( 
this  world."  In  several  places  he  is  decided  in  the  opinion  that  Indians  ar^ 
Scythians,  and  is  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  passage  of 
Julius  C(Bsar :  "  DiMcilius  Invenire  quam  interficere,"  which  he  thus  rendei-s, 
"  It  is  harder  to  find  them  than  to  foil  them."  At  least,  this  is  a  happy  appli- 
cation of  the  passage.  Casar  was  speaking  of  the  Scythians,  and  our  histo- 
rian applies  the  passage  in  speaking  of  the  sudden  attacks  of  the  Ikulians,  and 
their  agi'.ity  in  hiding  themselves  from  pnrsuit.§  Doctor  Mather  wrote  nt  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  his  famous  book.  Magnolia  Christi 
Americana,  was  published  in  1702. 

Adaii,  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians,  previ- 
ous to  1775,  published  a  huge  quarto  upon  their  origin,  histoiy,  &c.  He  tor- 
tures every  custom  and  usage  into  a  like  one  of  the  Jews,  and  almost  every 
word  in  their  language  into  a  Hebrew  one  of  the  same  meaning. 

Doctor  Boudinot,  ia  his  book  called  "  The  Star  in  the  West,"  has  followed 
up  the  theory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  "  long 
lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel"  are  clearly  identified  in  the  American  Indians.  Such 


*  This,  we  apprehend,  ia  not  entirely  oneinal  with  our  author,  but  borders  upon  plagiarism. 
Ward,  the  celebrated  author  of  the  "  Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam,"  says  of  llie  Irish, 
"  These  Irish  (anciently  called  antliropophasi,  man-eaters)  have  a  tradition  amon?  them.  lli;it 
when  the  Devi!  showed  our  Saviour  all  tlie  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  and  their  glory,  ihat  he 
would  not  show  him  Ireland,  but  reserved  It  for  himself.  It  is,  probably,  true ;  for  he  halh 
kept  it  ever  since  for  his  own  peculiar:  the  old  fox  foresaw  it  would  eclipse  the  glory  of  all 
the  rest :  he  thought  it  wisdom  to  keep  the  land  for  a  Boggards  for  his  unclean  spirits  employed 
in  this  hemisphere,  and  the  people  to  do  his  son  and  heir  (the  Pope)  that  service  for  whicli 
Letois  the  XI  kept  his  Barbor  Oliver,  which  makes  tliem  so  bloodthirsty." — Simple  Cobler, 
86,  87.  Why  sc  much  gall  is  poured  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  cannot  sntisfnclorily  account. 
The  circumstance  of  his  writing  in  the  time  of  Croniwell  will  erplain  a  part,  if  not  the  whole 
of  the  enigma.  He  was  the  first  minister  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  but  was  born  and  die4 
m  Enfflnnd. 

t  Magnalia  Christ.  Amer.  b.  L  |  Ibid.  b.  iiu  (  See  Magnalia,  b.  tri 


3 


96 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I 


1? 


theories  have  gained  many  supporters,  it  is  of  much  higher  cntiquity  than 
Adair,  and  was  treated  as  such  visionary  speculations  should  be  by  authors  as 
far  back  as  the  historian  Hubbard,  who  wrote  about  1680,  and  has  this  among 
other  passages :  " If  any  observation  be  made  of  their  manne/s  and  disposi- 
tions, It's  easier  to  say  from  what  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  whom  they 
Jid,  derive  their  original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture  who  fancy  them  to  be 
descended  from  the  ten  tribes  of  the  Israelites,  carried  captive  by  Salamanestr 
and  Esarhaddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  there  being  no 
footsteps  to  be  observed  of  their  propinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any  other  of 
the  tribes  of  the  earth,  either  as  to  their  language  or  manners."*  This  author 
was  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times;  and,  generally,  he  writes  with  as 
much  discernment  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  and  those  of  another,  and  each  un- 
known to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  in  common,  it  has  been 
urged  by  some,  and  not  a  few,  that  they  must  have  had  a  common  origin ;  but 
this,  in  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow.  Who  will  pretend  that 
different  people,  when  placed  under  similar  circumstances,  will  not  have  simi- 
lar wants,  and  hence  similar  actions  ?  that  like  wants  will  not  prompt  like  ex- 
ertions? and  like  causes  produce  rwt  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning 
we  think  sufficient  to  show,  that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  customs 
in  common  with  the  Scythians,  the  Tartars,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Welsh,  and 
indeed  every  other  nation,  still,  the  former,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  have  as  good  right  to  claim  to  themselves  priority  of  origin  as  either 
or  all  of  the  latter. 

Doctor  Robertson  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  produce  others 
of  no  color,  and  the  contrary,  before  he  said,  "  We  know  with  infallible 
certainty,  that  all  the  human  race  spring  from  the  same  source,"!  meaning 
Mam.  He  founds  this  broad  assertion  upon  the  false  notion  that,  to  admit 
any  other  would  be  an  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Scriptures.  Now, 
in  our  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  assuming  a  very 
different  ground ;  I  namely,  that  all  habitable  parts  of  the  world  may  have  been 
peopled  at  the  same  time,  and  by  different  races  of  men.  That  it  is  so  peo- 
pled, we  know :  that  it  was  so  peopled  as  far  back  as  we  have  any  account, 
we  see  no  reason  to  disbelieve.  Hence,  when  it  was  not  so  is  as  futile  to 
inquire,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive  of  the  annihilation  of  space. 
When  a  new  country  was  discovered,  much  inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain 
from  whence  came  the  inhabitants  found  upon  it — not  even  asking  whence 
came  the  other  animals.  The  answer  to  us  is  plain.  Man,  the  other  animals, 
trees  and  plants  of  every  kind,  were  placed  there  by  the  supreme  directing 
hand,  which  carries  on  every  operation  of  natui-e  by  fixed  and  undeviating 
laws.  This,  it  must  be  plain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  reconcilable  to  the 
Bible  history  as  the  theory  of  Robertson,  which  is  that  of  Grotim,  and  all  those 
wlio  have  followed  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the  sub- 
ject, that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race,  to  hold 
up  the  idea  still  that  all  must  have  sprung  from  the  same  source,  [Mam,]  only 
reminds  us  of  our  jp-andmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at  us  when  we  tell 
them  that  the  earth  is  a  globe.  Who,  we  ask,  will  argue  that  the  negro 
changes  his  color  by  living  among  us,  or  by  changing  his  latitude  ?  Who 
have  ever  become  negroes  by  living  in  their  country,  or  among  them  ?  Has  the 
Indian  ever  changed  his  complexion  by  living  in  London?  Do  those  change 
which  adopt  our  manners  and  customs,  and  are  surrounded  by  us  ?  Until 
these  questions  can  be  answered  in  the  affirmative,  we  discard  altogether  that 
inntarian  system  of  peopling  the  world.  We  would  indeed  prefer  Ovid^s 
method : — 

"  Ponere  durttiem  coepcre,  suiunque  rigorem  -, 
Mollirique  mora,  molliiaque  ducere  formam. 
Mox  ubi  crevcrunt,  naturaque  mitior  illis 
Conligit,"  &c.  &c. 

Metamor.  lib  i.  fab.  xi. 
• 

*  Hist.  Now  England,  27.  t  Hisl.  America,  book  iv. 

X  Why  talk  of  a  llieory's  clashing  with  holy  writ,  and  say  nothing  of  the  certainly  of  the 
iciencos  of  geography,  astronomy,  geology,  &c.  ? 


\ 


Ch.vp.  II] 


ON  Tlir  OIliniN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


97 


TFmt  is,  Deucalion  niid  Pyrrha  performed  the  office  l)y  tmvcUin<»  over  the 
country  niul  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  tlicy  cast  tiietii  over  thtir  heads, 
became  young  people  as  they  struck  the  earth. 

We  mean  not  to  he  understood  that  tiie  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people  is  not 
changed  hy  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident;  but  that  the  children  of  pewons 
would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whose  residence  is  in  a  climate  difTcrent  from 
that  in  which  they  were  bom,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the  former  case.  As 
astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner,  it  is  no  less  true,  that 
Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith  haa  put  forth  an  octavo  book  of  more  than  400 
pages  to  prove  the  unity,  as  he  expresses  it,  '  of  the  human  race,'  that  is,  that 
all  were  originally  descended  from  one  man.  His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenor : 
"  The  American  and  European  sailor  reside  equally  at  the  pole,  and  under  the 
etpiator."  Then,  in  a  triumphant  air,  he  demands — "  Why  then  shoulil  we, 
without  necessity,  assume  the  hypothesis  that  originally  there  existed  different 
species  of  the  human  kind  ?"•  What  kind  of  argument  is  contained  here  we 
leave  the  reader  to  make  out ;  and  again,  when  he  would  prove  that  all  the 
human  family  are  of  the  same  tril)e,  he  says  that  negro  slaves  at  the  south, 
who  live  in  white  families,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in  features  to  the 
whites  with  whom  they  livelf  Astonishing!  and  we  wonder  who,  if  any, 
knew  this,  beside  the  author.  Again,  and  we  have  done  with  our  extniordi- 
nary  philosopher.  He  is  positive  that  deformed  or  disfigured  persons  will,  in 
process  of  tmie,  produce  oflTsjmng  marked  in  the  same  way.  That  is,  if  a 
man  practise  flattening  his  nose,  his  offspring  will  have  a  flatter  nose  than  he 
would  have  had,  had  his  progenitor  not  flattenr^d  his ;  and  so,  if  this  oflspring 
rej)eat  the  process,  his  offspring  will  have  a  less  prominent  nose ;  and  so  on, 
until  the  nose  be  driven  entirely  off  the  face!  In  this,  certainly,  our  autiior 
has  taken  quite  a  roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a  nose.  We 
wish  he  could  tell  us  how  many  ages  or  generations  it  would  take  to  make 
this  ft  "niJ'i.able  conquest.  Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary.  It 
would  be  a  much  less  tedious  business  to  cut  off  a  member  at  once,  and  thus 
accomplish  the  object  in  a  short  period;  for  to  wait  severs  I  generations  for 
a  fp.«<hion  seems  absurd  in  the  extreme.  A  man  must  be  monstrously  blind 
to  iiis  prejudices,  to  maintain  a  doctrine  like  this.  As  well  might  he  argue 
that  colts  would  ba  tailless  because  it  has  long  been  the  pt  ictice  to  shorten 
the  tails  of  horses,  of  both  sexes ;  but  we  have  never  heard  tl  it  colts'  tails  are 
in  the  least  affected  by  this  practice  which  has  been  perfont  ed  on  the  horse 
so  long,  t  Certainly,  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  dia  over  something 
of  it !  Nor  have  we  ever  heard  that  a  female  child  Itas  ever  Seen  born  with 
its  ears  bored,  although  its  ancestors  have  endured  the  painf  d  operation  for 
many  generations — and  here  we  shall  close  our  examination  of  BIr.  Smith^a 
400  pages.  § 

People  delight  in  new  theories,  and  oflen  hazard  a  tolerablf  reputation  for 
the  sake  of  exhibiting  their  abilities  upon  a  subject  on  which  they  have  very 
vague,  or  no  clear  conceptions.  Had  Dr.  Smith  read  the  w  ritings  of  Sir 
Thomas  Broton,  he  could  hardly  have  advanced  such  absurd  o,)inions  as  we 
have  before  noticed ;  if,  indeed,  he  were  possessed  of  a  san  j  mind.  Dr. 
Brown  was  of  the  age  previous  to  that  in  which  Biiffon  lived.  In  speaking 
of  complexion,  he  says,  "If  the  fervor  of  the  sun  were  the  sole  f.aiiso  lienof, 
in  Ethiopia,  or  any  land  of  negroes,  it  were  also  reasonable  tliac  inhabitants 
of  the  same  latitude,  subjected  unto  the  same  vicinity  of  the  s»>n,  the  same 
diurnal  arch  and  direction  of  its  rays,  should  also  partjike  of  the  same  hue 
and  conii)lexion,  which,  notwithstanding,  they  do  not.  For  the  iihabitani3 
of  the  same  latitude  in  Asia  are  of  a  different  complexion,  as  are  tl\3  inlial)it- 
ants  of  Cambogia  and  Java;  insomuch  that  some  conceive  the  ^?.gvo  is 
pro]ierly  a  native  of  Africa  ;  and  that  those  places  in  Asia,  inhabit*  \\  now  by 


*  Smilli  nn  Complexion,  N.  Rrunswiok,  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.  t  Ihid.  170,  171. 

t  Till-  author  pleads  not  ffiilliy  lo  the  charge  of  plag-iarism  ;  for  it  was  not  until  some  monlhi 
after  the  text  was  urilteu.  that  lie  knew  that  even  this  idea  had  ocrurred  to  any  one.  He  has 
liiice  ri'Bil  an  e.xtrart  very  similar,  in  Dr.  Lawrence's  valuable  I.eelures  on  Zoology,  iV:c. 

^  i)n  reflection,  we  have  lliought  our  remarks  rather  pointed,  as  ,'Mr.  Smith  is  not  a  livin|« 
aiuihor ;  but  what  called  them  forth  must  be  their  apology. 


i  '1 


I  11 


h  -  i  i 


m  ' 


I'M 


•    i    I 


28 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[BouK  1 


Moors,  aro  Init  the  iiitruHions  of  iiegrops,  arriving  first  from  Africa,  as  we 
generally  conceive  of  Madagascar,  and  the  adjoining  islands,  who  retain  the 
sanie  complexion  unto  tliis  day.  But  this  defect  [of  latitude  upon  complex- 
ion]  is  more  rcmarkahle  in  America,  wiiich,  although  subjected  unto  both  the 
tropics,  yet  are  not  tlie  inhahitaiifs  black  between,  or  near,  or  under  either : 
neitiier  to  the  southward  in  Hni/il,  Chili,  or  Peru;  nor  yet  to  the  norlli  .vard 
in  llispaniola,  Castilia,  del  Oro,  or  Nicaragua.  And  although  in  many  parts 
thereoi",  there  be  at  present,  swarms  of  negroes,  serving  under  the  Spaniard, 
yet  were  they  all  transported  from  Africa,  since  the  discovery  of  Columbus, 
and  are  not  indigenous,  or  proper  natives  of  America."* 

Hence  it  is  evident,  that  200  years  before  Dr.  Smith  wrote,  the  notion  that 
situation  of  place  affected  materially  the  color  of  the  human  species,  was 
very  justly  set  down  among  the  "vulgar  and  common  errors"  of  the  tinn  s. 

Another  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  the 
animals  of  America,  as  that  advanced  by  Dr.  S.  S.  Smith,  seems  here  to  jjre- 
seiit  itself.  We  have  reference  to  the  well-known  assertions  of  Buffbn  and 
Rnj/nal,^  two  philosophers,  who  were  an  honor  to  the  times  of  fYnnklin, 
which  are,  that  man  and  older  animids  in  America  degenerate. |  This  has 
been  met  in  such  a  masterly  manner  by  Mr,  Jefferson,  §  that  to  repeat  any 
thing  here  would  be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  oflen  copied 
into  works  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of 
the  best  English  Encyclopaedias.  || 

Sinith'i  does  not  deal  fairly  with  a  passage  of  Voltaire,  relating  to  the  peo- 
pling of  America ;  as  he  takes  only  a  part  of  a  sentence  to  comment  upon. 
Perhaps  he  thought  it  as  much  as  he  was  capable  of  managing.  **  The  com- 
plete sentence  to  which  we  refer  we  translate  as  follows: — "There are  found 
men  and  animals  all  over  the  habitable  earth :  who  has  put  them  upon  it  ? 
We  have  already  said,  it  is  he  who  has  made  the  grass  grow  in  the  fields ; 
and  we  should  be  no  more  surprised  to  find  in  America  men,  than  we  shouhl 
to  find  flies."  ff  We  can  discover  no  contradiction  between  this  passage  and 
another  in  a  distant  part  of  the  same  work  ;  and  which  seems  more  like  the 
passage  Mr.  Smith  has  cited: — "Some  do  not  wish  to  believe  that  the  cater- 
pillars and  the  snails  of  one  part  of  the  world  should  be  originally  from  an- 
other part:  wherefore  be  nstonislied,  then,  that  there  should  be  in  Ameiica 
some  kinds  of  animals,  and  some  races  of  men  like  our  oAvn?"|t 

Voltaire  has  written  upon  the  subject  in  a  manner  that  will  a4ways  be 
attracting,  however  much  or  little  credence  may  be  allowed  to  what  he  has 
written.  Vve  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  article  wherein  he  engages 
more  professedly  upon  the  question  than  in  other  parts  of  his  works,  in  which 
he  has  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  chapter  is  as  follows :  §§  — 
"Since  many  fail  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner  in  which  America 
has  been  peopled,  it  is  left  only  for  us  to  say,  that  he  who  created  flies  in 
those  regions,  created  man  there  also.  However  pleasant  it  may  be  to  dis- 
jMite,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supreme  Being,  who  lives  in  all  nature,  |||| 
has  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animals  "without  feathers,  the  color  of 
whose  skin  is  a  mixture  of  white  and  carnation,  with  long  beards  approaching 
to  red ;  about  the  line,  in  Africa  and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards  ;  and 

*  "  Pseudodoxia  Epidemica  :  or  Inquiries  into  very  many  Heceived  Tenenis,  and  common- 
Iv  received  Truths;  together  with  the  Kklioio  Medici.  By  niomas  Brmvn,  Ki.  M.  D." 
Page  373,  6  edition,  4to.     London,  1672. 

t  After  speaking  of  the  eiTect  of  the  climate  of  the  old  world  in  producing  man  and  other 
animals  in  perfection,  he  ndds,  "  Combien,  au  contratre,  la  nature  paroU  avoir  neglig* 
nouveau  mond !  Les  hommes  y  sont  moins  forts,  moins  courage"ic ;  snns  barbe  et  sans  poil," 
&c. — Histoire  Philos.  des  deitx  Indes,  viii.  210.     Ed.  Geneva,  1781.  12  vols.  8vo. 

X  Voltaire  does  not  say  quite  as  much,  but  says  this: — "La  nature  enfin  avait  donne  aux 
Americanes  beaucoup  moins  d'industrie  qu'aux  hommes  de  I'ancien  monde.  Toule''  ces  causes 
ensemble  ont  pu  nuire  beaucoup  k  la  population." — [Qiuvrei,  iv.  19.]  This  is,  however,  only 
in  reference  to  the  Indians. 

ft  In  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  Quer.  \\\.  \\  Perlhcnsis,  i.  ^37.  (Art.  Amfr.  ^  38.) 

IT  Samuel  Smith,  who  published  a  history  of  New  .lerjey,  in  17fi5,  printed  at  Burlinjlon. 

**  See  Hist.  N.  J.  8.        ft  Essai  sur  les  Mceurs  et  I'Esprit  dcs  Nations.    ((F.uvres,  iv.  18  ) 

tt  Ibid.  708.  ^  fEuvres,  t.  vii.  197, 198. 

Ill  Will  the  reader  of  this  call  Voltaire  an  atheist  7 


II 


p 


lux 
pes 

l.lv 


Chap.  11] 


ON  THE  ORIUIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


99 


in  tho  snme  latitude,  otiier  nef^oes  with  bt'nnls,  some  of  them  )in\  iiig  wool 
niid  i<oiiie  liiiir  on  their  heads;  niid  airiniig  them  other  unimai.s  ijiiiti;  wliitp, 
having  neither  hair  nor  wool,  hut  a  j^iiid  of  vlijio  ^ilk.  It  dors  m  t  very 
clearly  ap|>t>ar  what  sliouid  have  prevented  (•oil  from  piii<  intr  on  another 
eontint-nt  animals  of  the  Btinie  specie.'*,  of  a  copper  color,  in  the  Kime  luiitude 
in  which,  in  Africa  and  Asio,  tlicy  an?  found  black  ;  or  even  from  making  theni 
without  lieardd  in  the  very  same  latitude  in  wliich  otliiTS  |)Oi<si-ss  them.  To 
what  lengths  are  we  corricd  by  the  rage  for  systems  joined  with  the  tyranny 
of  prejudice!  We  see  these  animals;  it  is  a^'reed  that  God  has  had  the 
power  to  place  them  where  they  are ;  yet  it  is  not  agreed  that  he  has  so 
placed  them.  The  satne  persons  who  readily  admit  that  the  beavera  of  Canada 
ore  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  tliat  the  men  nmst  liuve  come  there  in  boats. 
Olid  that  Mexico  nuist  liave  been  peopled  by  some  of  the  descendants  of 
Magoff.  As  well  might  it  be  said,  that,  if  th<'re  be  men  in  the  moon,  they 
nuist  nave  been  taken  there  by  Aslolpho  on  his  hippogriff,  when  he  went  to 
fetch  Roland's  senses,  which  were  corked  up  in  a  bottle.  If  America  had 
been  discovered  in  his  time,  and  there  had  then  been  men  in  Europe  syslem- 
alio  enough  to  have  advanced,  with  the  Jesuit  Lajitau,*  tliat  the  Caribl)ees 
d'scended  from  the  inhabitants  of  Caria,  and  the  llurons  from  the  Jews,  he 
would  have  done  well  to  have  brought  Imck  the  bottle  containing  the  wits  of 
these  reasoners,  which  lie  would  doubtless  have  found  in  tiie  moon,  alon^ 
with  those  of  .1nfi:elira's  lover.  The  first  thing  done  when  an  irdiabited  island 
is"  discovered  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  or  in  the  South  Sea,  is  to  inijuire,  Whence 
came  these  people?  but  as  for  the  trees  and  the  tortoises,  they  ore,  without 
any  hesitation,  pronounced  to  be  indigenous  ;  as  if  it  were  more  difficult  for 
nature  to  make  men  than  to  make  tortoises.  One  thing,  however,  which 
seems  to  countenance  this  system,  is,  that  there  is  scarcely  an  island  in  the 
esistern  or  western  ocean,  which  does  not  contain  jugglei-s,  quacks,  knaves, 
and  fools.  This,  it  is  probable,  gave  rise  to  tlie  opinion,  that  these  animals 
are  of  the  same  race  with  ourselves." 

Some  account  of  what  the  Indians  themselves  have  said  ujwn  the  subject 
of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  looked  for  in  this  ])lace.  Tlieir  notions 
in  this  respect  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  than  the  fabled  stories  of  the  go<l8 
in  ancient  mythology.  Indeed,  their  accounts  of  primitive  inhabitants  do  not 
agree  beyond  their  own  neighborhood,  and  often  disagree  with  themselves  at 
different  limes.  Some  say  their  ancestors  came  fVom  the  north,  others  from 
the  north-west,  ollujrs  from  the  east,  and  others  from  the  west ;  some  from 
the  regions  of  the  air,  and  some  from  under  the  earth.  Hence  to  raise  any 
theory  upon  any  thing  coming  from  them  upon  the  subject,  would  show 
only  that  the  theorist  himself  was  as  ignorant  as  his  informants.  We  might 
as  well  ask  the  forest  trees  how  they  came  planted  upon  the  soil  in  which 
they  grow.  Not  that  the  Indians  are  unintelligent  in  other  affairs,  any  further 
than  the  necessary  consequence  growing  out  of  their  situation  implies ;  nor 
are  they  less  so  than  many  who  have  writ'nn  upon  their  history. 

"  In  one  grave  maxim  let  us  all  agree — 
Nature  ne'er  ineHiit  her  secrets  should  be  found. 
And  man's  x  riddle,  which  mua  can't  expound  !  " 

J'aiiie's  llui.iyc  Passioj*. 

The  difterent  notions  of  the  Indians  will  be  best  gathered  frotn  their  lives 
in  their  proper  places  in  the  following  work. 

Dr.  S.  L.  Mitchill,  of  New  York,  a  man  who  wrote  learnedly,  if  not  wi»!ly, 
on  almost  every  subject,  has,  in  his  opinion,  like  hundreds  before  him,  set  the 
great  question,  Hoio  teas  America  peopled')  at  rest.  He  has  no  doubt  but  the 
Indians,  in  thefiret  place,  are  of  the  same  color  originally  as  the  north-eastern 
nations  of  Asia,  and  hence  sprung  from  tiiem.  What  time  he  settles  them  in 
the  country  he  does  not  tell  us,  but  gets  them  into  Greenland  about  the  year  8 
or  900.  Thinks  he  saw  the  Scandinavians  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  but  what  time  this  was  he  does  not  say.    He  must  of  course  make 

*  He  wrote  a  history  of  the  savages  of  America,  and  maintained  that  llie  Caril)bec  iaa 
fuage  was  radically  Hebrew. 

3* 


30 


ON  THE  OltiniN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Rook  I. 


tlieHc  |M'0|)lc  tlie  liiiiliicrd  of  the  mounds  soatterod  all  over  the  western  roiin- 
try.  Af\er  all,  we  apprehend  the  doctor  woidd  have  short  time  for  hin  emi- 
grants to  do  oil  that  iiutiirc  and  art  have  done  toncliin;;  these  matters.  Jn  the 
hrst  place,  it  is  evident  that  many  ajres  passed  away  from  the  time  these 
tiiniiiii  were  liej^un  until  they  were  fmislied :  3<l,  a  u)ultitude  of  ages  must 
hav«;  pa&-ed  since  the  use  for  which  tliey  were  reared  has  been  known  ;  for 
trees  of  the  age  cf  200  years  grow  from  the  ruins  of  others  which  must  have 
had  as  great  age :  and,  3d,  no  Indian  nation  or  tribe  lioa  tlie  least  tradition 
concerning  them.*  This  could  not  have  happened  had  the  ancestors  cf  the 
present  Indians  been  the  erectors  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  things,  f 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  Rees^t  Encyclopedia,^  although  saying 
no  more  than  has  been  a'ready  said  in  our  synopsis,  is,  nevertheless,  so  happy, 
that  we  should  not  feel  clear  to  omit  it: — "As  to  those  who  pretend  that  the 
human  race  has  only  of  late  found  its  way  into  America,  by  crossing  the  sea 
at  Kamsclmtka,  or  tJie  Straits  of  Tschutski,  either  upon  the  fields  of  ice  or  in 
canoes,  they  do  not  consider  that  this  opinion,  besides  that  it  is  extremely 
dilKcult  of  comprehension,  has  not  the  least  tendency  to  diminish  the  prodi- 
gy; for  it  would  be  8ur|>ri8ing  indeed  that  one  half  of  our  planet  slioidd  have 
retnritied  without  inhabitants  during  thousands  of  years,  while  the  other  half 
was  peopled.  What  renders  this  opinion  less  probable  is,  that  America  is 
supposed  in  it  to  have  hod  animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  those  species  of 
animals  from  the  old  world  which  do  not  exist  in  it^  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the 
glumo,  and  the  tajactu.  Neither  can  we  admit  of  the  recent  organization  of 
mutter  for  the  western  hemisphere;  because,  independently  of  the  accumu- 
lated difficulties  in  this  hypothesis,  and  which  can  by  no  means  be  solved, 
we  shall  observe,  that  the  fbesil  bones  discovered  in  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  small  depths,  prove  that  ceitain  species  of  animals,  so  far  from 
huvi:ig  l)een  recently  organized,  have  been  annihilated  a  long  while  ago." 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  were  in  error,  it  was  in  the  company  of 
nhilosophers,  such  as  we  have  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our  readers,  we 
tl'lt  a  hesitancy  in  avowing  our  opinions  upon  a  matter  of  so  great  moment. 
Hut,  at\er  all,  as  it  is  only  inatter  of  honest  opinion,  no  one  should  be  intoler- 
ant, although  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself  and  eveii  his  friends  merry 
at  our  ex|iense.  When,  in  the  days  of  Chrysostom,  some  ventured  to  assert  their 
opinions  of  the  rotundity  of  the  e<»Tth,  that  learned  father  "did  laugh  at  them."  § 
And,  when  science  shall  have  progressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  possible,)  to  set- 
tle this  question,  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  Chrysoatoms  of  these  days  will 
not  have  the  same  excuse  for  their  infidelity.  But  as  it  is  a  day  of  prodigies, 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  the  most  seemingly  iilisurd  con- 
jectiues.  We  therefore  feel  very  safe,  and  more  especially  as  it  required  con- 
siderable hardihood  to  laugh  even  at  the  theory  of  the  late  Mr.  Stjmmes. 

When  we  lately  took  up  a  l>ook  entitled  "Researches,  Philosophical  andAnli- 
quarian,  concerning  the  Aboriginal  Hislori/  of  America,  hy  J.  H.  M'Cullou,  Jr. 
M.  D."  11  we  did  think,  from  the  im))osing  a))pearance  of  it,  that  some  new 
n)atter8  on  the  subject  had  been  diseovered;  and  itiore  particularly  when  wo 
read  in  the  preface,  that  "his  first  object  was  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  men 
and  animals  of  Ami  rica,  so  far  as  that  question  is  involved  with  the  apparent 
physical  impediments  that  have  so  long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity." 
hfovv,  with  what  success  this  has  been  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall 
speak  lor  himself,  and  the  reader  then  may  judge  for  himself. 

"  Before  we  attempt  to  explain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  animals  of 
America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the 
ciiciuiiHtances  of  their  original  creation  ;  for  upon  this  esseutkl  particular  de- 
pends the  great  interest  of  our  present  investigation.  [Wo  are  not  able  to 
discover  that  he  has  said  any  thing  further  upon  it.l  It  must  be  evident  that 
we  can  arrive  at  no  satisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubtful  whether  the  Crea- 
tor of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  but  in  one  locality,  from 


r 


*  Or  none  but  such  as  are  at  varianre  with  all  history  and  rationality. 
f  Archaeologia  Americana,  i.  325,  32G,  3-H,  Slc. 
6  See  Acosta's  Hiat.  E.  and  \V.  Indies,  p.  I.  ed.  London,  1G04. 
g  Published  at  Baltimore,  1829,  in  8\  o. 


i  Art.  America. 


CHAr.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  TJIC  INDIANS. 


91 


le 

0- 

to 
at 


whence  tliny  were  (I'mpcreed  over  the  cnrth  ;  or  whether  lin  rr(>at(;il  tliem  in 
each  of  those  various  situations  where  w«  now  find  thetn  livin^r.  Ho  far  as 
this  inquiry  respects  mankind,  there  con  be  no  reasonnlilc  ground  to  doubt 
the  one  origin  of  the  species.  This  fact  may  be  proved  both  physically  and 
morally.  [If  the  render  can  discover  any  thing  that  amounts  to  proof  in 
what  follows,  he  will  have  made  a  discovery  that  wo  could  not.]  That 
man,  notwithstanding  all  the  diversities  of  their  appcnranre,  are  but  of  one 
anecics,  is  a  truth  now  universally  admitted  by  every  physiological  imturalist. 
[That  is,  notwithstanding  a  negro  l)e  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a  European 
white,  still,  they  are  all  men.  And  then  follows  a  quotation  from  Doctor 
Lawrenct*  to  corroborate  the  fact  that  men  are  all  of  one  specie8.J  It  is  true, 
this  physiologist  does  not  admit  that  the  human  species  had  their  origi.-i  but 
from  one  pair;  for  ho  ol)8crvc8,  tlie  same  species  might  have  been  crcatb  I  at 
the  same  time  in  very  different  parts  of  the  earth.  Hut  when  we  liavo 
analyzed  the  moral  history  of  mankmd,  to  which  Mr.  Lawrenct  seems  to  have 
paid  little  attention,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  him  to 
show  us  where  wo  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly-marked  analogies  in 
abstract  matters  existing  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated  from  each 
other,  that  we  caimot  doubt  there  has  been  a  time,  when  the  whole  human 
family  have  intimately  participated  in  one  common  system  of  things,  whether 
it  be  of  truth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice.  [This  does  not  at  all 
agree  with  what  he  says  afterwards,  •  We  have  been  imable  to  disceni  any 
traces  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilization  in  America  prior  to  the  discovery 
of  Columbus.'  And  again  :  'In  comparing  the  barbarian  nations  of  America 
with  those  of  the  eastern  continent,  we  perceive  no  points  of  resend)lance 
between  them,  in  their  moral  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  apjmr- 
ently  founded  in  the  necessities  of  human  life.'  If,  then,  there  is  no  oftiiiity, 
other  than  what  would  accidentally  happen  from  similar  circumstances,  where- 
fore this  prating  about  ^  slronglif-marked  analogies^  &c.  just  co[>ied  ?]  As  re- 
spects the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  best  proofs  of  the  origin  of  nmn 
and  their  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  much  more  refractory. 
We  find  them  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  suited  by  their  phys- 
ical conformity  to  a  great  variety  of  climates  and  peculiar  localities.  Every 
one  will  admit  the  impossibility  of  ascertaining  the  history  of  their  ori<riiiiil 
creation  from  tlie  mere  natural  history  of  th»  animals  themselves."  Now, 
as  "  refractory "  as  this  subject  is,  we  did  not  ..ipect  to  see  it  I5it»iercd  off 
upon  a  miracle,  because  this  was  the  easy  and  convenient  maimer  in  wlii(;h 
the  superstitious  of  every  age  accounted  for  every  thing  which  they  at  once 
could  not  comprehend.  And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  announced, 
that  a  discovery  in  any  science  \s  to  be  shown,  that  the  imdertaker  is  going 
to  tell  us  it  is  accomplished  by  t.  miracle,  and  that,  therefore,  "  he  kuows  not 
why  he  should  be  called  upon  to  answer  objections,"  &c. 

As  it  would  be  tedious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  incompatible  with  our  plan, 
to  quote  larger  from  Mr.  M'Cuiloh'a  book,  we  shall  finish  witii  him  after  a  few 
remarks. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  the  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
object  to  its  introduction  in  the  question  undertaken  by  Mr.  AfCulloh ;  for 
every  child  knows  that  affair  to  have  been  miraculous  ;  and  if  any  part  of  the 
question  de])ended  upon  the  truth  or  falsity  of  a  miracle,  why  plague  the  world 
with  a  book  of  some  500  pages,  merely  to  promulgate  such  a  belief,  when 
a  sentence  would  be  all  that  is  required  ?  No  one,  that  admits  an  overruling 
power,  or  the  existence  of  God,  will  doubt  of  his  ability  to  create  a  myriad  of^ 
men,  animals,  and  all  matter,  by  a  breath ;  or  that  an  ark  ten  feet  square  could 
contain,  comfortably,  ten  thousand  men,  as  well  as  one  of  the  dimensions 
given  in  Scripture  to  contain  what  that  did.  Therefore,  if  one  in  these  days 
should  make  a  book  expressly  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  different  lengths  of 
days,  or  the  changes  of  the  seasons,  and  find,  after  he  had  written  a  vast  deal, 
that  he  could  in  no  wise  unravel  the  mystery,  an  ^,  to  close  his  account,  de- 
clares it  was  all  a  miracle,  such  an  author  would  be  precisely  in  the  predica- 
ment of  Mr.  ATCuUoh. 

*  Tlie  celebrated  author  of  Lectures  ou  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History  of 
Man 


1 1!( 


IN  !li 


32 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I 


-ill 


We  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  can  be  pursued  with  the  certainty  of 
nmthematical  calculations ;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  the  whole  spo- 
ciu8  of  man  spring  from  one  pair,  so  long  will  the  subject  admit  of  contro- 
vrisy:  therefore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  difference  whether  the  inhabitants 
are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south,  the  east  or  the  west,  as  it 
regards  tlie  main  question.  For  it  is  very  certain  that,  if  there  were  but  one 
pair  originally,  and  these  placed  upon  a  certain  spot,  all  other  places  where 
i)eople  are  now  found  must  have  been  settled  by  people  from  the  primitive 
ppot,  who  found  their  way  thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimpor- 
tuut  how,  as  we  have  just  observed. 

Lord  Kairrus,  a  writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
thing u|)on  this  subject.*  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain  that 
Amt'rica  was  peopled  from  Kamskatka,  whether  the  inhabitants  of  that  region 
speuk  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  on  the  opposite 
sliores.  That  they  do  not,  he  observes,  is  fully  confirmed  by  recent  accounts 
from  thence;  and  "whence  we  may  conclude,  with  great  certainty,  that  the 
latter  are  not  a  colony  of  the  former. "f  We  have  confirmation  upon  confirma- 
tion, tliat  these  nations  speak  languages  entirely  different ;  and  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a  short  vocabulary  of  words  in  both,  with 
tlie  English  against  them. 

EnglwJu  Kamskadale.  AUoutean.\. 

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch. 

Father. Iskh Athan. 

Mother Nas-kh Anaan. 

Son Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn. 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 

Sister. Kos-Khou Angiin. 

Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 

Woman Skoua-aou Ai-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young  boy Pahatch Auckthok. 

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 

A  man Ouskaams Toyoch. 

The  people Kouaskou. 

Persons OuskaamsiC 

The  head T-Khousa Kamgha. 

The  face Koua-agh Soghimaginn. 

The  nose Kaankang Aughosinn. 

The  nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The  eye Nanit Thack. 

After  observing  that  "there  are  several  cogent  arguments  to  evince  that  tne 
Americans  are  not  descended  from  any  people  in  the  north  of  Asia,  or  in  the 
north  of  Europe,"  Lord  Kaimes  continues, — "I  venture  still  further;  which  is, 
to  conjecture,  that  America  has  not  been  peopled  from  any  part  of  the  old 
world."  But  although  this  last  conjecture  is  in  unison  with  those  of  many 
others,  yet  his  lordship  is  greatly  out  in  some  of  the  proofs  which  he  adduces 
in  its  support.  As  we  have  no  ground  on  which  to  controvert  this  opinion, 
we  mjnr  be  excused  from  oxamining  its  proofs;  but  this  we  will  observe,  that 
Lord  Kaimes  is  in  the  same  error  about  the  bcardlessness  of  the  Amencans  as 
some  other  learned  Europeans. 

The  learned  Doctor  Swinton,^  in  a  dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of  Ameri- 

*  See  his  "  Sketchti  of  the  History  of  Alan,"  a  work  which  he  pubhsheil  in  1774,  at  Edin- 
burgh, in  2  vols.  4to, 

t  Vol.  ii.  71. 

i  The  Ai^ouleans  inhabit  the  chain  of  islands  which  stretch  from  the  north-west  point  of 
Amcrira  into  the  neighborhood  of  Kamskatka.  It  must  be  remembered  that  these  names  nro 
in  tlic  French  orlhogrnphy,  being  taken  from  a  French  translation  of  Billings's  voyage  imo 
those  regions,  from  1705  to  1794. 

^  Docior  John  Swinlnn,  the  eminent  author  of  many  parts  of  the  Ancient  Univtrtal  Hix- 
tonj.     lie  (licii  in  1777,  ngr<l  74. 


'ill 


[Book  1 

jertainty  of 
whole  spo- 
of contro- 
inhabitauts 
west,  as  it 
;re  but  one 
aces  where 
e  primitive 
y  unimpor- 

say  some- 
aintain  that 
'  that  region 
le  opposite 
nt  accounts 
ity,  that  the 
n  confinna- 
the  satisfac- 
ti  both,  with 


ean.l 
loch. 


cmn. 

ta. 

n. 

nn. 

gar. 

frhilikinn. 

tl)ok. 

}lik. 

;h. 


Chap.  II] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


33 


[ha. 
maginn. 


>sinn. 
(ik. 


ice  that  liie 
,  or  in  the 
which  is, 
of  the  old 
of  many 
ie  adduces 
lis  opinion, 
jscrve.  that 
nericans  aa 

of  Ameri- 

774.,  at  Edin- 


lesl  point  of 
90  names  nro 
I  voyage  into 

liversal  Hi*- 


ca,*  after  stating  the  different  opinions  of  various  authors  who  have  advocated 
in  fiivor  of  the  "dispersed  people,"  the  Phoeniciuns,  and  other  eastern  Uistiiinj:, 
observes,  "that,  therefore,  the  Americans  in  general  were  descended  i'runi 
some  people  who  inhabited  a  couiitry  not  so  fur  distant  from  them  as  Jifryp' 
and  Phffinicia,  our  readers  will,  as  we  apprehend,  readily  admi-t.  Now,  no 
country  can  be  pitched  upon  so  proper  and  convenient  for  tills  purpose  as  the 
north-easteni  part  of  Asia,  particularly  Great  Tartary,  Siberin,  and  morn  esjie- 
cially  the  peninsula  of  Kamtschatka.  That  jirobably  was  'he  ti-act  thmugli 
which  many  Tartarian  colonies  jmssed  into  America,  and  peopled  the  mo.st 
considerable  part  of  the  new  world." 

This,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  is  the  most  rational  way  of  getting  inhabitants 
into  America,  if  it  must  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the  "old  world." 
But  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  ior  the  existence  of  equatorial  animals 
in  America,  when  all  authors  agree  that  they  never  could  have  passed  that 
way,  as  they  could  not  have  survived  the  coldness  of  the  climate,  at  any  sea- 
son of  the  year.  Moreover,  the  \ocabulMry  we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any 
tiling,  jiroves  that  either  the  inhabitants  of  North  America  did  not  come  in 
from  the  north-west,  or  that,  if  they  did,  some  unknown  cause  must  have,  I'or 
ages,  susjionded  all  communication  between  the  emigrants  and  their  ancestors 
ujion  the  neighboring  shores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  appeared  in  London  a  work  which  attracted  some  attention, 
as  iiiost  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  "  Description  of 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Palenque,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Guatemala,  in  Sjianish  America :  translated  from  the  original  manuscript  re- 
port of  Capt.  Don  Antonio  Del  Rio :  followed  by  a  critical  investigation  and 
research  into  the  History  of  the  Americans,  by  Dr.  Paul  Ftlir  Cabrera,  of  the 
city  of  New  Guatemala." 

CajHain  Del  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  178G,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  find,  which  he  accordingly 
did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Doctor  Cabrera,  his  work  was  composed,  and  is  that  part  of  the  work  which 
concerns  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning  the  peopling  of 
America.  We  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  his  system  differs  very  little 
from  some  winch  we  have  already  sketched.  lie  is  very  confident  that  he 
has  settled  the  question  how  South  America  rect'ived  its  inhabitants,  namely, 
from  the  Phronicians,  who  sailed  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that  the  ruined 
city  descril)ed  by  Caj.tain  Del  Rio  Wiis  built  bv  the  first  adventurers. 

Doctor  Cabrera  calls  any  system,  which,  in  his  view,  docs  not  harmonize  with 
the  Scriptures,  an  innovation  ujion  the  "holy  Catholic  religion  ;"  and  rather 
than  resort  to  any  such,  he  says,  "It  is  better  to  bi'lieve  his  [God's]  works 
miraculous,  than  endeavor  to  make  nn  ostentJitions  display  of  our  tiili  nis  hy 
the  cunning  invention  of  new  systems,  in  attributing  them  to  natural  caus<  s."j 
The  same  reasoning  will  apply  in  this  case  as  in  a  former.  If  \\e  are  to  at 
tribute  every  thing  to  ijiracles,  wherefore  the  necessity  of  invesiigaiion  ? 
These  authors  are  fond  of  investigating  niattere  in  their  way,  but  are  dis- 
pleased if  others  take  the  same  liberty.  And  should  we  follow  an  author  in 
his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whole  business  short  by  declaring  all  to  be  a  mira- 
cle, when  ho  can  no  longer  grojie  in  the  labyrinth  of  his  own  fiiriiiing,  oiu 
reader  would  be  just  in  condemning  such  waste  of  time.  \Vlieu  every  tiiiiia 
which  we  cannot  at  first  sight  imdei-stand  or  eomiirehend  must  not  Ix;  in 
quired  into,  fi'om  siipei"stitious  doubis,  then  and  there  will  be  fixed  the  Iioiiiids 
of  all  science  ;  but,  as  Lord  Byron  said  u|)on  anot'  )r  occasion,  »,o<  fill  Van. 

"If  it  be  allowed  (says  Dr.  Lawrencf.U  that  all  men  are  of  tiie  same 
sfiecies,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  are  all  descended  from  the  same  family 
We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  fioint:  it  could  indeed  only  be  settled 
by  a  knowledge  of  fiicts,  which  have  long  ago  licen  involved  in  the  inipene 
liable  darkness  of  antiquity."    That  climate  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  com 
plexioii,  he  offers  the  fbllcwing  in  jiroof: — 

*  IJiiivorsnl  History,  xx.  \i\i,  Wi. — Sou  Malone'a  edition  of  Ihisictll's  Life  Dr.  Jdlnnon. 
V.  271.  cd.  in  5  V.  Vimo.  London,  IB2I 
t  I'ngo  30.  }  Lectures  on  Zoology,  &c.  -J-fS.  cd.  Hvo.  Salein,  1828. 

C 


If 


I -I 


Hi!! 


:m 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


TBooK  I. 


"Tlje  establish incnts  of  the  Europeans  in  Asia  and  America  have  now  siib- 
■isted  about  three  centuries.  Vasqv£z  de  Gama  landed  at  Calicut  in  1498 ; 
and  the  Portuguese  empire  in  India  was  founded  in  the  beginning  of  the  fol- 
Icwuig  century.  Brazil  was  discovered  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  same 
nation  in  the  very  first  year  of  the  16th  century.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
1  jth,  and  the  beginning  of  the  IGth  century,  Columbus,  Cortex,  and  Pizarro, 
subjugated  for  the  Spaniards  the  West  Indian  islands,  with  the  empires  of 
Slexico  and  Peru.  Sir  fFaUer  Ralegh  planted  an  English  colony  in  Virginia 
in  1584 ;  and  the  French  settlement  of  Canada  has  rather  a  later  date.  The 
colonists  have,  in  no  instance,  approached  to  the  natives  of  these  countries, 
and  thuir  descendants,  where  the  blood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time, 
the  same  characters  as  native  Europeans."* 

The  eminent  antiquary  De  Witt  CHntort\  supposed  that  the  ancient  works 
'Sund  in  this  country  were  similar  to  those  supposed  to  be  Roman  by  Pennant 
in  Wales.  He  adds,  "  The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  nations  which  erected  our 
fortifications,  were  in  all  probability  of  Scythian  origin.  According  to  Pliny, 
the  name  of  Scythian  was  common  to  all  the  nations  living  in  the  north  of 
Asia  and  Europe."  f 


CHAPTER  III. 

Jiiucdotes,  JVarratives,  fyc.  illustrative  of  the  Manners  and  Customs,  ^nti^uitUs  and 

Traditions,  of  the  Indians. 

Iftt. — An  Ottaway  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  JVhUejohn, 
\\i£  a  great  drunkard.  Count  Fronlenac  asked  him  what  he  thought  brandy 
to  be  made  of;  he  replied,  that  it  must  be  made  of  hearts  and  tongues — 
"For,"  said  he,  "when  I  have  drunken  plentifully  of  it,  my  heart  is  a  thousand 
strong,  and  I  can  talk,  too,  with  astonishing  freedom  and  rapidity."  \ 

Honor. — A  chief  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  fought  on  the  side  of  the  English 
in  tlie  French  wars,  chanced  to  meet  in  battle  his  own  father,  who  was  fight- 
ing on  the  side  of  the  French.  Just  as  he  was  about  to  deal  a  deadly  blow 
upon  his  head,  he  discovered  who  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  "You  have  once 
given  me  life,  and  now  I  give  it  to  you.  Let  me  meet  you  no  more ;  for  I 
have  paid  the  debt  I  owed  you."  § 

Recklessness. — In  Connecticut  River,  about  "200  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a  narrow  of  5  yards  only,  formed  by  two  shelving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Through  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  all  the  waters  which 
in  tlie  time  of  the  floods  bury  the  northern  country."  It  is  a  frightful  passage 
of  about  400  yards  in  length.  No  boat,  or,  as  my  author  expresses  it,  "  no 
living  creature,  was  ever  known  to  pass  through  this  narrow,  except  on  Indian 
woman."  This  woman  had  undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and 
alihongh  she  had  the  god  Bacchus  by  her  side,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite 
of  tiii'ir  unite<l  efforts,  and  the  canoe  was  hurried  down  the  frightfid  gulf. 
While  this  Indian  woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  as  she  liad 
every  reason  to  expect,  she  seized  upon  her  bottle  of  ruin,  and  did  not  take  it 
from  her  mouth  until  the  last  drop  was  quaffed.  She  was  marvellously  pre- 
served, and  was  actually  picked  up  several  miles  below,  floating  in  the  canoe, 
siill  quite  drunk.  When  it  was  known  what  she  had  done,  and  being  asked 
liow  she  dared  to  drink  so  much  rum  with  the  prospect  of  certain  death  before 
her,  she  answered  tliut  she  knew  it  was  too  much  for  one  time,  but  she  was 
unwilling  that  any  of  it  should  be  lost.  || 

*  Lpctures  on  Zooloffv,  iVr.  'Ifil,  4^,').  rd.  8vo.     Salem,  1828. 

f  A  Memoir  on  the  Ahliquilks  of  tlie  Western  Parts  of  the  State  of  N.  Yovic,  pages  9,  10 
Bvo.     Alboiiy,  181H. 
i  Uiiiversul  Musoiim  for  I7G3.  ^  Ibid.  ||  Peters's  Hisl.  Coiineclicut 


» 


Chap.  III.J 


INDIAN   ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


35 


Jiuittce. — A  missionary  residing  among  a  certain  trilw  of  Indians,  wns  one 
day,  after  he  had  been  preaching  to  them,  invited  by  their  chief  to  visit  Jiia 
wigwam.  After  liaviiig  been  kindly  entenained,  and  being  al)out  to  depart, 
the  chief  took  him  by  the  hand  and  ssiid,  "  I  iiave  very  bad  squaw.  Siie  had 
two  little  children.  One  she  loved  well,  the  otlier  slie  hated.  In  a  cold  night, 
when  I  was  gone  hunting  in  the  woocis,  she  shut  it  out  of  the  wigwam,  and 
it  froze  to  death.  What  must  be  done  with  her?"  The  missionary  replietl, 
"She  must  be  hanged."  "Ah!"  said  the  chief,  "go,  then,  and  hang  youi 
God,  whom  you  make  just  like  her." 

Moffit'animify, — A  hunter,  in  his  wanderings  for  game,  fell  among  the  back 
settleinents  of  Virginia,  and  by  reason  of  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  was 
induced  to  seek  refuge  at  the  house  of  a  planter,  whom  he  met  at  his  door. 
Admisnion  was  refused  him.  Being  both  hungry  and  thii-sty,  he  asked  for  a 
morsel  of  bread  and  a  cup  of  water,  but  was  answered  in  every  case,  "No! 
von  shall  have  nothing  here!  Get  you  gone,  you  Indian  dog!"  It  happened, 
in  process  of  time,  that  this  same  planter  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  and,  after 
a  fatiguing  day's  travel,  he  came  to  an  Indian's  cabin,  into  which  he  was 
welcomed.  On  inquiring  the  way,  and  the  distance  to  the  white  settlements, 
being  told  by  the  Indian  that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly 
offered  lodging  and  victuals,  he  gladly  refreshed  and  reposed  himself  in  the 
Indian's  cabin.  In  the  morning,  he  conducted  him  through  the  wilderness, 
agreeably  to  his  promise  the  night  before,  until  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
habitations  of  the  whites.  As  he  was  about  to  take  his  leave  of  the  planter, 
he  looked  him  full  in  the  face,  and  asked  him  if  he  did  not  know  him. 
Horror-struck  at  finding  himself  thus  in  the  power  of  a  man  he  had  so 
inhumanly  treated,  and  dumb  with  shame  on  thinking  of  the  manner  it  was 
requited,  he  began  at  length  to  make  excuses,  and  beg  a  thousand  pardons, 
when  the  Indian  interrupted  him,  and  said,  "  When  you  see  poor  Indians 
fainting  for  a  cup  of  cold  water,  don't  say  again,  '  Get  you  gone,  you  Indian 
dog ! '  "  He  then  dismissed  him  to  return  to  his  friends.  My  author  adds, 
"  It  is  not  difficult  to  say,  which  of  these  two  had  the  best  claim  to  the  name 
of  Christian."* 

Deception. — The  captain  of  a  vessel,  having  a  desire  to  make  a  present  to  a 
lady  of^some  fine  oranges  which  he  had  just  brought  from  "the  sugar  islands," 
gave  them  to  an  Indiau  in  his  employ  to  carry  to  her.  Lest  he  should  not 
perform  the  office  punctually,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  her,  to  be  taken  along  with 
the  pre  sent,  that  she  might  detect  the  bearer,  if  he  should  fail  to  deliver  the 
whole  of  what  he  was  intrusted  with.  The  Indian,  during  the  journey, 
reflected  how  he  should  refresh  himself  with  the  oranges,  and  Mot  be  found 
out.  Not  having  any  apprehension  of  the  manner  of  communication  by 
writing,  he  concluded  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  keep  his  design  secret 
from  tiie  letter  itself,  supposing  that  would  tell  of  him  if  he  did  not;  he  then;- 
fore  laid  it  upon  the  ground,  t  nd  rolled  a  large  stone  upon  it,  and  i*etired  to 
some  distance,  where  he  regal'jd  himself  with  several  of  the  oranges,  and  then 
proceeded  on  his  journey.  On  delivering  the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the 
lady,  she  asked  him  where  the  rest  of  the  oranges  were;  he  said  he  had 
delivered  all ;  she  told  him  that  the  letter  sai<l  there  were  several  more  sent ; 
to  which  he  answered  that  the  letter  lied,  and  she  must  not  hclime  it.  Hut  he 
was  soon  confronted  in  his  falsehood,  and,  beggiug  forgiveness  of  the  offii-ni'c, 
was  pardoned,  t 

Shreivlness. — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudley  of  Ma»sacluisetts  was  siqierin 
tending  some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Indian,  who, 
liMlt-naked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a  j)astimo,  to  see  his  men  work.  Tho 
governor  took  occasion  one  day  to  ask  him  lohy  he  did  not  wnrk  and  sxel  some 
rioth'/i,  wherewith  to  cover  himself.  The  Indian  answered  l)y  asking  him  ivhjl 
lie  did  not  worL  The  governor,  pointing  with  liis  finger  to  his  heiul,  .said,  "/ 
work  head  tonrk,  and  so  have  no  jiecd  to  work  wiih  my  hands  as  yo'.i  shoulil." 
The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would  enqjloy  him.    Tha 

•  Carft/'s  Musciiin,  vi.  W, 

t  Uriiig's  Voyagf  to  N.  England  in  1709,  Ovo.     London,  172G. 


ILy; 


ti    I 


It 


36 


INDUN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  I 


governor  told  liim  he  wnnted  a  calf  killed,  and  that,  if  lie  woidd  go  and  do  it, 
lie  would  give  him  a  sliilling.  He  accepted  the  otier,  and  went  iniincdiiiidy 
and  kilkd  the  calf,  and  then  went  saunttning  about  as  hefore.  The  governor, 
on  obsei-ving  what  he  had  done,  asked  him  why  he  did  not  dress  tlie  calt 
hefore  he  left  it  The  Indian  answered,  "A'o,  no,  Coponoh;  that  was  not  in 
the  bargain :  I  was  to  have  a  shilling  for  killing  him.  Am  he  no  dead,  Copun- 
oh^"  [governor.]  The  governor,  secung  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  him  to 
dress  it,  and  he  would  give  him  another  shilling. 

This  done,  and  in  possession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indian  goes  directly  to  a 
grog-shop  for  rum.  After  a  short  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor,  and  lold 
1dm  he  had  given  him  a  bad  shilling-piece,  and  presented  a  brass  one  to  be 
exchanged.  The  {;overnor,  thinking  possibly  it  might  have  been  the  case, 
gave  hi£n  another.  It  was  not  long  before  he  returned  a  second  time  with 
another  brass  shilling  to  be  exchanged  ;  the  governor  was  now  convinced  of 
his  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  make  words  at  the  time,  gave  him  another; 
and  thus  the  fellow  got  four  shillings  for  one. 

The  governor  determined  to  have  the  rogue  corrected  for  his  abuse,  and, 
meeting  with  him  soon  after,  told  him  he  must  take  a  letter  to  Boston  for  him 
[and  gave  him  a  half  a  crown  for  the  service.]  *  The  letter  was  directed  to  the 
keeper  of  bridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer  so  many  lashes ;  but, 
mistrusting  that  nil  was  not  exactly  agreeable,  and  meeting  a  servant  of  flie 
governor  on  the  road,  ordered  him,  in  the  name  of  his  master,  to  carry  the 
letter  immediately,  as  he  was  in  haste  to  retirrn.  The  consequence  was,  tiiis 
servant  got  egregiqusly  whipped.  When  the  governor  learned  what  had 
taken  place,  he  felt  no  little  chagrin  at  being  thus  twice  outwitted  by  the 
Indian. 

He  did  not  see  the  fellow  for  some  time  after  this,  but  at  length,  falling  in 
with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him  so 
many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  he  answered, 
pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  "  Head  work,  Coponoh,  head  work ! "  The 
governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  ofFeuce.f 

Equality. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  were  free, 
answered,  "Why  not,  since  I  myself  am  free,  although  their  king?"  J 

Matrimony. — "  An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  spent  much  time 
among  the  white  people,  both  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  year  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a  much  easier 
way  of  getting  a  wife  than  the  whites,  hut  also  a  more  certain  way  of  getting 
a  goofl  one.  '  For,'  said  lie  in  broken  English,  '  white  man  court — court — 
may  be  one  whole  year ! — maybe  two  years  before  he  many!  Well — may 
be  then  he  get  very  gocd  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross!  Well, 
now  suppose  cross !  sc(  id  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning!  scold  all 
day! — scold  until  sleep! — all  one — he  must  keep  him! — White  jjcople  have 
law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must  keep  him  always ! 
Well,  how  does  Indian  do?  Indian,  when  he  see  industrious  squaw,  he 
go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore-fingers  close  aside  each  other  make  two  like 
on? — then  look  squaw  in  the  face — see  him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say 
yes ! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger  he  be  cross  I  No,  no — squaw  know 
too  well  what  Indian  do  if  he  cross!  throw  him  away  and  take  another! — 
Squaw  love  to  cat  meat — no  husband  no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to 
please  husband,  he  do  every  thing  to  please  squaw — live  happy.'  "§ 

Toleration. — Iti  the  year  1791,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  Am  rican 
to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many  flocked 
around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to  behold  "the 
savages."  Being  asked  their  opinion  of  religion,  or  of  what  religion  they  wei  e, 
OIK!  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  j)riests  in  their  country,  or  establislu^il 
nligion,  for  they  thought,  that,  upon  a  subject  where  there  was  no  possihility 
of  people's  agreeing  in  opinion,  and  as   it  was  altogether  matter  of  nurt 


*  A  senlcnce  added  in  a  version  of  lliis  anccdole  in  direy's  Museum,  vi.  'JO I, 
t  Uring,  lit  supra.  I'Jd.  J  Carey's  IMuseum,  vi.  4U2. 

^  Heckewelder's  tlist.  hid.  Nations. 


Chap.  III.] 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND   NAUR.VTIVES. 


37 


I  ? 


opinion,  "  it  was  best  that  every  one  should  paddle  his  canoe  his  own  way." 
Ilcrc  is  a  volume  of  iustniction  in  a  short  answer  of  a  savage! 

Justice. — A  white  trader  sold  a  quantity  of  powder  to  an  Indian,  and  iin 
jKised  upon  him  by  making  him  beheve  it  was  a  grain  wliich  grew  like  wheat, 
by  sowing  it  upon  the  ground.  lie  was  greatly  elated  by  the  pros|)e<-'t,  not 
only  of  raising  his  own  powder,  but  of  being  able  to  supply  others,  and  there- 
by becoming  innnensely  rich.  Having  prejiared  his  ground  with  great  cure, 
he  sowed  his  powder  with  the  utmost  exactness  in  the  spring.  Month  aller 
month  passed  away,  but  his  powder  did  not  even  sprout,  and  winter  came 
before  he  was  satisfied  that  he  had  been  deceived.  He  said  nothing;  but 
some  time  after,  when  the  trader  had  forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  credit  of  him  to  a  large  amount.  Tiie  time  set  for  payment 
having  expired.  Tie  sought  out  the  Indian  at  his  residence,  and  demanded  ]>ay- 
inent  lor  his  goods.  The  Indian  heard  his  demand  with  great  complaisance; 
then,  looking  him  shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  "  JWe  f,ay  you  when  my  powder 
glow."  This  was  enough.  Tiie  guilty  white  man  quickly  retraced  his  steps, 
satisfied,  we  apprehend,  to  balance  his  account  with  the  chagrin  he  had  re 
ceived. 

Hunting. — The  Indians  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  served  them  ex- 
tremely well.  The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the 
forefathers,  November,  1620,  tj  the  shores  of  Piimouth,  several  of  theiti 
ranged  about  the  woods  near  by  to  learn  what  the  country  contained.  Having 
wandered  farther  than  they  weve  apjirized,  in  their  endeavor  to  return,  tiiey 
say,  "  We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lo.st  our  way.  As  we  wandered,  we 
came  to  a  tree,  where  a  young  sprit  wits  bowed  down  over  a  bow,  and  some 
acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  saifl,  it  had  been  to  catch  some 
deer.  So,  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  fVilliam  Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when 
he  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudilen  jerk  up, 
and  he  was  immediately  caught  up  by  the  legs.  It  was  (they  continue)  a  very 
I)retty  device,  made  with  a  rope  of  tlujir  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind 
of  roots  probably,]  and  having  a  noose  as  artificiajlv  made  as  any  roper  in 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be;  which  we  brought  away 
with  us."* 

Preaching  against  Practice. — ^John  Simox  was  a  SogkonatP,  who,  about  the 
year  1700,  was  a  settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  was  a  man  of  strong  mind, 
genendiy  temperate,  but  sometimes  remiss  in  the  latter  particular.  The  fol- 
lowing anecdote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice.  Simon, 
on  account  of  his  deportment,  was  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and  when  dif- 
ficulties occuiTed  involving  any  of  his  peojile,  he  sat  with  the  English  justice 
to  aid  in  making  up  judgment.  It  happened  that  Simon''s  squaw,  with  some 
others,  had  committed  some  offence.  Justice  Jllmy  and  Simon,  in  making  up 
their  minds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  offence  differently ;  ^Imy  thought 
each  should  receive  eight  or  ten  stripes,  but  Simon  said,  "  No,  jour  or  Jive  art 
enough — Poor  Indians  are  ignorant,  and  it  is  not  Cliristian-hke  to  punish  so 
hardly  those  tcho  are  ignorant,  as  those  who  have  knowledge."  Simon's  judg- 
ment prevailed.  When  Mr.  ,ilmy  asked  John  how  many  his  wife  sjiould 
receive,  he  said,  "Double,  because  she  had  knowledge  to  have  done  better;"  hut 
Colonel  Jllmy,  out  of  regard  to  John's  feelings,  wholly  remitted  his  wife's 
punishment.  John  looked  ■>  ery  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  i)iesen(e 
of  the  court,  but,  on  the  T ,  t  fit  opportunity,  remonstrated  very  severely 
against  his  judgment,  and  ^A^d  to  him,  "  To  what  purvose  do  we  preach  a  re/i- 
gion  of  justice,  if  we  do  unn'ghleousness  in  jwtgmev.t "? 

Sam  Hide. — There  are  few,  we  imagine,  who  have  not  heard  of  this  per- 
sonage ;  but,  notwithstanding  his  great  notoriety,  we  might  not  be  though 
serious  in  the  rest  of  our  work,  were  we  to  enter  seriously  into  his  biogriijiliy 
lor  the  reason,  that  from  his  day  to  this,  his  name  has  been  a  by-word  in  all 
New  England,  and  means  as  much  as  to  say  tiie  greatest  of  liars.    It  is  on 
account  of  the  following  anecdote  that  he  is  noticed. 

*  Muurl'ii  KulHiiuii. 


38 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  I. 


Sam  Hi'h  uus  a  notorious  cidor-rlrinkeras  well  as  liar,  and  used  to  travel  llie 
country  to  and  (Vo  bef^jrinj;  it  from  tloor  to  door.  At  one  time  he  happened 
(11  a  region  of  country  where  cidejr  was  very  luird  to  be  i)rocured,  either  from 
Us  scarcity,  or  from  Sam^s  frequent  visits.  However,  cider  he  was  iletcrniincd 
I.O  have,  if  lying,  in  any  sliape  or  color,  would  gain  it.  Heing  not  far  from 
the  house  of  an  acquaintance,  who  he  knew  had  cider,  hut  he  knew,  or  was 
well  satisfied,  that,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  begging,  he  could  not  get  it,  he  set 
his  wits  at  work  to  lay  a  plan  to  insure  it.  This  did  not  occupy  him  long. 
On  arriving  at  the  house  of  the  gentleman,  instead  of  asking  for  cider,  he  in- 
quired for  the  man  of  the  house,  whom,  on  appearing,  Sam  requested  to  go 
aside  with  him,  as  he  had  something  of  importance  to  conununicate  to  him. 
When  they  were  by  themselvea,  Sam  told  him  he  had  tli.t  morning  shot  a  fine 
deer,  and  that,  if  he  would  give  him  a  crown,  he  would  tell  him  where  it  was. 
The  gentleman  did  not  incline  to  do  this,  but  offered  half  a  crown.  Finally, 
Sam  said,  as  he  had  walked  a  great  distance  that  morning,  and  was  very  dry, 
for  a  half  a  crown  and  a  mug  of  cider  he  would  tell  him.  This  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  price  paid.  Now  »S«m  was  required  to  point  out  the  sjiot  where 
tht;  deer  was  to  be  found,  whicli  he  did  in  this  manner.  He  said  to  his  friend. 
You  know  of  such  a  meadow,  describing  it — Yes — You  know  a  big  ash  tree,  with 
a  big  top  by  the  little  brook — Yes — Well,  under  that  tree  lies  the  deer.  This  was 
satisfactory,  and  Sam  departed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  mention  that  the  meadow 
was  found,  and  the  tree  by  the  brook,  but  no  deer.  Tlie  duped  man  could 
hardly  contain  himself  on  considering  what  he  had  been  doing.  To  look 
after  Sam  for  satisfaction  would  Le  worse  than  looking  after  the  deer ,  so  the 
farmer  concluded  to  go  home  contented.  Some  yeara  after,  he  hapj)ened  to 
fall  in  with  the  Itidtan  ;  and  he  immediately  began  to  rally  him  for  deceiving 
him  so,  and  demanded  back  his  money  and  pay  for  his  cider  and  trouble. 
ffliy,  said  Sam,  would  you  find  fault  if  Indian  told  tndh  half  the  time  ? — No 
— IVell,  says  Sam,  you  find  him  meadow 9 — Yes  —You  find  him  tret'^ — Yes — 
What  for  then  you  Jind  fault  Sam  Hide,  u'Aen  he  told  you  two  truth  to  07ie  lie  ^ 
The  affair  ended  here.    Sam  heard  no  more  from  the  farmer. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  anecdotes  of  Sam  Hide,  whicli,  could  they 
be  collected,  would  fill  many  pages.  He  died  in  Dedham,  5  January,  1732, 
at  the  great  age  of  105  years.  He  was  a  great  jester,  and  passed  for  an  un- 
common wit.  In  all  the  wars  against  the  Indians  during  his  lifetime,  he 
served  the  English  faithfully,  and  had  the  name  of  a  brave  soldier.  He  had 
himself  killed  19  of  the  enemy,  and  tried  liard  to  make  up  the  20th,  but  was 
unable. 

Characters  contrasted. — "An  Indian  of  the  Kennebeck  tribe,  remarka- 
ble for  his  good  conduct,  received  a  grant  of  land  from  the  state,  and  fixed 
himself  in  a  new  township  where  a  number  of  families  were  settled.  Though 
not  ill  treated,  yet  the  common  prejudice  against  Indians  prevented  any  sym- 
pathy with  him.  This  was  shown  at  the  death  of  his  only  child,  when  none 
of  the  people  came  near  him.  Shortly  afterwards  he  went  to  some  of  the 
inhabitants  and  said  to  them.  When  white  man's  child  die,  Indian  mail  he  soiry 
— he  help  bury  him. — HTien  my  child  die,  no  one  speak  to  me — /  make  his  grave 
alone.  I  can  no  live  here.  He  gave  up  his  farm,  dug  up  the  body  of  his  child, 
and  carried  it  with  him  200  miles  through  the  forests,  to  join  the  Canada 
Indians !  "• 

Jl  ludicrous  Error. — ^There  was  published  in  London,  in  17(52,  "The 
American  Gazetteer,"  &c.t  in  which  is  the  following  account  of  Bristol, 
".I.  "A  county  and  town  in  N.  England.  The  capital  is  remarkable  for  the 
King  of  Spain^s  having  a  palace  in  it,  and  being  killed  there ;  and  also  for 
Crown  the  poet's  begging  it  of  Charles  II."  The  blunder  did  not  rest  here, 
but  is  found  in  "The  N.  American  and  the  West  Indian  Gazetteer,"  J  &c. 
Thus  Philip  of  Spain  seems  to  have  had  the  misfortune  of  being  mistaken  for 
Philip  of  tiie  Wampanoags,  alias  Pometacom  of  Pokanoket. 


^     ' 


•  Tud.ir's  Lelters  on  the  Easlorn  Stales,  294. 

i  2(\  ndilion,  12nio,  London,  1788,  also  niinnymous. 


t  3  vols.  12mo.  witliout  name. 


1 


Chap.  Ill] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


39 


^ 


Origin  or  Meaning  of  the  JSTame  Canada. — It  is  snid,  tJint  Canada  was  discov- 
ered l)y  the  Spaniards,  Iwfore  tiie  time  of  Cartier,  and  that  the  Bay  of  Cha- 
leui's  was  discovered  l»y  tiiem,  ami  is  the  same  as  the  Baife  des  Espagnoles ; 
and  tlmt  tiie  Spaniard.-!,  not  meeting  with  any  ajjpearances  of  mines  of  tiie 
precious  metals,  said  to  one  another,  aca  nada,  which  in  their  language  signi- 
fied, nothing  here,  and  forthwith  departed  i'rom  the  country.  The  Indians, 
having  heard  these  words,  retained  them  in  their  memories,  and,  when  the 
French  came  among  them,  made  use  of  them,  prohahiy  by  way  of  salutation, 
not  understanding  their  import;  and  they  were  supposed  by  the  voyagers  to 
be  the  name  of  the  country.  •  It  was  only  necessary  to  drop  the  first  letter, 
and  use  the  two  words  as  two  syllables,  and  the  word  Canada  was  complete.* 

But  as  long  ago  as  when  Father  Charlevoix  wrote  his  admirable  Histoky 
OF  JVew  France,  he  added  a  note  upon  the  derivation  of  the  name  Canada, 
in  which  he  said  some  derived  it  from  an  Iroquois  word  meaning  an  assem- 
blage of  nouses.f  Doctor  J.  R.  Forster  has  a  learned  note  upon  it  also,  in  hia 
valuable  account  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  JVortL  He  objects  to  the 
^ca  jYada  origin,  because,  in  Spanish,  the  word  for  here  is  not  orcr,  but  aqui, 
and  that  to  form  Canada  from  Aquinada  would  be  forced  and  luuiatural.  Yet 
he  says,  "  In  ancient  maps  we  ofien  find  Ca:  da  JVada,"  that  is.  Cape  Nothing. 
"But  from  a  Canadian  [Indian]  vocabulary,  annexed  to  the  original  edition 
of  the  Hecond  voyage  ot  Jaques  Cartier,  Paris,  1545,  it  appears,  that  an  assem- 
blage of  houses,  or  habitations,  i.  e.  a  totcn,  was  by  the  natives  called  Canada. 
Cartier  says,  Ilz  appellent  une  Vilie — Canada."  Sir.  Heckewelder  is  of  much 
the  same  opinion  as  Charlevoix  and  Forster.  He  says,  that  in  a  prayer-book 
in  the  Mohawk  language,  he  read  ^JVe  KAHAt)\-gongh  Konwayatsk  JVazardh," 
which  was  a  translation  of  "in  a  city  called  Nazareth." 

Origin  of  the  JVame  Yankee. — Anbury,  an  author  who  did  not  resjiect  the 
Americans,  any  more  than  many  others  who  have  been  led  captive  by  them,  has 
the  following  paragraph  upon  this  word| — "The  lower  class  of  these  Yan- 
kees— apropos,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  just  to  observe  to  you  the  etymology 
of  this  term :  it  is  derived  from  a  Cherokee  word,  eankke,  which  signifies 
coward  and  slave.  This  epithet  of  yankee  was  bestowed  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  N.  England  by  the  Virginians,  for  not  assisting  them  in  a  war  with  the 
Cherokees,  and  they  have  always  been  held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name 
has  been  more  prevalent  since  [1775]  the  commencement  of  hostilities;  the 
soldiery  at  Boston  used  it  as  a  term  of  reproach  ;  but  afler  the  aflitir  at  Bim- 
ker's  Hill,  the  Americans  gloried  in  it.  Yankee-doodle  is  now  their  pecan,  a 
favorite  of  favorites,  played  in  their  army,  esteemed  as  warlike  as  the  grena- 
dier's march — it  is  the  lover's  spell,  the  nurse's  lullaby.  After  our  rapid  suc- 
cesses, we  held  the  yankees  in  great  contempt ;  but  it  was  not  a  little  n:orti- 
fying  to  hear  them  play  this  tune,  when  their  army  marched  dovm  to  our  sur- 
render." § 

But  Mr.  Heckeioelder  thinks  that  the  Indians,  in  endeavoring  to  pronounce 
the  name  English,  could  get  that  sound  no  nearer  tlian  these  letters  give  it, 
yengecs.    This  was  perhaps  the  true  origin  of  Yankee. 

A  sir^vlar  Stratagem  4o  escape  Torture. — "Some  years  ago  the  Shawano 
Indians,  being  obliged  to  remove  from  their  habitations,  in  their  way  took  a 
Muskohge  warrior,  known  by  the  name  of  old  Scrany,  \m8oacr ;  they  bas- 
tinadoed him  severely,  and  condemned  him  to  the  fiery  torture.    He  uuder- 


*  The  authors  who  have  adopted  this  opinion,  are  Doctor  Mather,  [Maffnalia,  B.  vili.  71  :1 
Harris,  [Voya?os,  ii.349  ;]  Moll,  [Geog.  li.  194;]  /.  Long,  [Voja^cs  ancTTravels,  2 ;]  Box- 
man,  [Maryland,  35 ;]  Moulton,  [N.  York,  i.  131 ;]  Martin,  [I.ouisiana,  i.  7.] 

Josselyn  and  Jefrys  seem  to  be  without  company  as  well  as  authorities  for  their  derivations. 
The  former  [N.  England  Rarities,  .')]  says,  Canada  was  "  so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane." 
The  latter  [Ilist.  America,  1]  says,  "  Canada,  in  the  Indian  language,  signifies  the  Moitth  of 
the  Country,  from  can,  mouth,  and  ailu,  the  country." 

t  Quelques-unes  dirivent  ce  nom  du  mot  Iroquois  Kannata,  qui  sc  prononce  Canada,  et  sig- 
nifie  im  amas  de  cabannes.     Hist.  Nouv.  France,  i.  9. 

t  Travels  through  the  Interior  Parts  of  North  America,  1776,  &.c.  vol.  ii.  4<),47.  Anburm 
was  an  officer  in  General  Burgoyne's  army,  and  was  among  the  captives  surrendered  at 
Saratoga. 

(  This  derivation  is  almoil  ai  ludicroui  as  thai  pven  by  Innitg  in  his  Knickerbocker. 


40 


ANECDOTES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  L 


wont  a  great  deal  without  showing  auy  concern  ;  his  countenance  and  beha- 
vior were  as  if  he  suffered  not  tiie  least  pain.  He  told  his  persecutors  with  a 
hold  voice,  that  ho  was  a  warrior ;  that  lie  had  gained  most  of  his  martial 
reputation  at  the  expense  of  their  nation,  and  was  desirous  of  showing  them, 
in  the  act  of  dying,  that  he  was  still  as  much  their  superior,  as  when  he  headec' 
his  gallant  countrymen :  that  although  he  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  for- 
feited the  protection  of  the  divine  power  by  some  impurity  or  other,  when 
curiyiiig  the  holy  ark  of  war  against  his  devoted  enemies,  yet  he  had  so  much 
rnnainiug  virtue  as  would  enable  him  to  punish  himself  more  exquisitely  than 
all  tlieir  despicable,  ignorant  crowd  possibly  could;  and  that  he  would  do  so, 
if  they  gave  him  liberty  by  untying  him,  and  handing  him  one  of  the  red-hot 
gim-barrels  out  of  the  fire.  The  proposal,  and  his  method  of  address,  appeared 
BO  exceedingly  bold  and  uncommon,  that  his  request  was  granted.  Then 
suddenly  seizing  one  end  of  the  red-hot  barrel,  and  brandishing  it  from  side 
to  side,  lea])ed  down  a  prodigious  steen  and  high  bank  into  a  branch  of  the 
river,  dived  through  it,  ran  over  a  small  island,  and  passed  the  other  branch, 
amidst  a  shower  of  bullets ;  and  though  numbers  of  his  enemies  were  in  close 
pursuit  of  him,  he  got  into  a  bramble-swamp,  through  which,  though  naked 
and  in  a  mangled  condition,  he  reached  his  own  country." 

An  unparaUded  Case  of  Suffering. — "The  Shawano  Indians  captured  a 
warrior  of  the  Anantoocah  nation,  and  put  him  to  the  stake,  occording  to  their 
usutd  cruel  solemnities:  having  unconcernedly  suffered  much  torture,  he  told 
them,  with  scorn,  they  did  not  know  how  to  punish  a  noted  enemy ;  therefore 
he  wus  willing  to  teach  them,  and  would  confirm  the  iruth  of  his  assertion  if 
they  allowed  him  the  opportunity.  Accordingly  he  requested  of  them  a  pipe 
and  some  tobacco,  which  was  given  him  ;  as  soon  as  he  had  lighted  it,  he  sat 
down,  naked  as  he  was,  on  the  women's  burning  torches,  that  were  within  his 
circle,  and  continued  smoking  his  pipe  without  the  least  discomposure :  On 
this  a  head  warrior  leaped  up,  and  said,  they  saw  plain  enough  that  he  was  a 
warrior,  and  not  afraid  of  dying,  nor  should  he  have  died,  only  that  he  was 
both  spoiled  by  the  fire,  and  devoted  to  it  by  their  laws ;  however,  though  he 
was  a  very  dangerous  enemy,  and  his  nation  a  treacherous  people,  it  should 
be  seen  that  they  paid  a  regard  to  bravery,  even  in  one  who  was  marked  with 
war  streaks  at  the  cost  of  many  of  the  lives  of  their  lieloved  kindred ;  and  then 
by  way  of  favor,  he  with  his  friendly  tomahawk  instantly  put  an  end  to  all  his 
pains."  * 

Ignorance  the  Offspring  of  absurd  Opinions. — The  resolution  and  courage  of 
the  Indians,  says  Colonel  Rogers,  "under  sickness  and  pain,  is  truly  surpris- 
ing. A  young  woman  will  be  in  labor  a  whole  day  without  uttering  one 
groan  or  cry;  should  she  betray  such  a  weakness,  they  would  inmietliately 
say,  that  she  was  unworthy  to  be  a  mother,  and  that  her  of!spring  could  not 
tail  of  being  cowards."  f 

A  JVorlhem  Custom. — When  Mr.  Heame  was  on  the  Coppermine  River,  in 
1771,  some  of  the  Coj)per  Indians  in  his  company  killed  a  number  of  Esqui- 
maux, by  which  act  they  considered  themselves  unclean  ;  and  all  concerned 
in  the  murder  were  not  allowed  to  cook  any  provisions,  either  for  themselves 
or  others.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  eat  of  others'  cooking,  but  not 
until  they  had  painted,  with  a  kind  of  red  earth,  all  the  space  between  their 
nose  and  chin,  as  well  as  a  greater  part  of  their  cheeks,  almost  to  their  cars. 
Neither  would  they  use  any  other  dish  or  pipe,  than  their  own.  J 

Another  Pocahontas. — While  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  on  the  shore  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  in  1805,  one  of  their  men  went  one  evening  into  a  village  of 
the  Killamuk  Indians,  alone,  a  small  distance  from  his  party,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  a  creek  fiom  that  of  the  encampment.  A  strange  Indian 
happened  to  be  tliere  also,  who  expressed  great  respect  and  love  for  the  white 

*  Tlie  two  preceding  relalions  are  from  I.rtiir's  Vnii'iges  ami  Travels,  72  and  73,  a  book  of 
(mail  pretensions,  but  one  <il'  ilie  best  on  Indinn  hislon.  Its  author  lived  among  ilie  Indiani 
ol  the  Nortli-Wesi,  as  an  Indinu  trader,  about  19  yeais. 

t  Cottdse  Account  of  A'.  Amciiea,  212.  J  Journey  to  the  Xorthtm  Ocean,  203. 


* 


I 


Chap.  111.] 


OF  MANNERS  AND  CUSTO.MS. 


41 


mnn  ;  but  in  reality  he  meant  to  murder  him  for  the  artirlcs  he  had  nI)ont  him 
Tiiis  happened  to  come  to  tiie  knowledge  of  a  Chinnook  woman,  and  she 
determined  at  once  to  save  hia  life:  therefore,  when  the  white  man  was  ahont 
to  return  to  his  companions,  the  Indian  was  goinnr  to  accompany  him,  and  kill 
him  ill  tlu!  way.  As  they  were  ai)ont  to  set  out,  the  woman  cauglit  the  white 
man  hy  tiie  clothes,  to  prevent  his  going  witli  the  Indian.  He,  not  under- 
standing her  intention,  pulled  away  from  her  ;  hut  as  a  la.st  resort,  she  ran  out 
and  shrieked,  which  raised  the  men  in  every  direction ;  and  the  Indian 
became  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  and  made  his  escape  before  the  white 
man  knew  he  had  been  in  danger. 

Self-command  in  Time  of  Danger. — There  was  in  Carolina  a  noted  chief  of 
the  Yamoisees,  who,  in  the  year  1702,  with  ahout  (iOO  of  his  countrymen, 
went  with  Colonel  Daniel  and  Colonel  Moore  agiiin.^t  the  Spaniards  in  Flori- 
da. His  name  was  .Irratovimakaw.  When  the  English  were  ohligcd  to 
abandon  their  undertaking,  and  as  they  were  retreating  to  their  boats,  they 
became  alarmed,  supposing  the  Spaniards  wen;  upon  them.  Arrntommakaw, 
having  arrived  at  the  boats,  was  reposing  him.self  upon  his  oars,  and  was  fast 
asleep.  The  soldiers  rallied  him  fur  being  sf>  slow  in  his  retreat,  and  ordered 
him  to  make  more  haste :    "IJut  he  replied,  'No — thoug:    rouR  gover.nok 

LEAVES  TOU,  I  WILL  NOT  STIR  TILL  I  HAVE  SEEN  ALL  MY  MEN  BEKORE  ME.'  " 

Indifference. — Archihau  was  a  sachem  of  Maryland,  whose  residence  was 
upon  the  Potomack,  when  that  country  was  settled  by  the  English  hi  1633-4. 
The  place  of  his  residence  was  named,  'i'.e  the  river,  Potomack.  As  usual 
with  the  Indians,  he  received  the  English  under  Governor  Calvert  ^Yith  great 
attention.  It  should  be  noted,  that  Archihnu  was  not  head  sachem  of  the 
Pofomacks,  but  governed  instead  of  his  nephew,  who  was  a  child,  and  who, 
like  the  head  men  of  Virginia,  was  called  werowance.  From  this  place  the 
colonists  sailed  20  lcagu(;s  farther  up  the  rivtjr,  to  a  place  called  Piscattaway. 
Here  a  werowance  went  on  board  the  governor's  pinnace,  to  treat  with  him. 
On  being  asked  whether  he  was  willing  the  English  should  settle  in  his 
country,  in  case  they  found  a  place  convenient  lor  them,  he  maile  answer, 
"  /  will  not  bid  you  go,  neillur  will  I  bid  you  slay,  but  you  may  use  your  own 
discretion."  * 

Their  Notions  of  the  Learning  of  the  Whites. — At  the  congress  at  Lancaster, 
in  1744,  between  the  government  of  Virginia  and  the  Five  Nations,  the 
Indians  were  told  that,  if  they  would  send  some  of  their  young  men  to  Vir- 
ginia, the  English  would  give  them  an  education  at  their  college.  An  orator 
replied  to  this  offer  as  follows: — "We  know  that  you  highly  esteem  the  kind 
of  learning  taught  in  those  colleges,  and  that  the  maintenance  of  on  young 
men,  while  with  you,  would  be  very  expensive  to  you.  We  are  onvinced, 
ihereforc,  that  you  mean  to  do  us  good  by  your  proposal,  and  wo  'hank  you 
heartily.  But  you  who  are  wise  must  know,  that  different  nations  have  differ- 
ent conceptions  of  things;  and  you  will  therefore  not  take  it  amiss,  if  our  ideas 
of  this  kind  of  education  happen  not  to  be  the  same  witli  yours.  We  have 
had  some  experience  of  it :  several  of  our  young  people  were  formerly  brought 
U|)  at  the  colleges  of  the  northern  provinces  ;  they  were  instructed  in  all  your 
sciences ;  but  when  they  came  back  to  us,  they  were  bad  runnei-s ;  ignorant 
of  eveiy  means  of  living  in  the  woods;  unable  to  bear  either  cold  or  hunger ; 
knew  neither  how  to  build  a  cabin,  take  a  deer,  or  kill  an  enemy ;  spoke  our 
language  imperfectlv;  were  therefore  neither  fit  for  hunters,  warriors,  or 
counsellors;  they  were  totally  good  for  nothing.  We  are,  however,  not  the 
less  obliged  by  your  kind  offer,  though  we  decline  accepting  it :  and  to  show 
our  grateful  sense  of  it,  if  the  gentlemen  of  Virginia  will  send  us  a  dozen  of 
their  sons,  we  will  take  great  care  of  their  education,  instruct  them  in  all  we 
know,  and  make  men  of  them."  \ 

Success  of  a  Missionary. — Those  who  have  attempted  to  Christianize  the 
Indians  complain  that  tliey  are  too  silent,  and  that  their  taciturnity  was  the 
greatest  difficulty  with  which  they  have  to  contend.    Their  notions  of  pro 


Oldinixmi,  [Hist.  Maryl<niul.1 

4* 


t  FratMin's  Essays. 


42 


ANECIX)TES,  &c.,  ILI-UfSTRATIVE 


[Book  I 


priety  upon  matters  of  converBation  arc  bo  nice,  that  tliey  deem  it  improper, 
111  tliu  liiffliest  decree,  even  to  deny  or  contradict  any  tliiiijjf  tiiat  is  said,  at  the 
time;  and  iience  tlie  diiliculty  of  knowing  wlmt  effect  any  thing  iiai>i  upon 
their  minds  at  the  time  of  delivery.  In  tiiis  they  [lave  a  proper  advantage; 
for  liow  often  thies  it  hn])pen  that  people  would  answer  very  differently  ii|Hm 
a  mutter,  were  tliey  to  consider  upon  it  but  a  short  time !  The  Indiana  seldom 
answer  u  matter  of  importance  the  same  day,  lest,  in  so  doing,  they  should  be 
thought  to  have  treated  it  as  though  it  was  of  smuli  consequence.  We  oHener 
repent  of  a  hasty  decision,  than  that  we  have  lost  time  in  maturing  our  judg- 
ments. Now  for  the  anecdote:  and  as  it  is  from  the  Essays  of  Dr.  Fiaiklin, 
it  shall  lie  told  in  his  own  way. 

"A  Swedish  minister,  having  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  Susqueliannah 
Indians,  made  a  sermon  to  them,  acquainting  them  with  the  principal  historical 
facts  on  which  our  religion  is  founded ;  such  as  the  fall  of  our  first  parents  by 
eating  an  apple ;  the  coming  of  Christ  to  repair  the  mischief;  bis  miracles 
and  sufterings,  &c. — When  he  had  finished,  an  Indian  orator  stood  up  to 
thank  him.  '  fFhat  you  have  told  us,'  said  he,  'ia  all  very  good.  It  is  indeed 
bad  to  eat  apples.  It  is  better  to  make  them  ail  into  cider.  We  are  much  obliged 
by  your  kitulness  in  coming  so  far  to  tell  us  those  things,  which  you  have  heard 
from  your  mothers.' 

"When  the  Indian  had  told  the  missionary  one  of  the  legends  of  his  nation, 
now  they  had  been  supplied  with  maize  or  corn,  beans,  and  tobacco,*  he 
treated  it  with  contempt,  ond  said,  *  What  I  delivered  to  you  were  sacred 
truths ;  but  what  you  tell  me  is  mere  fable,  fiction,  and  falsehood.'  The 
Indian  felt  indignant,  and  replied,  ^My  brother,  it  seems  your  fnends  have  net 
done  you  justice  in  your  education ;  they  have  not  well  instructed  you  in  the  rules 
of  common  civility.  You  see  that  we,  who  understand  and  practise  those  rules, 
believe  all  your  stories :  why  do  you  refuse  to  believe  ours  ? '  " 

Curiosity. — "When  any  of  the  Indians  come  into  our  towns,  our  people  are 
opt  to  crowd  round  them,  gaze  upon  them,  and  incommode  them  where  they 
debire  to  be  private;  this  they  esteem  great  rudeness,  and  the  effect  of  the 
want  of  instruction  in  the  rules  of  civility  and  good  manners.  '  We  have,'  say 
they,  '  as  much  curiosity  as  you,  and  when  you  come  into  our  toiims,  toe  wish  for 
opportunities  of  looking  at  you ;  but  for  this  purpose  ice  hide  ourselves  behind 
bushes  where  you  are  to  pass,  and  never  intrude  ourselves  into  your  company.' " 

Rules  of  Conversation. — "The  business  of  the  women  is  to  take  exact  notice 
of  what  passes,  imprint  it  in  their  memories,  (for  they  have  no  writing,)  and 
communicate  it  to  their  children.  They  are  the  records  of  the  council,  and 
they  preserve  tradition  of  the  stipulations  in  treaties  a  hundred  yeara  back ; 
which,  when  we  com^re  with  our  writings,  we  always  find  exact.  He  that 
would  speak  rises.  The  rest  observe  a  profound  silence.  When  he  has 
finished,  and  sits  down,  they  leave  him  five  or  six  minutes  to  recollect,  that,  if 
he  has  omitted  cny  thing  he  intended  to  say,  or  has  any  thing  to  add,  he  may 
ris,e  again,  and  deliver  it.  To  interrupt  another,  even  in  common  conversa- 
tion, is  reckoned  highly  indecent.  How  different  this  is  from  the  conduct  of 
a  jwlite  British  House  of  Commons,  where  scarce  a  day  passes  without  some 
confusion,  that  makes  the  speaker  hoarse  in  calling  to  order ;  and  how  different 
from  the  mode  of  convereation  in  many  polite  companies  of  Europe,  where, 
if  you  do  not  deliver  your  sentence  with  great  rapidity,  you  are  cut  off  in  the 
middle  of  it  by  the  impatient  loquacity  of  those  you  converse  with,  and  never 
Buffered  to  finish  it!" — Instead  of  being  better  since  the  days  of  Franklin,  we 
appreliond  it  has  grown  worse.  The  modest  and  unassuming  oflen  find  it 
exceeding  difficult  to  gain  a  hearing  at  all.  Ladies,  and  many  who  consider 
themselves  examples  of  good  manners,  transgress  to  an  insufferable  degree,  in 
breaking  in  upon  the  conversations  of  others.    Some  of  these,  like  a  ship 

*  The  story  of  the  beautiful  woman,  who  descended  to  the  earth,  and  was  fed  by  the 
Indians,  Black-Hawk  is  made  to  tell,  in  his  life,  pa^e  78.  It  is  the  same  ollen  told,  and 
alluded  to  by  Franklin,  in  the  text.  To  reward  the  Indians  for  their  kindness,  she  raused 
corn  to  G^row  where  iier  right  hand  touched  the  earth,  bcaus  where  the  left  rested,  and  tobacco 
where  she  was  sealed. 


Chap.  Til.] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


43 


le 
er 


er 
in 


ed 

CO 


driven  i)y  a  nnrtli-wfster,  Iwnring  down  the  small  rrall  in  Jut  ronrsc,  ronie 
npon  n.s  Ity  Hnrprisc,  jn<l  it'  we  attvMi|it  to  pruceud  liy  raising  our  \oi<-o.s  a 
little,  we  are  sure  to  be  drowned  by  a  niucli  greater  elevation  on  llieir  jMirt. 
It  is  a  want  of  good  breeding,  wbieti,  it  is  lioped,  every  young  person  wliose 
eye  tliis  may  meet,  will  not  be  guilty  of  througli  lile  Tliere  is  great  oppor- 
timity  for  many  of  mature  years  to  profit  by  it. 

Lost  Confidence. — An  Indian  runner,  arriving  in  a  village  of  bis  country  nieiit 
requested  the  immediate  attendance  of  its  inhabitants  in  council,  as  be  wanted 
their  answer  to  im|>ortant  information.  The  people  accordingly  assend)led, 
but  when  the  messenger  had  with  great  anxiety  delivered  Iiia  niessjige,  and 
waited  for  an  answer,  none  was  given,  and  he  soon  ol)served  that  he  was  like- 
ly to  be  lefl  alone  in  his  place.  A  stranger  present  asked  a  principal  chief  the 
meaning  of  this  strange  jirocecdiiig,  wlio  gave  this  answer,  ^  He  once  told 
us  a  lieJ" 

Comic. — An  Indian  having  been  found  frozen  to  death,  an  inquest  of  bis 
countrymen  was  couventd  to  determine  by  what  means  he  came  to  such  a 
death.  Their  verdict  was ,  "Death  from  the  freezing  of  a  great  quantity  of 
water  inside  of  him,  whicii  they  were  of  opinion  lie  had  drunken  for  rum." 

w3  serious  Q^uestion, — About  1794,  an  officer  presented  a  western  chief  with 
a  medal,  on  one  side  of  wliich  President  Washington  was  represented  as  armed 
with  a  sword,  and  on  the  other  an  Indian  was  seen  in  the  act  of  burying  the 
hatchet.  The  chief  at  once  saw  the  wrong  done  his  countrymen,  and  veiy 
wisely  asked,  "  fVhy  does  not  the  President  bury  his  sword  too?"* 

Self-esteem. — A  white  man,  meeting  an  Indian,  accosted  him  as  brother.  The 
red  man,  with  a  great  e.xprebsion  of  meaning  in  his  countenance,  inquired 
how  they  came  to  be  brothere;  the  white  man  replied,  O,  by  way  of  Adam,  I 
suppose.  The  Indian  added,  "  Me  thank  him  Great  Spirit  we  ;w  nearer  brothers." 

A  Preacher  taken  at  his  Word. — A  certain  clergyman  had  for  his  te.vt  on  a 
time,  "  Vow  and  pay  unto  the  Lord  thy  votes."    An  Indian  happened  to  lie 

1)resent,  who  stepped  up  to  the  priest  as  soon  as  he  had  tinished,  luid  sai.i  to 
lim,  "Now  me  vow  me  go  home  with  you,  Mr.  Minister."  The  priest,  having 
no  language  of  evasion  at  command,  sjiid,  "  You  must  go  then."  When  he  Jiad 
arrived  at  the  home  of  the  minister,  the  Indian  vowed  ij^ain,  saying,  "  iN'ow 
me  vow  me  have  supper."  When  this  was  finished  he  said,  "  Me  vow  me  stay 
all  night."  The  priest,  by  this  time,  thinking  himself  sufficiently  taxed,  re- 
plied, "  It  may  be  so,  but  I  vow  you  shall  go  in  the  morning."  The  Lxlian, 
judging  from  the  tone  of  his  host,  that  more  vows  would  be  useless,  departed 
in  the  morning  sans  cirimonie. 

A  case  of  signal  Barbarity. — It  is  related  by  Black  Hawk,  in  his  life,  that 
some  time  before  the  war  of  1812,  one  of  the  Indians  had  killed  a  French- 
man at  Prairie  des  Chiens.  "  The  Britit  i  soon  afler  took  him  prisoner,  and 
said  they  would  shoot  him  next  day !  His  family  were  encamped  a  short  dis- 
tance below  the  mouth  of  the  Ouisconsin.  He  begged  permission  to  go  and 
see  them  that  night,  as  he  was  to  die  the  next  day!  They  permitted  hini  to  go, 
after  promising  to  return  the  next  morning  by  sunrise.  He  visited  his  family, 
which  lonsisted  of  a  wife  and  six  children.  I  cannot  describe  their  meeting 
and  parting,  to  be  understood  by  thi  whites ;  as  it  appears  that  their  feelings 
are  acted  upon  by  certain  rules  laid  down  by  their /?rfacAers  / — ^whilst  ours  are 
governed  only  by  the  monitor  within  us.  He  parted  from  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, hurried  through  the  prairie  to  the  fort,  and  arrived  in  time !  The  sol- 
diers were  ready,  and  immediately  marched  out  and  shot  him  down !! " — If  thia 
were  not  cold-blooded,  deliberate  murder,  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  I  have 
no  conception  of  what  constitutes  that  C4'ime.  What  were  the  circumstances 
jf  the  murder  we  are  not  inform,?d ;  but  whatever  they  may  have  been,  they 
cannot  excuse  a  still  greater  barbarity.  I  woidd  not  by  any  means  be  under- 
stood to  advocate  the  cause  of  a  murderer;  but  I  will  ask,  whether  crime  is 
to  be  prevented  by  crime :  murder  for  murder  is  only  a  brutal  retaliation,  ex- 
cept whore  the  safety  of  a  community  requires  the  sacrifice. 

•  EUiol's  Works,  178. 


44 


N  VKK.VTIVES,  ic,  H.LUSTUATIVE 


IBuoK  I 


Mouminfr  much  in  a  short  Time, — "  A  young  w'ulow,  whoso  iiuslmnd  liitd 
bci'ii  il<  ad  ulxiiit  I'iju;!!!  duvH,  was  liasteiiing  to  fiiiiHli  licr  grief,  in  order  tiiat 
«lic  Mii^lit  lie  inarri)(l  to  u  joiiiig  wurrior:  slie  wuh  dettrinini'd,  tiiercforc,  to 

frrievt!  iniicli  in  a  .siiori  tinii- ;  to  iliis  end  siie  tore  her  liair,  drank  H|>irit.M,  and 
leat  her  hreast,  to  make  the  tears  flow  abun(hmtly,  hy  whieli  means,  on  tiio 
i-v<  iiinv  of  the  eigliili  <lay,  sliu  was  ready  again  to  marry,  having  grieved  suf- 
ticienily."  * 

How  to  ttwk  a  hard  QneMion. — "  When  Mr.  Gist  went  over  tlie  Alleganies, 
in  i"'eh.  1751,  on  a  tour  of  discovery  for  the  Ohio  Company,  'un  Indian,  who 
spoke  good  Knglish,  came  to  him,  and  raid  that  their  great  tnan,  the  Beaver,\  and 
Captain  Opnamifluuh,  (two  chiefs  of  tlie  Delawares,)  desired  to  know  wliere 
the  Indians  land  hiy ;  for  the  French  claimed  ail  the  land  on  one  side  of  the 
Ohio  Kiver,  and  the  English  on  the  other.'  This  ipiestion  Mr.  Gist  found  it 
hard  to  answer,  and  he  evaded  it  by  saying,  that  the  Indians  and  white  men 
were  all  snhjects  to  the  same  king,  and  all  had  an  equal  privilege  of  taking 
np  and  possessing  tlie  luiid  in  conformity  with  the  conditions  prescribed  by 
the  king."  I 

CredidUy  its  own  Punishment. — ^The  traveller  Wanaey,  according  to  his  own 
account,  would  not  enter  into  conversation  with  an  eminent  chietj  because  he 
had  heard  that  it  had  been  said  of  him,  that  he  had,  in  his  time,  "shed  blood 
enough  to  swim  in."  He  had  a  gnat  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  but  his  credidity  deiiarrcd  him  etfectually  from  tlu>  ^ratifi- 
cation. The  chief  was  a  Creek,  named  Flamingo,  who,  in  company  with 
another  called  Double-head,  visited  Philadelphia  as  ambassadors,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1794.  Vew  travellers  discover  such  scrupulousness,  especially  those 
who  come  to  America.  That  Flamingo  was  more  bloody  than  other  Indian 
warriors,  is  in  no  w\sti  probable ;  but  a  mere  report  of  his  l)eing  a  great  slied- 
der  of  blood  kept  31r.  If'ansey  from  saying  any  more  about  him. 

Just  Indignation. — Hatuat,  a  powerful  chief  of  Ilispaniolo,  having  fled 
from  thence  to  avoiil  slavery  or  <leath  wh<;n  that  island  was  ravaged  by  the 
Spaniards,  was  taken  in  1511,  when  they  conquered  Cuba,  and  burnt  at  the 
stake.  Afler  lieing  bound  to  the  stake,  a  Franciscan  friar  labored  to  convert 
him  to  the  Catholic  faith,  by  promises  of  immediate  and  eternal  bliss  in  the 
world  to  come  if  he  would  believe ;  and  that,  if  he  would  not,  eternal  tor- 
ments were  his  only  |)ortion.  The  cazique,  with  seeming  composure,  asked 
if  there  were  any  Sfianiards  in  those  regions  of  bliss.  On  being  answered 
that  there  were,  he  replied,  "  Then  I  will  not  go  to  a  place  where  1  may  meet 
with  one  of  that  accursed  race." 

Harmless  Deception. — In  a  time  of  Indian  troubles,  an  Indian  visited  the 
house  of  Governor  Jenks,  of  Rhode  Island,  when  the  governor  took  occasion 
to  request  him,  that,  if  any  strange  Indian  should  come  to  his  wigwam,  to  let 
him  know  it,  which  the  Indian  promised  to  do;  but  to  secure  his  fidelity,  the 
governor  told  him  that  when  he  should  give  him  such  information,  he  would 
give  him  a  mug  of  flip.  Some  time  after  the  Indian  came  again :  "  Well,  Mr. 
Gubcnor,  strange  Indian  come  my  house  last  night! "  "Ah,"  says  the  govern- 
or, "  and  what  did  he  say  ?"  "He  no  speak,"  replied  the  Indian.  "  What,  no 
s|)enk  at  all  ?"  added  tlie  governor.  "  No,  he  no  speak  at  all."  "That  certainly 
looks  susnicious,"  said  his  excellency,  and  inquired  if  he  were  still  there,  and 
being  told  that  he  was,  ordered  the  promised  mug  of  flip.  When  this  was 
disposed  of,  and  the  ludian  was  about  to  depart,  he  mildly  said,  "Mr.  Gube- 
nor,  my  squaw  have  child  last  night;"  and  thus  the  governor's  alarm  was 
suddenly  changed  into  disappoiuUnent,  and  the  strange  Indian  into  a  new- 
born pappoose. 

Mammoth  Bones. — ^The  following  very  interesting  tradition  concerning 
these  bones,  among  the  Indians,  will  always  be  read  with  interest.  The  ani- 
mal to  which  they  once  belonged,  they  called  the  Btg  Buffalo ;  and  oti  the 

*  Aci-ounl  of  the  United  Stales  by  Mr.  Tsitift-  Ifn/mex,  36. 

t  Probably  the  same  we  have  noticed   in  Book   V.  as  King  Beaver. 

I  Sparks's  Washiugtou,  ii,  15. 


Chap.  III.1 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH    DU.STON. 


45 


early  inn[)9  of  the  poimtry  of  tlie  Oliio,  wc  see  markrd,  "  f'lfil  limits'  Iioih'.m  paii] 
to  l)c  tiiiiiid  here."  Tliiy  were,  for  some  tiiin',  l»y  miiiiy  siipiiost'd  to  have  Imtii 
tlie  holies  of  tlint  nniinal ;  hut  thi-y  are  pretty  gunenilly  now  h»-he\  i-d  to  liav>; 
l)nloii>5(Ml  to  a  B|)ei'ies  of  animal  long  fnice  extinct.  Thi-y  Imvc  hitn  It.nini 
ill  various  parts  of  the  country ;  hut  in  the  f.'reat<'st  aliniiiiiince  alioiit  thi"  s;i!t 
licks  or  sjirings  in  Kentucky  and  Ohio.  There  has  never  hem  an  entire 
skeleton  font"'  although  the  one  in  Peale^s  niiiscuin,  in  IMiiladelphia,  was  h) 
near  p<^rfeet,  that,  hy  u  little  iiigeniiity  in  Bupplying  its  delects  with  woimI- 
work,  it  piiHses  extremely  well  for  sueli. 

The  tradition  of  the  Indians  concerning  this  animal  is,  that  he  was  carniv- 
orons,  and  existed,  as  lato  ns  1780,  in  the  northern  jiarts  of  America.  Some 
Delavvares,  in  the  tim(!  of  the  revolutionary  war,  visited  the  governor  of  \'ir- 
ginia  on  husiness,  which  having  hcen  finished,  some  (;ucstioii8  were  put  t(» 
them  concerning  their  country,  and  especially  what  they  knew  or  had  lii;ard 
respecting  the  animals  whose  hones  had  Imhmi  found  al)>)Ut  the  mlt  licks  on 
the  Ohio  River.  "The  chief  speaker,"  continues  our  author,  Mv.  Jtjfirson, 
"  immediately  put  himself  into  an  attitude  of  oratory,  and,  with  a  pomp  suiteil 
to  what  he  conceived  the  elevation  of  his  suhject,"  hegan  and  repeated  as 
follows : — "  In  ancient  limes,  a  herd  of  these  tremeniloxis  animalu  came  to  the 
Big-bone  Licks,  and  began  an  universal  destruction  or  the  bear,  deer,  elks,  buffa- 
loes, and  other  animals,  ivhich  iw  I  been  created  for  the  vse  of  the  Indians :  the 
fyeat  man  above,  looking  down  and  seeing  this,  was  so  enraged,  that  he  seized  his 
ighlning,  descended  to  the  earth,  and  seated  himself  on  a  neighboring  mountain, 
on  a  rock  of  which  his  seat  and  the  print  of  his  feet  are  still  to  be  seen,  and  hurled 
his  bolts  among  them  till  the  whole  tvere  slaughtered,  except  the  big  bidl,  lolio, 
presenting  his  forehead  to  the  shajis,  shook  them  off  as  they  fell ;  but  missing  one 
at  length,  it  wounded  hln  in  the  side ;  whereon,  springing  round,  he  bounded  over 
the  Ohio,  over  the  Wah  ,7i,  the  lUinois,  and,  finalbj,  over  the  great  lakes,  where  he 
is  living  at  this  day^ 

Such,  say  the  Indians,  is  the  account  handed  down  to  them  from  their 
ancestors,  and  tliey  could  furnish  no  other  information. 

JVarralive  of  the  Captivity  and  bold  Exploit  of  Hannah  Duston. — ^The  rela- 
tion of  this  affair  forms  the  XXV.  article  in  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  of  the 
Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  hy  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  and  is  one  of  the  liest- 
written  articles  of  all  we  have  read  from  his  pen.  At  its  head  is  this  signifi- 
cant sentence — Dux  Fiemina  Facti. 

On  the  15  March,  1(197,  a  band  of  about  20  Indians  came  unexpectedly 
upon  Haverhill,  in  Massacliu setts  ;  and,  as  their  ntmihei's  were  small,  tliey 
made  their  attack- with  the  swiflness  of  the  whirlwind,  and  as  suddenly  disap- 
peared. The  war,  of  which  this  irruption  was  a  i)art,  had  continued  nearly 
ten  years,  and  soon  afterwards  it  came  to  a  close.  The  house  which  this 
fiarty  of  Indians  had  singled  out  os  their  object  of  uttaei ,  iKlonged  to  one  Mr. 
Thomas  *  Duston  or  Dunstan,j  in  the  outskirts  of  the  to  vn.  |  Mr.  Duston  was 
at  work,  at  some  distance  from  his  house,  at  the  time,  and  whether  he  was 
alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  family  by  the  shouts  of  the  Indians,  or  other 
cause,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  he  seems  to  have  arrived  there  time  enough 
Iwfoi-e  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  to  make  some  arrangements  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  children  ;  but  his  wife,  who,  but  about  a  week  before,  had  been 
confined  by  a  child,  was  unable  to  rise  from  her  bed,  to  the  distraction  of  her 
agonized  husband.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ;  Mr.  Duston  had  only  time  to 
direct  his  children's  Hight,  (seven  in  number,)  the  extremes  of  whose  ages  were 
two  and  seventeen,  and  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  With  his  gun,  the 
distressed  father  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
children,  whom  he  overtook  but  about  40  rods  from  the  house.  His  first 
intention  was  to  take  up  one,  if  possible,  and  escape  with  if.  He  had  no 
sooner  overtaken  them,  than  this  resolution  was  destroyed ;  for  to  rescue  eitln'r 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest,  was  worse  than  death  itself  to  him.  He  thei'efoie 
faced  about  and  met  the  enemy,  who  had  closely  pursued  him  ;  each  fired 

*  Mr.  Mijrick's  Hist.  Haverhill,  8G.  t  Ihitrhinaon. 

}  Kin^hl  houses  were  destroyed  nt  this  time,  27  persons  killed,  and  13  carried  away  captivo. 
In  Mr.  li.  L.  Myrick's  History  of  Haverhill,  are  the  names  of  the  slain,  &c. 


46 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH  DUSTON. 


[Book  1, 


i 


npon  the  other,  and  it  is  almost  a  miracle  that  none  of  the  little  retreating 
party  were  hurt.  The  Indians  did  not  pursue  long,  from  fear  of  raising  the 
neighboring  English  before  they  could  complete  their  object,  and  hence  this 
part  of  the  family  escaped  to  a  place  of  uifety. 

We  are  now  to  enter  fully  hito  the  relation  of  this  very  tragedy.  There 
was  living  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Duston,  as  nurse,  Mrs.  Mary  JVeff,*  a  widow, 
whose  heroic  conduct  in  sliaring  the  fate  of  her  mistress,  when  escape  was 
ill  her  power,  will  always  be  viewed  with  admiration.  The  Indians  were 
now  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  house,  and  having  driven  the 
sick  woman  from  her  bed,  rf^'n()elled  her  to  sit  quietly  in  the  corner  of  the 
fire-pl.ice,  while  they  compn.:ed  the  pillage  of  the  house.  This  business 
bciii^r  riuished,  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  Mre,  Duston,  who  before  considered 
herself  unable  to  walk,  was,  at  the  approacn  of  night,  obliged  to  march 
into  the  wilderness,  and  take  her  bed  u|)on  the  cold  ground.  Mrs.  JK'eff  too 
late  attem[)ted  to  escajie  with  the  infant  child,  but  was  intercepted,  the  child 
taken  from  her,  and  its  brains  beat  out  against  a  neighboring  apjde-tree,  while 
its  nurse  was  com|»ellcd  to  accomp.iny  her  new  and  frightful  masters  also 
The  ca])tivc8  amounted  in  all  to  13,  some  of  whom,  as  they  became  unable  to 
travel,  were  murdered,  and  left  exposed  upon  the  way.  Aitliough  it  was  near 
night  when  they  quitted  Haverhill,  they  travelled,  as  they  judged,  12  miles 
iHifore  encamping;  "and  fl.en,"  says  Dr.  Maiher,  "kept  up  with  their  new 
masters  in  a  long  travel  of  ><jn  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  mon  or  less,  within  a 
few  days  ensuing."  f 

After  journeying  awhile,  according  to  their  custom,  the  Indians  divided  their 
prisoners.  Mre.  Dus'  ",  Mrs.  JVeJf,  and  a  boy  named  Samuel  Leonardson,  I  who 
had  been  captivated  at  Worcester,  about  18  months  before,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
an  Indian  family,  consisting  of  twelvf,  persons, — two  men,  three  women,  and 
seven  children.  These,  so  far  as  our  accounts  go,  were  very  kind  to  their 
prisoners,  but  told  them  there  was  one  ceremony  which  ijiey  could  not  avoid, 
and  to  which  tliey  would  be  subjected  when  they  should  anive  at  their  place 
of  destination,  which  was  to  run  the  gantlet.  Tli«  place  where  this  was  to  be 
performed,  was  at  an  Indian  village..  250  miles  from  Haverhill,  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  the  Indians.  In  their  meandering  couree,  they  at  length 
anived  at  an  island  in  tho  mouth  of  Contookook  River,  about  six  miles  above 
Concord,  in  New  Hampshiie.  JTere  one  of  the  Indian  men  resided.  It  had 
been  determined  by  the  cUjitives,  before  their  arrival,  that  an  effort 
should  be  made  to  free  themselves  fmm  their  wretched  captivity ;  and  not 
only  to  gain  their  liberty,  but,  a.s  we  o'lall  presf'ntly  see,  something  by  way  of 
remuneration  from  those  who  hi  Id  them  in  In  ndage.  The  heroine,  Duston, 
had  resolved,  upon  the  fii*sC  opportunity  that  ottered  any  chance  of  success,  to 
kill  her  captors  and  scalp  them,  and  to  return  home  with  such  trophies  as 
would  clearly  establish  her  reputation  for  heroism,  as  well  as  insure  her  a 
bounty  from  the  public.  She  therefore  communicated  her  d'^ign  to  Mrs. 
AV/f  and  the  English  boy,  who,  it  would  seem,  readily  enough  agreed  to  it. 
To  the  art  of  killing  and  scalping  she  was  a  stranger  ;  and,  tliat  there  should 
be  no  failure  in  the  business,  Mrs.  Duston  instructed  the  boy,  who,  from  his 
long  residence  with  them,  had  become  as  one  of  tlie  Indians,  to  inquire  of  one 
of  the  men  how  it  was  done.  He  did  so,  and  the  Indian  showed  him,  with- 
out mistrusting  the  origin  of  the  inquiry,  it  was  now  March  the  31,  and  in 
the  dead  of  the  night  following,  this  bloody  tragedy  was  acted.  When  the 
Indians  were  in  the  most  sound  sleep,  these  tiiree  captives  arose,  and  softly 
arming  themselves  with  the  tomahawks  of  their  mastere,  allotted  the  miinber 
each  should  kill ;  and  so  truly  did  they  direct  their  blows,  that  but  one  escaped 
that  they  designed  to  kill.  This  was  a  womi..\  whom  they  badly  woumled, 
and  one  boy,  for  some  reason  they  did  not  wisii  to  harm,  and  acconlindy  ho 
was  allowed  to  escape  unhurt,  Mrs.  Duston  killed  her  master,  and  Leonard- 
son  killed  tiie  man  who  had  so  freely  told  him,  but  one  day  beibre,  where  to 
deal  a  deadly  blow,  and  how  to  take  oft' a  scalp. 

*  Slir  was  n  daiisliti'r  of  Georrre.  Coriiss,  nvn\  married  Tl'iV/i'ajrt  AV//",  hIio  went  ndcr  I'r.e 
«rmy.  ami  died  nt  I'eiiimaiiiiid,  Fel>.  KiRB.     Mtjrirk,  Ilisl.  Havl.  87. 
t  Tliulr  course  was  i>rol)iil)ly  very  indirect,  to  eludo  tuirsuil,  X  Hist.  Mtivcrliill,  li9 


Chap.  Ill] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


47 


111 


All  WM  over  before  the  dawti  of  day,  and  nil  things  wore  got  ready  for 
leaving  this  place  of  blood.  All  the  boats  but  one  were  scuttled,  to  i)revont 
being  |)ni*sued,  and,  with  what  provisions  and  arms  the  Indian  camp  ailbrdcd, 
they  finbarked  on  board  the  other,  and  slowly  and  silently  took  the  course  of 
thc'ftlerrimack  River  for  their  homes,  where  they  all  soon  after  arrived  with- 
out accident. 

The  whole  country  was  astonished  at  the  relation  of  the  affair,  the  truth  of 
"which  was  never  for  a  moment  doubted.  The  ten  scalps,  and  the  arms  of  the 
Indians,  were  evidences  not  to  be  questioned  ;  and  the  general  court  gave 
them  fifty  pounds  as  a  reward,  and  numerous  other  gratuities  were  showered 
upon  them.  Colonel  JVicholson,  governor  of  Maryland,  hearing  of  the  transac- 
tion, sent  them  a  generous  present  also. 

Eight  other  houses  were  attacked  besides  Duaton^s,  the  owners  of  which, 
says  the  historian  of  that  town,  Mr.  Mynck,  in  every  case,  were  slain  while 
defending  them,  and  the  blood  of  each  stained  his  own  door-sil!. 

JVarrative  of  the  Destriution  of  Schenectady.* — This  was  an  event  of  great 
distress  to  the  whole  country,  at  the  time  it  happened,  and  we  are  able  to  give 
some  new  facts  in  relation  to  it  from  a  manuscript,  which,  we  believe,  has 
never  before  been  published.  These  facts  are  contained  in  a  letter  from  Gov- 
3rnor  Bradstreet,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Hinckley,  of  Plimouth,  dated 
about  a  month  after  the  affair.  They  are  as  follow: — "  Tho'  you  cannot  but 
have  heard  of  the  horrid  massacre  committed  bv  the  French  and  Indians  at 
Senectada,  a  fortified  and  well  compacted  to\vn  50  nules  above  Albany  (which 
we  had  an  account  of  by  an  express,)  yet  we  think  we  have  not  discharged 
our  duty  till  you  hear  of  it  from  us.  'Twas  upon  the  Eighth  of  February, 
[1G89-90]  at  midnight  when  those  poor  secure  wretches  were  surprised  by 
the  enemy.  Their  gates  were  o[)en,  no  watch  kept,  and  hardly  any  order 
observed  in  giving  and  obeying  commands.  Sixty  of  them  were  butchered  in 
the  place ;  of  whom  Lieut.  Talmage  and  four  more  were  of  Capt.  BidCs  com- 
pany, besides  five  of  said  company  carried  captive.  By  this  action  the  French 
have  given  us  to  undijrstand  what  we  may  expect  from  them  as  to  the  fron- 
tier towns  and  seaports  of  New  England.  We  are  not  so  well  acquainted 
what  number  of  convenient  Havens  you  have  in  your  colony,  besides  those  of 
Plimoutli  and  Bristol.  We  hope  your  prudence  and  vigilance  will  lead  you 
to  take  .such  measures  as  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  either  of 
those  or  any  such  like  place."  f 

We  now  proceed  to  give  such  other  facts  as  can  be  gathered  from  the 
numerous  printed  accounts.  It  appears  that  the  government  of  Canada  had 
planned  several  expeditions,  previous  to  the  setting  out  of  this,  against  various 
important  points  of  the  English  frontier, — as  mucli  to  gain  the  warric  rs  of  the 
Five  Nations  to  their  interest,  as  to  distress  the  English.  Governor  De  JSTon- 
ville  bad  sent  over  several  chief  sachems  of  the  Iroquois  to  France,  where, 
as  usual  upon  such  embassies,  great  pains  were  taken  to  cause  them  to  enter- 
tain the  highest  opinions  of  tho  glory  and  greatness  of  the  Fi-encli  nation. 
Among  them  was  Taweraket,  a  renowned  warrior,  and  two  others.  It  appears 
.  that,  during  their  absence  in  France,  the  great  war  between  their  countrymen 
and  the  French  had  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Montreal,  and  other  i)laees,  aa 
will  be  seen  detailed  in  our  Fifth  Book.  Hence,  when  Count  fVonteiuie 
arrived  in  Canada,  in  the  fall  of  1089,  instead  of  finding  the  Iroquois  ready  to 
join  him  and  his  forces  which  he  had  brought  from  France  for  the  conquest 
of  New  York,  ho  found  li'inself  obliged  to  set  about  a  reconciliation  of  them, 
lie  tiiereforo  wisely  despatched  Taweraket,  and  the  two  others,  upon  that 
design.  The  Five  Nations,  on  being  called  U|)on  by  these  chiefs,  would  take 
no  step  without  fii"st  notifying  tho  English  at  Albany  that  a  council  was  to  be 
called.  The  blows  which  had  been  so  lately  given  the  French  of  Canada, 
had  lulled  the  English  into  a  fatal  security,  and  they  lei  this  council  pass  with 
too  little  attention  to  its  proceedings.     On  tho  other  baud,  the  French  wcr» 

^  *  'I'liis  was  the  (iprmnn  name  ofn  pine  barren,  such  as  strclplics  itself  bolweoii  Albany  anil 
Silioni'claily,  over  whioli  is  now  n  rnil-road. 

t  FreiK'ii  ships,  witli  land  I'lrcci  ami  munitions,  had,  but  a  short  time  before,  hovered  upoa 
tbo  coaaU 


■'t 


48 


lESTRUCTlON  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[Book  1 


"M 


fully  and  ably  ivprcsented  ;  and  tlie  result  wns,  the  existing  breach  was  set  in 
n  fuir  way  to  bo  closed  up.  This  great  council  was  bogun  22  Januaiy,  16!)0 
and  consisted  of  eighty  sachems.  It  was  opened  by  Sadekanaghtie,*  a  groat 
Oneida  chief. 

Meanwhile,  to  give  employment  to  the  Indians  wiio  yet  remained  their 
friends,  the  expedition  was  begun  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Schenec- 
tady. Chief  Justice  Smith\  wrote  his  account  of  tliat  affiiir  from  a  manuscript 
letter  left  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  at  that  time  mayor  of  Albany;  and  it  is  the 
most  particular  of  any  account  yet  published.  It  is  as  follows,  and  bears  date 
15  February,  1G89:— 

After  two-and-twenty  days'  march,  the  enemy  fell  in  with  Schenectady, 
February  8.  There  were  about  200  French,  and  perha|)s  50  Cuughnewaga 
Mohawks,  and  they  at  first  intended  to  have  surprised  Albany ;  but  their 
march  had  been  so  long  and  tedious,  occasioned  by  the  deepness  of  the  snow 
and  coldness  of  the  weather,  that,  instead  of  attemjrting  any  thing  offensive, 
they  had  nearly  decided  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  first  English  tliey 
should  meet,  such  was  their  distressed  situation,  in  a  cam[)  of  snow,  but  a  few 
miles  from  the  devoted  setdement.  The  Indians,  however,  saved  them  from 
the  disgrace.  They  had  sent  out  a  small  scout  from  their  |)arty,  who  entered 
Schenectady  without  even  exciting  suspicion  of  their  errand.  When  they  htid 
staid  as  long  as  the  nature  of  their  business  required,  they  withdrew  to  their 
fellows. 

Seeing  that  Schenectady  offered  such  an  easy  prey,  it  put  new  courage  into 
the  French,  and  they  came  upon  it  as  above  related.  The  bloody  tragedy 
commenced  between  11  and  12  o'clock,  on  Saturday  night;  and,  that  every 
liouse  might  be  surprised  at  nearly  the  same  time,  the  enemy  divided  them- 
selves into  parties  of  six  or  seven  men  each.  Although  the  town  was  impaled, 
no  one  thought  it  necessary  to  close  the  gates,  even  at  night,  presuming  the 
severity  of  the  season  was  a  sufficient  security  ;  hence  the  fii"st  news  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  was  at  every  door  of  every  house,  which  dooi*s  were 
broken  as  soon  as  the  profound  slumbers  of  diose  they  were  intended  to  guard. 
The  same  inhuman  barbarities  now  followed,  that  were  afterwards  perpetrated 
upon  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  Slontreal.J  "No  tongue,"  said  Colonel 
Schnyk)',  "  can  express  the  cruelties  that  were  committed."  Sixty-three 
houses,  and  the  church,  §  were  immediately  in  a  blaze.  Enciente  women, 
in  their  expiring  agonies,  saw  their  intiints  east  into  the  flames,  being  first 
delivered  by  the  knife  of  the  midnight  assassin  I  Sixty-three  ||  persons  were 
put  to  death,  and  twenty-seven  were  carried  into  captivity. 

A  few  persons  fled  towards  Albany,  with  no  other  covering  but  their  night- 
clothes  ;  the  horror  of  whose  condition  was  greatly  enhanced  by  a  great  fall 
of  snow ;  25  of  whom  lost  their  limbs  from  the  severity  of  the  frost.  With 
these  poor  fugitives  came  the  intelligence  to  Albany,  and  that  place  was  in 
dismal  confusion,  having,  as  usual  upon  such  oceaiions,  supposed  the  enemy 
to  have  been  seven  times  more  numerous  than  they  really  were.  About  noon, 
the  next  day,  the  enemy  set  off  from  Schenectady,  taking  all  the  plunder  they 
could  carry  with  them,  among  which  were  forty  of  the  best  horees.  The  n  st, 
with  all  the  cattle  and  other  domestic  animals,  lay  slaughtei-ed  in  the  streets. 

One  of  the  most  considerable  men  of  Schenectady,  at  this  time,  was  Captain 
Jilcxander  Glen.  If  He  lived  un  the  opposite  side  of  tlie  river,  and  was  sufi'ered 
to  escape,  because  he  had  delivered  many  French  prisoners  ii'om  torture  and 
slavery,  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  the  former  wars.  They  had 
passed  his  house  in  the  night,  and,  during  the  massacre,  he  had  taken  ihe 
alarm,  and  in  the  morning  he  was  found  ready  to  defend  himself.  IJefore 
leaving  the  village,  a  French  officer  sunnnoiiec^  him  to  .i  cc  uncil,  upon  the 
shore  of  the  river,  with  the  tender  of  peixmal  safely.  lie  at  length  adveiiiuicd 
(iown,  and  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  having  all  his  captured  friends  tind 
relatives  delivered  to  him  ;  and  the  enemy  departed,  keeping  good  their 
promise  that  no  injury  should  be  done  him.  {{ 


ftiulasrenmcldie  in  Powiuii  on  tlie  Colonies,  I.  3!)!!. 
See  15oi)k  V.  ^  l^pajj'onl, 

I   Vharlevoh:  colls  iiim  The  Sieuv  Coiidre. 


t  Hist.  \.  Voik. 
II  Coklen.  I  I'l 


Chap.  III.] 


DEST^iUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


49 


The  great  Mohawk  castle  was  ahout  17  miles  from  Schenectady,  nrul  thoy 
did  not  hear  of  the  niussaere  until  two  days  a'ter,  owuig  to  the  state  of 
travelling.  On  receiving  the  news,  tlmy  immediately  joined  a  party  of  men 
from  Albany,  and  pursued  the  enemy.  Al\er  a  tedious  pursuit,  they  fell  upon 
their  rear,  killed  and  took  25  of  them,  and  did  them  some  otlier  damage.  Sev- 
eral chief  sachems  soon  assembled  at  A'.bany,  to  condole  with  the  peojjle,  und 
animate  them  against  leaving  the  place,  which,  it  seems,  thoy  were  ahout  to 
do.  From  a  speech  of  one  of  the  cliiels  on  this  occasion,  tlie  following  extract 
is  preserved : — 

"  Brethren,  we  do  not  think  that  what  the  French  have  done  can  bo  called 
a  victory ;  it  is  only  a  further  i)roof  of  their  cruel  deceit.  Tlie  governor  of 
Canada  sent  to  Onondago,  and  talks  to  us  of  peace  with  our  whole  house ;  hut 
war  was  in  his  heart,  as  you  now  see  by  woful  experience.  He  did  tiie  same 
formerly  at  Cadaracqui,*  and  in  the  Senecas'  country.  This  is  the  tliird  time 
he  has  acted  so  deceitfully.  He  has  bioken  open  our  house  at  both  ends; 
formerly  in  he  Senecas'  country,  uud  now  here.  We  hope  to  be  revenged 
on  them." 

Accordingly,  when  messengers  came  to  renew  and  conclude  the  treaty 
which  had  been  begun  by  Taweraket,  beibre  mentioned,  they  were  seized  and 
handed  over  to  the  English.  They  also  kept  out  scouts,  and  harassed  the 
French  in  every  direction. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  draw  from  Charlevoix'  account  of  this  affair,  which 
is  very  minute,  as  it  respects  the  operations  of  the  French  and  Indians.  Not- 
withstanding its  great  importance  in  a  correct  history  of  the  sacking  of  Sche- 
nectady, none  of  our  historians  seem  to  have  given  themselves  the  trouble  of 
laying  it  before  their  readers. 

Governor  Frontenac,  having  determined  upon  an  expedition,  gave  notice  to 
M.  de  la  Durantaye,  who  then  commanded  at  Michilimakinak,  that  he  might 
assure  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas,  that  in  a  short  time  they  would  see  a  groat 
change  in  affairs  for  the  better.  He  pre)>arcd  at  the  same  time  a  large  convoy 
to  reinforce  that  post,  and  he  took  measures  also  to  raise  three  war  parties, 
who  should  enter  by  three  different  routes  the  country  of  the  English.  The 
fii-st  assembled  at  Montreal,  and  consisted  of  ahout  110  men,  French  and 
Indians,  and  was  put  under  the  connnand  of  M.M.  tVJlUlebout  de  Mantel,  and 
le  Maine  de  St.  Helene,  two  lieutenants,  under  whom  MM.  de  Repentigmj, 
d^ Iberville,  de  Bonrepos,  de  la  Brosse,  and  de  Montigm,  requested  perm is- 
eion  to  serve  as  volunteer. 

This  i)arty  marched  out  before  they  had  determined  against  what  part  of 
the  English  frontier  they  would  carry  tiieir  arms,  though  some  j)art  of  New 
York  was  understood.  Count  Frontenac  had  left  that  to  the  two  conmumdors. 
Aller  they  had  marched  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a  council  to  determine 
upon  what  place  they  wotdd  attempt.  In  this  council,  it  was  debated,  on  the 
part  of  the  French,  that  Albany  would  be  the  smallest  place  they  ought  to 
undertake;  but  the  Indians  would  not  agree  to  it.  They  contended  that,  with 
their  small  force,  an  attack  upon  Albany  would  be  attended  with  extreme 
hazard.  The  French  being  strenuous,  the  debate  grew  warm,  and  an  Indian 
chief  asked  them  "how  long  it  was  since  tiicy  had  so  nmch  courage."  To 
this  severe  rebuke  it  was  answered,  tiiat,  if  by  some  past  actions  they  had 
discovered  cowardice,  they  siiould  see  that  now  they  would  retrieve  llicir 
character ;  they  would  take  Albany  or  die  in  the  attempt.  The  Indiiins,  iiow- 
ever,  would  not  consent,  and  the  council  broke  up  without  agreeing  upon  any 
tiling  but  to  proceed  on. 

They  continued  their  march  initil  they  came  to  a  place  where  their  path 
divided  into  two;  one  of  which  led  to  Albany,  and  the  other  to  Schenectady: 
hero  Manlet  gave  up  his  design  upon  Albany,  and  they  marched  on  harmoni- 
ously for  the  former  village.  The  weatlier  was  very  severe,  and  for  tlie  nine 
following  days  the  little  army  suffered  incredible  hardships.  'I'lio  nun  wore 
oflen  obliged  to  wade  through  water  up  to  their  knees,  breaUuig  its  ice  at 
every  step. 


•  See  Book  V. 


1) 


60 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[Book  1 


At  4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  beginning  of  February,  they  arrived  within 
two  leagues  of  Schenectady.  Here  they  halted,  and  the  Great  ^gnier,  chief 
of  the  Iroquois  of  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  made  a  speech  to  them.  He  exhorted 
every  one  to  forget  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  in  the  hope  of  avenging 
the  wrongs  they  had  for  a  long  time  suffered  from  the  perfldious  English, 
who  were  the  authors  of  them;  and  in  the  ch)se  added,  that  they  could  not 
doubt  of  the  assistance  of  Heaven  against  the  enemies  of  God,  in  a  cause 
so  just. 

Hardly  had  they  taken  up  their  line  of  march,  when  they  mot  40  Indian 
women,  who  gave  them  all  the  necessary  information  for  approaching  the 
place  in  snft-'y.  A  Canadian,  named  Giguiere,  was  detached  ii  imediately  with 
nine  Iiid'ans  upon  discoveiy,  who  acquitted  himself  to  the  entire  satisfiiction 
of  his  officers.  He  reconnoitred  Schenectady  at  his  leisure,  and  then  rejoined 
bis  comrades. 

It  had  been  determined,  by  the  party  to  put  off  the  attack  one  ,,  /  longer; 
but  on  the  arrival  of  the  scout  under  Giguiere,  it  was  resolved  to  proceed 
without  delay. 

Schenectady  was  then  in  form  like  that  of  a  long  square,  and  entered  by 
two  gates,  one  at  each  end.  One  opened  towards  Albany,  the  other  upon  the 
great  road  leadmg  into  the  back  country,  and  wiiich  was  now  possessed  by 
the  French  and  Indiana.  Mantet  and  St.  Helene  charged  at  the  second 
gate,  which  the  Indian  women  before  mentioned  had  assured  them  was 
always  open,  and  they  found  it  so.  D'RerviUe  and  Repentigni  passed  to  the 
left,  in  order  to  e"ter  by  the  other  gate,  but,  after  losing  some  time  in  vainly 
endeavoring  to  find  it,  were  obliged  to  return  and  enter  with  their  comrades. 

The  gate  was  not  only  open  but  unguarded,  and  the  whole  j)arty  entered 
withoiir,  being  discovered.  Dividing  themselves  into  several  parties,  they 
wuy.iuid  every  portnl,  ind  then  the  war-whoop  was  raised.  Mantet  formed 
and  attacked  a  garrisoi;,  where  the  only  resistance  of  any  account  was  made. 
The  gate  of  it  was  soon  forced,  and  all  of  the  English  fell  by  the  sword,  and 
the  garrison  was  burned.  Montigni  was  wounded,  in  forcing  a  house,  in  his 
arm  and  body  by  two  blows  of  a  halberd,  which  put  him  hor3  du  combat;  but 
St.  Helene  being  come  to  his  assistance,  the  house  was  taken,  and  the  woimda 
of  Montigni  revenged  by  the  death  of  all  who  had  slnit  themselves  up  in  it. 

Nothing  was  now  to  be  seen  but  massacre  and  pillage  in  eveiy  place.  At 
ilie  end  of  about  two  hours,  the  chiefs,  believing  it  due  to  their  safety,  posted 
bodies  of  guards  at  all  the  avenues,  to  prevent  surprise,  and  tlie  rest  of  the 
night  was  spent  in  refreshing  themselves. 

Mantet  had  given  orders  that  the  minister  of  the  place  should  be  spared, 
whom  he  hud  intended  for  his  own  prisoner;  but  he  was  found  among  the 
promiscuous  dead,  and  no  one  knew  when  he  was  killed,  and  all  his  pupcra 
were  burned. 

After  the  place  was  destroyed,  the  chiefs  ordered  all  the  casks  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  to  be  staved,  to  prevent  their  men  from  getinig  drimk.  They 
next  set  all  the  houses  on  fire,  excepting  that  of  a  widow,  into  which  Montigni 
had  been  carried,  and  another  belonging  to  Major  Coudre :  they  were  in  num- 
ber about  40,  all  well  built  and  furnished ;  no  booty  but  that  which  could  bo 
easily  transyiovted  was  saved.  The  lives  of  about  60  persons  were  spared ; 
chiefly  w-  •  ion,  children,  and  old  men,  who  had  escaped  the  fuiy  of  the  onset, 
and  30  Indians  who  happened  to  be  then  in  the  place.  The  lives  of  the 
Indians  were  spared  that  they  might  carry  the  news  of  what  had  happened  to 
their  countrymen,  whom  they  were  recjuesti'd  to  inform,  that  it  was  not 
ajininst  them  that  they  intended  any  harm,  but  to  the  Engliish  only,  whom 
tlicy  had  now  desi-oile'l  of  property  to  the  amount  of  four  hundred  thousand 
pounds. 

They  were  too  near  Albany  to  remain  long  among  the  ruins,  and  tlioy 
(Icc'junped  about  noon.  Tlio  plunder — .Montigni,  whom  it  was  necessary 
10  carry — the  prisoners,  wlio  were  to  tiie  niunber  of  40 — and  the  want  of 
provisions,  with  which  they  had  in  their  hurry  neglected  to  i)rovi(Ie  them- 
selves— retarded  mnch  then*  retreat.  Many  would  have  even  died  ot"  (amine, 
had  they  not  had  50  horses,  of  which  there  remained  but  six  when  tiity 


1^' 


Ch\p.  HI] 


MURDER  OF  MISS  M'CREA. 


51 


lat- 
ley 
rut 


iet, 
lie 
to 

Kit 

)in 
nd 

(-y 

IV 

f)? 
II- 
ie, 


arrived  nt  Montreal,  upon  the  27  March  following.*  Their  want  of  provisions 
oliliged  them  to  separate,  and  in  an  attack  which  was  made  upon  one  party, 
llinje  Indians  and  six  Frenchmen  were  killed  or  taken  ;  an  attack,  which,  for 
want  of  proper  caution,  cost  the  army  moie  lives  than  the  capture  of  Sche- 
nectady ;  in  which  they  lost  but  two  men,  a  Frenchman  and  an  Indian. 

Murder  o/"  JVii'ss  Jane  McCrea. — ^This  young  lady  "  was  the  second  daughter 
of  James  McCrea^  minister  of  Laming'ton,  New  Jersey,  who  died  before  the 
revolution.  After  his  death,  she  resided  with  her  brother,  Colonel  JohnMcCrea 
of  Albany,  who  removed  in  1773  to  the  neigh'iorhood  of  Fort  Edwai'd.  His 
house  was  in  what  is  now  Northumberland,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
three  miles  north  of  Fort  Miller  Fails.  In  July  or  August,  1777,  being  on  a  visit 
to  the  family  of  Mrs.  McjYeil,  near  Fort  Edward,  at  the  close  of  the  week,  she  was 
asked  to  remain  until  Monday.  On  Sunday  morning,  when  the  Indians  came 
to  the  house,  she  concealed  herself  in  the  cellar;  but  they  dragged  her  out  by 
the  hair,  and,  p!."-''-ff  her  on  a  horse,  proceeded  on  the  road  towards  Sandy 
Hill.  They  soo,  r«^  another  party  of  Indians,  returning  from  Argyle,  where 
they  had  killed  the  family  of  Mr.  Bains ;  these  Indians  disapproved  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  the  captive  to  the  British  camp,  and  one  of  them  struck  her 
with  a  tomahawk  and  tore  off  her  scalp.  This  is  the  account  given  by  her 
nephr-  The  account  of  Mrs.  McJSfeil  is,  that  her  lover,  anxious  for  her 
safety,  «,.nployed  two  Indians,  with  the  promise  of  a  barrel  of  rum,  to  bring 
her  to  him ;  and  that,  in  consequence  of  their  dispute  for  the  right  of  condii't- 
ing  her,  one  of  them  murdered  her.  Gen.  Gaies,  in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Bursoyne 
of  2  September,  says, '  she  was  dressed  to  receive  her  promised  husband.' 

"  Her  brother,  on  hearing  of  her  fate,  sent  his  family  the  next  day  to  Albany, 
and,  repairing  to  the  American  camp,  buried  his  sister,  with  one  Lieutenant 
Van  Vechten,  three  miles  south  of  Fort  Edward.  She  was  23  years  old,  of  an 
amiable  and  virtuous  character,  and  highly  esteemed  by  all  her  acquaintance. 
It  is  said,  and  waa  believed,  that  she  was  engaged  in  marriage  to  Captain 
David  Jones,  of  the  British  army,  a  loyalist,  who  survived  her  only  a  few 
years,  and  died,  as  was  supposed,  of  grief  for  her  loss.  Her  nephew,  Colonel 
James  McCrea,  lived  at  Saratoga,  in  1823."  f 

Under  the  name  of  Lnidnda,  Barlow  has  dwelt  upon  this  murder  in  a  strain 
that  may  be  imitated,  but  not  surpassed.    We  select  from  him  as  follows : — 

"One  deed  shall  tell  what  fame  great  Albion  draws 
From  these  auxiliars  in  her  barb'rous  cause, — 
Lncinda's  fate.    The  tale,  ye  nations,  hear  j 
Eternal  ages,  trace  it  with  a  tear." 

The  poet  then  makes  Lucinda,  during  a  battle,  wander  from  her  home  to 
watch  her  lover,  whom  he  calls  Heartly.  She  distinguishes  him  in  the  con- 
flict, and,  when  his  squa  Iron  is  routed  by  the  Americans,  she  proceeds  to  the 
contested  ground,  fancyi.  ig  she  had  seen  him  fall  at  a  certain  point.    But 

"  He  hurries  to  his  tent ;— oh,  rage !  despair ! 

No  glimpse,  no  tidings,  of  the  frantic  fair; 

Save  that  some  carmen,  as  a-camp  they  drove, 

Had  seen  her  coursing  for  the  western  grove. 

Fainl  with  fatigue,  and  choked  with  burning  thirst, 

Forth  from  his  friends,  with  bounding  leap,  he  burst, 

Vaults  o'er  the  nalisade,  with  eyei  on  flame, 

Aii<l  fills  the  welkin  with  Lucinaa's  name." 
"Tlia  fair  one,  too,  of  every  aid  foilorn, 

Ha<l  raved  and  wandered,  till  officious  mom 

Awaked  die  Mohawks  from  their  short  repose. 

To  glean  the  plunder  ere  their  comrades  rose. 

Two  Mohawks  met  the  maid— —historian,  hold !  ''— 
"She  starts — with  eyes  upturned  and  fleeting  breath, 

In  their  raised  axes  views  her  instant  death. 

Her  hair,  half  lost  along  the  shrubs  she  jiassod. 

Rolls,  in  loose  tangles,  round  her  lovely  waist ; 

Her  kerchief  lorn  betrays  the  globes  of  snow, 

That  heave  responsive  io  her  wcij;lrt  of  woe. 


*  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  were  obliged  to  subsist  chiefiy  upon  (heir  liorsM. 
t  I'resideul  Allen's  American  ISiogrnphical  Uictionuiy,  571. 


m  \ 


63  HEROISM  OF  MRS.  MERRIL— WIHTE   INDIANS.  [RiokI 

Willi  calciilnlin"^  pause  and  dcmnn  grin 

'I'liey  seizo  '-jrliaiKls,  aiiJ,  ili'ougli  her  face  divine, 

Drive  the  <lf!srcndiiig  axe ! — llie  slinek  she  sent 

Altaiiicd  her  lover's  ear;  he  thither  bent 

With  all  the  speed  his  wearied  linihs  could  yield, 

Whirled  his  keen  blade,  and  stretched  upon  the  field 

The  yelling  Fiends,  who  there  dispiuiiig  stood 

Her  gory  scalp   their  horrid  prize  of  blood! 

He  snnk,  delirious,  on  her  lileless  clay. 

And  jiassed,  in  starts  of  seii^e,  the  dreadful  day." 

In  a  note  to  the  above  i)as8ages,  Mr.  Barlow  says  tliis  tragical  story  of  Miss 
McCrea  is  detailed  almost  literally. 

"  Extraordinary  instance  of  female  heroism,  extracted  from  a  letter  written  bif 
Col.  James  Perry  to  the  Rev.  Jordan  Dodge,  dated  Jvelson  Co.,  Ky.,  20  ^^pril, 
1788." — "On  the  first  of  April  «nst.,  a  ntimber  of  Indians  surrounded  the 
liousc  of  one  John  Merril,  which  was  discovered  by  the  barking  of  a  dog. 
Merril  stepped  to  the  door  to  see  what  he  coidd  discover,  and  received  three 
inusket-balls,  which  catised  him  to  fall  back  into  the  house  with  a  biokcii  leg 
and  arm.  The  Indians  rushed  on  to  the  door  ;  but  it  being  instantly  fastened 
by  his  wife,  who,  with  a  girl  of  about  15  years  of  age,  stood  against  ii,  the 
savages  could  not  immerliately  enter.  They  broke  one  part  of  the  door,  and 
one  of  them  crowded  partly  through.  The  heroic  mother,  in  the  midst  of  Jicr 
screaming  children  and  groaning  husband,  seized  an  axe,  and  gave  a  fatal 
blow  to  the  savage  ;  and  he  falling  headlong  into  the  house,  the  others,  sup- 

r)osing  they  had  gained  their  end,  rushed  after  him,  until  four  of  them  fell  in 
ike  manner  before  they  discovered  their  mistake.  The  rest  retreated,  which 
gave  opportunity  again  to  secure  the  door.  The  conquerors  rejoiceil  in  their 
victory,  hoping  they  had  killed  the  whole  coinpimy ;  btit  their  expectations 
were  soon  dashed,  by  finding  the  door  again  attitcked,  which  the  bold  mother 
endeavored  once  more  to  secure,  with  the  assistance  of  the  young  woniati. 
Their  fears  now  came  on  them  like  a  flood  ;  and  tliey  soon  heard  a  noise  on 
the  top  of  the  house,  and  then  found  the  Indians  were  coming  down  the 
chimney.  All  hopes  of  dtiliverancc  seemcil  now  at  an  end  ;  but  the  wounded 
man  ordered  his  little  child  to  tumble  a  cotich,  that  was  filled  with  hair  and 
feathers,  on  the  fire,  which  made  such  a  smoke  that  two  stout  Indians  came 
tumbling  down  into  it.  The  wounded  iimn,  at  this  critical  moment,  seized  a 
billet  of  wood,  wounded  as  he  was,  and  witli  it  succeeded  in  despatching  the 
half-smothered  Indians.  At  the  same  moment,  the  door  was  attempted  by 
another ;  but  the  heroine's  arm  had  become  too  enfeebled  by  her  over-exertions 
to  deal  a  deadly  blow.  She  howevt^'  caused  him  to  retreat  wounded.  They 
then  again  set  to  work  to  make  their  house  more  secure,  not  knowing  but 
another  attack  would  be  made ;  but  they  were  not  furdier  disturbed.  This 
aflair  happened  in  the  evening,  and  the  victors  carefully  watched  with  their 
new  family  until  morning.  A  prisoner,  that  escaped  immediately  after,  said 
the  Indian  last  mentioned  was  the  only  one  that  escaped.  He,  on  returning  to 
his  friends,  was  asked,  'What  news?'  said,  'Plagtiy  bad  news,  for  the  squaws 
fight  worse  than  the  long-knives.'  This  aflliir  hapjiened  at  Newbardstown, 
about  15  miles  from  Sandy  Creek,  and  may  be  depended  upon,  as  I  had  the 
pleasure  to  assist  in  tumbling  them  into  a  hole,  afler  they  were  stripped  of 
their  head-dresses,  and  about  30  dollars'  worth  of  silver  furniture." 


Wklsh  or  White  Indians. 

**  JS/cirrative  ofCapt.  Isaac  Stuart,  of  the  Provincial  Cavalry  of  South  Carolina, 
taken  from  his  own  mouth,  by  I.  C,  Esq.,  March,  1782. 

"I  waH  taken  prisoner,  about  50  miles  to  the  westward  of  Fort  Pitt,  alioiu 
18  years  ago,  by  the  Indians,  and  carried  to  the  Wabash,  with  other  white 
men.  They  were  executed,  with  circumstances  of  horricJ  barbarity ;  but  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  call  forth  the  synipatiiy  of  a  good  woman  of  the 
village,  who  was  permitted  to  redeem  me  from  those  who  held  me  prisoner, 
by  giving  them  a  horse  as  a  ransom.  Alter  remaining  two  years  in  bondiige, 
a  Spaniard  came  to  the  nation,  having  been  sent  from  Mexico  on  discoveries 


Chap.  III.] 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


53 


IllOllt 

jhite 
lilt  it 
the 
|)iun', 
llage, 
I'l'it'B 


Ho  made  application  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Indians  for  hiring  me,  and  another 
white  man  wiio  was  in  tiio  like  situation,  a  native  of  Wales,  and  named  John 
Daveif,  which  was  complied  with.  We  took  our  departure  and  travelled  to 
the  westward,  crossing  tlie  Mississippi  near  Red  River,  up  which  we  travelled 
upwards  of  700  miles.  Here  we  came  to  a  nation  of  Indians  remarkably 
white,  and  whose  hair  was  of  a  reddish  color,  at  least,  mostly  so.  They  lived 
on  a  small  river  which  emptied  itself  into  Red  River,  which  they  called  the 
River  Post;  and  in  the  morning,  the  day  after  our  arrival,  the  Welshman 
informed  me  that  he  was  determined  to  remain  with  the  nation  of  Indians, 
giving  as  a  reason  that  he  understood  their  language,  it  being  very  little  dif- 
ferent from  the  Welsh.  My  curiosity  was  excited  very  much  by  tliis  informa- 
tion, and  I  went  with  my  companion  to  the  chief  men  of  the  town,  who  in- 
formed him,  in  a  language  that  I  had  no  knowledge  of,  and  which  had  no  affin- 
ity with  that  of  any  other  Indian  tongue  that  I  ever  heard,  that  the  forefathers 
of  this  nation  came  from  a  foreign  country,  and  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Mississippi  fdescribing  particularly  the  country  now  called  West  Florida) ;  and 
that,  on  the  Spaniards  taking  possession  of  the  country,  they  fled  to  their  then 
abode  ;  and,  as  a  proof  of  what  they  advanced,  they  brought  out  rolls  of  parch- 
ment wrote  with  blue  ink,  at  least  it  had  a  bluish  cast  The  characters  I  did 
not  understand,  and  the  Welshman  being  unacquainted  with  letters  of  any 
language,  I  was  not  able  to  know  what  the  meaning  of  the  writing  was.  They 
were  a  bold,  hardy,  intrepid  people,  very  warlike,  and  their  women  were  beau- 
tiful, compared  with  other  Indians." 

Thus  we  have  given  so  much  of  Captain  SluarCs  narrative  as  relates  to  the 
White  Indians.  The  remainder  of  it  is  taken  up  in  details  of  several  ex- 
cursions, of  many  hundred  miles,  in  the  mterior  of  the  continent,  without  any 
extraordinary  occurrence,  except  tiie  finding  of  a  gold  mine.  He  returned  by 
way  of  the  Mississippi,  and  was  considered  a  man  of  veracity  by  the  late 
Lieutenant-colonel  Cruger,  of  South  Carolina,  who  recommended  him  to  the 
gentleman  who  communicated  his  narrative. 

I  had  determined  formerly  to  devote  a  chapter  to  the  examination  of  the 
subject  of  the  White  Indians;  but,  on  reference  to  all  the  sources  of  informa- 
tion in  my  possession,  I  found  that  the  whole  rested  upon  no  other  authority 
than  such  as  we  have  given  above,  and  therefore  concluded  to  give  the  most 
interesting  parts  of  the  accounts  without  comment,  and  let  the  reader  draw 
his  own  conclusions.  There  seem  to  have  been  a  good  many  accounts  con- 
cerning the  White  Indians  in  circulation  about  the  same  period,  and  the  next 
we  shall  notice  is  found  in  Mr.  Charles  Beatty'a  journal,  the  substance  of  which 
is  as  follows :  — 

At  the  foot  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr,  Beaitxj  stopped 
at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  John  Miller,  where  he  "met  with  one  Benjamin  SiUlon, 
who  had  been  taken  captive  by  the  Indians,  and  had  been  in  different  nations, 
and  lived  many  years  among  them.  When  he  was  with  the  Choctaws,  at  the 
Mississippi  River,  he  went  to  an  Indian  town,  a  very  considerable  distance 
from  New  Orleans,  whose  inhabitants  were  of  different  complexions,  not  so 
tawny  as  those  of  the  other  Indians,  and  who  spoke  Welsh,  He  saw  a  book 
among  them,  which  he  supposed  was  a  Welsh  Bible,  which  they  carefully  kept 
wrapped  up  in  a  skin,  but  they  could  not  read  it;  and  he  heard  some  of  those 
Indians  afterwards,  in  the  lower  Shawanee  town,  speak  Welsh  with  one  Lewis, 
a  Welshman,  captive  there.  This  VVelsh  tribe  now  live  on  the  west  side  of 
tlie  Mississippi,  a  great  way  above  New  Orleans." 

At  Tuscarora  valley  he  met  with  another  man,  named  Levi  Hicks,  who  had 
been  a  captive  from  his  youth  with  the  Indians.  He  said  he  was  once  attend- 
ing an  embassy  at  an  Indiai  *own,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
the  inhabitants  spoke  Welsh,  '  as  he  was  told,  for  he  did  not  understand  them" 
himself.  An  Indian,  named  Joseph  Ptepij,  Mr.  Beattjfs  interpreter,  said  he  once 
saw  some  Indians,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  of  tlio  same  tribe,  who  talked 
Welsli.  He  was  sure  th^y  talked  Welsh,  for  he  had  been  acquainted  with 
Welsh  people,  and  knew  some  Avords  they  used. 

To  the  above  Mr.  Beatty  adds :  •'  I  have  been  informed,  that  many  years 
ago,  a  clergyman  went  from  Britain  to  Virginia,  and  having  lived  some  time 
l''.ere,  went  from  thiMice  to  S.  Carolina ;  but  after  some  time,  for  some  reasoix 
5* 


64 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


he  resolved  to  return  to  Virginia,  and  accordingly  set  out  by  land,  accom- 
panied with  some  other  persons.  In  travelling  tlirongh  the  back  parts  of  the 
country,  which  was  then  very  thinly  inhabited,  he  fell  in  with  a  party  of  In- 
dian warriors,  going  to  attack  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia.  Upon  examining 
the  clergyman,  and  finding  he  was  going  to  Virginia,  thoy  looked  upon  hiin 
and  his  companions  as  belonging  to  Uiat  province,  and  took  them  all  prisoners, 
and  told  them  they  must  die.  The  clergyman,  in  preparation  for  another 
world,  went  to  prayer,  and,  being  a  Welshman,  prayed  in  the  Welsh  language. 
One  or  more  of  the  Indians  was  much  surprised  to  hear  him  pray  in  their  own 
language.  Upon  this  they  spoke  to  him,  and  finding  he  could  understand 
them,  got  tlie  sentence  of  death  reversed,  and  his  life  was  saved.  They 
took  him  with  them  into  their  country,  where  he  found  a  tribe  whose  native 
language  was  Welsh,  though  the  dialect  was  a  little  diflfercnt  from  his  own, 
which  he  soon  came  to  understand.  They  showed  him  a  book,  which  he 
found  to  be  the  Bible,  but  which  they  could  not  read  ;  and  on  his  reading  and 
explaining  it,  their  regard  for  him  was  much  heightened."  After  some  time, 
the  minister  proposed  to  these  people  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  prom- 
ised to  return  ogain  to  them  with  others  of  his  friends,  who  would  instruct 
them  in  Christianity ;  but  not  long  after  his  return  to  England,  he  died,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  design. 

It  is  very  natural  to  inquire  how  these  Indians,  though  descended  from  the 
Welsh,  came  by  books ;  for  it  is  well  known  that  the  period  at  which  the 
Welsh  must  have  come  to  America,  was  long  before  printing  was  discovered, 
or  that  any  writings  assumed  the  form  of  books  as  we  now  have  them.  It 
should  be  here  noted  that  Mr.  Bealty  travelled  in  the  autumn  of  17G6. 

Major  Rogers,  in  his  "  Concise  Account  of  North  America,"  published  in 
1765,  notices  the  White  Indians  ;  but  the  geography  of  their  country  he  leaves 
any  where  on  tlie  west  of  the  Mississippi ;  probably  never  having  visited  them 
himself,  although  he  tells  us  he  had  travelled  very  extensively  in  the  interior. 
"This  fruitful  country,"  he  says,  "  is  at  present  inhabited  by  a  nation  of  Indi- 
ans, called  by  the  others  the  White  Indians,  on  account  of  their  complexion ; 
they  being  much  the  fairest  Indians  on  the  continent.  They  have,  however, 
Indian  eyes,  and  a  certain  guilty  Jewish  cast  with  them.  This  nation  is  very 
numerous,  being  able  to  raise  between  20  and  30,000  fighting  men.  They 
have  no  weapons  but  bows  and  arrows,  tomahawks,  and  a  kind  of  wooden 

Cikes,  for  which  reason  they  often  suffer  greatly  from  the  eastern  Indians,  who 
ave  the  use  of  fire-arms,  and  frequently  visit  the  White  Indians  on  the  banks 
of  the  easterly  branch,  [of  Muddy  River .'  ]  and  kill  or  captivate  them  in  great 
numbers.  Such  as  fall  alive  into  their  hands,  they  generally  sell  for  slaves. 
These  Indians  live  in  large  towns,  and  have  commodious  houses ;  they  raise 
corn,  tame  the  wild  cows,  and  use  both  their  milk  and  flesh;  they  keep  groat 
numbers  of  dogs,  and  are  very  dexterous  in  hunting ;  they  have  little  or  no 
commerce  with  any  nation  that  we  at  present  are  acquainted  with." 

In  the  account  of  Kentucky,  written  in  1784,  by  an  excellent  writer,  Mr. 
John  Filson,yfe  find  as  follows:  —  After  noticing  the  voyage  of  Modoc,  f/hc 
with  his  ten  ships  with  emigrants  sailed  west  about  1170,  and  who  were,  ac- 
cording to  tlie  Welsh  historians,  never  heard  of  after,  he  proceeds:  — "This 
account  has  at  several  times  drawn  the  attention  of  tlie  world;  but  as  no  ves- 
tiges of  them  had  then  been  found,  it  was  concluded,  perhaps  too  rashly,  to  be 
a  fable,  or  at  least  that  no  remains  of  the  colony  existed.  Of  late  years,  how- 
ever, the  western  settlers  have  received  frequent  accounts  of  a  nation,  inhab- 
iting at  a  great  distance  up  the  Missouri,  in  manners  and  appearance  resem- 
bling the  other  Indians,  but  speaking  Welsh,  and  retaining  some  ceremonies 
of  the  Christian  worship ;  and  at  lengtii  tliis  is  universally  believed  there  to  be 
a  fact.  Capt  Abraham  Chaplain,  of  Kentucky,  a  gentleman  whose  veracity 
may  be  entirely  depended  upon,  assured  the  author  that  in  the  late  war  [revo- 
lution] being  witli  his  company  in  garrison,  at  Kaskaskia,  some  Indians  came 
there,  and,  speaking  the  Welsh  dialect,  were  perfectly  understood  and  con- 
versed with  by  two  Welshmen  in  his  company,  and  that  they  informed  them  of 
the  situation  of  their  nation  as  mentioned  above." 

Henry  Ker,  who  travelled  at  long  13  tribes  of  Indians  in  1810,  &c.,  names 
one  near  a  great  mountain  wijich  he  calls  Mnacedeus.    He  said  Dr.  Sii/ev 


'  ill 


Chap.  IV.I 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


55 


had  told  him,  when  at  Natchitoches,  that  a  number  of  travellers  had  assured 
him,  that  there  was  a  stron<j  similarity  between  the  Indian  lan<junpo  and 
many  words  of  the  Welsh.  Mr.  Ker  found  nothing  among  any  of  the  Indiana 
to  indicate  a  Welsh  origin  until  he  arrived  among  the  Mnacedcus.  Here 
he  found  many  customs  which  were  Welsh,  or  common  to  that  people,  and 
he  adds;  "I  did  not  understand  the  Welsh  language,  or  I  should  liave  been 
enabled  to  have  thrown  more  light  upon  so  interesting  a  subject,"  as  tlioy 
had  "printed  books  among  them  which  were  preserved  witli  groat  care, 
they  having  a  tradition  that  they  were  brought  there  by  their  forefathers." 
Upon  this,  in  another  place,  he  observes,  "  The  books  appeared  very  old,  and 
were  evidently  printed  at  a  time  when  there  had  been  very  little  improvement 
made  in  the  casting  of  types.  I  obtained  a  few  leaves  from  one  of  the  chiefs, 
eutficient  to  have  thrown  lighten  the  subject;  but  in  my  subsequent  disputes 
with  the  Indians,  I  lost  them,  and  all  my  endeavors  to  obtain  more  were  inef- 
fectual," 

How  or  at  what  time  these  Indians  obtained  "  printed  books,"  Mr.  Ker  does 
not  give  us  his  opinion  ;  although  he  says  much  more  about  them. 

There  are  a  great  number  of  others  wiio  have  no.  ced  those  Indians;  but 
after  an  examination  of  them  all,  I  am  unable  to  add  much  to  tiie  above  stock 
of  information  concerning  them.  Upon  the  whole,  we  tliink  it  may  be  pretty 
safely  said,  that  the  existence  of  a  race  of  Welsh  about  the  regions  of  tiie 
Missouri  does  not  rest  on  so  good  authority  as  that  which  has  been  adduced 
to  establish  tlie  existence  of  the  sea-serpent.  Should  any  one,  however,  choose 
to  investigate  the  subject  further,  he  will  find  pretty  ample  references  to  au- 
tliors  in  which  the  subject  has  been  noticed,  in  a  note  to  the  life  of  Madoka- 
wando,  in  our  third  book.  In  addition  to  which,  he  may  consult  the  authorities 
of  Movllon,  ac  pointed  out  in  his  history  of  New  York. 


i§i»i 


CHAPTER  IV. 

American  Anti  iUiTiES — Few  Indian  Antiquities — Of  Mounds  and  their  con- 
tents— Account  of  those  in  Cincinnati — In  the  Miami  country — Works  sup- 
posed  to  have  been  built  for  defences  or  fortifications — Some  at  Piqua — JVear 
Hamilton — Milford — Decrfield — Six  miles  above  Lebanon — On  Paint  Creek— 
At  Marietta — At  Circletilte —  Their  age  uncertain —  Works  on  Licking  River— 
Ancient  excavations  or  wells  near  JYewark — Various  other  works. 


0  be 

lOW- 

hab- 
3em- 
inies 
o  be 
icity 
evo- 
;ame 
con- 
of 

imea 
iWeV 


To  describe  the  antiquities  of  America  would  not  require  a  very  great 
amount  of  time  or  space,  if  we  consider  only  those  which  are  in  reality  such. 
And  as  to  Indian  antiquities,  they  consist  in  nothing  like  monuments,  says 
Mr.  Jefferson ;  "  for,"  he  observes,  "  I  would  not  honor  with  that  name,  arrow- 
points,  stone  hatchets,  stone  pipes,  and  half-shapen  images.  Of  labor  on  the 
large  scale,  I  tliink  there  is  no  remain  as  respectable  as  would  be  a  common 
ditch  for  the  draining  of  lands,  unless  indeed  it  would  be  the  Barrows,  of 
which  many  are  to  be  found  all  over  in  this  country.  These  are  of  differ- 
ent sizes,  some  of  them  constructed  of  earth,  and  some  of  loose  stones.  That 
they  were  repositories  of  the  dead,  has  been  obvious  to  all ;  but  on  what  par- 
ticular occasion  constructed,  was  a  matter  of  doubt.  Some  have  tliought  they 
covered  the  bones  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  battles  fougiit  on  tlie  spot  of 
interment  Some  ascribe  them  to  the  custom,  said  to  prevail  among  the  In- 
dians, of  collecting  at  certain  periods  the  bones  of  all  their  dead,  wheresoever 
deposited  at  the  time  of  death.  Others  again  suppose  them  the  general  sepul- 
chres for  towns,  conjectured  to  have  been  on  or  near  these  grounds ;  and  this 
opinion  was  supported  by  the  quality  of  tiie  lands  in  which  they  are  found, 
[those  constructed  of  earth  being  generally  in  the  softest  and  most  fertile 
meadow-grounds  on  river  sides,)  and  by  a  tradition,  said  to  be  handed  down 
from  the  aboriginal  Indians,  that  when  they  settled  in  a  town,  the  first  person 
who  died  was  placed  erect,  and  earth  put  about  him,  so  as  to  cover  and  support 
him ;  and  that  when  another  died,  a  narrow  passage  was  dug  to  the  first,  the 


■:i 


66 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  1 


second  reclined  against  him,  and  the  cover  of  earth  replaced,  and  so  on.  There 
being  one  of  these  in  my  neighborhood,  I  wished  to  e.>.l:'3fy  myself  whetiier 
any,  and  which  of  these  opinions  were  just.  For  this  ooi,e,  I  determined 
to  open  and  examine  it  thorouglily.  It  was  situated  on  I.  (ow  grounds  of  the 
Rivanna,  about  two  miles  above  its  principal  fork,  and  oj.(josite  to  some  hills, 
on  w  liich  had  been  an  Indian  town.  It  wa«  of  a  spheroidal  form,  of  about  40 
feet  diameter  at  the  base,  and  had  been  of  about  V2  feet  altitude,  though  now 
reduced  by  the  plough  to  seven  and  a  half,  having  been  under  cultivation  about 
a  dozen  yi.-ars.  Before  this  it  was  covered  with  trees  of  12  inches  diameter, 
and  round  the  base  was  an  excavation  of  tive  feet  depth  and  width,  froni 
wiionce  the  earth  had  been  taken  of  which  the  hillock  was  formed." 

In  tliis  mound  my  author  found  abundance  of  human  bones,  which,  from 
their  position,  it  was  evident  had  been  thrown  or  piled  promiscuously  there 
together ;  bones  of  the  head  and  feet  being  in  contact ;  "  some  vertical,  some 
oblique,  some  horizontal,  and  directed  to  every  point  of  the  compass."  These 
bones,  when  exposed  to  the  air,  crumbled  to  dust.  Some  of  the  skulls,  jaw- 
bones, and  teeth,  were  taken  out  nearly  in  a  perfect  state,  but  would  fall  to 
pieces  on  being  examined.  It  was  evident  that  this  assemblage  of  bones  was 
made  up  from  persons  of  all  ages,  and  at  different  periods  of  time.  The 
mound  was  composed  of  alternate  strata  of  bones,  s'ones,  and  earth.  Hence 
it  would  seem  that  barrows,  or  mounds,  as  they  are  most  usually  called,  were 
formed  by  the  Indians,  whose  custom  it  was  to  collect  the  bones  of  their  de- 
ceased friends  at  certain  periods,  and  deposit  them  together  in  this  manner. 
"  But,"  Mr.  Jefferson  observes,  "  on  whatever  occasion  they  may  have  been 
made,  they  are  of  considerable  notoriety  among  the  Indians:  for  a  party  pass- 
ing, about  30  years  ago,  through  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow  is, 
went  through  the  woods  directly  to  it,  without  any  instructions  or  inquiry,  and 
having  staid  about  it  some  time,  with  expressions  which  were  construed  to  be 
those  of  sorrow,  they  returned  to  the  high  road,  which  they  had  left  about  half 
a  dozen  miles  to  pay  this  visit,  and  pursued  their  journey." 

In  these  tumuli  are  usually  found,  with  the  bones,  such  instruments  only  as 
appear  to  iiave  been  used  for  superstitious  purposes,  ornaments  or  war.  Of 
the  latter  kind,  no  more  formidable  weapons  have  been  discovered  than  toma- 
hawks, spears  and  arrow-heads,  which  can  be  supposed  to  have  been  deposited 
before  the  arrival  of  Europeans  in  America.  What  Mr,  Jefferson  found  in 
the  barrow  ho  dissected  besides  bones,  or  whether  any  thing,  he  does  not 
inform  us.  In  several  of  these  depositories  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  which 
Dr.  Daniel  Drake  examined,  numerous  utensils  were  found.  He  has  given  a 
most  accurate  account  of  them,  in  which  he  has  shown  himself  no  less  a  phi- 
losopiier  than  anti<iuary.  He  divides  them  into  two  classes,  ancient  and  mod- 
ern, or  ancient  and  more  ancient.  "  Among  the  latter,"  he  says,  "  there  is  not 
a  single  edifice,  nor  any  ruins  which  prove  the  existence,  in  former  ages,  of  a 
building  composed  of  imperishable  materials.  No  fragment  of  a  column,  no 
bricks,  nor  a  single  hewn  stone  large  enough  to  have  been  incorporated  into 
a  wall,  has  been  discovered." 

There  were  several  of  these  mounds  or  tumuli,  20  years  ago,  within  a  short 
space  in  and  about  Cincinnati;  but  it  is  a  remarkalle  fact,  that  tlie  plains  on 
tlie  opposite  side  of  the  River  Ohio  have  no  vestiges  of  the  kind.  The  largest 
of  those  in  Cincinnati  was,  in  17!)4,  about  35  feet  in  height;  but  at  this  time 
it  was  cut  down  to  27  by  order  of  General  fVayne,  to  make  it  serve  as  a  watch- 
tower  for  a  sentinel.     It  was  about  440  feet  in  circumference. 

Almost  every  traveller  of  late  years  has  said  something  upon  the  mounds, 
or  fortitications,  scattered  over  the  south  and  west,  from  Florida  to  the  lakes, 
and  from  the  Hudson  to  Mexico  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  By  some  they  are 
reckoned  at  several  thousands.  Mr.  Brackenridge  supposes  there  may  be 
3000 ;  but  it  would  not  outrage  probability,  I  presume,  to  set  them  down  at 
twice  tl'nt  number.  Indeed  no  one  can  form  any  just  estimate  in  respect  to 
the  number  of  mounds  and  fortifications  which  have  been  built,  any  more  than 
of  the  period  of  time  which  has  passed  since  they  were  originally  erected,  for 
several  obvious  reasons;  one  or  two  of  which  may  bo  mentioned:  —  the 
plough,  excavations  and  levellings  for  towns,  roads,  anc'  vfarious  other  works, 
have  entirely  destroyed  hi'.ndreds  of  them,  which  had  .lever  been  described, 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN   ANTIQUITIES. 


fa 


no 
into 

lort 
on 
rest 
ime 
,cli- 

ids. 

ce.s, 

are 

be 

at 

to 


nnd  wIio.se  sites  cannot  now  be  nscertninod.  Another  preat  destruction  of 
tiiem  has  boon  effected  by  tiie  changinj^  of  the  course  of  rivers. 

There  are  various  opinions  about  tiic  uses  for  which  tliese  ancient  rnmaina 
were  construct(Ml:  while  some  of  tiieni  are  too  much  like  modern  fortificationa 
to  adniit  of  a  doubt  of  their  haviucr  been  used  for  defences,  others,  nearly  sim- 
ilar in  desijfn,  from  their  situation  entirely  exclude  the  adoption  of  such  an 
opinion.  Hence  wo  find  four  kinds  of  remains  formed  of  earth :  two  kinds 
of  mounds  or  barrows,  and  two  which  have  been  viewed  us  fortifications. 
The  barrows  or  burial  piles  are  distinfjuished  by  such  as  contain  articles 
which  were  inhumed  with  the  dead,  and  those  which  do  not  contain  them. 
From  what  cause  they  differ  in  this  respect  it  is  ditHcult  to  deterniine.  Somo 
have  supposed  the  former  to  contain  bones  only  of  warriors,  but  in  such 
mounds  the  bones  of  infants  are  found,  and  hence  that  hypothesis  is  over- 
thrown; and  indeed  an  liy])otiiesis  can  scarcely  be  raised  upon  any  one  matter 
concerning  them  without  almost  a  positive  assurance  tliat  it  has  been  created 
to  be  destroyed. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  contents  of  the  mounds  generally,  the  following  may 
betaken;  being  such  as  Dr.  Z^raAe  found  in  those  he  examined:  —  1.  Cylin- 
drical stones,  such  as  jasper,  rock-crystal,  and  granite ;  with  a  groove  near  one 


end. 


A  circular  piece  of  cannel  coal,  with  a  large  opening  in  the  centre, 


as  though  made  for  the  reception  of  an  axis ;  and  a  deep  groove  in  tlie  circum- 
ference, suitable  for  a  band.  3.  A  smaller  article  of  the  same  shape,  but 
composed  of  polished  argillaceous  earth.  4.  A  bone,  ornamented  with  several 
carved  lines,  supposed  by  some  to  be  hieroglyphics.  5.  A  sculptural  repre- 
sentation of  the  head  and  beak  of  some  rapacious  bird.  G.  Lumps  of  lead  ore. 
7.  Isinglass  (mica  inembranacea).  This  article  is  very  common  in  mounds, 
and  seems  to  have  been  held  in  high  estimation  among  the  people  that  con- 
structed them ;  but  we  know  not  that  modern  Indians  have  any  particular 
attachment  to  it,  A  superior  article,  though  much  like  it,  was  also  in  great 
esteem  uniong  the  ancient  Mexicans.  8.  Small  pieces  of  sheet  copper,  vith 
perforations.  9.  Larger  oblong  pieces  of  the  same  metal,  with  longitudinal 
grooves  and  ridges.  10.  Beads,  or  sections  of  small  hollow  cylinders,  appar- 
ently of  bone  or  shell.  11.  Teeth  of  carnivorous  animals,  lii.  Large  marine 
shells,  belonging,  perhaps,  to  the  genus  buccinum ;  cut  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  serve  for  domestic  utensils.  These,  and  also  the  teeth  of  animals,  are 
generally  found  almost  entirely  decomposed,  or  in  a  state  resembling  clialk. 
13.  Earthern  ware.  This  seems  to  have  been  made  of  the  same  material  as 
that  employed  by  the  Indians  of  Louisiana  within  our  recollection,  viz.  pounded 
muscle  and  other  river  shells,  and  earth.  Some  perfect  articles  have  been 
found,  but  they  are  rare.  Pieces,  or  fragments,  are  very  common.  Upon 
most  of  them,  confused  lines  are  traced,  which  doubtless  had  some  meaning ; 
but  no  specimen  has  yet  been  found  having  glazing  upon  it  like  modern  pot- 
tery. Some  entire  vases,  of  most  uncouth  appearance,  have  been  found.  Mr. 
Atwater  of  Ohio,  who  has  pretty  fully  described  the  western  antiquities,  gives 
an  account  of  a  vessel,  which  seems  to  have  been  used  as  a  jug.  It  was  found 
in  an  ancient  work  on  Cany  Fork  of  Cumberland  River,  about  four  feet  below 
the  surface.  The  body  of  the  vessel  is  made  by  three  heads,  all  joined  to- 
gether at  their  backs.  From  these  places  of  contact  a  neck  is  formed,  which 
rises  about  three  inches  above  the  heads.  The  orifice  of  this  neck  is  near  two 
inches  in  diameter,  and  the  three  necks  of  the  heads  form  tlie  legs  of  the  ves- 
sel on  which  it  stands  when  upright.  The  heads  are  all  of  a  size,  being  about 
four  inches  from  the  top  to  the  chin.  The  faces  at  the  eyes  are  about  three 
inches  broad,  which  increase  in  breadth  all  the  way  to  the  chin. 

Of  the  works  called  fortifications,  though  already  mentioned  in  general 
terms,  their  nnportance  demands  a  further  consideration. 

At  Piqua,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Great  Miami,  there  is  a  circular  wall 
of  earth  inclosing  a  space  of  about  100  feet  in  diameter,  with  an  opening  on 
die  side  most  remote  from  the  river.  "  Tlie  adjacent  hill,  at  tlio  distance  of 
iialf  a  mile,  and  ul  the  greater  elevation  of  about  100  fiset,  is  the  site  of  a  stone 
wall,  nearly  circular,  and  inclosing  perhaps  yO  acres.  The  valley  of  the  river 
on  one  side,  and  a  deep  ravine  on  '.lie  other,  render  the  access  to  three  fourths 
of  tliis  fortification  extremely  difficult.    The  wall  was  carried  generally  along 


•I 


58 


AMERICAN   AxNTIQUlTIES 


[Book  1 


the  brow  of  flio  hill,  in  one  place  (Insceiidintr  a  short  distance  so  as  to  include 
a  8priii<.'.  The  silicioiis  limestone  of  which  it  was  huilt,  must  have  boon  trans- 
ported from  the  bed  of  tlie  river,  which,  for  two  miles  opposite  these  works, 
does  not  at  present  alFord  one  of  10  pounds  weij^lit.  They  exhibit  no  marks 
of  the  hammer,  or  any  other  tool.  Tlie  wall  was  laid  up  without  mortar,  and 
is  now  in  rums. 

"Lower  down  tJie  same  river,  near  the  mouth  of  Hole's  Creek,  on  the  plain, 
there  are  remains  of  great  extent.  The  principal  wall  or  bank,  which  is  of 
earth,  incloses  about  H<0  acres,  and  is  in  some  parts  nearly  I'i  feet  hij^h. 
Also  below  Iluniilton,  there  is  a  fortification  upon  the  top  of  a  iiigh  hill,  out  of 
view  from  the  river,  of  very  ditlicult  approach.  This  incloses  about  ")()  acres. 
Adjacent  to  this  work  is  a  mound  25  feet  in  diameter  at  its  base,  and  about 
seven  feet  perjiendicillar  altitude. 

"  On  the  elevated  point  of  land  above  the  confluence  of  the  Great  Miami 
and  Ohio,  there  are  extensive  and  complicated  traces,  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
military  men,  eminently  qualified  to  judge,  arc  the  remains  of  very  strong  de- 
fensive works." 

In  the  vicinity  of  Milford,  on  the  Little  Miami,  are  fortifications,  the  largest 
of  which  are  upon  the  toj)  of  the  first  hill  above  the  confluence  of  the  Kast 
Fork  with  the  Miami.  "On  the  opposite  side  of  the  Miami  River,  above 
Round  Bottom,  are  similar  antiquities  of  considerable  extent.  On  tlie  East 
Fork,  at  its  head  waters,  other  remains  have  been  discovered,  of  which  the 
principal  bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  those  above  mentioned;  but  within, 
It  difilers  from  any  which  have  yet  been  examined  in  this  quarter,  in  having 
nine  parallel  banks  or  long  parapets  united  at  one  end,  exhibiting  very  exactly 
the  figure  of  a  gridiron. 

"Furllier  up  the  Little  Miami,  at  Deerfield,  are  other  interesting  remains; 
but  those  which  have  attracted  more  attention  than  any  otliers  in  the  Miami 
country,  are  situated  six  miles  from  Lebanon,  above  the  mouth  of  Todd's 
Fork,  an  eastern  branch  of  the  Miami.  On  the  summit  of  a  ridge  at  loust  200 
feet  above  the  valley  of  the  river,  there  are  two  irregular  trapezoidal  figures, 
connected  at  a  point  where  the  ridge  is  very  much  narrowed  by  a  ravine.  The 
wall,  which  is  entirely  of  earth,  is  generally  eight  or  ten  feet  high  ;  but  in  one 
place,  where  it  is  conducted  over  level  ground  for  a  short  distance,  it  rises  to 
18.  Its  situation  is  accurately  adjusted  to  the  brow  of  the  hill ;  and  as  there 
is,  in  addition  to  tlie  Miami  on  tlie  west,  deep  ravines  on  the  north,  the  south- 
east, and  s  5uth,  it  is  a  position  of  great  strength.  The  angles  in  this  wall, 
both  retreating  and  salient,  are  numerous,  and  generally  acute.  The  openings 
or  gateways  are  not  less  than  80 1  They  are  rarely  at  equal  distances,  and  are 
sometimes  within  two  or  three  rods  of  one  another.  They  are  not  opposite  to, 
or  connected  with  any  existing  artificial  objects  or  topographical  peculiarities, 
and  present,  therefore,  a  paradox  of  some  difficulty."  These  works  inclose 
almost  100  acres,  and  one  of  the  state  roads  from  Cincinnati  to  Cliillicothe 
passes  over  its  northern  part 

On  Paint  Creek,  10  miles  from  Chillicothe,  are  also  very  extensive  as  well  aa 
wonderful  works.  "  Tiie  wall,  which  had  been  conducted  along  the  verge  of 
the  hill,  is  by  estimation  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length.  It  was  formed  en- 
tirely of  undressed  freestone,  brought  chiefly  from  the  streams  250  feet  below, 
and  laid  up  without  mortar  or  cement  of  any  sort  It  is  now,  like  all  the  walla 
of  a  similar  kind  which  have  been  discovered  in  the  western  country,  in  a  state 
of  ruins.  It  exhibits  the  appearance  of  having  been  shaken  down  by  an 
earthquake,  not  a  single  stone  being  found  upon  another  in  such  a  manner  aa 
to  indicate  lli.it  to  have  been  its  situation  in  the  wall.  In  several  places  there 
are  openings,  iinmediately  opposite  which,  inside,  lie  piles  of  stone." 

Dr.  Harris,  in  1603,  very  accurately  described  the  remains  at  Marietta,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio  Rivers.  "The  largest  square 
FORT,"  he  observes,  "  by  some  called  tht  town,  contains  40  acres,  encompassed 
by  a  wall  of  earth  from  G  to  10  feet  high,  and  from  25  to  36  in  breadtli  at  the 
base.  On  each  side  are  three  openings  at  equal  distances,  resembling  12  gate- 
Ways.  The  entrances  at  the  middle  are  the  largest,  particularly  that  on  the 
Bide  next  the  Muskingum.  From  this  outlet  is  a  covert  way,  formed  of  two 
parallel  walls  of  earth,  231  feet  distant  from  each  other,  measuring  from  cen- 


m 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMKRICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


69 


1  aa 
e  of 
en- 
elow, 
walla 
state 
an 
aa 
there 

ka,  at 

JAKE 

issed 
tthe 
Tate- 
itho 
two 
cen- 


tre to  contro.  Tho  wnlla  iit  the  moat  elovatod  part  on  tlio  insido  are  Ql  f.^Pt  in 
height,  and  -12  in  biTiultli  at  the  base,  iuit  on  tlu>  oiit.sido  avoratre  only  of  five 
I'o(!t  high.  Tliia  foriiiH  a  i)!iHsii;,ffi  of  about  UdO  fcot  in  Icii^'tli,  leadiiif;  by  a 
(rradiial  descent  to  the  low  grounds,  wliore  it,  probably,  at  the  timo  of  iU  con- 
struction, reached  the  niiirjfin  of  tho  river.  Its  wulla  commence  at  (JO  fool 
from  tlie  rampirta  of  tho  fort,  and  incroiiso  in  elcv!iti(ni  aa  the  way  dosconda 
tawarda  tho  river;  and  the  bottom  ia  crowned  in  tho  centre,  in  tho  manner  of 
a  weil-for'  led  turnpike  road.  Within  the  walla  of  the  fort,  at  the  north-west 
corner,  is  an  obionir,  elevated  square,  188  feet  lonjj,  lliti  broad,  and  nine  feet 
high;  level  on  the  sinnmit,  and  nearly  perpendicular  at  the  sides.  At  tho 
centre  of  eiich  of  the  sides  the  earth  is  projected,  forminjj  gradual  ascents  to 
the  top,  eciually  regular,  and  about  aix  feet  in  width.  I^ear  the  south  wall  ia 
another  elovittcd  (pmre,  I. "iO  feet  by  ItiO,  and  eight  feet  high.  At  the  south- 
east corner  is  tlit  third  elevated  scpuire,  108  by  .54  feet,  with  ascents  at  tho 
ends.  At  the  sonth-oiist  cornrr  of  the  fort  ia  a  semicircular  parapet,  crowned 
with  a  mound,  which  guards  tho  opening  in  the  wall.  Towards  the  south-east 
is  A  SIMILAR  KOKT,  Containing  liO  acres,  with  a  gateway  in  the  centre  of  each 
side  and  at  each  conu-r.     These  openinga  are  defended  with  circular  mounds." 

There  are  also  other  works  at  Alarietta,  but  a  mere  description  of  them  can- 
not interest,  as  then;  is  so  much  of  sameness  about  them.  And  to  describe 
all  that  ni;iy  be  met  with  would  till  a  volume  of  no  moderate  size:  for  Dr. 
Harris  says,  "  Vou  cfiniiol  ride  20  miles  in  any  direction  without  finding  some 
of  tho  nioundft,  or  vestiges  of  the  ramparts."  VVe  shall,  therefore,  only  notice 
the  most  promiiient. 

Of  first  importance  are  doubtless  the  worka  upon  the  Scioto.  Tho  most 
magnificent  is  situated  2H  miles  south  from  Columbus,  and  consists  of  two 
nearly  exact  figures,  a  (urcle  and  a  square,  which  are  contiguous  to  each  other. 
A  town,  having  been  built  within  the  former,  appropriately  received  the  name 
of  Circleville  from  that  circumstance.  According  to  Mr.  Jltwater,  who  haa 
surveyed  thfse  works  with  great  exactness  and  attention,  the  circle  was  origi- 
nally 11384  feet  in  diameter,  from  external  parallel  tangents,  and  the  square 
was  !)074  feet  upon  a  side ;  giving  an  area  to  the  latter  of  -iifZa  square  rods, 
and  to  the  circle  3739  nearly ;  both  making  almost  44  acres.  The  rampart 
of  tho  circular  fort  consists  of  two  parallel  walla,  and  were,  at  .oast  in  the 
opinion  of  my  author,  20  feet  iu  height,  measuring  from  the  bottom  of  the 
ditch  between  the  circumvallations,  before  the  town  of  Circleville  was  built. 
"The  inner  wall  was  of  clay,  taken  up  probably  in  uie  northern  part  of  tho 
fort,  where  waa  a  low  place,  and  is  still  considerably  lower  than  any  other 
part  of  the  work.  The  outsido  wall  was  taken  from  the  ditch  which  ia  be- 
tween these  walla,  and  ia  alluvial,  consisting  of  pebbles  worn  smuoth  in  water 
and  sand,  to  a  very  considerable  depth,  more  than  50  feet  at  least."  At  the 
time  Mr.  Jllwaler  wrote  his  account,  (about  1819,)  the  outside  of  the  walla  waa 
but  about  five  or  six  feet  high,  and  the  ditch  not  more  tl>dn  15  feet  deep.  The 
walls  of  the  square  fort  were,  at  the  same  time,  about  ''0  feet  high.  This  fort 
had  eight  gatewaya  or  openings,  about  20  feet  broad,  each  of  which  was  de- 
fended by  a  mound  four  or  five  feet  high,  all  within  the  fort,  arranged  in  the 
most  exact  manner ;  equidistant  and  parallel.  The  circular  fort  had  but  one 
gateway,  which  was  at  its  south-east  point,  and  at  the  place  of  contact  with 
the  square.  In  the  centre  of  the  square  waa  a  remarkable  mound,  with  a 
semicircular  pavement  adjacent  to  its  eastern  half,  and  nearly  facing  the  pas- 
sage way  into  the  square  fort.  Just  without  the  square  fort,  upon  the  north 
side,  and  to  the  east  of  the  centre  gateway,  rises  a  large  mound.  In  the  op- 
posite point  of  the  compass,  without  the  circular  one,  ia  another.  Theae, 
probably,  were  the  places  of  burial.  As  the  walls  of  the  square  fort  lie  pretty 
nearly  in  a  line  with  the  cardinal  points  of  the  horizon,  some  have  supposed 
they  were  originally  projected  in  strict  regard  to  them;  their  variation  not 
being  more  than  that  of  the  compass;  but  a  single  fact  of  this  kind  can  estab- 
lish nothing,  as  mere  accident  may  have  given  them  such  direction.  "  What 
surprised  me,"  says  my  authority,  "  on  measuring  these  forts,  waa  the  exact 
manner  in  which  they  had  laid  down  their  circle  and  square ;  so  that  after 
every  effort,  by  the  most  careful  survey,  to  detect  some  error  in  their  meaairo" 
ment,  we  found  that  it  waa  impossible." 


Il 


60 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I. 


As  it  IS  not  my  design  to  wnjte  time  in  conjectures  upon  the  autliois  of 
these  antiquities,  or  tlie  remoteness  of  the  period  in  which  they  wt  re  con- 
Btructe'l,  I  will  continue  my  account  of  them,  utler  an  observation  upon  a 
siiijilo  circumstance.  I  refer  to  the  fact  of  the  immense  trees  found  gowing 
upon  the  mounds  and  other  ancient  works.  Their  having  existed  for  a  thou- 
sand years,  or  at  least  some  of  tiiem,  can  scarcely  be  questioned,  whon  we 
know  from  unerring  data  that  trees  have  been  cut  upon  them  of  tiie  age  of 
near  500  years;  and  from  the  vegetable  mould  out  nf  which  they  spring,  there 
is  every  appearance  of  several  generations  of  decay  uil  noes  of  tlie  same  kind; 
and  no  forest  treeo  of  the  present  day  appear  older  than  those  upon  the  very 
works  under  consideration. 

There  are  in  the  Forks  of  Licking  River,  above  Newark,  in  the  county  of 
Licking,  very  remarkable  remains  of  antiquity,  said  by  many  to  h^:  as  much  so 
ns  any  in  the  west.  Here,  as  at  Circleville,  the  same  singular  fact  is  observa- 
ble, respecting  the  openings  into  the  forts ;  the  square  ones  having  several,  but 
the  round  ones  only  one,  with  a  single  exception. 

Not  far  below  Newark,  on  the  south  side  of  tlie  Licking,  are  found  numer- 
ou'  wells  or  holes  in  the  earth.  "  There  are,"  says  Mr.  Mwaier,  ''  at  least  a 
thousand  of  them,  many  of  which  are  now  more  than  20  feet  deop."  Though 
called  wells,  my  author  says  they  were  not  dug  for  that  purpose.  Tiiey  have 
tlie  appearance  of  being  of  the  same  age  as  the  mounds,  and  wt  re  Joubtlesa 
made  by  the  same  people  ;  but  for  what  purpose  they  could  have  been  made, 
fetv  seem  willing  to  hazard  a  conjecture. 

Four  or  five  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Somerset,  in  the  county  of  Perry,  and 
southwardly  from  the  works  on  the  Licking,  is  a  stone  fort,  inclosing  about  40 
acres.  Its  shape  is  that  of  a  hcartj  though  bounded  by  straight  lines.  In  o/ 
near  its  centre  is  a  circular  stone  mound,  wliioii  rises  like  a  sugar-loaf  frr'u 
12  to  1.5  feet  Near  this  large  work  is  anotlior  small  fort,  whose  walls  are  -■'' 
earth,  inclosing  but  about  half  an  acre.  I  give  these  the  name  of  forts,  al- 
tliougii  Mr.  Alwaler  says  he  does  not  believe  tliey  were  ever  constructed  for 
defence. 

There  are  curious  remains  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  above  and  opposite  the 
mouth  of  the  Scioto.  Tiiose  on  the  north  side,  at  Portsmouth,  are  the  most 
extensive,  and  those  on  the  otiier  side,  directly  opposite  Alexandria,  are 
the  most  regalar.  They  are  not  more  remarkable  than  many  already  de- 
Bcrihed. 

Wiiiit  the  true  height  of  these  ruined  works  originally  was,  cannot  be  very 
well  ascertained,  as  it  is  almost  impossible  to  know  the  rate  of  their  diminu- 
tion, even  were  the  space  of  time  given  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  most 
of  tliein  are  much  diminished  from  the  action  of  tempests  which  have  swept 
over  them  for  ages.  That  they  were  the  works  of  a  ditlerent  race  from  the 
present  Indians,  has  been  pretty  confidently  asserted  ;  but  as  yet,  proof  is  en- 
tirely wanting  to  support  such  conclusion.  In  a  few  instances,  some  European 
articles  have  been  found  deposited  in  or  about  some  of  the  works ;  but  few 
persons  of  intelligence  pronounce  them  older  tlian  others  of  the  same  kind 
belonging  to  tiie  period  of  the  French  wars. 

As  it  respects  inscriptions  upon  stones,  about  which  much  has  been  said 
and  written,  I  am  of  the  opinion,  that  such  are  purely  Indian,  if  they  were 
not  made  by  some  white  maniac,  as  some  of  them  most  unquestionably  have 
been,  or  other  persons  who  deserve  to  bo  classed  among  such ;  but  I  would 
not  be  rnlerstood  to  include  those  of  South  America,  for  there  the  inhabitants 
evidently  had  a  hieroglyphic  language.  Among  tlie  inscripti'>ns  upon  stone 
in  New  England,  the  "  Inscribed  Rock,"  as  it  is  called,  at  Dighton,  Mass.,  is 
doubtless  the  most  remarkable,  it  is  in  Taunton  River,  about  six  miles  below 
the  town  of  Taunton,  and  is  partly  immersed  by  the  tide.  If  tliis  inscription 
was  made  by  the  Indians,  it  doubtless  had  some  meaning  to  it ;  but  I  doubt 
whether  any  of  them.  ev'-,;pi  such  as  happened  to  know  wiiat  it  was  done 
for,  knew  any  thing  of  its  import.  The  divers  faces,  figures  of  li.iil-liirmed 
animals,  and  zigzag  lines,  occupy  a  space  of  about  20  stpiure  feet.  The  whim- 
eical  conjectures  of  many  persons  about  the  origin  of  tiie  inscription  might 
niinise,  but  could  not  instruct;  and  it  would  bo  a  wusto  of  time  to  give  au 
account  of  them. 


CH/.r.  IV.J 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


61 


de- 


tlie 
cn- 


kind 
said 


ould 
anta 
tone 

,  is 
!low 
ition 
oubt 
lone 
nied 

liin- 

un 


A  stone,  once  thought  to  contain  some  marvellous  inscription,  was  deposit- 
ed a  few  years  since  in  the  Antiquarian  Hall,  at  Worcester,  Mass.;  and  it  was 
with  soiiir  surprise,  that,  on  examininjT  it,  I  found  nothing  but  a  few  lines  of 
quartz  upon  one  of  its  surfiiccs.  The  stone  was  singular  in  no  respect  beyond 
what  may  be  found  in  half  the  farmers'  fields  and  stone  fences  in  New  Eng- 
land. 

In  a  cave  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  about  20  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Wabash,  called  Wilson's  or  Murderer's  Cav.',  ere  figures  engraven  upon 
stone,  which  have  attracted  great  attention.  It  v^as  very  early  possessed  by 
one  Wilson,  who  lived  in  it  with  his  family.  He  a'  length  turned  robber,  and, 
collecting  about  40  other  wretches  like  himself  alout  him,  took  all  tiie  boats 
which  passed  on  the  river  with  any  valuable  goods  in  them,  and  murdered  the 
crews.  He  was  himself  murdered  by  one  of  his  own  gang,  to  get  tlio  reward 
which  was  offered  for  his  apprehension.  Never  hiving  had  any  drawings  of 
the  hiorcglypliics  in  this  cave,  we  cannot  form  any  very  conclusive  opinion 
upon  them.  As  a  proof  of  their  antiquity,  it  has  been  mentioned,  that  among 
those  unknown  characters  are  many  figures  of  animals  not  known  now  to  be 
in  existence ;  but  in  my  opinion,  this  is  in  no  wise  a  conclusive  argument  of 
their  antiquity ;  for  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  uncouth  figures  of  the  Indian 
nianitos  of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  those  of  the  days  of  Powhatan. 

At  Harmony,  on  the  Mississippi,  are  to  be  seen  the  prints  of  two  feet  imbed- 
ded in  hard  limestone.  The  celebrated  Ruppe  conveyed  the  stone  containing 
them  from  St.  Louis,  and  kept  it  upon  liis  premises  to  siiow  to  travellers. 
They  are  about  the  size  of  those  made  by  a  common  man  of  our  times,  unac- 
customed to  shoes.  Some  conclude  them  to  be  remains  of  high  antiquity. 
They  may,  or  may  not  be :  there  are  arguments  for  and  against  such  conclu- 
sion ;  but  on  whicii  side  the  weight  of  argument  lies  is  a  matter  not  ea.  ily  to 
be  settled.  If  these  impressions  of  feet  were  made  in  the  soft  earth  before  it 
was  changed  into  fossil  stone,  we  should  not  expect  to  find  impressions,  but  a 
fonnation  filling  them  of  another  kind  of  stone  (called  organic)  from  that  in 
whicii  tiie  impressions  wore  made  ;  for  tiius  do  organic  remains  discover  them- 
selves, and  not  by  their  absence. 

A  review  of  the  theories  and  opinions  concerning  the  ruoo  or  races  anterior 
to  the  present  race  of  Indians  would  perhaps  be  interesting  to  many,  and  it 
would  be  a  pleasing  subject  to  write  upon :  but,  as  I  have  elsewhere  intimated, 
my  only  object  is  to  present  facts  as  I  find  them,  without  wasting  time  in  com- 
mentaries ;  unless  where  deductions  cannot  well  be  avoided  without  leaving 
tlie  subject  more  obscure  than  it  would  evidently  be  without  tiiem. 

Every  conjecture  is  attended  with  objections  when  they  are  hazarded  upon 
a  subject  that  cann- 1  be  settled.  It  is  time  enough  to  argue  a  subject  of  the 
nature  of  this  .le  are  upon  when  all  the  facts  are  collected.  To  write  volumes 
about  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhot,  in  connection  witli  a  few  isolated  facts,  is  a 
most  ludicrous  and  worse  than  useless  business.  Some  have  said,  it  is  an 
argument  that  the  first  population  came  from  the  north,  because  the  works  of 
which  we  have  been  speaking  increase  in  importance  as  we  proceed  south ; 
but  why  they  should  not  begin  until  the  people  who  constructed  them  had  ar- 
rived within  40"  of  the  equator,  (for  this  seems  to  be  their  boundary  north,)  it 
is  not  stated.  Perhaps  tiiis  people  came  in  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
did  not  need  any  works  to  defend  them  before  arriving  at  tiie  40°  of  north 
latitude.  The  reader  will  readily  enough  ask,  perhaps.  For  what  purpose 
could  fortifications  have  been  built  by  the  first  people  ?  To  defend  themselves 
from  wild  beasts,  or  from  one  another  ?  With  this  matter,  however,  we  have 
nothing  to  Jo,  but  were  led  to  these  remarks,  preparatory  to  a  comparison  bci 
tween  the  antiquities  of  the  north  witli  those  of  the  south. 

On  tlie  otiier  hand,  it  is  said  the  original  i)eople  of  North  America  must  have 
come  from  the  soutii,  ard  that  their  progress  northward  is  evident  from  tlie 
same  works;  with  tiiis  dift'eronco,  that  as  the  people  advanced,  they  dwindled 
into  insignificance ;  and  hence  the  remains  whicii  they  letl  are  proiiortionato 
lo  their  ability  to  make  them.  But  there  is  nothing  artificial  among  the  aiuMcnt 
ruins  of  North  America  that  will  compare  with  the  artificial  mountain  of  Ana 
huac,  called  Cholula,  or  Chloluia,  which  to  this  day  is  about  1()4  feet  in  perpen- 
dicular height,  whose  base  occupies  a  square,  the  sides  of  which  meusuro  1450 
0 


!K1 


ilii 


i 


62 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I 


1    i 


feel.  Upon  tliis  the  Mexicans  had  an  immense  wooden  temple  when  Cortez 
overrun  their  empire.  A  city  now  bears  tlie  name  of  Cliolula,  in  Puebla, 
CiO  miles  east  of  Mexico.  Yet  it  appears  from  Dr.  Beck's  Gazetteer  of  Illinois, 
that  there  is  standing  between  Belleville  and  St.  L^iiis,  a  mound  (iOO  yards  in 
circumference  at  its  base,  and  90  feet  in  heif^ht,  Alount  Joliet,  so  named  from 
the  Sieur  JoUet,  a  Frcnciiman,  who  travelled  upon  the  Mississippi  in  1G73,  is 
a  most  distinguished  moimd.  It  is  on  a  plain  about  GOO  yards  west  of  the 
River  Des  Plainos,  and  1.50  miles  above  Fort  Clark.  Mr.  Schoolcrajl  computed 
its  height  at  60  feet,  its  length  about  450  yards,  and  its  width  75.  Ita  sides 
are  so  steep  that  they  are  ascended  with  difficulty.  Its  top  is  a  beautiful  plain, 
from  whicii  a  most  delightful  prospect  is  had  of  the  surrounding  country.  It 
seems  to  have  been  composed  of  the  earth  of  the  plain  on  which  it  stands. 
Lake  Joliet  is  situated  in  front  of  it;  being  a  small  body  of  water  about  a  mile 
in  length. 

Although  the  remains  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  South  America  differ 
consideratily  from  those  of  North  America,  yet  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the 
people  are  of  tlic  same  race.  The  condition  even  of  savages  changes.  No 
nation  remain-  stationary.  The  western  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
lakes  do  not  make  pottery  at  the  present  day,  but  earthen  utensils  are  still  in 
use  among  the  remote  tribes  of  the  west,  which  is  similar  to  that  dug  up  in 
Ohio,  and  both  are  similar  to  that  found  in  South  America. 

In  speaking  of  ancient  pottery,  Mr.  Sdioolcrqft  observes,  "It  is  common,  in 
digging  at  these  salt  mines,  [in  Illinois,]  to  find  fragments  of  antique  pottery, 
and  even  entire  pots  of  a  coarse  earthenware,  at  great  depths  below  the  sur- 
face. One  of  these  pots,  which  was,  until  a  very  recent  period,  preserved  by 
a  gentleman  at  Shawaneetown,  was  disinterred  at  a  depth  of  80  feet,  and  was 
of  a  capacity  to  contain  eight  or  ten  gallons." 

We  see  announced  from  time  to  time,  in  the  various  newspapers  and  other 
periodicals,  discoveries  of  wonderful  things  in  various  places ;  but  on  examina- 
tion it  is  generally  found  that  they  fall  far  short  of  what  we  are  led  to  ex- 
pect from  tlio  descriptions  given  of  them.  We  hear  of  the  ruins  of  cities  in 
tlie  banks  of  the  Mississippi ;  copper  and  iron  utensils  found  at  great  depths 
below  the  surface,  and  in  situations  indicating  that  they  must  have  been  de- 

Sosited  tiiere  for  three,  four,  or  five  hundred  years  !  Dr.  McMurtrie  relates,  in 
is  "  Sketches  of  Louisville,"  that  an  iron  hatchet  was  found  beneath  the  roots 
of  a  tree  at  Shippingsport,  upwards  of  200  years  old.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  the  tree  had  grown  over  the  hatchet  after  it  was  deposited  there,  because 
"  no  human  power  could  have  placed  it  in  tlie  particular  position  in  which  it 
was  found." 

Upon  some  other  matters  about  which  we  have  already  remarked,  the  same 
autlior  says,  "  That  walls,  constructed  of  bricks  and  hewn  stones,  have  been 
discovered  in  the  western  country,  is  a  fact  as  clear  as  that  the  sun  shines 
when  he  is  in  his  meridian  splendor ;  the  dogmatical  assertion  of  writers  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding."  My  author,  however,  had  not  seen  such  remains 
himself,  but  was  well  assured  of  their  existence  by  a  gentleman  of  undoubted 
veracity.  Unfortunately  for  the  case  he  relates,  the  persons  who  discovered 
tlie  ruins  came  upon  them  in  digging,  at  about  18  feet  below  the  surface  of  the 
ground,  and  when  about  to  make  investigation,  water  broke  in  upon  them,  and 
they  were  obliged  to  make  a  hasty  retreat. 

"  A  fortified  town  of  considerable  extent,  near  the  Uivci-  St.  Francis,"  upon 
the  Mississippi,  was  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  a  Mr.  Savage,  of  Louis- 
ville. He  found  its  walls  standing  in  some  places,  and  "  part  of  the  walls  of 
a  citadel,  built  of  liricks,  cemented  hif  trwrtar."  Upon  some  of  these  ruins  were 
trees  growing  whose  annual  rings  numbered  300.  Some  of  the  bricks,  says 
Dr.  jMcMuiirie,  were  v '  Louisville  when  he  wrote  his  Sketches ;  and  tiiey  were 
"comi)osed  of  clay,  mixed  with  ciioppcd  and  twisted  straw,  of  regular  figures, 
hardened  by  tlio  action  of  fire  or  tlie  sun." 

Mr.  Priest,  in  his  •'  American  Antiquities,"  mentions  the  ruins  of  two  cities 
within  a  few  miles  of  each  other,  nearly  opposite  St.  Louis ;  but  from  what  he 
Bays  of  them  I  am  unable  to  determine  what  those  ruins  are  composed  of. 
Alter  pointing  out  tlie  sight  of  them,  he  continues,  "  Here  is  situated  one  of 
those  pyramids,  which  is  150  rods  in  circuuiforcnce  at  its  base,  uud  lUO  i'cut 


Chap.  IV] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


63 


lupon 
louis- 
la  of 

■wore 
Isays 
(were 

ftii-es, 

lities 
It  lie 
|i  of. 

of 
feet 


high."  He  speaks  of  "  cities,"  but  describes  pyramids  and  mounds.  If  there 
be  any  thing  liive  the  works  of  men,  at  tiie  places  he  points  out,  different  from 
what  "is  cominon  in  the  west,  it  is  very  singular  that  they  should  not  have  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  some  one  of  the  many  thousands  of  people  who  have  for 
50  years  passed  by  them.  Mr.  Brackcnrid^e  speaks  of  the  antiquities  at  this 
place,  but  does  not  say  any  thing  about  cities.  He  observes,  "The  most  re- 
markable appearances  are  two  groups  of  mounds  or  pyramids,  the  one  about 
10  miles  above  Cahokia,  the  other  nearly  the  same  distance  below  it,  which,  in 
all,  exceed  1.30,  of  various  sizes.  The  western  side  also  contains  a  considera- 
ble number. 

"  A  more  minute  description  of  those  about  Cahokia,  which  I  visited  in  the 
fall  of  1811,  will  give  a  tolerable  idea  of  them  all.  I  crossed  the  Mississippi 
at  St.  Louis,  and  after  passing  through  the  wood  v.'hich  borders  the  river,  about 
half  a  mile  ir.  width,  entered  an  extensive  open  plain.  In  15  minutes  I  found 
myself  in  tie  midst  of  a  group  of  mounds,  mostly  of  a  circular  shape,  and  at 
a  distance  resembling  enormous  haystacks  scatteiod  through  a  meadow.  One 
of  tiie  largest  which  I  ascended  was  about  200  paces  in  circumference  at  the 
bottom,  tlio  form  nearly  square,  though  it  had  evidently  undergone  considerable 
alteration  from  the  washing  of  the  rains.  The  top  was  level,  with  an  area  suf- 
ficient to  contain  several  hundred  men." 

Wiien  Mr.  liariram  travelled  into  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida,  be- 
tween the  years  1773  and  177(),  h'"  """'  many  interesting  antiquities.  At  the 
Cherokee  town  of  Cowe,  on  the  Tennessee  River,  which  then  contained  about 
100  houses,  he  noticed  that  "  The  council  or  town-house  was  a  large  rotunda, 
eapable  of  accommodating  several  hundred  people :  it  stands  on  the  top  of  an 
ancient  artificial  mount  of  earth,  of  about  20  feet  perpendicular,  and  the  ro- 
tunda on  the  top  of  it  being  about  30  feet  more,  gives  tiie  whole  fabric  an 
elevation  of  about  (JO  feet  from  the  common  surface  of  the  ground.  But,"  Mr. 
Baiimin  continues,  "  it  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  this  mount,  on  which  the 
rotunda  stands,  is  of  a  much  ancientcr  date  than  the  building,  and  perhaps  was 
raised  for  another  purpose.  The  Cherokees  themselves  are  as  ignorant  as  we 
are,  by  what  people  or  for  what  purpose  these  artificial  hills  were  raised  ;  they 
have  various  stories  concerning  them,  the  best  of  which  amount  to  no  more 
than  mere  conjecture,  and  leave  us  entirely  in  the  dark  ;  but  they  have  a  tra- 
dition common  with  the  other  nations  of  Indians,  that  they  found  them  in  much 
the  same  condition  as  they  now  appear,  when  their  forefathers  arrived  from  the 
west  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  country,  after  vanquishing  the  nations 
of  red  men  who  then  inhabited  it,  who  themselves  found  these  mounts  when 
they  took  possession  of  tlie  country,  tlie  former  possessors  delivering  the  same 
story  concerning  them." 

Hence  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  mounds  in  tlie  south  are  not  only  tlie 
same  as  those  in  tlie  north,  but  Indian  traditions  concerning  them  are  the  same 
also. 

At  Ottasse,  an  important  town  of  the  Cherokees,  the  same  traveller  saw  a 
most  singular  column.  It  stood  adjacent  to  the  town,  in  the  centre  of  an  ob- 
long square,  and  was  about  40  feet  high,  and  only  from  two  to  three  feet  thick 
at  its  base,  and  tapered  gradually  from  the  ground  to  its  top.  What  is  very 
remarkable  about  this  pillar  is,  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  formed  of  a  single 
stick  of  pine  timber,  the  Indians  or  white  traders  could  give  no  account  for 
what  purpose  it  was  erected ;  and  to  the  inquiries  which  Mr.  Bartravi  made  of 
the  Indians  concerning  it,  the  same  answer  was  given  as  when  questioned  about 
the  mounds  ;  viz.,  that  their  ancestors  found  it  there,  and  the  people  that  those 
ancestors  dispossessed  knew  nothing  of  its  origin.  This  is  not  singular  when 
reference  is  had  to  mounds  of  earth,  but  when  the  same  account  is  given  con- 
cerning perisliahle  material,  the  shade,  at  least,  of  a  suspicion  is  seen  lurking 
in  the  back  ground.  As  nrioliior  singular  circumstance,  it  is  observed  that  no 
trees  of  the  kind  of  which  this  column  was  made  {jnn.  patuslris)  were  to  be 
found  at  tlint  time  nearer  than  12  or  15  miles. 

In  the  groat  council-houses  at  Ottasse  were  observed,  upon  the  pillars  and 
walls,  various  paintings  and  sculptures,  supposed  to  be  hieroglypiiics  of  his- 
torical legends,  and  political  and  sacerdotal  afi'iirs.  "  They  arc,"  ub.servca 
Mr.  Buiiram,  "extremely  picturesque  or  caricature,  as  men  in  a  variety  of  at- 


,r 


li! 


64 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I 


titudes,  some  ludicrous  enough,  others  having  the  head  of  some  kind  of  ani- 
mal, as  those  of  a  duck,  turkey,  bear,  fox,  wolf,  buck,  &c.,  and  again  those 
kind  of  creatures  are  represented  having  the  human  head.  These  designs  are 
not  ill  executed ;  the  outlines  bold,  free  and  well  proportioned.  The  pillars 
supporting  the  front  or  piazza  of  the  council-house  of  the  square  are  ingenious- 
ly formed  in  the  likeness  of  vast  speckled  serpents,  ascending  upwards ;  the 
Ottasses  being  of  the  Snake  tribe." 

In  tlie  fourth  book  of  this  work  mention  has  been  made  of  the  great  high- 
T/ays  in  Florida.  Mr.  Bartram  mentions  them,  but  not  in  a  very  particular 
manner,  upon  the  St.  John's  River.  As  his  sentiments  seem  to  be  those  of  a 
man  of  mtelligence,  I  will  offer  here  his  concluding  remarks  upon  the  Indian 
antiquities  of  the  country  he  visited.  "  I  deem  it  necessary  to  observe,  as  my 
opinion,  that  none  of  them  that  J  have  seen  discover  the  least  signs  of  the  arts, 
sciences,  or  architecture  of  the  Europeans  or  other  inhabitants  of  the  old  world, 
yet  evidently  betray  every  sign  or  mark  of  the  most  distant  antiquity." 

The  above  remark  is  cited  to  show  how  different  different  people  make  up 
their  minds  upon  the  same  subject ;  it  shows  how  futile  it  is  for  us  to  spend 
time  in  speculating  upon  such  matters.  And,  as  I  have  before  observed,  it  is 
time  enough  to  build  theories  after  facts  have  been  collected.  It  can  add  noth- 
ing to  our  stock  of  knowledge  respecting  our  antiquities,  to  talk  or  write  forever 
about  Nebuchadnezzar  and  tiie  lost  tribes  of  Jews  ;  but  if  the  time  which  has 
been  spent  in  this  manner  had  been  devoted  to  some  useful  pursuit,  some  use- 
ful object  would  have  been  attained.  As  the  matter  now  stands,  one  object, 
nevertheless,  is  clearly  attained,  namely,  that  of  misleading  or  confounding  the 
understandings  of  many  uninformed  people.  I  am  led  to  make  these  observa- 
tions to  put  the  unwary  upon  their  guard. 

In  the  preceding  cliapter  I  have  given  various  accounts  of,  or  accounts  from 
various  authors,  wiio  imagine  that  a  colony  of  Welsh  came  to  America  7  or  800 
years  ago.  It  is  as  truly  astonishing  as  any  thing  we  meet  with  to  observe 
how  many  persons  had  found  proofs  of  the  existence  of  tribes  of  Welsh  In- 
dians, about  the  same  period.  As  a  case  exactly  in  point  with  that  mentioned 
at  the  beginning  of  the  last  paragraph,  I  offer  what  Mr.  Brackenridge  says  upon 
this  matter.  "  That  no  Welsh  nation  exists,"  lie  observes,  "  at  present,  on  this 
continent,  is  beyond  a  doubt.  Dr.  Barton  has  taken  great  pains  to  ascertain 
the  languages  spoken  by  those  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  Weisij 
finds  no  place  amongst  them ;  since  the  cession  of  Louisiar  the  tribes  west 
of  the  Mississippi  have  been  sufficiently  known ;  we  have  had  intercourse  with 
them  all,  but  no  Welsh  are  yet  found.  In  the  year  1798,  a  young  Welshman 
of  the  name  of  Evans  ascended  the  Missouri,  in  company  with  Makey,  and 
remained  two  years  in  that  country ;  he  spoke  both  the  ancient  and  modern 
Welsh,  and  addressed  himself  to  every  nation  between  that  river  and  New 
Spain,  but  found  no  Welshmen."     This,  it  would  seem,  is  conclusive  enough. 

Mr.  Peck,  in  his  "  Gazetteer  of  Illinois,"  has  aimed  so  happy  a  stroke  at  the 
writers  on  our  antiquity,  that,  had  I  met  with  his  rod  before  I  had  made  the 
previous  remarks,  I  should  most  certainly  have  made  use  of  it.  I  shall  never- 
theless use  it.  After  saying  something  upon  the  antiquities  of  Illinois,  he  pro- 
ceeds :  "  Of  one  thing  the  writer  is  satisfied,  that  very  imperfect  and  incorrect 
data  have  been  relied  upon,  and  very  erroneous  conclusions  drawn,  upon  west- 
em  antiquities.  Whoever  has  time  and  patience,  and  is  in  other  respects  qual- 
ified to  explore  tins  field  of  science,  and  will  use  his  spade  and  eyes  together, 
and  restrain  his  imagination  from  running  riot  amongst  mounds,  fortifications, 
horseshoes,  medals,  and  whole  cabinets  of  relics  of  the  '  olden  time,'  will  find 
very  little  more  than  the  indications  of  rude  savages,  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  race  of  Indians." 


END    OF    BOOK   FIKST. 


if 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF  THE 


INDIANS   OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  II 


£ 


!«!< 


BOOK  II. 


BIOGRAPHY   AND  HISTORY   OF    THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW   ENGLAND  INDIANS. 


*'  'Tis  good  to  muse  on  nations  passed  away 
Forever  from  the  land  we  call  our  own," 

Yahotder. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Conduct  of  the  early  voyagers  towards  the  Indians — Some  account  of  the  individ- 
uals Donaconn — J}gon<i — Tasquantum,  or  Squanto — Dehamda — Sketttcarroes^ 
Jissacumct — Manida — Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakaweston — Epanow — 
Manawet —  fVanape — Coneconam. 

The  first  vo'-agers  to  a  country  were  anxious  to  confirm  the  truth  of  their 
accounts,  and  therefore  tooit  from  their  newly-discovered  lands  whatever 
seemed  best  suited  to  that  object  The  inhabitants  of  America  carried  off 
by  Europeans  were  not,  perhaps,  in  any  instance,  taken  away  by  voyagers 
merely  for  this  object,  but  that  they  might,  in  time,  learn  from  them  the  value 
of  the  country  from  whence  they  took  them.  Besides  those  forcibly  carried 
away,  there  were  many,  doubtless,  who  went  through  overpersuasion,  and 
ignorance  both  of  the  distance  and  usage  they  should  meet  with  in  a  land  of 
strangers ;  which  was  not  always  as  it  should  have  been,  and  hence  such  as 
•were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  their  own  country,  were  prepared  to 
be  revenged  on  any  strangers  of  the  same  color,  that  chanced  to  come  among 
them. 

In  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  America,  he  took  along  with  him,  on  his 
return  to  Spain,  a  considerable  number  of  Indians;  how  many  we  do  not 
know ;  but  several  died  on  their  passage,  and  seven  were  presented  to  the  king. 
Vincenle  Yariez  Pinzon,  a  captain  under  Columbus,  kidnapped  four  natives, 
whom  he  intended  to  sell  in  Spain  for  slaves ;  but  Columbus  took  them  from 
him,  and  restored  them  to  their  friends.  In  this  first  voyage  to  the  islands  of 
the  new  world,  the  blood  of  several  Indians  was  shed  by  the  hostile  arms  of 
the  Spaniards.* 

There  were  three  natives  presented  to  Henry  VII.  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
1502,  which  he  had  taken  from  Newfoundland.  What  were  their  names,  or 
what  became  of  them,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  from  the  notice  of  historians, 
we  learn  that,  when  found,  "  they  were  clothed  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  and 
lived  on  raw  flesh ;  but  after  two  years,  [residence  in  England,]  were  seen  in 
the  king's  court  clothed  like  Englishmen,  and  could  not  be  discerned  from 
Englishmen."  f     These  were  the  first  Indians  ever  seen  in  England.^    They 

•  My  present  concern  not  being  with  the  Indians  of  South  America,  I  beg  leave  to 
refer  the  reader  to  a  little  work  lately  published,  entitled  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle, 
in  which  all  the  prominent  facts  concerning  the  atrocities  of  the  Spaniards  towards 
them  will  be  found  stated. 

t  Rapin's  Hist.  Emjland,  i.  685.  ed.  fol.    See  also  Purcluis,  738. 

X  This  is  upon  the  authority  of  Berkely.  Instead  of  Enqland,  however,  he  says  Eu- 
rope ;  but,  by  saying  the  sw,  which  Columbus  had  before  taken  from  St.  Salvador,  made 
thi'ir  escape,  he  shows  his  superficial  knowledge  of  those  affairs.     Hear  Herrera:  — 

"  En  stiitte  de  cela,  [that  is,  after  Columbus  had  replied  to  the  king's  letter  about  a  sec- 
ond vn}jaije,j  it  [Columbus]  partitpour  allcr  h  liarcelone  auec  sept  Indiens,  parce  que  let 
ttutres  estoient  marts  en  chemin.    II  Jit  porter  auvque  luy  des  perroquets  verds,  ct  d* 


'  I 


1 


68 


CONDUrT  OF  EARLY  VOVAGERS 


[Book  II. 


were  brought  to  the  English  court  "in  their  country  habit,"  and  "spoke  a  lan- 
guage npver  heard  before  out  of  their  own  country."  * 

Tli«  Frc  ich  discovered  the  river  St.  Lawrence  in  1508,  and  the  captain  of 
the  ship  \\l\o  Hiude  the  discovery,  carried  several  natives  to  Paris,  which  were 
the  first  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or  even  how  many 
they  were  in  number,  is  not  set  down  in  the  accounts  of  this  voyage.  The 
name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  Aubert.\ 

John  Verazzini,  in  the  service  of  Francis  I.,  in  l.')24,  sailed  along  the  Amer- 
ican coast,  and  landed  in  several  places.  At  one  place,  which  we  judge  to  b^ 
some  part  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  "20  of  his  men  landed,  and  wem 
about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  inhabitants  fled  before  them, 
but  they  caught  an  old  woman  who  had  hid  herself  in  the  high  grass,  with  a 
yc'ng  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old  woman  carried  a  child  on  her 
back,  and  had,  besides,  wo  little  boys  with  her.  The  young  woman,  too, 
carried  tliree  children  oi'  .ler  own  sex.  Seeing  themselves  discovered,  they 
began  to  shrie'  '  t'lc  old  one  gave  them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the 
ii'jn  were  fled  t  <vo'  .■.     They  oifered  her  somr thing  to  eat,  which  she 

accepted,  but  the  .  Jen  .ei  .^ed  it.  This  girl,  who  v  as  tall  and  well  shaped, 
they  were  desirous  ji'  takin.,  >. ""ng  with  them,  bu(  as  she  made  a  violent 
outcry,  they  contented  themselves  with  taking  a  'loy  away  with  them."t 
The  name  of  New  France  was  given  to  North  Amf  rica  in  this  voyage.  In 
another  voyage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed,  and,  as  some  say,  eaten  by  the 
Indians. 

In  the  year  1576,  Capt.  Martin,  afterwards  Sir  Martin,  Frobishcr  sailed  from 
England  for  the  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage;  "  the  only  thing  of  thp 
world,"  says  a  writer  of  his  voyage,  "  that  was  left  yet  vndone."  After  the 
usual  vicissitudes  attending  such  an  undertaking,  at  this  early  period  of  Eng 
lish  navigation,  he  discovered  a  strait  which  has  ever  since  borne  his  name. 
About  60  miles  within  that  strait,  he  went  on  shore  to  make  discovery  of  the 
country,  and  was  suddenly  attacked  by  the  natives,  "  who  had  stolen  secretly 
behinde  the  rockes  ;"  and  though  he  "bent  himselfe  to  his  halberd,"  he  narrowly 
escaped  with  his  life. 

Hence  there  was  a  well-grounded  suspicion  in  all  future  communications 
with  the  Indians  in  this  region ;  yet,  after  coi.  iderable  intercourse,  Frobisher'a 
men  became  less  wary,  and  five  of  them,  going  on  shore  from  a  boat,  were  sur- 
prised and  carried  off,  and  never  heard  of  again.  After  this  "the  subtile  trai- 
tours  were  so  wary,  as  they  would  after  that  never  come  within  our  men's 
danger."  Notwithstanding,  Frohisher  found  means  to  entice  some  of  them 
alongside  of  his  ship,  and  after  considerable  manuoGvering,  one  of  them  had 
his  fears  so  far  overcome  by  the  alluring  sound  of  a  cow-bell,  that  he  came  so 
near  in  his  canoe,  to  obtain  one  of  them,  that  "  the  captain,  being  ready  pro- 
vided, let  the  bell  fall,  and  caught  the  man  fast,  and  plucked  him  with  maine 
force,  boat  and  all,"  into  his  ship.  Whereupon  this  savage  finding  himself  in 
captivity,  "  for  very  choler  and  disdaine  he  bit  his  tongue  in  twaine  within  hia 
mouth:  notwithstanding  he  died  not  thereof,  but  lined  vntil  he  came  in  Eng- 
land, and  then  he  died  of  cold  which  he  had  taken  at  sea." 

The  next  year  (1577)  Frohisher  made  another  voyage  to  the  same  coasts  of 
America,  and  on  some  excursion  on  land  he  was  attacked  and  wounded  by  the 
Indians.  In  York  Sound  he  attacked  a  party,  and  killed  five  or  six  of  them, 
and  shortly  after  took  two  women  prisoners. 

Such  were  the  impressions  given  and  received  between  tlie  Europeans  and 
Indians  in  that  early  day  of  American  history. 

This  was  indeed  a  comparatively  barbarous  age.  Few  of  the  early  voyagers 
were  better  than  demi-savages ;  for  they  measured  the  conduct  of  the  Indians 
by  their  own  scale  of  justice  ;  in  which  might  was  too  often  taken  for  right 
But  we  of  tliis  age  —  what  will  be  said  of  us  by  generations  to  come,  —  by 

rouges,  et  d'autrcs  choscs  digues  d'admiraiion  qui  n'atioient  iamais  esti  veii/'s  en  Espa^jne." 
Hist,  dcs  Indi's  Occident,  i.  1U2.  Ed.  16G0,  3  tomes,  4to.  See  also  Harris,  Voyai/es,  ii. 
15.  ed.  17G4.  2  v.  fol.  ;  Robertson,  America,  i.  94.  cd.  1778,  4to, 

*  Uerkcly's  Naval  Iliat.  Brit.  268.  ed.  17o0,  fol.  and  Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  191. 

t  Forster,  432.  J  Ibid.  434,  435. 


Ciii  p.  I.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


69 


leasts  of 
by  the 
jf  them, 

lans  and 


loyagers 

1  Indiana 

Dr  right 

Ic,  —  by 


\.ipa{/ne. 
\ja<jes,  ii. 


the  enlightened  of  distant  ages,  —  when  they  inquire  for  the  causes  and  reasons 
for  our  conduct  in  our  wars  with  the  Indians  in  our  own  times  ? 

The  next  early  voyager  we  shall  notice  is  Capt.  Ihndrkk  Hiuhon.  From 
Robert  JutCx  journal  of  his  voyage  it  appears  that  Hudson  discovered  the  river 
which  boars  his  name,  Sept.  (i.  KiOil,  and  explored  it  probably  as  high  up  at 
least  as  the  present  site  of  ffest  Point,  before  he  left  it.  During  his  stay  in 
the  river  Manna-hatn,  as  it  was  called  by  the  natives,  the  conduct  of  his  men 
towards  those  people  was  most  unjust,  savage,  and  cruel.  We  are  told  that 
their  first  interviews  with  tiie  natives  wore  friendly,  but  we  are  not  told  how 
they  became  immediately  otherwise.  The  same  day  Hudson  entered  the  river, 
he  sent  out  John  Caiman  to  make  soundings,  in  which  service  he  was  shot  in 
his  throat  with  an  arrow  and  killed  ;  and  the  next  day  he  was  buried  on  a  point 
of  land  which  has  ever  since  borne  his  name.  What  provocation,  if  any,  led 
to  this  misfortune,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  does  it  appear  that  there  was  any  sus- 
pension of  intercourse,  though  a  few  days  after  several  Indians  were  taken 
captive  by  the  ship's  crew  as  they  came  to  trade,  and  were  confined  on  board. 
They  oscajicd  soon  after,  however,  by  jumping  overboard. 

By  the  ]5th  of  September,  Hudson  had  reached  considerably  above  West 
Point,  and  on  the  1st  of  October  he  began  to  descend,  but  cai  to  an  anchor 
"  seven  miles  below  the  mountains."  An  Indian  in  a  canoe,  wi  o  n  --y  others 
were  around  the  ship,  came  under  the  stern,  climbed  up  by  the  rudd  entered 
the  cabin  window,  which  had  been  left  open,  and  stole  som  triflir;^  irticlcs. 
Beinr;  discovered,  he  was  pursued  and  killed  by  the  mate,  "  bj  a  shot  through 
Ids  breast."  By  this  rash  act  several  were  so  frightened  that  they  jumped 
into  the  river.  As  a  boat  from  the  ship  was  pursuing  them,  one  in  the  water 
caugiit  hold  of  the  side  of  the  boat;  whereupon  the  cook  ci  .  otf  his  hands 
with  a  sword,  and  he  was  drowned.  The  next  day  two  canoes  approached 
the  ship,  and  shot  at  it  with  their  bows  and  arrows  ;  "  in  r  mpense  whereof," 
saya  Jud,  "we  discharged  six  muskets,  and  killed  two  or  three  of  them." 
Soon  after,  about  JOO  Indians  appeared  on  a  point  of  land,  "to  shoot  at  us;" 
then  "  I  shot  a  falcon  at  them,"  says  this  author,  whom  I  take  to  have  been 
the  gunner  of  the  siiip,  "and  killed  two  of  them.  Yet  they  manned  off  another 
canoe  with  nine  or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us  ;  so  I  shot  at  it  also  a  fal- 
con, and  shot  it  through,  and  killed  one  of  them.  Then  our  men  with  their 
muskets  killed  three  or  four  more  of  them." 

This  must  truly  ever  be  looked  upon  as  a  sad  beginning  of  an  acquaintance 
between  the  Indians  and  white  people  on  the  southern  boundary  of  New  Eng- 
land. The  former  could  not  view  the  latter  in  any  other  light  than  a  race  far 
more  barbarous  than  themselves ;  inasmuch  as  they  had  seen  a  score  of  their 
people,  one  after  anciher,  sacrificed,  while  they  had  killed  but  a  single  white 
man,  probably  in  a  quarrel.  We  now  turn  to  the  northern  boundary  for 
another  example  or  two  of  early  intercourse. 

Do7iacona,  a  chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535,  by  the 
voyager  James  Cartier,  who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treated  by  him  and 
his  people ;  to  repay  which,  Cartier,  "  partly  by  stratagem  and  partly  by  force," 
carried  him  to  France,  where  he  soon  after  died.*  Notwithstanding,  Cartier 
was  in  the  country  five  years  after,  where  he  found  Jlgona,  the  successor  of 
Donacona,  and  exchanged  presents  with  him,  probably  reconciling  him  by  some 
plausible  account  of  the  abrjonce  of  Donacona. 

Tasquantum,  or  Tiiquantum,  was  one  of  the  five  natives  carried  from  the 
coast  of  New  England,  in  1(505,  by  Capt.  George  fFayinouth,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  discover  a  north-west  passage.  This  Indian  was  known  after- 
wards to  the  settlers  of  Plimouth,  by  whom  he  was  generally  called  'Squanto, 
or  ^Squanttim,  by  abbreviation.  The  names  of  the  other  four  were  Manida, 
Skettwarroes,  Deliamda  and  ^Issacumct. 

Although  Gorges  does  not  say  Dehamda  was  one  brought  over  at  this  time,  it 
is  evident  that  he  was,  because,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  there  were  no  othe: 
natives  at  that  time  in  England,  but  these  five. 

Sir  Fcrdinando  Gorges  says,  JVaymoiUh,  "falling  short  of  his  course,  [in  seek- 
ing the  N.  W.  passage,]  happened  into  a  river  on  the  coast  of  America,  called 
Pemmaquid,  from  whence  he  brought  five  of  the  natives"     "And  it  so  pleased 


Foster,  440-442. 


70 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[Book  II. 


niir  }Xvoat  Ood  tiiat "  IVaymoidh,  on  liis  return  to  England,  "  came  into  the  liarbor 
of  Piymoiitli,  wlicro  I  tlieii  commanded."  Tlirce  *  of  whose  natives,  namely, 
Muniilfi,  SkelUcarroes  and  Tasqxunitum,  "  I  seized  upon.  They  were  all  of  one  na- 
tion, but  of  several  parts,  and  several  faniiliea.  This  accident  must  be  acknowl- 
edged the  means,  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot  and  giving  life  to  all  our  plan- 
tations." 

Paying  great  attention  to  these  natives,  he  soon  understood  enough  by  them 
about  the  country  from  whence  they  came  to  establish  a  belief  that  it  was  of 
great  value;  not  perhaps  making  due  allowance  for  its  being  their  home.  And 
air  Ferdinando  adds,  "After  I  had  those  people  sometimes  in  my  custody,  I  ob- 
served in  them  an  inclination  to  follow  the  example  of  tiie  better  sort ;  and  in 
all  their  carriages,  manifest  shows  of  great  civility,  far  from  the  rudeness  of 
our  common  people.  And  the  longer  I  conversed  with  them,  the  better  hope 
tln>y  gave  me  of  those  parts  where  they  did  inhabit,  as  proper  for  our  uses  ; 
esjjecially  when  I  found  what  goodly  rivers,  stately  islands,  and  safe  harbors, 
those  |)arts  abounded  with,  being  the  special  marks  I  leveled  at  as  the  only 
want  our  nation  met  with  in  all  their  navigations  along  that  coast.  And  hav- 
ing kept  them  full  tlirce  years,  I  made  them  able  to  set  me  down  what  great 
rivers  run  up  into  the  land,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them,  what  power 
tlicy  were  of,  how  allied,  what  enemies  they  had,"  &c. 

Thus  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  the  country.  Sir  Ferdinando  got  ready  "  a 
ship  furnished  with  men  and  all  necessaries  "  for  a  voyage  to  America,  and  sent 
as  iicr  captain  Mr.  Henry  ClMllovng,]  with  whom  he  also  sent  two  of  his  Indians. 
The  names  of  these  were  Jlssacumet  and  Manida.  Chalons,  having  been  taken 
sick  in  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  altered  his  course,  and  lost  i^ome  time  in 
the  West  Indies.  After  being  able  to  proceed  northward,  he  departed  from 
Porto  Rico,  and  was  soon  after  taken  by  a  Spanish  deet,  and  carried  into  Spain, 
"  where  their  ship  and  goods  were  confiscate,  themselves  made  prisoners,  the 
voyage  overthrown,  and  both  my  natives  lost."  One,  however,  Assacumd,  was 
afterwards  recovered,  if  not  the  other.     This  voyage  of  Chalons  was  in  lUOG. 

It  appears  that  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham  X  had  agreed  to  send  a  vessel 
to  the  aid  of  Chalons,  which  was  accordingly  done  before  the  news  of  his  being 
taken  was  known  in  England.  For  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  says,  "  It  pleased 
the  lord  chief  justice,  according  to  his  promise,  to  despatch  Ciipt- [Martin] 
Prin  from  Bristol,  with  hope  to  have  found  Capt.  Chdlounge;"  "but  not  hear- 
ing by  any  means  what  became  of  him,  after  he  had  made  a  perfect  discovery 
of  all  those  rivers  and  harbors,"  "brings  with  him  the  most  exact  discovery  of 
that  coast  that  ever  came  to  my  hands  since,  and,  indeed,  he  was  the  best  able 
to  perform  it  of  any  I  met  withal  to  this  present  [time,]  which,  with  his  relation 
of  the  country,  wrought  such  an  impression  in  the  lord  chief  justice,  and  us  all 
that  were  his  associates,  that  (notwithstanding  our  first  disaster)  we  set  up  our 
resolutions  to  follow  it  with  effect." 

Deliamda  and  Skettwarroes  were  with  Prin§  in  this  voyage,  and  were,  with- 
out doubt,  his  most  efficient  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appears  from 
Gorges,  that  Dehamda  was  sent  by  the  chief  justice,  who  we  suppose  had  con- 
sidered him  his  property,||  and  Skettwarroes  by  himself.  They  returned  again 
to  England  witli  Priri. 


*  It  seems,  from  this  part  of  his  narrative,  that  he  had  but  three  of  them,  but  from 
subsequent  passages,  it  appears  he  had  them  all.     Sec  also  America  painted  to  the  Life. 

f  C/iut/uns,  by  some.     Gorges  has  sometimes,  C/mlowns,  Chaloit,  &c. 

j  'J"he  same  wlio  presided  at  the  triiil  of  Sir  }V.  Ralei/h  and  his  associates,  in  1603. 
See  Pniicc's  Worthies  of  Devon,  672,  673.  Fuller,  in  his  Worthies  of  Em/land,  ii.  284, 
Bays,  "  Travelers  owed  their  safety  to  this  judge's  severity  many  years  alter  his  death, 
which  hapjjened  Anno  Domini  IG**,"  thinkinu;,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlightened 
his  reader  by  definitely  stating  that  Sir  John  Popham  died  some  time  within  a  hundred 
years.  The  severity  referred  to  has  reference  to  his  importuning  King  Junies  not  to 
pardon  so  many  robbers  and  thieves,  which,  he  said,  tended  to  render  the  judges  con- 
t,eniptil)lo,  and  "  which  made  him  more  sparing  afterward." 

§  (jur<ies,  one  of  the  main  springs  of  these  transactions,  who  wrote  the  account  we 
give,  makes  no  mention  of  any  other  citptain  accompanying  him;  yet  Dr.  Ilo/mes's 
authorities,  Annals,  i.  VliS,  led  him  to  record  Thomas  Ihuiuin  as  the  performer  of  this 
voyage.  And  a  writer  of  1622  says,  Ilanam,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  llaiiiaii,  went  cora- 
niiuider,  and  Prinne  master.  Sec  2  Col.  Mass.  Hint.  iioc.  i.\.  o.  This  agrees  with  the 
account  of  Gon/es  the  younger. 

11  lie  had  probably  been  given  to  him  by  Sir  Ferdina>^n-. 


Chap.  I.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


71 


but  from 
\t/ie  Life. 

.  in  1603. 
.  ii.  284, 
lis  death, 
|ghteiieil 
\/iu>i(lrcd 
not  to 
Igcs  con- 

rnunt  we 
Jlohncs's 
Ir  of  this 
Int  cora- 
Ivith  the 


The  next  yaar,  1607,  these  two  natives  piloted  the  first  New  England  colony 
to  the  moutli  of  Sajjfadahock  River,  since  the  Kennebeci<.  They  left  England 
30  May,  and  did  not  arrive  here  until  8  August  following.  "  As  soon  aa  the 
president  had  taken  notice  of  tiie  place,  and  given  order  for  landing  the  pro- 
visions, he  despatched  away  Captain  Gilbert,  with  Skitwarres  hia  guide,  for  the 
thorough  discovery  of  the  rivers  and  habitations  of  the  natives,  by  whom  he 
was  brought  to  several  of  them,  where  he  found  civil  entertainment,  and  kind 
respects,  far  from  brutish  or  savage  natures,  so  as  they  suddenly  became  famil- 
iar friends,  especially  by  the  means  of  Dtlutinda  and  Skitwarrers."  "  So  as  the 
president  was  earnestly  intreated  by  Sassenow,  Jlhenmtt,  and  otfiors,  the  princi 
pal  Sagamores,  (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  the  liashabas,  who  it 
eeems  was  their  king."  They  were  prevented,  however,  by  adverse  weather, 
from  that  ^ourney,  and  thus  the  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally  broken, 
"  much  to  the  grief  of  those  Sagamores  that  were  to  attend  him.  The  Bashe- 
bas,  notwithstanding,  hearing  of  his  misfortune,  sent  his  own  son  to  visit  him, 
and  to  beat  a  trade  with  him  for  furs." 

Several  sad  and  melancholy  accidents  conspired  to  put  an  end  to  this  first 
colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  their  store-house,  contain- 
ing most  of  their  supplies,  by  fire,  in  the  winter  following,  and  another  was  the 
death  of  Lord  Pophnm.  It  consisted  of  100  men,  and  its  beginning  was  auspi- 
cious ;  but  these  calamities,  together  with  the  death  of  their  president,  broke 
down  their  resolutions.  So  many  discouragements,  notwithstanding  a  ship 
witii  supplies  had  arriv^ed,  determined  them  to  abandon  the  country,  which 
they  did  in  tlic  spring.*  What  became  of  Dthaimia  and  Skellwarroes  there  is 
no  mention,  but  tliey  probably  remained  in  the  country  with  their  friends,  un- 
less tiio  passage  which  we  shall  heret'ler  extract  be  construed  to  mean  differ- 
ently.! 

To  return  to  Tixquantum.  Tiiere  is  some  disagreement  in  the  narratives  of 
tlie  contemporary  writers  in  respect  to  this  chief,  which  shows,  either  that  some 
if  them  are  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  same  name — one  carried 
away  by  JFaymoulh,  and  the  other  by  Hunt.  From  a  critical  examination  of 
the  accounts,  it  is  believed  there  was  but  one,  and  that  he  was  carried  away  by 
Waymoidh,  as  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  relates,  whose  account  we  have  given 
nbcjve.}:  It  is  impossible  that  Sir  Ferdinando  should  have  been  mistaken  in 
the  names  of  those  he  received  from  WaymoiUh,  The  names  of  those  carried 
oft"  by  Hunt  are  not  given,  or  but  few  of  them,  nor  were  they  kidnapped  until 
nine  years  after  WaymoidhJs  voyage.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  that  Squantum, 
having  returned  home  from  the  service  of  Gorges,  went  again  to  England  with 
some  other  person,  or  perhaps  even  with  Hunt,  But  we  are  inclined  to  think 
there  was  but  one  of  tlie  name,  and  his  being  carried  away  an  error  of  inad- 
vertence, 

Patuxe:,  afterward  called  Plimouth,  was  the  place  of  residence  of  Squantutn, 
who,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  escaped  tlie  great  plague  of  which  we 
shall  particularly  speak  in  the  life  of  Massasoit ;  where,  at  the  same  time,  we 
shall  take  up  again  the  life  of  Sqiuintum,  whose  history  is  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  it. 

It  was  in  IGll  that  Captain  Edward  HarIow§  was  sent  "  to  discover  an  He 
supposed  about  Cape  Cod,"  who  "falling  with  Monahigan,  they  found  onely 
Cape  Cod  no  He  but  the  maine ;  there  [at  Monhigon  Island]  they  detained 
three  Saluagcs  aboord  them,  called  Pechmo,  Monopet  and  Pekenimne,  but 
Pechmo  leapt  ouerboard,  and  got  away;  and  not  long  after,  with  his  consorts, 
cut  their  Boat  from  their  sterne,  got  her  on  shore,  and  so  filled  her  with  sand 
and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowes,  the  English  lost  her."|| 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  as  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.    To  have  got 

*  They  had  "  seated  themselves  in  a  peninsula,  which  is  at  the  mouth  of  this  river, 
[Sai^iidahock,]  where  they  built  a  fortress  to  defend  themselves  from  their  eiK:nios, 
which  they  named  St.  GvOfs^c."    America  I'aintcdto  the  Life,  by  Fcrd.  (Jor^es,  L.^rj.  \>.  19. 

t  Sec  life  Massasoit. 

X  It  is  plain,  from  Prinee  Chron.  134,  that  his  authors  had  confounded  the  names  of 
these  Indians  one  with  another. 

4  Sir  Fred.  Gors;e.i  is  probably  wrong  in  calling  him  Ilcnry  Harley. 

11  Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Ens.]  ii.  174. 


*  { 


72 


HUNTS  VOYAGE. 


[Book  I. 


under  the  stern  of  a  ship,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
have  succeeded  in  his  desijrn  of  cutting  away  and  carryinjr  off  the  boat,  was 
an  act  ns  i)ohl  nnd  daringf,  to  say  the  least,  as  that  performed  in  the  harbor  of 
Tripoli  by  our  countryman  Decatur. 

I  torn  iMoniiiiron  Harlow,  proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  JVohono.  From  this  place  "they  tooko  Sakawes- 
ton,  that  after  he  had  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a  soldier  to  the  wars 
of  Bohemia."*  Whether  he  ever  returned  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  they  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capoge,  [Martha's  Vineyard.] 
Here  "  they  tooke  Coneconam  and  Epenow,"  and  "  so,  with  tine  Saluages,  they 
returned  for  England." 

Epenow,  or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanow,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as  Pechmo  —  artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdlnando  Gorges 
is  evidently  erroneous  in  part  of  hia  statement  about  this  native,  in  as  far  as  it 
relates  to  his  havmg  been  brought  away  by  Hunt.  For  Harlow's  voyage  was 
in  1611,  and  Epanow  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Cod  with  Captain  Hobson,  in 
1614,  some  months  before  Hunt  left. 

As  it  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  the  writer  to  hear  such  old  venerable  writers 
aa  Smith,  Gorges,  &c.  speak,  the  reader  perhaps  would  not  pardon  him  were 
he  to  withhold  what  the  intimate  acquaintance  of  the  interesting  Epanow  says 
of  him.    Hear,  then,  Sir  Ferdinando :  — 

"  While  I  was  laboring  by  what  means  I  might  best  continue  life  in  my 
languishing  hopes,  there  comes  one  Henry  Harleif}  unto  me,  bringing  with  him 
a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a  place  seated  to  the  southward  of  Cape 
Cod,  whose  name  was  Epenewe,  a  person  of  goodly  stature,  strong  and  well 
proportioned.  This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [by  force]  with  some  2U  | 
others  by  a  sjjip  of  London  that  endeavored  to  sell  them  for  slaves  in  Spaine, 
out  being  understood  that  they  were  Americans,  and  being  found  to  be  unapt 
for  their  uses,  they  would  not  meddle  with  them,  this  being  one  of  them  they 
refused,  wherein  they  exprest  more  worth  than  those  that  brought  them  to  the 
market,  who  could  not  but  known  that  our  nation  was  at  that  time  in  travel  for 
Betling  of  Christian  colonies  upon  that  continent,  it  being  an  act  much  tending 
to  our  prejudice,  when  we  came  into  that  part  of  the  countries,  as  it  shall 
further  appear.  How  Capt  Harley  came  to  be  possessed  of  this  savage,  I 
know  not,  but  I  understood  by  others  how  he  had  been  shown  in  London  for 
a  wonder.  It  is  true,  (as  I  have  said)  he  was  a  goodly  man,  of  a  brave  aspect, 
stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  had  learned  so  much  English  us  to  bid 
those  that  wondered  at  him.  Welcome,  welcome  ;  this  being  the  last  and  best 
use  they  could  make  of  him,  that  was  now  grown  out  of  tiie  people's'  wonder. 
The  captain,  falling  further  into  his  familiarity,  found  him  to  be  of  acquaintance 
and  friendship  with  those  subject  to  the  Bashaba,  whom  the  captain  well  knew, 
being  himself  one  of  the  plantation,  sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  justice, 
[Popham,]  and  by  that  means  understood  much  of  his  language,  found  out 
tlie  place  of  his  birth,"  &c. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Epanow,  the  account  of  Capt.  Tkoma3 
Hunfs  voyage  should  be  related ;  because  it  is  said  that  it  was  chiefly  owing 
to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  were  become  so  hostile  to  the 
voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (as  we  have  already  said)  Hunt  did 
not  commit  his  depredations  until  after  Epanow  had  escaped  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith  was  in  company  with  Hunt,  and  we  will 
hear  him  relate  the  whole  transaction.  After  stating  that  they  arrived  at  Mon- 
higon  in  April,  1614,  §  spent  a  long  time  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without 
success;  and  as  "for  gold,  it  was  rather  the  master's  device  to  get  a  voyage, 
tliat  projected  it;"  tliat  for  trifles  they  got  "near  11000  beaver  skins,  100 

*  Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng.  ii.  174. 

t  Perhaps  not  the  Capt.  Harlow  before  mentioned,  though  Prince  thinks  Gorges 
means  him. 

J  If  in  this  he  refers  to  those  taken  by  Hunt,  as  I  suppose,  he  sets  the  number 
higher  than  others.  His  grandson,  F.  Gorges,  in  America  Fainted,  &c.,  says  24  was  tho 
number  seized  by  Hunt. 

{  Smith  had  an  Indian  named  Tan^um  with  him  in  this  voyage,  whom  he  set  on 
shore  at  Cape  Cod. 


Chap.  I.] 


EPANOW. 


73 


yhomas 
(owing 
I  to  the 
int  did 
hands 
^e  will 
Mon- 
athout 
loyage, 
\a,  100 


Gorges 

Iwusthe 
set  on 


martin,  and  as  many  ottf  re,  tlie  most  of  thorn  within  the  distance  of  20  leagues," 
and  his  own  departure  for  Europe,  CapL  Smith  proceeds:  — 

"The  other  ship  etaid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  which  waa 
sold  at  Malaga  at  4  viala  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  (juintala  and  a 
half. — But  one  Tkomaa  Hunt,  the  master  of  this  ship,  (when  I  was  gone,) 
thinking  to  prevent  that  intent  I  had  to  make  there  a  pluntdtion,  thereby  to 
keep  tiiis  abounding  country  still  in  obscurity,  that  only  he  and  some  few  mer- 
chants more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  benefit  of  the  trade,  and  profit  of  this 
country,  betrayed  four  and  twenty  of  those  poor  salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and 
most  dishonestly  and  inhumanly,  for  their  kind  usage  of  me  and  all  our  men, 
carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga ;  and  there,  for  a  little  private  gain,  sold  these 
Billy  salvages  for  rials  of  eight;  but  tliis  vilo  act  kept  him  ever  after  from  any 
more  employment  to  those  parts." 

F.  Gorges,  the  younger,  is  rather  confused  in  his  account  of  HunVa  voyage, 
as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimates  that  it  was  on  account  of  Hunfa 
Belling  the  Indians  he  took  as  skves,  the  news  of  which  having  got  into  Eng- 
land before  Epnnow  was  sent  out,  ciiuspd  this  Indian  to  make  his  escape,  and 
consequently  the  overthrow  of  the  vogage ;  whereas  the  latter.  Sir  Ferdinando, 
does  not  attribute  it  to  that.  We  will  now  hear  him  again  upon  tliis  interest- 
ing subject :  — 

"  ITie  reanona  of  my  undertaking  the  employment  for  the  island  of  Capawick. 

"At  the  time  this  new  savage  [Epanoiv]  came  unto  me,  I  had  recovered 
Jlssacumet,  one  of  the  natives  I  sent  with  Capt.  Chalownes  in  his  unhappy  em- 
ployment, with  whom  I  lodged  Epenaio,  who  at  the  first  hardly  understood 
one  the  other's  speech,  till  after  a  while ;  I  perceived  the  difference  was  no 
more  than  that  as  ours  is  between  the  northern  and  southern  people,  so  that  I 
was  a  little  eased  in  the  use  I  made  of  my  old  servant,  whom  I  engaged  to  give 
account  of  what  he  learned  by  conference  between  tliemselves,  and  he  as 
faithfully  performed  it." 

There  seems  but  little  doubt  that  Epanoio  and  J}ssacumet  had  contrived  a 

fdan  of  escape  f^efore  they  left  England,  and  also,  by  finding  out  what  the  Eng- 
ish  most  vaiii>  d,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  in  abundance  to  be  had  at  a 
certain  place  i;i  their  own  country,  prevailed  upon  them,  or  by  this  pretended 
discovery  we^e  the  means  of  the  voyage  being  undertaken,  of  which  w  are 
now  to  speak.  Still,  as  will  be  seen.  Sir  Ferdinando  does  not  speak  as  though 
he  had  been  quite  so  handsomely  duped  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods. 
Gold,  it  has  been  said,  was  the  valuable  commodity  to  which  Epanow  was  to 
pilot  the  Eiiglish.     Gorg-es  proceeds :  — 

"  They  [Uapt.  Hobson  and  those  who  accompanied  hin  ;et  sail  in  June,  in 
Anno  1614,  being  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in  every  kind, 
carrying  with  them  Epenow,  Assacomet,  and  Wanape,*  anotlier  native  of  those 
parts  sent  me  out  of  the  Isle  of  Wight,t  for  my  better  information  in  the  parts 
of  the  country  of  his  knowledge :  when  as  it  pleased  God  that  they  were 
arrived  upon  the  coast,  they  were  piloted  from  place  to  place,  by  the  natives 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts  could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor 
where  Epenow  was  to  make  good  his  undertaking,  [to  point  out  the  gold  mine, 
no  doubt,]  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard ;  some  of  them 
being  is  brothers,  others  his  near  cousins,  [or  relatives,]  who,  after  they  had 
commui.<od  together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  captain,  departed  in 
their  canoes,  promising  the  next  morning  to  come  aboard  again,  and  bring 
some  trade  with  them.  But  Epenow  privately  (as  it  appeared)  had  contracted 
with  his  friends,  how  he  might  make  his  escape  without  performing  what  he 
had  undertaken,  being  in  truth  no  more  than  he  had  told  me  he  was  to  do 
though  with  loss  of  his  life.    For  otherwise,  if  it  were  found  that  he  had  dis- 

*  Doubtless  the  same  called  by  others  Manaioet,  who,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Hiib- 
hard,  (Hist.  N.  Eng.  39,)  died  before  Epanow  escaped,  "  soon  after  the  ship's  arrival." 

t  How  he  came  there,  we  are  at  a  loss  to  determine,  unless  natives  were  carried  off, 
of  whom  no  mention  is  made.     This  was  unqunstionably  the  case,  for  when  it  came  to 
Oe  a  common  thing  for  vessels  to  bring  home  Indians,  no  mention,  of  course,  would  b« 
made  of  them,  especially  if  they  went  voluntarily,  as,  no  doubt,  many  did. 
7 


iTW 


• 


il' 

•i 


74 


EPANOW. 


[Book  II 


covered  the  secrets  of  his  country,*  he  was  sure  to  have  his  brains  knockt  out 
as  soon  as  lie  came  ashore;!  for  that  cause  I  gave  tiie  captain  strict  cliarge  to 
endeavor  by  all  moans  to  prevent  his  escaping  from  them.  And  for  the  more 
surety,  I  gave  order  to  have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  at 
liand  with  him :  clothing  him  with  long  garments,  fitly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if 
occasion  siiould  require.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  his  friends  being  all  come 
at  the  time  appointed  with  twenty  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  certain  distance  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  calls  to  them  to  come  aboard  ;  but  they  not  mov- 
ing, he  speaks  to  Epenow  to  come  unto  him,  where  he  was  in  the  forecastle 
of  tiie  ship,  he  being  then  in  the  waste  of  the  ship,  between  the  two  gentle- 
men that  had  him  in  guard  ;  starts  suddenly  from  them,  and  coming  to  the  cap- 
tpin,  calls  to  his  friends  in  English  to  come  aboard,  in  tlie  interim  slips  himself 
overboard :  And  although  he  were  taken  iiold  of  by  one  of  tlie  company,  yet, 
being  a  strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not  be  stayed,  and  was  no  sooner  in  the 
water,  but  the  natives,  [Lis  friends  in  the  boats,]  sent  such  a  shower  of  arrows, 
and  came  withal  desperately  so  near  the  ship,  that  they  carried  him  away  in 
despight  of  all  tiie  uiu  '"juetteers  aboard,  who  were,  for  the  number,  as  good  as 
our  nation  did  afford.  And  tlms  were  my  iiopcs  of  tiiat  particular  [voy- 
age] made  void  and  frustrate." 

From  ti'.e  whole  of  this  narration  it  is  evident  that  Epanoiv  was  forcibly 
retained,  if  not  forcibly  carried  oft",  by  English.  And  some  relate};  that  ho 
attacked  Capt.  Dernier  and  his  men,  supposing  they  had  come  to  seize  and 
carry  liim  back  to  England.  It  is  more  probable,  we  think,  that  he  meant 
to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according  to  real  Indian  custom, 
resolved  that  the  first  whites  should  atone  for  it,  either  with  their  life  or  liberty. 
Gorges  does  not  tell  us  what  his  brave  "  musqucttcers "  did  when  Epannio 
escaped,  but  from  other  sources  we  learn  that  thoy  fired  upon  his  liberators, 
killing  and  wounding  some,  but  how  many,  they  could  only  conjecture.  But 
there  is  no  room  for  conjecture  about  the  damage  sustained  on  the  part  of  the 
ship's  crew,  for  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  when  they  received  tiie  "shower  of 
arrows,"  Capt.  Hobson  and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.§  And.  Smitli  || 
says,  "So  well  he  had  contrived  his  businesse,  as  many  reported  he  intciHled 
to  have  surprised  the  ship;  but  seeing  it  could  not  be  effected  to  his  liking, 
liefore  them  ail  he  leaped  ouer  boord." 

We  next  meet  with  Epnnow  in  llilO.  Capt  Thomas  Dormer,  or  Dermrr,  in 
the  employ  of  Sir  F,  Gorges,  met  with  hitn  at  Capoge,  the  place  where, 
five  years  beibre,  he  made  his  escape  from  Capt.  Hobson.  Gorges  writes, 
"Tliis  javage,  speaking  some  Englisli,  laughed  at  his  owne  escape,  and  re- 
ported the  story  of  it.  Air.  Dormer  told  him  he  came  from  me,  and  was  one  of 
my  servants,  and  that  I  was  much  grieved  he  had  been  so  ill  used  as  to  bo 
forced  to  steal  away.  This  savage  was  so  cunning,  that,  after  ho  had  ques- 
tioned him  about  me,  and  all  he  knew  belonged  unto  me,  conceived  he  was 
come  on  purpose  to  betray  him;  and  [so]  conspired  with  some  of  his  fellows 
to  take  the  captain  ;  thereupon  they  laid  hands  upon  him.  But  he  being  a 
brave,  stout  gentleman,  drew  his  sword  and  freed  himself,  but  not  without  14 
wounds.  Tiiis  disaster  forced  him  to  make  all  possible  haste  to  Virginia  to  be 
cured  of  his  wounds.  At  the  second  return  [he  having  just  come  from  there] 
he  hid  the  misfortune  to  fo'l  sick  and  die,  of  tlie  infirmity  many  of  our  nation 
are  subject  unto  at  their  ;irst  coming  into  thoso  parts." 

The  sliip's  crew  being  at  the  sa  ne  ti.ne  on  siiore,  a  figlit  ensued,  in  which 
Bomo  of  Epmww's  company  were  slain.  "This  is  tlie  last  time,"  says  a  writer 
in  the  Historical  Collections,  "that  the  soil  of  Martha's  Vineyard  was  stained 
with  iiuman  blood ;  fjr  from  that  day  to  the  present  [1807]  no  Indian  has  been 
hilled  by  a  white  man,  nor  white  man  by  an  Indian." 

Ir  relation  to  the  fight  which  Dermcr  and  iiis  men  had  with  the  Indians  at 
the  Vineyard,  .lioWo»t*[  relates  that  tiio  English  went  on  shore  to  trade  with 
tiiem,  when  they  were  assaulted  i'lul  all  the  men  slain  but  one  that  kept  the 


Tlio  secrets  of  tlio  siiiuly  island  CiipoftP,  or  the  noif,'hbnriiip;  shores  of  Capo  Coil, 
itcvcr  tliey  aie  now,  existed  only  in  faith  of  suuli  sanguine  minds  as  Sir  Fcrdiiuindo 


whatcvc 

Bud  his  aillu-ronts 

t  We  need  no  lottcr  display  of  the  e\-nho(  Epanow,  or  proof  of  his  cunninii:  in  (loop 
plots.  t  Iklkniip,  Anicr.  Biog,  i.  302.  i  Sniit/i'x  1  .  l",uj;laiiJ,  ii.  178. 

U  Ibid.  II  N.  Eng.  Meinoriul,  o8,  b'J. 


Chap.  Il.l  FIRST   SETTLEMENT    AT   PLIMOUTII. 


rs 


m 

where, 
writes, 
and  rc- 
oiic  of 
as  to  bo 
id  ques- 
lic  was 
fellows 
beins;  a 
hout 14 
ia  to  be 
UiereJ 
nation 

1  which 

writer 

stained 

las  been 

llians  nt 
Ido  witli 
|;opt  llie 

^]\c  Ccitl, 
\iliitiinilo 

in  ilcop 
I  ITS. 


boat.  "  But  tlie  [<^aptain]  himself  pot  on  board  very  sore  wounded,  and  they 
had  cut  otr  his  head  upon  tlio  cuddy  of  the  boat,  had  not  his  man  rescued  him 
with  a  sword,  and  so  tliey  {jot  him  away."  S(iuanto  was  with  Capt  Deriner  at 
this  time,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Miissasoil. 

CHAPTER   II. 

Arrival  and  first  Proceedings  of  the  Eiifflish  who  settle  at  Plimmith — Their  first 
discovery  of  Indians — Their  first  battle,  tcitli  them — Samosct — Sqnantn — Mass.v.- 
soiT — Itjanouffh — Aspinet — Cauneeowim — Caunbitast  — "Wittuwa  vkt — Pek- 
suoT — HoBOMOK — Tuliavui/tamon — Obbatinewut — Nanepashamkt — Squaio-Sa- 
chcm  of  Massachusetts — fVebcowet. 

In  1G20  some  determined  white  people,  with  the  most  astonishing  and  in- 
vincible firnmess,  undertooi:  to  wander  3000  miles  from  tiie  land  of  their  birth, 
and,  in  the  most  hazardous  manner,  to  take  up  a  permanent  abode  upon  the 
borders  of  a  boundless  wilderness,  —  a  wilderness  as  {jrcat,  or  far  greater,  for 
augl'.t  tliey  kiKMv,  than  the  expanse  of  ocean  which  they  were  to  pass.  But 
all  dangers  and  difficulties,  there  to  bo  encountered,  weijfhed  nothing-  in  coui- 
parison  with  tiie  liberty  of  conscience  which  tliey  might  enjoy  when  once 
beyor '  'lie  control  of  their  bicfoted  persecutors. 

Tile  '"igular  people  had  liberli)  from  their  oppressor,  Jnmei  T.,  to  go  and 
settle  .  '  !s  wilderness,  and  to  possess  themselves  of  some  of  the  lands  of 
the  Indiau,  provided  they  paid  him  or  some  of  his  friends  for  them.  No  one 
seems  then  to  have  q\ieslioned  how  this  kin<j  cauie  by  the  right  and  title  to 
lands  here,  any  more  than  how  ho  came  by  his  crown.  They  were  less  scru- 
pulous, perhaps,  in  tiiis  matter,  as  the  king  told  them,  in  a  charter*  which  he 
granted  them,  thoua^h  not  till  nf'er  the;/  Itad  sailed  for  America,  "that  he  iiai> 

BKEX  GIVEN  CERTAINLY  TO  KNOWE,  THAT  WITHIN  THESE  LATE  YEAUES 
THERE  HATH,  BY  OOd's  VISITATION,  RAIONED  A  WOMtEUEUL  PLAOL'E,  TO- 
GETHER WITH  MANY  HORRIBLE  SLAUGHTERS  AND  MURTHERS,  COMMITTEn 
AMOUNGbT  THE  SAl  GES  AND  BRUTISH  PEOPLE  THERE  HEERTOKORE  INHABIT- 
ING, IN  A  MANNER  TO  THE  UTTER  DESTRUCTION,  DEVASTACION  AND  DEPOP- 
ULACION  OF  THAT  WHOLE  TERRITORYE,  SO  THAT  THERE  IS  NOT  LEFT,  FOR 
MANY  LEAGUES  TOuETHER  IN  A  MANNER,  ANY  THAT  DOE  CLAIME  OR  CHAL- 
LENGE ANY  KIND  OK  INTERESTS  THEREIN."!  This  wns,  doubtlcss,  as  wel 
known,  if  not  better,  to  the  Pit!rriiiu!(iis  they  were  aptly  called)  as  to  King  James 

After  numerous  delays  and  disappointments,  the  Pilgrims,  to  the  number  of 
41,  with  tlieir  wives,!  children,  and  servants,  sailed  from  Plimouth,  in  England, 
in  one  small  ship,  called  the  MayHower,  on  VVednesdny,  the  fltli  of  Septomhcr. 
Their  passage  was  attended  with  great  peril ;  but  they  siifely  arrived  at  C.ipo 
Cod,  9  Nov.  following,  without  the  lo^s  of  any  of  tiieir  innuber.  Tiicy  now 
pioceeded  to  make  the  necessary  discoveries  to  seat  themselves  on  the  barrru 
coast.  One  of  the  first  tilings  they  found  necessary  to  do,  to  preserve  ordei 
among  themselves,  was,  to  forin  a  kind  of  constitution,  or  general  outline  of 
government.  Having  done  this,  it  was  signed  by  the  41,  two  days  after  tiieir 
arrival,  viz.  11  Nov.  The  same  day,  15  or  1(5  o'"  their  number,  covered  witli 
armor,  proceeded  to  tiie  land,  and  commenced  discoveries.  The  Indians  did 
not  siiow  tiiemselves  to  tiio  Englisii  until  the  l.^th,  and  then  tiiey  would  have 
nothing  to  say  to  tliem.  About  .')  or  (!  at  first  only  appeiu'cd,  who  fied  into  tlio 
woods  as  soon  as  they  had  discovered  themselves,  'I'lie  iMiglislimcn  tc)llowed 
thciii  many  miles,  hut  could  not  overtake  tiiem. 

First  Jiallle  with  the  huliuns. — Tiiis  was  upon  H  Doc.  1()'20,  and  wo  will  give 


the  account  of  it  in  tlie  lan<ruage  of  one  that  was  an  actor  in  it. 


\V 


e  went 


ranging  up  and  down  till  the  sun  began  to  draw  low,  and  tiien  wo  iiasted  out 


*  'J'his  ell  liter  bcar^  (l;itp  li  Nov.  Ui'ii).     Chulimrs,  I'olit.  Annuls,  81. 
t  Ihi:  inVs  Hist.  t!(illo('ti"ns,  I,  1(1.),  wluic  llii!  entire  eliiiiter  muy  be  seen.     It  WM 
after\v:irii,  eiilleil  Tni.;  (iliANI)  i'l.iMOUTlI  1'atint.     CUaiiner.s,  '\\i. 
X  i'liuie  were,  in  all,  28  females. 


\u 


76 


FIRST  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.— SAMOSET.  [Book  II. 


of  the  woods  that  we  might  come  to  our  shallop.  By  that  time  we  had  done, 
and  our  shallop  come  to  us,  it  was  within  night  [7  Dec],  and  we  betook  us  to 
our  rest,  after  we  had  set  our  watch. 

"  About  midnight  we  hoard  a  groat  and  hideous  cry,  and  our  Sontinell  called 
.^rm,  arm.  So  we  bestirred  ourselues,  and  shot  off  a  couple  of  Musket.s,  and 
[tlio]  noyse  ceased.  We  concluded  that  it  was  a  company  of  Wolues  and  Foxes, 
ti)r  one  [of  our  company]  told  vs  he  had  hoard  such  a  noyse  in  JVew-fuund-land. 
About  fiue  a  clocke  in  the  morning  [8  Dec]  wee  began  to  be  stirring.  Vpon  a 
sudden  we  heard  a  great  and  strange  cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same 
voyces,  though  they  varied  their  notes.  One  of  our  company,  being  abroad, 
came  running  in  and  cryed.  They  are  men,  Indians,  Indians ;  and  witliall  their 
arrowes  came  flying  amongst  vs.  Our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed  to  recover 
their  annes.  The  cry  of  our  enemies  was  dreadfuU,  especially  when  our  men 
ran  out  to  recover  their  Armes.  Their  note  was  after  this  manner,  fFoatli, 
ivonch,  ha  ha  hack  woach.  Our  men  were  no  sooner  come  to  their  Armes,  but 
the  enemy  was  ready  to  a.ssault  them.  There  was  a  lusty  man,  and  no  whit 
lesse  valiant,  who  was  tiiought  to  bee  their  Captain,  stood  behind  a  tree,  within 
half  a  musket  shot  of  vs,  and  there  let  his  arrawos  fly  at  vs.  Ilee  stood  three 
shots  of  a  musket.  At  length  one  of  vs,  as  he  said,  taking  full  ayuie  at  hnn, 
he  gave  an  extraordinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all." 

It  is  not  certain  that  any  blood  was  shed  in  this  battle;  but  it  was  pretty 
strongly  presumed  that  the  big  captain  of  the  Indians  was  wounded.  The 
Indians  having  retreated,  the  conquerors  were  left  in  possession  of  the  battle- 
ground, and  they  proceeded  to  gather  together  the  trophies  of  this  their  first 
victory.  They  picked  up  18  arrows,  which  they  sent  to  their  friends  in  Eng- 
land by  the  return  of  the  Mayflower.  Some  of  these  were  curiously  "  headed 
with  brasse,  some  with  Harts'  horno,  and  otiiers  with  Eagles'  clawes."* 

It  appeared  afterwards  that  this  attack  was  made  by  the  Nausct  Indians, 
whose  chief's  name  was  Atpinet.  Whether  he  was  the  leader  in  tiiis  fight,  is  not 
known  ;  but  he  probably  was.  The  place  where  the  afl'air  luii)poned  was  called 
bv  the  [ndians  jYamskekd;  but  the  English  now  called  it  The  First  Encounter. 
'The  ELEVENTH  OF  DECEMBER,  ever  memorable  in  the  history  of 
New  England,  was  now  come,  and  this  was  the  day  of  the  LANDING  OP 
THE  PILGRIMS.  A  place  upon  the  inhospitable  shore  had  been  fixed  upon, 
and  was  this  day  taken  possession  of,  and  never  again  deserted.  The  siiip 
until  then  had  been  their  porniancnt  abode,  which  now  they  gladly  exchanged 
for  the  sandy  shore  of  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod. 

Welcome,  Englishmen !  VVelcouio,  Englishmen !  are  words  so  inseparably 
associated  with  tlie  name  of  Snmoset,  that  we  can  never  hear  the  one  without 
the  pleasing  recollection  of  the  other.  Those  were  the  first  accents  our  pil- 
grim fathers  heard,  on  the  American  strand,  from  any  native.  We  mean  intel- 
ligible accents,  for  when  they  were  attacked  at  Namskeket,  on  tlieir  first 
arrival,  they  iieard  only  the  frightful  war-whoop. 

The  first  time  Indians  were  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  was  upon  15th  Nov.  1(520. 
"  Tiiey  espied  fiue  or  sixe  people,  with  a  Dogge,  coming  towards  them,  who  were 
Savages  ;  who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  Wood,  and  whistled  the  Dogge 
after  them."f  And  though  the  English  ran  towards  them,  when  the  Indians 
perceived  it  "  they  ran  away  might  and  main,"  and  the  English  "could  not 
come  near  them."  Soon  after  this,  Morton  says  the  Indians  "  got  all  the 
j)owaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  days  together,  in  a  horid  and  devilish 
manner  did  curse  and  execrate  them  witii  their  conjurations,  which  assembly 

•  Monrt's  JMation,  in  1  Mass.  Uist.  Col.  VIII,  218,  219;  or,  original  t'd.  p.  11)  &  20. 

t  Hdution  or  Jouriud  of  a  I'laiitatiim  .selllcd  at,  J'/i/moiif/i,  in  N.  E.  \isuiilly  cited 
Mourl's  licliUion.  It  was,  iio  doubt,  written  by  several  of  the  company,  or  the  writer 
was  assisted  by  several.  Mouit  secnus  to  have  been  th-j  imbliuher.  ilo  appears  not  to 
have  written  any  part  of  it  but  the  "To  the  Header,"  and  I  nm  inclined  to  believe  tliat 
this  '}.  Mourt,  being  zealous  in  the  cause  of  the  I'llgrims,  may  h:;-e  oublishcd  the  work 
at  his  own  expense.  He  published,  at  least,  o?ie  other  kindred  work.  I  hiive  no  scru- 
ple but  tliat  tiiihard  Hurdiwr  was  tlie  principal  author.  About  the  early  seltlenieul  o( 
any  country,  there  never  was  a  more  important  document.  It  was  printed  in  11)22,  and 
is  now  reprinted  in  the  Maxn.  Hint.  Vol,  and  we  hope  soon  to  sec  it  printed  in  a  yilume 
by  itself  ni  a  style  worthy  of  its  importance.  As  it  stands  iu  the  Hist.  tJollections,  it 
IS  very  difHcult  to  cousult,  a  part  uf  it  being  contained  in  ou<;  volume,  and  the  remain- 
del  iu  another. 


Chap.  U] 


THE  PLAGUE.— NEW  INTERVIEW 


77 


KWO. 
I  were 

idiang 
|d  not 
ill  the 
^vilish 
leiubly 

&20. 

ly  citt'd 

■  writer 

not  to 
■ve  t)i<it 
Ic  wovk. 
lo  scm- 
Iiicut  u( 
p.'l,  and 
|x<)',iiine 
lions,  it 
Tcuiuin- 


and  service  they  held  in  a  daric  and  dismal  SAvamp.    Behold  liow  Satan  labor- 
ed to  hinder  the  gospel  from  coming  into  New  England ! " 

It  was  on  Friday,  IGth  March,  IG'21,  that  Samoset  snddcnly  appeared  at 
Plirnouth,  and,  says  Mourt,  "  He  very  holdly  came  all  alone,  and  along  the 
houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvonn,  where  we  intcrrepted  him,  not  sufl'ering  him 
to  go  in,  as  undoubtedly  he  woidd,  out  of  his  boldness,"  He  wiis  naked,  "only 
a  leather  about  his  waist,  with  a  fringe  ai)out  a  span  long."  The  weather  waa 
very  cold,  and  this  author  adds,  "  We  cast  a  horseman's  coat  about  him."  To 
reward  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samoset  gave  them  whatever  information 
they  desired.  "  He  had,  say  they,  learned  some  broken  Englisii  amongst  the 
Englishmen  that  came  to  fish  at  Monhiggon,  and  knew  by  name  the  most  of 
the  captains,  commanders,  and  masters,  that  usually  come  [there].  He  was  a 
man  free  in  speech,  so  far  as  he  could  express  his  mind,  and  or  seemly  car- 
riage. We  questioned  him  of  many  things  :  he  was  the  fu-st  savage  we  could 
meet  withal.  He  said  he  was  not  of  those  parts,  but  of  INIoratiggon,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof:  had  been  8  months  in  these  parts,  it  lying 
hence  [to  the  eastward]  a  day's  sail  with  a  great  wind,  and  five  days  by  land. 
He  discoursed  of  the  whole  country,  and  of  eveiy  province,  and  of  thei;  sag- 
amores, and  their  number  of  men,  and  strength."  "  He  had  a  bow  and  two 
arrows,  the  one  headed,  and  the  other  unheaded.  He  was  a  tall,  strait  man ; 
the  hair  of  his  head  black,  long  behind,  only  short  before  ;  none  on  his  face  at 
all.  He  asked  some  beer,  but  we  gave  him  strong  water,  and  biscuit,  and 
butter,  and  cheese,  and  pudding,  and  a  piece  of  a  nialliu-d ;  all  which  he  liked 
well."  "  He  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called  Patuxet,  and  that 
about  4  years  ago  all  the  inhabitants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague,  and  there 
is  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed  we  have  found  none ; 
so  as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our  possession,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the 
afternoon  we  spent  in  communication  with  him.  We  would  gladly  been  rid 
of  him  at  night,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  go  this  night.  Then  we  thought  to 
carry  him  on  ship-board,  wherewith  he  wjia  well  content,  and  went  into  the 
shallop;  but  the  wind  wa.s  high  and  water  scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back. 
We  lodged  [with  hiiu]  that  night  at  Stephen  Hopkh^s^  house,  and  watched 
him." 

Thus,  through  the  means  of  this  innocent  Indian,  was  a  correspondence 
ha[)pily  begun.  He  left  Plimouth  the  next  morning  to  return  to  Massasnit, 
who,  he  said,  was  a  sachem  having  under  him  GO  men.  The  Liiglish  having 
left  some  tools  exposed  in  the  woods,  on  finding  that  they  were  missing,  rightly 
judged  the  Indians  had  taken  th^u).  They  complained  of  this  to  Samoset  in 
rather  a  threatening  air.  "  We  willed  him  (say  they)  that  they  should  be 
brought  agiiin,  otherwise  wc  would  right  ourselves."  When  he  left  them  "  he 
promised  within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again,"  and  bring  some  of  MassaaoiCs 
men  to  trade  vlth  them  in  beaver  skins.  As  good  as  his  word,  Samoset  came 
the  next  Sunduv,  "and  brought  with  him  5  other  tall,  proper  men.  Tliey  had 
every  man  a  diH-r's  skin  on  hini;  and  the  princij)al  of  them  had  a  wikl  rat's 
skin,  or  stich  like,  on  one  arm.  They  had  most  of  them  long  hosen  up  to  theii 
groins,  close  nuule;  and  aboue  their  groins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather 
they  were  altogether  lik(!  the  Irish  trousers.  They  are  of  comjjiexion  like  oui 
English  gi|)sie.<;  no  hair,  or  very  little,  on  their  faces;  on  their  heads  long  haii 
to  their  slioulders,  only  cut  before ;  some  trussed  up  before  with  a  feather 
broadwise  like  a  fan ;  another  a  fox-tail  hanging  out."  The  English  had 
charged  Samoset  not  to  let  any  who  came  with  him  bring  their  arms  ;  these, 
therefore,  left  "tln-ir  bows  and  arrows  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  our  town. 
We  gave  them  entcrtaimnent  as  we  thought  Wius  fitting  them.  They  did  eal 
liberally  of  our  English  victuals,"  and  a|)peared  very  friendly;  "sang  and 
danced  after  their  manner,  like  anticks."  "Some  of  them  had  their  fiices 
painted  black,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chir,  four  or  rive  fingei-s  broad  :  otliei-s 
atler  other  fashions,  as  they  liked.  They  brought  three  or  foiu'  skins,  but  we 
would  not  truck  with  them  all  diat  day,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more,  and 
we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  they  promised  within  a  night  or  two,  and 
woidd  leave  these  iMihiiul  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they  should  ;  anri 
they  brought  all  our  tools  again,  which  were  taken  in  the  woods,  in  our 
absence.  So,  because  of  the  day  [Sunday],  we  dismissed  tl.em  so  soon  as  wo 
7* 


rs 


CAI  i     irUNT.  -lYANOUGH  OF    CUMMACIUID. 


[Book  11. 


'.uUld.  IJiit  Samosd,  our  furft  acquaintance,  eitlicr  was  sick,  or  feigned  himself 
to,  <ui(i  would  not  go  witii  tiiem,  and  stayed  with  us  till  Wednesday  iiir"iii!!j». 
Then  wc;  sent  him  to  them,  to  know  the  reaMjn  they  came  not  according  to 
th(!ir  words  ;  and  we  gave  him  a  hat,  a  [)air  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a  shirt,  and 
a  piece  of  cloth  to  tie  ahout  his  waist." 

Snmo^"f.  returned  again,  the  next  day,  bringing  with  liim  Sqitanto,  mentioned 
in  the  last  cn.pter.  lie  was  "the  oidy  native  (says  Moo rt's  Relation)  of 
Patuxet,  where  we  now  hihabit,  who  was  one  of  the  20  [or  24]  captives,  that 
J)y  Hunt  were  carried  away,  and  had  !)een  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  Cornhill 
with  master  John  Slaine,  a  merchant,  and  could  speak  a  little  English,  with 
three  others."  They  brought  a  few  articles  for  trade,  but  the  more  itnportant 
news  "that  dieir  great  sagamore,  Massasoyt,  was  hard  by,"  v.hose  introduc- 
tion to  them  accordingly  followed. 

In  June,  1(521,  a  boy,  Jolm  Billington,  having  been  lost  in  the  woods,  several 
English,  with  Squanto  and  Tokamahamon,  undertook  a  voyage  to  Nauset  in 
search  for  him.  Squanto  was  their  interpreter  ;  "  the  other,  Tokamahamon,  a 
special  friend."  The  weather  was  fair  when  they  set  out,  "but  ere  they  had 
been  long  at  sea,  there  arose  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  with  much  lightning 
and  tliimder,  insomucli  that  a  [water]  spout  arose  not  far  from  ther ;."  How- 
ever, they  escaped  danger,  and  arrived  at  night  at  Cununaquid.  Here  they 
met  with  some  Indians,  who  ijiformed  them  that  the  boy  was  at  Nauset. 
These  Indians  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  invithig  them  on  shore  to  eat 
with  them. 

Ijianough  was  sachem  of  this  place,  and  these  were  his  men.  "  They  brought 
us  to  their  sachim  (says  Mourt)  or  governor,  whom  they  call  lyanough,"  who 
then  appeared  about  2(5  yeai"s  of  age,  "  but  very  personable,  gentle,  courteous, 
and  fiir-conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  a  savage,  save  for  his  attire.  His  enter- 
tainment was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and  his  cheer  plentiful  and  various." 
Tims  is  portrayed  the  atniable  charact'jr,  lyanoiigh,  by  those  who  knew  him. 
We  can  add  but  litllo  of  him  except  his  wretched  fate.  The  severity  execut'd 
upon  Wiltuwamet  and  Pcksuot  caused  such  consternation  and  dread  of  tho 
English  among  many,  that  they  forsook  their  wonted  habitations,  fled  into 
5wam|)s,  and  lived  in  unhealthy  places,  in  a  state  of  starvation,  until  many  died 
with  diseiLses  which  they  had  thus  cor  racted.  Among  such  victims  were 
[yanoiigh,  ^'Ispincl,  Concconam,  and  many  more.  Hence  tlie  B'nglish  supposed 
tliey  were  in  PcksuoCs  conspiracy,  as  w  II  be  more  j)articularly  related  here- 
after. 

While  the  English  were  with  IiianouL^S,  at  Cia  imaquid,  they  relate  that 
there  was  an  old  woman,  whom  they  judged  '  :  >  less  than  100  years  old, 

who  came  to  sec  them,  because  sho  had  never  ■  .  ,j  English;  "yet  (say  they) 
[she]  could  not  behold  us  without  breaking  lor;-  ;..  j  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  excessively."  They  inquired  the  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that 
she  had  three  sons,  "  who,  when  ni.'ister  Hunt  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard 
nis  ship  to  trade  with  him,  and  he  carried  them  captives  into  Spain."  Squanto 
being  prt;sent,  \vho  wius  carried  away  at  the  same  time,  was  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances,  and  thus  the  English  became  knowing  to  her  distress,  and 
told  her  they  were  sorry,  that  Hunt  was  a  had  man,  bui  that  all  the  other  Eng- 
lish wore  well  disposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then  gave  her  a 
few  trinkets,  which  considerably  appeased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  proceed  to  Nausot.  accompanied  by  lyanough  and  two 
of  his  men.  .flspind  was  the  sachem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Squanto  was  sent, 
Ii/nno)igli  and  his  men  having  gone  before.  Squanto  having  informed  .^spinet 
that  his  [Mijflish  friends  had  come  for  the  boy,  he  "came  (they  relate)  with  a 


great  train,  and 


brought 


the  boy  with  him,"  one  carrying  him  through  the 


water.  This  biung  at  or  near  the  place  where  an  attack  was  made  en  the 
l']nglisli, '  '.  their  first  arrival  in  the  coiintiy,  as  has  been  related,  caused  them 
to  be  on  tliiir  guard  at  this  time. 

At  tills  time,  .flspinct  had  in  hi'<  company  "not  less  than  an  hundred;"  half 
of  v'.hoiu  attended  the  boy  tr  the  boat,  and  the  n^st  "stood  aloof,"  with  their 
bowfi  r.vA  arro'vs,  looking  o",  Aspimi  delivered  up  the  boy  in  a  formal  man- 
lier.   -1)1  hung  with  beads,  and  mad(!  jjcace  witli  us  ;  Wf  bestowing  a  knife  on 


hii,.,  n'ld 
di  idler/' 


'ikewise  on  u'luthcr,  tJiat  first  entertained  the  boy,  and  brought  him 


t 


■y-'-  Di. 


■<*-^„ 


Chap.  II.]        IYANOUGH  -  VSPINET.— DEATH  OF  SQUANTO. 


r9 


hut 


vith 
and 

er  a 


itha 

the 

I  the 

hem 

half 
hell 
lon- 
on 
him 


I 


Lianoush  did  no;  accompnny  tin;  expedition  in  their  n'tiirn  from  Naiisct,  hut 
weiit  home  i)y  land,  and  Wiis  ready  to  entertain  the  com[)any  on  tlieir  ritiirn. 
From  contrary  winds  and  a  want  of  Iri-sli  water,  the  voyajiera  wen;  ohlijicd  to 
touch  again  at  Cununuquid.  "Tli(;re  (say  they)  we  met  again  with  Ii/nnoui^h, 
ami  tlie  most  of  his  town."  "He,  heing  still  willing  to  gratify  iis,  look  a  ruud- 
et,  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a  great  way  for  water,  hut  could  find  none 
good,  yet  brought  such  as  there  was  on  his  ne(;k  with  tliern.  In  the  meantinie 
the  women  joined  hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing  hefore  the  shallop  ;*  the 
men  also  showing  all  the  kindness  they  could,  Ii/anough  Jiimself  taking  a 
bracelet  from  about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  about  one  of  us." 

They  were  rot  able  to  get  out  of  the  harbor  of  Cummacpiid  from  badling 
whids  and  tides,  which  Ij/anough  seeing,  the  next  morning  he  ran  along  the 
slioi-e  after  them,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop,  and  returned  with  him 
to  his  town,  where  he  entcrtai'ied  them  in  a  manner  not  inferior  to  what  he  had 
done  bef(jn!.  They  now  succeeded  in  gettuig  water,  and  shortly  after  returned 
home  in  safety. 

While  at  Nauset,  the  English  lieard  that  Massasoit  had  been  attacked  and 
carried  oft'  by  the  Narragansets,  which  led  to  the  expedition  of  Standisli  and 
Alhrlon  against  Caunbitant,  as  will  be  fomid  related  in  his  life. 

About  this  time,  six  sachems  of  the  neighboring  country  had  their  fidelity 
tested,  by  being  called  upon  to  sign  a  treaty  subjecting  tlirinsijlves  to  King 
James,  as  will  be  found,  also,  in  tliat  life.  But  to  return  again  to  Jlspinet,  and 
otlier  sachems  of  Cajjc  Cod. 

By  tlie  improvidence  of  a  company  settled  at  Wcssagusciis,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  Thomas  fVeston,  in  lG'i2,  they  had  been  brought  to  the  very  brink 
of  starvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimoiith  people  wen;  but 
very  Ihtle  better  oft';  and  but  for  the  kindness  of  the  Indians,  the  worst  of 
consequences  might  have  ensued  to  both  these  infant  colonies. 

As  the  winter  progressed,  the  two  colonies  entered  into  articles  of  agreement 
to  go  on  a  trading  voyage  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Cod  to  buy  corn,  and 
whatever  else  might  conduce  to  their  livelihood.  Squanlo  was  pilot  in  tliis 
expedition;  but  he  died  before  it  was  accomplished,  and  the  record  of  his 
death  stands  thus  in  Wi.vslow's  Relation  : — 

"But  here  [at  Manamoyk,  since  Chatham],  though  they  had  determined  to 
make  a  second  essay  [to  pass  within  the  shoals  of  Ca|)e  Cod] ;  yet  fJod  had 
otherwise  disposed,  who  struck  Tisiiuantum  with  sickness,  insomuch  as  he 
there  died,  which  crossed  their  southward  trading,  and  the  more,  because  the 
master's  sufliciency  was  much  doubted,  and  the  season  very  t(>mpestuous,  and 
not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  to  direct  them."  His  disonhir, 
according  to  Prince,  was  a  fever,  "bleeding  much  at  the  nose,  which  the 
Indians  reckon  a  fatal  symptom."  He  desired  the  governor  would  ])r:iy  fir 
him,  that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishmen's  God,  "l)equeathing  his  tliiiigs  to 
sundry  of  his  English  I'riends,  as  remembrances  of  his  love ;  of  wiioni  we 
have  a  great  loss." 

Thus  died  the  famous  Squanto,  or  Tasquantum,  in  December,  1G22.  To 
him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  although  he  often,  through  extreme 
folly  and  shortsightedness,  gave  tliem,  as  well  as  himself  and  others,  a  great 
deal  of  trouble,  as  in  the  life  of  Massasoit  and  Hohomok  will  appear. 

Thus,  at  the  coinmencement  of  the  voyage,  the  pilot  was  taken  away  by 
death,  and  the  expedition  came  near  being  abandoned.  However,  before 
Squanto  died,  he  succeeded  in  introducing  his  friends  to  the  sachem  of  IMana- 
nioick  and  his  people,  where  they  were  received  and  entertained  in  a  manner 
that  woidd  do  honor  to  any  people  in  any  age.  It  is  tiie  more  worthy  of 
remark,  as  none  of  the  English  had  ever  been  there  before,  and  were  utter 
strangers  to  them.  After  they  had  refreshed  them  "with  store  of  venison  and 
other  victuals,  which  they  brought  them  in  great  abimdance,"  they  sold  them 
"  8  hogsheads  of  com  and  beans,  though  the  people  ivere  but  few" 

From  Mimamoick  they  proceeded  to  Massachusetts,  but  could  do  nothing 

*  ll  was  a  oiistom  willi  most  hidian  nntioiis  lo  clanro  when  strariRors  rni  o  iimonff  tlicm. 
Bnroi!  I  thontan  snys  it  was  the  maimer  of  llie  Irocii'ois  to  dance  "  lorsqif  les  I'lran^era 
u;;«  -"  j.i,>s  leiir  paiit,  ou  qui'  li'urs  etitiemis  envtncnl  aes  imbassadeurs  pour  fairt  dea  prop<y 
tit   ts  de  pj-Jc'—Metncires  de  L'Ameriqiie,  ii.  110. 


:m 


•i  i 


■*  II 


:;it 


80 


SQUANTO. 


[Book  II 


tliere,  Jis  l\Ir.  JVeston's  mrn  Iiiul  ruined  the  markrt  by  f,'iving  "asnricli  for  n 
f)uart  of  corn,  as  wu  used  to  do  for  a  Itc-avc'r's  t^kin."  Tlicrcfore  they  returned 
again  to  Cape  Cod,  to  Naiiset,  "  wiitin!  tiie  saclieni  Aapinet  used  tlie  governor 
very  kindly,  and  vvinire  tli(;y  houglit  tJ  or  10  iiogslieads  of  corn  and  heaiin:  also 
ut  a  |ilac(!  called  Matlarliiest,  wliere  tlicy  had  like  kind  entertainment  and  com 
also."  \Vhil<!  here,  a  violent  '■torni  drove  on  .shon;  and  to  damaged  their  pinnace, 
llijit  they  could  not  get  thei  •  corn  on  board  the  shi|):  so  they  made  a  stack  of  it, 
and  secured  it  from  the  weather,  by  (Covering  it  with  mats  and  sedge.  JLtjnnd 
was  desired  to  watch  and  keep  wild  animals  from  destroying  if,  until  they 
could  send  for  it  ;  also,  not  to  sufl'ei  their  boat  to  be  concerned  with.  All  this 
he  tiiithfully  did,  and  the'  governor  returned  hoitie,  by  land,  "receiving  great 
kindness  Ironi  the  Indians  by  the  way."  At  this  time  there  was  a  great  sick- 
ness among  the  ISIassachu setts  Indians,  "not  ludike  the  plague,  if  not  the 
siuiK-;"  but  no  particniai-s  of  it  are  recorded. 

Souii!  time  after,  Stnndish  went  to  bring  the  corn  left  at  Nauset,  and,  as  usual, 
gets  himself  into  didiculty  with  the  Indians.  One  of  ^spinefs  men  lia))p(iiing 
to  come  to  on^  of  Slandish^s  boats,  which  being  left  entirely  without  guard,  he 
took  out  a  few  trinkets,  such  as  "heads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles,"  which  when 
the  Knglish  captain  foimd  out,  "he  took  certain  of  his  company  with  liim,  and 
went  t((  the  saehiMii,  telling  him  what  bad  happened,  and  reciuiring  the  same 
again,  or  the  party  that  stole  them,"  "or  else  he  ivoiild  revevire  it  on  tin  in  bc^re 
his  departure"  and  so  departed  for  the  night,  "refusing  xvhatsocver  kindness  tkeij 
offered."  However,  the  next  morning,  Jispinet,  attended  by  many  of  his  men, 
went  to  the  Etigli.-h,  "in  a  stately  niainier,"  and  restored  all  the  "trifles;"  for 
the  (!xposing  tf  which  the  English  deserved  ten  times  as  much  reprehension 
as  the  man  tiir  taking  them. 

S'pinnto  being  the  only  pereon  that  escaped  the  great  sickness  at  Patuxet, 
ir(|uirei.<  for  an  account  of  that  calamity  will  very  rciisonably  exjiect  to  find  it 
in  a  history  of  his  life.  We  therefore  will  relate  all  that  is  known  of  it,  not 
elsewhere  to  l)e  noticed  in  our  progress.  The  extent  of  its  ravages,  as  near  an 
we  LU!:i  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  Hay  to  Kennebeck,  or  perliai)3  Penob- 
scot, nnci  Wiis  siipi)osed  to  have  connnenced  about  1G17,  and  the  length  of  its 
duration  s(!ems  to  have  been  between  two  and  three  yeai"s,  as  it  was  nearly 
abated  in  IGID,  The  Inrlians  gave  a  frighiud  account  of  it,  SJiying  that  they 
died  so  fast  "that  the  living  were  riot  able  to  bun'  the  dead."  VVhen  the  Eng- 
lish arrive  1  m  the  country,  their  bones  were  thick  n|)on  the  groimd  in  many 
places.  Tlii-  they  looked  ui)on  as  a  great  providence,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
destroyed  "multitudes  of  the  barbarous  heathen  to  make  way  for  the  chosen 
people  of  God." 

"  Some  had  expired  in  fight, — the  braiiiia 
Still  rusted  ill  their  lioiiy  hands, — 

III  plag'ic  and  famine  some."— Campbell. 

All  wars  and  disasters,  in  those  days,  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by  some 
strange  natural  appearance,  or,  as  appeared  to  them,  unnatural  appearance  or 
phenomenon  ;  hence  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  in  1G18,  was  considered  by 
some  the  precursor  of  this  pestilence.* 

We  will  givr  iiere,  from  a  curious  work.f  in  the  language  of  the  author,  an 
interesting  passage,  relating  to  this  melancholy  period  of  the  history  of  the 
people  of  J'a.imsoif,  in  whicli  he  refers  to  i^iqvanfo.  After  relating  the  fate  of 
a  Frei'i  li  ship\-  crew  among  the  Wampanoags,  as  extracted  in  the  life  of  Mas- 
sasi.'f  '.I  cont'.:^i/aD>on  of  tiie  account,  he  proceeds  thus:  "But  contrary  wise, 
[the  ln>.ii':i>>;  1  iiv'i  j  said  "tl'.ey  were  so  many  that  Uod  could  not  kill  them," 
when  iiie  d'  the  i  i^nehmen  rebuked  them  for  their  "wickedness,"  telling 
them  tiod  wouh'  d'l.  t"i)y  them,]  in  short  time  after,  the  hand  of  (jod  fell 
heavily  upon  vh^in,  x.'tli  sucii  si  mortall  stroake,  that  they  died  on  heaps,  as 
they  lay  in  thf'ir  hous. -,  and  the  living,  that  were  able  to  shift  for  themselves, 
would  runne  away  and  let  thorn  dy,  and  let  their  carkases  ly  above  the  ground 

*  'I'lio  year  Ifil"  seems  to  have  been  very  fruitful  in  comet.*,  "as  therein  no  le.sa  than 
four  were  observed,  '  /.  Mtither'n  JJiiicouise  cnncevniiiij  Cometa,  108,  lioston,  12nio.  1(183. 
There  may  be  seen  a  euiious  passage  concerning  the  comet  of  1618  in  Ruahworth'a  Hint, 
i'ni.  of  that  year. 

t  New  English  Canaan,  23,  by  Thomat  Morton,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1037. 


[Hook  11 

nricli  for  a 
L'y  rctunit'd 
H3  governor 
Ix'uiih:  also 
It  and  corn 
cir  |)iniiiici', 

I  stuck  of  it, 
L-.  Jhjnncl 
,  until  tlicy 
li.  All  this 
iving  great 
great  sick- 
if  not  tlio 

1(1,  as  usual, 
lia|>|)(  niiig 
it  guard,  ho 
I'liicli  when 
h  iiini,  and 
■s;  the  same 
Ihi  m  bi.J^re 
imlness  they 
)f  his  men, 
rifles;"  for 
prehejision 

at  Patuxet, 
ct  to  Hnd  it 

II  of  it,  not 
,  as  near  as 
t|>s  Penob- 
Migth  of  its 
^vas  nearly 

that  they 

the  lOng- 

in  many 

as  it  hud 

le  ci  IOSCO 


by  some 
?arance  op 
iilered  by 

itithor,  an 

iry  of  the 

lie  fate  of 

of  Mas- 

•ary  wise, 

II  thnm," 

tolling 

God  fell 

lion]is,  as 

eniselvesi, 

e  ground 

less  thnn 
hiM.  ir,S3. 
rth'ii  Jlist, 


Chap.  11] 


SQUANTO— MASSASOIT. 


81 


without  burial].  For  in  a  place  where  many  inliabiteil,  then;  hath  been  but 
one  left  alive  to  tell  what  became  of  the  rest  ;  the  living  being  ^as  it  seeuh;)  not 
able  to  bury  the  dead.  They  w<!re  left  for  erowes,  kites,  and  veniiiiie  to  pray 
upon.  And  the  bones  and  skulls,  upon  the  severall  places  of  tin  ir  haliitatioii-^, 
made  such  a  spectacle,  after  my  comuiing  into  thos(!  parts,*  lliat,  as  I  travailed 
in  that  forrest  nere  the  IMassachussets,  it  si'emed  to  me  a  iiew-tiniiid  (Jojgotlia." 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gor/rex,  as  we  have  seen,  was  well  acipiaintt-d  wi;li  tli'  coast 
of  New  England.  After  his  design  failed  at  Sagadaiiock,  he  tells  us  that  lie 
sent  over  a  ship  upon  his  own  account,  which  was  to  leave;  a  com|iany  undrr 
one  Fines,^  to  remain  and  trade  in  the  country.  These  were  his  own  s;'rvants, 
and  he  ordered  "them  to  leave  tlu;  sliij)  and  ship's  company,  for  to  follow  their 
business  in  the  usual  place,  (for,  he  says,  I  knew  thi'V  would  not  b<'  drawn  to 
Bcek  by  any  means,)  by  these,  and  the  help  of  those  natives  flirineriy  sent  over, 
I  conn;  to  bo  truly  informed  of  so  much  as  ga'  e  me  assurance  that  in  tine'  1 
should  want  no  undertakers,  though  as  yet  1  was  fiireed  to  hire  iiii'ii  to  stay 
then;  the  winter  quarter,  at  extriMiK!  rates,  and  not  without  danger,  tor  that  the 
warj:  had  consumed  the  Kashaba,  and  the  most  of  tlic  great  sagamores,  with 
such  111(^1  of  action  as  followed  them,  and  thosi;  that  remained  were  sore 
aftlicted  with  the  plague  ;  for  that  the  country  wsis  in  a  manner  left  void  of 
inhabitants.  Notwithstanding,  Vines,  and  the  rest  with  him  that  lay  in  the 
cabins  with  those  people  that  tiled,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (blessed  be 
Go<l  for  it)  not  one  of  them  ever  felt  their  heads  to  acht;  while  thi-y  stayed 
there."  Here,  although  we  are  |)nt  in  possession  of  several  of  the  most  impor- 
tant fiicts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  deli(;ient  in  one  of  the  main  jiarticulars — 
I  mean  that  of  dates.  Therefore  we  gain  no  further  data  as  to  the  time  or 
continuance  of  this  plague  among  the  [ndians  ;  for  Sir  Fvnlinnndo  adds  to  the 
above,  "  and  this  course  I  held  some  yetu-s  together,  but  nothing  to  my  [irivate 
profit,"  &c. 

In  Capt.  SmitKs  account  of  New  Endand,  published  in  1G31,  he  has  a 
passag(!  about  the  plague,  which  is  much  like  that  we  have  given  above  from 
Morion.  The  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a  fishing  vessel,  and  the  man  that 
they  kept  a  prisoner,  on  telling  them  he  fi^ared  his  God  would  destroy  them, 
their  king  made  him  stand  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  and  collected  his  ])eo|)l(!  about 
it  that  the  man  might  see  how  numerous  they  wiTe.  When  he  had. done  this, 
he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  whether  his  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about, 
had  so  many  men,  and  wbettier  they  could  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the 
king  that  he  could,  they  derided  hiiu  as  before.  Soon  after,  the  plague  carried 
off  all  of  the  ftlassachu setts,  5  or  GOO,  l(!aving  only  .')0,  of"  whom  ^8  were  killed 
by  tlvir  neighbors,  the  other  two  escaping  until  the  llng'ish  came,  to  whom 
they  gave  their  country.  The  Eiifflisli  told  th(!  Indians  that  the  (':si\'ise  waa 
the  plague.  Capt.  Smith  says  thisaecotmt  is  second  luuid  to  liiin,  and  therefore 
begs  to  be  excused  if  it  In;  not  true  i>i  all  its  particulai-s. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  Indian 
history. 

MA^is  vRoiT,  ehii'f  of  the  Wampanoags,  resided  at  a  place  called  Pokanoket 
or  Pawknnnawkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  included  in  the  town  of  l$ris- 
tol,  Rliode  Island.  He  was  a  chief  i-enowned  more  in  ])eace  than  war,  and 
was,  as  long  as  he  lived,  a  friend  to  the  English,  iiotwilhstanding  they  cominitteil 
repeated  usnqiations  upon  his  lands  and  libertii  s 

This  chief;-  name  has  been  written  with  great  variation,  as  Wonnameq.  it\,^Rsuh- 
mequin,  Oosntnequen,  Osamekin,  Owsainequin,Ow!iamequine,Us.<iame(iu>'n,  Wasnm- 
tfrin,  &CC. ;  but  tin;  name  by  which  he  is  generally  known  in  histoiy,  is  that  with 
which  we  commence!  his  lift  .§     Mr.  Prince,  in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  name, 

"^ir.  M'nrtnn  first  ciimi' over  in  lli;!^.  Ho  s-cltliMl  iKNir  W'cvinoiilh.  A(\<'r  groat  IroiiMf! 
ami  losses  I'roin  iliose  of  ii  ilill'orenl  nliuion,  lie  w;is  lmiiisl)i'>i  mii  of  (lie  coiiiilry.  liiiil  liad  his 
proiKTIy  seqiii'SH'rt'tl,  but  soon  at\i'r  retiirneil.  lie  died  in  Vork,  Mo.,  Uitfi.  If  it  Ix;  prcleuded 
that  Aftiitoii  litui  no  rfliirioii,  wo  say,  "  .Iiuljjo  not."     Ho  profcssi'd  to  liiTve. 

t  .Mr.  Rich,inl  Vini:i.  Aiifrira  fMinlnl  In  thfi  Lift',  l>y   f'enl.  (t'nrnf.i.  F,si|.  ilo.  I.ond.  Ui.V.l. 

}  A  Efrniil  war  arnon<r  tln^  ludiuns  at  this  liiiri-  is  mcnlionnl  l)y  most  of  llio  lir^t  wrileri!,  but 
llie  piirticnlars  of  it  (Miniotbo  known.  It  seems  to  have  bt^en  bolwccn  llic  'I'lirralines  and 
Hbos  to  the  west  of  Pasralaiina. 

tSomo  liavc  derived  the  name  of  Masxnchu.iplls  from  tills  cliief,  hut  tbat  coiiiootiire  is  not 
e  heeded.     If  any  man  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Roger  Williams  did. 

F 


82 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II 


"the  printod  accounts  generally  spell  him  Massasoil ;  Gov.  Bradford  writes 
liirri  ,il(i.<i/ia.ioi/t,  and  Massasoyct ;  l)iit  I  fin!  tho  ancient  jieopie,  from  tlieif 
liitii(!r.s  in  I'limoiith  colony,  pronounced  his  name  Ma-sas-so-it."  Still  wo  find 
no  inclination  to  change  a  letter  in  a  name  so  venerahle,  and  which  hasheen  so 
Ioiiij:  ('stal)lished ;  lor  il'  u  writer  .sufVer  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  hini.s(.'ll",  he 
knows  not  where  to  stop,  and  we  jirononnce  him  no  anliqium/. 

It  has  olVen  heen  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a  sachem  as  Massasoil  should 
have  possessed  so  great  a  country,  and  our  wonder  has  heen  increased  when 
W(?  consider,  ihat  Indian  jiossessions  are  iri'nerally  ohtained  hy  i)rowess  and 
great  personal  couri'.g<'.  We  know  of  none  who  r,MiId  hoast  of  such  extensive 
dominions,  where  ali  were  contentcul  to  consider  thii'iselves  his  ii-iends  and 
children.  Powhatan,  Ponliac,  Liltk-turUe,  Tcrumsch,  and  many  more  that  we 
could  name,  have  swaye<l  many  ''-ihes,  hut  theirs  was  a  temporary  union,  in  an 
emergency  of  war.  That  Massasoit  should  hi;  ahle  to  hold  so  many  trihes 
togetiier,  without  cr)nstant  war,  re(|uired  fpiai>ies  helonging  only  to  few.  That 
he  was  not  a  warrior  no  one  will  allow,  when  th(^  testimony  of  .'Innawon  is  so 
direct  to  the  ])oint.  Tor  that  great  chief  gave  (^"a|)t.  Church  "an  account  of 
what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly,  in  the  wars  against  many  nations 
of  ludiaHS,  when  he  served  .flsuhmcijuin,  1  hilij)\i  father." 

Tli(!  limits  of  his  coimtry  towards  the  iVipundcs,  or  iidand  Indians,  are  not 
precise,  hut  upon  the  east  and  west  W(,'  are  sure.  It  is  evident,  however,  from 
the  following  extract,  that,  in  1(147,  the  Nipnniks  were  rather  uncertain  ahout 
their  sachem,  and  ])rolialtly  helonged  at  one  time  to  Massasoit,  and  at  another 
to  th(!  Narragansets,  or  otiiei-s,  as  circmnstances  impelled.  "Tin;  Nopnat 
(Nipnet,  or  JS'i|)mnk)  Indians  having  noe  sachem  of  tlieir  own  are  at  liherty ; 
part  of  them,  Ity  their  own  choice,  doe  appertaine  to  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
and  |iarte  to  the  IMohegens."  *  And  certainly,  in  IGtiO,  those  of  Quahaog 
helonged  to  .Massasoit  or  trassaincffiii,  as  he  was  then  called  (if  he  he  the 
same),  as  will  he  evident  from  facts,  to  he  fonnd  in  the  life  of  Uncas.  He 
owned  Cajie  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Alassachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  hetween 
Narraganstit  and  IMassacIuisetts  hays ;  extending  inland  hetween  Pawtucket 
anil  Cliarles  rivers,  a  distance  not  satisfiictorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  hefore, 
together  with  all  tho  contiguous  ishuids.  It  was  filled  with  many  trihes  or 
nations,  and  all  looking  np  to  him,  to  sanction  all  their  e.\j)editions,  and  settle 
all  their  dilKculties.  And  we  may  remark,  further,  with  regard  to  tho 
I\'ipnnd<s,  that  at  one  time  they  were  his  trihutaries.  And  this  seems  the  more 
prohalilc,  for  in  Philip^s  war  there  was  a  constant  intt;rconrse  hetween  them, 
and  -vhen  any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  directly  into  the 
coni't;-' of  tho  Ni|)muks.  No  such  intercourse  sid)siste(l  hetween  tin;  Naira- 
gansi .'.-.  and  eitlnn-  of  thesi;.  But,  on  the  contnuy,  when  a  messenger  from  the 
Narragansets  arrived  in  the  country  of  the  Nipmnks,  with  the  heads  of  some 
of  till!  I'higlish,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  was  at  first  fired 
u|ion,  though  afterwards,  when  two  additional  heads  were  hrought,  he  was 
received  with  them. 

Massasoit  had  several  ])laces  of  residence,  hut  the  princijjal  was  Mount  Hope, 
or  Pokanoket.  The  English  early  gave  it  the  name  of  Mount  lIo])e,  hut  from 
what  ?ircinnstance  we  have  not  learned.  Some  su|)pose  the  words  Mount  Hope 
corrupted  from  the  Indian  words  Mo7i-top,}  hut  with  what  reason  we  are  not 
inl(Miui'<l.  Since  we  have  thus  early  noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  he- 
fore  ])roceeding  with  the  life  of  the  first  of  the  Wain|)anoags,  w(!  will  give  a 
description  of  it.  It  appcvirs  to  the  hest  advantage  from  the  village  of  Fall 
River,  in  the  town  of  Troy,  INIassachnsetts,  from  which  it  is  distant  aiiout  four 
miles.     From  this  place,  its  top  very  nnich  resemhles  the  dome  of  the  state- 


/ 


Hi^  loarnoil  from  tho  Indmii  tliomsi'lvcs,  "  that  the  Mas.inrltn.ietls  vers  calhd  sn  from  the.  Blue 
Ililh."  Ill  llio  v<)i'!iliiilHry  of  Imliaii  wonls,  liy  Kcv.  John  Cotton,  llic  dofmiiion  of  Massd- 
diuxitt  is,  "  an  hill  in  thr  /'inn  of  an  (trrotr'y  hcail." 

*  JtcTords  of  lli(!  tJ.  Col.  il    Hazard,  ii.  Wl. 

t  Mdcn's  Cullcctioii  of  K|)ii,i|)lis,  iv.  Oa').  President  SUhs,  in  Ins  notes  to  llio  second 
e<lilioiiof  Chl'kch's  lli-r.  Piiii.u''s  Wak,  p.  7,  spells  it  Monl-hmip ;  \m\  il  is  nol  so  in  the 
le\l  of  eillier  edition.  .Moivovcr,  we  liiivo  not  l>een  aide  to  discover  thai  Mon-top  is  derived 
from  Indian  word  or  words,  and  do  not  liesilalo  to  pronounce  it  a  corruption  of  ihi;  Iwc 
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Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


83 


house  in  Boston,  as  seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  four  or  five  tnilc-s 
di»tan'*e.  Its  liciglit  by  admeasureinent  is  stM  to  he  iilktut  '-200  feet.*  It  im 
very  steep  on  tlie  siile  towards  l'oojL«set,  umi  its  appenrunce  is  very  regular 
To  its  natural  appearance  a  gentleiiuui  of  itristol  lius  contributed  to  add 
materially,  by  placing  uirau  its  sunnnit  a  circular  sunuuer-liouse,  and  this  is  a 
principal  reason  why  it  so  much  resembles  the  Massachusetts  gtate-hoiiSi\ 
This  mount,  therefore,  since  some  time  previous  to  1824,  does  not  ajipear  a.s  in 
the  davs  of  Massasoit,  and  as  it  did  to  his  early  friends  and  visitors,  ti'insloio 
and  liamden.  ^ .  was  sullicicntly  picturesque  without  such  athiitioii,  as  an 
immense  stone  originally  formed  '\\a  sunnnit,  and  completed  its  domelike 
ap|>carunce.  The  octiigonal  summer-house  being  |)laced  U|)on  this,  comidctes 
the  cupola  or  turret.  From  this  the  view  of  Providence,  Wurren,  Bristol,  and, 
indeed,  tlie  whole  surrounding  country,  is  very  beautiful. 

This  eminence  was  known  among  the  Norragansets  by  the  name  Pokanokel, 
which  signified  in  their  language  the  tcood  or  land  on  the  other  side  of  the  witter, 
and  to  the  VVampanoags  by  the  name  Sowwanis.  And  it  is  worthy  remark  hero 
that  Kuequenuku  was  the  name  of  the  |)lace  where  Philadelphia  now  stands. 
Mr.  Heckewelder  says,  it  signified  the  grove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  wjis  u 
place  in  Middleborough,  and  another  in  Ilaynham,  where  he  spent  some  part 
of  particular  seasons,  perhaps  the  sunnner.  The  place  in  Ilaynham  was  near 
Fowling  Pond,  and  he  no  doubt  had  many  others. 

Sir  trancis  Drake  is  the  first,  of  whom  wo  have  ony  account,  that  set  foot 
u])on  the  shores  of  New  England.  This  was  in  158(i,  about  seven  years  at\er 
he  had  taken  possession,  and  named  the  same  countiy  New  England  or  iXew 
Albion,  U|)on  the  western  side  of  the  continent.  It  is  an  error  of  long  standing, 
that  Prince  Charks  named  the  coimtry  New  England,  and  it  even  now  so 
stands  upon  the  pages  of  history.  But  it  is  vry  clear  that  Sir  IVancis  is  justly 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  it.  American  historians  seem  to  have  looked  no  fur- 
ther than  Prince  and  Robertson,  and  hence  ass«;rt  that  Ca|)t.  Smith  lamed  the 
country  New  England.  We  will  now  hear  Smith  \  on  this  matter.  "  New 
Enghmd  is  that  part  of  America,  in  the  Ocean  sea,  op|)osite  to  Aoua  Jllbion,  in 
the  South  Sea,  discovered  by  the  most  memorable  Sir  Francis  Drake,  in  his 
voyoge  aliout  the  world,  in  regard  whereof  this  is  stiled  New  England." 

Capt.  SmiUi,  in  1614,  made  a  survey  of  the  coast  of  what  is  now  New  Eng- 
land, and  because  the  country  was  already  named  New  England,  or,  which  is 
the  same.  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought  it  most  proper  to 
stamp  it  anew  upon  the  eastern.  Therefore  Capt  Smith  neither  takes  to  him- 
self the  honor  of  naming  New  England,  as  some  writers  of  authority  assert,  nor 
does  he  give  it  to  King  Cltarles,  as  Dr.  Robertson  and  many  others,  copying  liim, 
have  done. 

The  noble  and  generous  minded  Smith,  unlike  Americns,  would  not  permit 
or  suffer  his  respected  friend  and  cotemporary  to  l>e  deprived  of  any  honor 
due  to  him  in  his  day  ;  and  to  which  we  may  attribute  the  revival  of  the  namo 
New  England  in  1014. 

It  was  upon  some  part  of  Cape  Cod  that  the  great  circumnavigator  landed. 
lie  was  visited  by  the  "king  of  the  country,"  who  submitted  his  territories  to 
him,  as  Hioh  had  done  on  the  western  coast.  After  several  days  of  mutual 
trade,  and  exchange  of  kindnesses,  during  which  time  the  natives  beriu.ic 
grtuUly  attached  to  Sir  Francis,  he  departed  for  England.  Whether  the  '•  king 
of  the  country "  hero  mentioned  were  Massasoit,  we  have  not  the  means  of 
knowing,  as  our  accounts  do  not  give  any  name  ;  but  it  was  U|)on  his  domin- 
ions that  this  first  landing  was  made,  and  we  have  therefore  thought  it  pro|>er 
to  be  thus  particular,  and  whi^li,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  be  uiuicirpta- 
ble  to  our  readers.^ 

*  Viim<)V<loii,  2."j9. 

t  Sic  Ills  "  Descn'plioii  of  X.  Englnml,"  nnd  llip  error  inny  lioiirrforlli  In-  ilispt'i 1  wiih. 

t  Tlic  tirsi  niilliorily  wliicli  wc  louiii!  lor  tlicsu  interesting  lUcts,  (iiilere<lin|if  to  I'mi/  son  of 
New  Eiipliind,)  is  n  work  entitled  "  Nnvnl  Hiocrnpliv,"  Ate.  ol'  (Jreiil  Uritain,  2  vols.  Ovo. 
London,  li!05,  and  is  in  tliese  words  ; — "'I'lie  first  iillempt  towards  n  rofiilar  roloiiizRlion  of 
N  l'.nj{lnnd,  occurs  in  the  year  UKXi.  It  will  envily  be  r<Tollectcd.  tlial  tins  piirl  of  llie  Anicr- 
iciiii  continent  was  firsl  disliii^ui'-lied  liy  the  captains  /iii/7i/ir  niui  Aiiiiilns;  that  H\r  Fniiicia 
l^'-:ikr,  when  he  touched  here  on  lii«  reinrii  from  the  West  Indies,  in  loIiCi,  was  the  first  Rtig- 
iisliinaii  wlio  landed  in  these  parts,  and  tu  wliuin  jne  of  the  Indian  kings  tuWinitlod  his  territory  j 


i!i  -^  r 


^ 


84 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  n. 


Smith  landed  in  many  places  upon  the  shores  of  Massaaoiff  dominions,  one 
of  wliich  places  he  named  Plimoulh,  which  happened  to  be  the  same  >vLi<-ii 
now  licars  that  name. 

Our  accounts  make  Capt.  Barlholometo  Goanold  the  next  visitor  to  the  sjiorrs 
of  Massaaoit,  afier  Sir  I'Vancis  Drake.  His  voyage  was  in  IGCi,  and  he  was 
the  first  who  came  in  a  direct  course  from  Old  to  New  England.  He  landed 
in  the  same  place  where  Sir  Fraricis  did  1(5  years  Iwfore.  The  route  had  hith- 
erto been  by  the  Canaries  and  West  India  Islands,  and  a  voyage  to  and  from 
New  England  took  up  neorly  a  year. 

We  cjui  know  nothing  of  the  early  times  of  Mnssnsoit.  Our  next  visitor  to 
his  country,  that  we  shall  here  notice,  was  Capt.  Thomas  Dermer.  This  was 
iu  May,  1619.  He  sailed  for  Monhigon  ;  thence,  in  that  month,  for  Virginia, 
in  un  op(;n  pinnace;  consequfutly  was  obliged  to  keep  clos«'  in  slH)n'.  He 
found  places  which  had  Ihm;u  inhabited,  but  at  thut  time  contained  no  peopji' ; 
and  farther  onward  nearly  all  were  deaci,  of  a  gn'at  sickness,  which  was  then 

t»revailing,  but  nearly  abated.  When  he  came  to  Plunouth,  all  were  dead, 
'^rom  thence  he  traveled  a  day's  journey  uito  the  country  westword,  to  Na- 
niasket,  now  Middleborough.  From  this  place  he  sent  a  measenger  to  visit 
Massaaoit.  In  this  expedition,  he  rcdeegied  tv.-o  Fn-nchmen  from  MatDasoiCs 
people,  who  had  been  cast  away  on  the  const  three  years  lielore. 

But  to  be  more  particular  with  Capt.  Dermer,  we  will  hear  him  in  his  own 
manner,  which  is  by  a  letter  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Purchaa,  the  com|>ilcr  of  the 
Pilgrimage,  dated  27  Dec.  1G19. 

"When  I  aiTived  at  my  savage's  [Squanlo's]  native  country,  ((inding  all 
dead,)  I  travelled  alongst  a  day's  journey,  to  a  place  called  ,Yummasta(finft, 
where  finding  inhabitants,  I  despatched  a  messenger,  a  day's  journey  fartli<>r 
west,  to  Pocanokit,  which  bordereth  on  the  sea ;  whence  came  to  see  me  two 
kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  l>eing  well  satisfied  with 
that  my  savage  and  I  discoursed  unto  them,  (lieiii"  desirous  of  novelty,)  gave 
me  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded ;  where  I  found  that  former  relations 
were  true.    Here  I  red<!emed  a  Frenchman,  and  af\erwanls  juiother  ot  Massta- 

and  tlial  ('n|)t.  (Jumio//,  who  iiiiule  n  liulc  slay  in  tlic  same  placi-,  irave  smli  a  rrporl  of  N. 
England  as  to  altrael  tlic  nllontioii  of  liis  advcninrnns  ronnlrynuMi,  sonic  of  u horn  iinmiHlialrly 
procured  a  charter,"  &-c. — Vol.  I.  p.  337,  338  If  we  oonld  know  from  whence  the  above  was 
taken  (that  is,  the  aulliority  the  writer  of  that  work  made  nse  of),  it  mipht  at  once,  porhajis, 
settle  the  qncslion.  OUlmiron,  I.  2o,  has  the  s;iine  fact,  thongli  not  quite  so  circunislnniiallv 
related.  Mr.  Uancro/l,  in  his  I.  Vol.  of  the  Hist.  United  Slates,  supposes  O/ilmixmi,  thromjli 
carelessness,  mistakes  Drake's  landing  in  (California,  in  ]oi'.\  for  that  in  7i.  England,  in  l.ViO, 
because,  as  we  suppose,  he  had  not  .seen  the  fact  elsewhere  staled.  ItuI  Dntke  was  '10  dnyi 
from  Virginia  to  Plymouth,  which  would  gfive  him  time  enough  to  have  visited  N.  En-rliuiil. 
See  "The  !,ife  andDangerous  Voyajfes  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,"  Slc,  small  12mo.,  London, 
(without  date),  page  1;W.    See  also  Slith's  Virginia,  p.  16. 

What  is  said  in  lilome's  account  of  America,  p.  210,  is  not  very  conclusive.  His  words 
are,  "  The  year  following  J1585),  Sir  Richard  (ireenvile  conveyed  an  English  colony  ihiihor 
[this  author  mistakes  the  situation  of  the  places  he  describes,  In  a  wrelcl>ed  manner],  under  the 
government  of  Mr.  Ralph  Lane,  wlio  continued  there  (yet  he  is  speaking  of  N.  Eiig.]  till  the 
next  year  (158fi),  but,  upon  some  extraordinary  occasion,  returned,  with  Sir  Francis  Drahf, 
into  England,  being  accounted  by  some  the  first  discoverer  thereof."  Blame's  work  was 
printed  in  IfiS?,  anif  may  have  l)een  Oldmixon's  authority.  In  the  Genl.  Mag.,  Vol.  XXV., 
p.  21)1.  it  is  said,  "  Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  made  a  ilisci.  "  on  the  coast,  continued  there  biil  a 
very  short  time,  so  that  whatever  had  been  known  of  this  country  >vas  so  much  forgotten  in  lfi02, 
that  Gosnolil  fell  in  with  the  coast  by  accident,  as  he  was  pursuing  another  design."  Fortter'a 
error  about  Sir  Francis's  being  on  the  coast  in  1.585,  is  surprising;  but  it  is  still  more  surpris- 
ing that  any  one,  pretending  to  be  an  historian,  should  copy  it.  See  Corster,  29.5,  and  ArifjHtch, 
Newfoundland,  74.  In  J'rinr''s  Worthies  of  Deio  ,  an  account  of  Sir  Bernard  Drake's 
expedition  to  the  New  England  seas,  in  1585,  may  be  seen  ;  also  in  Purchase,  v.  1882.  Queen 
Elizaheth  sent  over  Sir  Bernard,  with  a  naval  force,  to  dispossess  any  Portuguese,  or  otiirra, 
that  he  might  find  fishing  there.  He  found  many  vessels  employed  in  that  business,  some  of 
which  he  captured,  and  dispersed  the  rest,  ami  relumed  to  EnglaiKl  v.i'.i.  several  Portuguese 
prizes.  Now  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  Etizatiflh  had  inslricled  Sir  Francis  to  coini  up 
into  these  seas,  when  he  had  finished  his  designs  in  South  America  and  Virginia,  to  see  if  there 
were  any  vessels  of  oilier  nations  usurping  the  rights  of  her  citizens ;  ancT  hence  iiiiiltpiitive 
writers  liave  confounded  the  names  of  Sir  Bernard  and  Sir  Francis,  they  being  Imili  distin- 
guished admirals  at  that  time,  and  both  having  ihe  same  surname,  and  originally  of  the  same 
i'amily.  The  expedition  of  .Sir  Iternnrd  was  the  year  before  that  of  Sir  Francis,  and  Ik  nee 
arose  the  anachronism.  Several  English  navigators  had  been  on  this  coast  liefore  IGIK).  Capt. 
Georire  Drake  made  a  voyage  to  the  river  St.  Lawrence  in  1593;  but  wiicthcr  a.ny  of  then 
landed  in  what  is  now  New  England,  is  at  present  unknown. 


Chap.  II] 


MASSASO 


85 


cliiisit,  M'ho  three  years  since  escaped  6hip>vreck  at  the  north-east  of  Cape 
Co«l." 

\Vc  linve  mentioned  liis  interview  with  Mcuaaaoit,  whom  we  suppose  waa 
one  of  the  kings  mentioned  in  tlio  letter,  and  Quadequina  was  no  doubt  tlie 
other. 

In  another  letter,  Mr.  Dermer  says  tlie  Indians  would  have  killed  him  at 
Namasket,  had  not  Sqitanto  entreated  hard  for  him.  "  Their  desire  of  revenge 
(he  adds)  was  occasioned  by  an  Englishman,  who,  having  many  of  them  on 
lioanl,  made  great  slaughter  of  them  with  their  murderers  and  small  shot,  when 
(a-s  they  say)  they  offered  no  injury  on  their  parts." 

Mr.  Thomas  Morton,*  the  author  who  made  himself  so  merry  at  the  cx[)cnse 
of  *hc  I'ilgrims  of  Plimouth,  has  the  following  passage  concerning  these 
Frt'nchmen: — "It  fortune«l  some  few  ycares  before  the  English  came  to 
inhabit  at  new  Plinnnouth  in  New  England,  that,  u|>on  some  distast  given  in 
the  Mussachusscts  Bay,  by  Frenchmen,  then  tradiiig  there  with  the  natives  for 
iM'aver,  tliey  set  u|»on  tlie  men,  at  such  advantage,  that  they  killed  manie  of 
them,  burned  their  sliipp,  then  riding  at  anchor  by  an  island  there,  now  called 
Peddock'a  Island,  in  memory  of  Leonard  Peddock  that  landed  there,  (where 
many  wildeaitckiesf  haunted  that  time,wlrich  hee  thought  had  bin  tame,)  dis- 
tributing them  unto  five  sachems  which  were  lords  of  the  severall  territories 
ailjoyniiig,  they  did  keep  tliejn  so  long  as  they  livetl,  only  to  sport  themselves 
ut  them,  and  made  these  five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  wood  and  water,  which  is' 
the  generall  worke  they  require  of  a  servant.  One  of  these  five  men  outliving 
the  rest,  hml  learned  so  much  of  their  language,  as  to  rebuke  them  for  tlu-ir 
bloudy  «lcede:  saying  that  God  would  Ik;  angry  with  them  for  it ;  and  that  he 
woul(l  in  his  displeasure  destroy  them ;  but  the  salvages  (it  seems,  Iraoisting 
of  tlieu"  strength)  replyed,  and  said,  that  they  were  so  many  that  Go«i  could  not 
kill  liiem."  This  seems  to  be  the  same  stor}',  only  differently  told  from  that 
related  above  from  Smith. 

Dec.  11,  O.  S4  lb'20,  the  pilgrims  had  arrived  at  Plimouth,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  a  |)ortion  of  MassasoiCs  country.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  he  was  at  first  unacquainted,  and  sent  occasionally  some  of  his 
men  to  ol>serve  their  strange  motions.  Very  few  of  tliese  Indians,  however, 
were  seen  by  the  pilgrims.  At  length  he  sent  one  of  his  men,  who  hml  been 
some  time  with  the  English  fishing  vessels  about  the  country  of  the  Kenne- 
beck,  and  had  l°nmed  r.  Tittle  of  their  language,  to  observe  more  strictly  what 
was  progressing  jn^  the  strangers  at  his  place  of  Patuxct,  which  tliese 
intruders  now  called  Phmoutli.    This  was  in  March,  1G21. 

•  III  liis  "  New  Canaan."  22,  23. 

t  Modern  naturalists  do  not  seem  to  have  been  acquainted  with  (his  animal ! 

t  The  leneth  of  a  year  was  fixed  by  Julius  drsar  at  365  days  and  6  hours,  or  3C51  days. 
This  .j  of  a  day  being  omitted  for  4  years  amounted  to  a  whole  day,  and  was  then  ailded  to 
the  3(>l  in  the  month  of  Febntanj,  which  4th  year  was  called  leup  year,  because  it  leaped 
forward  one  d-y.  Hut  by  this  supputation  it  was  perceived  that  the  year  was  loo  lonjj,  and 
consequently  the  seasons  were  js^ettiiig  out  of  place.  Pope  Gregory' (oum\,  in  1382,  lliat  the 
vernal  equinox,  which  at  (he  time  of  the  Nicene  council,  A.  D.  325,  fell  on  21  March,  fell  now 
10  days  l>eyond  it ;  Iherefore  he  ordered  10  days  to  be  struck  out  of  October,  1582  ;  and  to 
prevent  the  recurrei  o  of  the  difficulty  in  future,  decreed  Uiat  3  day*  should  be  abated  in  every 
400  years,  by  restorinis^  leap  years  to 'common  years  at  the  end  of  3  successive  centuries,  anil 
making  leap  year  again  at  ihe  close  of  every  4th  century.  Thus  1700,  1800,  1900,  2100,  See. 
though  divisible  by  4,  are  common  years,  "but  2000,  2400,  2800,  &c.  are  leap  years.  This 
method  of  keeping  the  year  is  called  New  Style,  and  that  before  the  reformation  by 
Gregory,  Old  Style.  Even  this  correction  docs  not  set  the  year  exactly  right ;  but  the  error 
is  so  small  that  it  nmounts  to  scarce  a  day  and  a  half  in  5000  yean,  and  we  need  not 
trouble  ourselves  about  a  nearer  approximation. 

Itcrause  this  correction  had  a  Catholic  or  Popish  origin,  Protestants  would  not  for  a  long 
time  adopt  it.  At  length,  in  the  year  1751,  the  English  Parliament  enacted,  that  the  3d  of 
Sept.  of  that  year  should  be  called  the  14th,  thereby  striking  out  1 1  days,  which  their  calendar 
at  that  late  period  renuired,  to  reduce  it  to  the  Gregorian.  And  hence  the  reason  of  our 
calling  the  11  Doc.  O.  S..  the  22  N.  8.  The  reason  also  of  our  adding  11  days  instead  of  10 
is  obvious,  because,  in  adopting  the  Catholic  method  170  years  after  ■' had  been  introduced 
by  Gregory,  mother  day  was  gained,  and  therefore  10-{-l^ll. 


'JM 


'1 


86 


MASSASOIT. 


[Rook  II 


Wo  Imvo,  ill  spnakinj^  nf  Samosii  nnd  Sqnanto,  ohscnnd  tlint  it  wns  tlirniigli 
flio  (i;.'»'iicy  ol'tlic  foriiHTiliiit  a  knowledge  wu.s  gained  lijtiic  pilgririi^  ot'.Mas- 
itsuil.  Il  \vu8  upon  'i'i  March,  KWI,  tiiat  llu'y  Itnmjrlit  llic  woIcoiik;  news  to 
I'liiiMintli,  t!iat  their  chief  was  near  at  hand  ;'*  "and  they  hrungiit  with  them 
(say  the  I'iljirinis)  some  lew  skins  to  truck, anil  some  red  lierriniis,  newly  taken 
nnd  (hied,  liut  not  salted ;  nnd  signified  unto  ns,  that  their  u;r<;at  sagainorc, 
.Maisiinoit,  was  iiard  hy,  with  (^uuik(jinn(i,  his  brother.  They  could  not  well 
express  in  Knglisli  what  tliey  would  ;  l>nt  after  nn  honr  the  king  cume  to  tint 
top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  he  that  now  called  ff'atson'n,  on  the  south  side  of 
Town-hrook]  over  against  us,  and  had  in  his  train  {ji)  men,  that  wc  could 
w«!ll  liehold  them,  nnd  they  us.  Wo  were  not  willing  to  send  our  governor 
lo  them,  nnd  they  unwilling  to  come  to  us:  so  Squanio  went  ugain  unto  him, 
will)  hronght  word  that  we  should  send  one  to  purley  with  him,  which  w»  did, 
which  was  Edward  fVinslow,  to  know  his  mind,  and  to  signily  the  mind  and 
will  (if  our  governor,  which  was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  iiim.  We 
sent  lo  tlh!  king  n  pair  of  knives,  and  n  cop|)cr  chuin,  with  a  jewel  in  it.  To 
({u(iilt<iuina  we  sent  likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and 
>vithal  a  (lot  of  strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter, 
which  were  all  willingly  accepted." 

Tlie  Englishman  then  made  a  s|H>rch  to  him  nlmiit  his  king's  love  ».nd  good- 
n(>ss  to  him  and  bis  people,  nnd  that  he  accepted  of  him  as  his  ti'iend  and  ally 
"  He  liked  well  of  tlic  speech,  (say  the  English,)  nnd  heard  it  attentively,  though 
the  interiiretera  did  not  well  express  it.  At\er  he  bud  eut(Mi  and  drunk  himself^ 
and  given  the  rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  messenger's  sword  nnd 
armor,  which  he  bad  on,  with  intimation  of  his  desire  to  buy  it ;  but,  on  the 
other  side,  our  messenger  sIiowimI  his  unwillingness  to  part  with  it.  In  the 
end  he  lell  him  in  the  custody  of  Ouadcquinn,  his  brotb(!r,  nnd  came  over  the 
brook,  and  some  30  nicu  following  liim.  We  kept  six  or  seven  as  bosUiges  for 
onr  messenger." 

As  Afitssaaoil  proceeded  to  meet  tlie  English,  ihcy  met  him  with  six  soldiers, 
who  saluted  each  other.  Several  of  his  men  were  with  him,  but  ail  left  their 
liiiws  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conducted  to  a  new  house  which  was 
partly  tinished,  ond  n  green  rug  was  spread  upon  the  Hoor,  nnd  several  cush- 
ions for  Massasoit  nnd  his  chiefs  to  sit  down  upon.  Then  cnine  the  English 
govi^rnor,  followed  by  n  drummer  nnd  trumpeter  nnd  n  few  soldiers,  nnd  alter 
kissing  one  another,  all  sat  down.  Some  strong  water  being  brought,  the 
governor  Irank  to  Massasoit,  who  in  bis  turn  "drank  a  great  draught,  that 
inaile  IiiiiifJM'eat  nil  the  wliilj.after." 

They  now  proceeded  to  make  ntrcnty,whicii  stipulated,  that  neither  J)/(T5ja- 
soit  nor  any  of  his  peojile  should  do  hurt  to  the  English,  and  that  if  they 
did  they  should  be  given  up  to  be  ])unislicd  by  them  ;  and  that  if  the  Englisn 
did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  people,  tlM>y  (the  English)  would  do  the  like 
to  tliem.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  the  English  were  to  aid 
him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  bistuni,and  by  so  doing  King  James  would 
esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

"All  which  (they  say)  the  king  spcmed  to  like  well,  and  it  was  applauded 
of  his  followers."  And  they  add,  "  All  the  while  he  sut  by  the  governor,  be 
trembled  ler  fear." 

At  this  time  he  is  described  na  "a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an  able 
body,  gr^ive  of  countenance,  nnd  spare  of  speech  ;  in  his  attire  little  or  nothing 
ditfering  tVoin  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a  grcnt  chuin  of  white  bone 
bends  about  his  neck;  and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  linngsa  little  bag  of  tobncco, 
which  be  drunk,  and  gave  us  to  driiik.f     His  face  wus  puinted  with  a  sad  red 


:H 


•  Moiiii's  nnrrativn  is  licre  continued  from  the  hisl  extrnct  in  p.  10,  witlmiit  any  omission. 

1 1  |irn>umo  llint  l>y  "  drinking  tobacro,"  .smokinf^  is  meant.  Tlic  |>il<;rinis  were  [iroliably 
not  iii'(|nuinle(l  with  the  prnrlice  of  smokinj^  nt  ntl,  nnd  hcnre  this  sort  of  misnomt-r  is  not 
striui;;!',  dioniijh  it  may  be  thought  a  little  odd.  How  lonf>'  smoking  went  l>y  the  name  oi 
diinkin's  at  I'limontli  1  do  not  learn ;  but  in  Ki  Ui  Uiis  entry  is  found  in  tlio  Plimoulh  records  : 
— "  Aiillinntj  ThachernwA  George  Pole  were  chosen  a  committee  to  draw  up  an  cvder  con- 
cerning disorderly  drinkini;  of  Tobacco." 

Riigfr  Williams  says,  1n  his  Key,  "  Gciicrnlly  all  the  men  throughout  the  country  have  a 
lohniH'n-biig,  widi  a  pipe  in  il,  hanging  at  their  bnrk." 

Dr.  77i(ic/(«r says,  that  art  aged  man  in  Plimouth,  who  was  a  great  smoker,  used  lo  term 


Chap.  II.] 


M.\SS.VSOIT. 


87 


like  iiiiirrfy,  and  oiletl  l>otli  lirnil  anti  fiico,  tliut  lie  loctked  }rr*'Hsily.  .Ml  iii» 
followfiN  likcwi.<jc>  wcri',  in  llii-ir  fiici-s,  in  [lart  or  in  wIhjIc,  p.-untcii,  sonif  lihick, 
soni*,'  rt'tl,  jionu!  ycllciw,  unil  w»nie  wliiti' ;  mmtf.  wjtli  cnissrs  and  oilirr  nniic 
works;  sonu;  liad  skins  un  tia-in,  nnd  somt;  naked  ;  all  Mtron<f,  tall  nirn  in  ii])- 

IM-arancc.  Tliv  king  had  in  his  Itosoni,  iianging  in  a  string,  a  grent  Ion,:.'  knitb. 
|t>  niarveiled  nnicli  nt  our  trumpet,  and  s^tnii;  of  liis  men  would  soinid  it  iia 
well  an  they  could.  Samostt  and  Squanlo  stayed  all  night  with  us."  .Massasuil 
retired  into  the  woods,  ahout  lialfu  mile  from  tlie  English,  and  there  •>neani|)ed 
at  night  with  his  men,  women  and  children.    Thus  ended  .March  'i-^d,  Ki'-jl. 

During  his  first  visit  to  tlie  English,  ho  expressed  great  signs  of  fear,  and 
during  the  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  tremliling.*  rinis  it  is  eitsy  to  sco 
how  nnii'h  hand  he  hail  in  making  it,  hut  would  Ihui  there  had  never  been  icofse 
oiif.i  made. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  people  should  come  nnd  plant  near  hy,  in  a 
few  days,  and  live  there  all  suiumer.  "That  night  we  ke|»t  good  watch,  hut 
there  was  no  appearance  of  danger.  The  next  morning  clivers  of  their  pi-oplo 
cnnie  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as  we  imagined.  Some  of  them 
told  us  the  king  would  have  some  of  us  come  to  sec  him.  Caj)t.  Standinh  nnd 
Isaac  .llderton  went  vi-nterously,  who  were  welcomed  of  him  after  their  man- 
ner, lie  gave  them  three  or  four  grotind  nuts  and  some  tohacco.  We  cannot 
yet  conceive,  (they  continue,)  but  that  he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us;  for 
tln-y  have  seen  our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work 
auil  fowling,  when  as  they  ottered  them  no  harm,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done  i  and  especially  because  he  hath  a  potent  adversjiry,  the  NarrohigiUisets,f 
that  are  at  war  v.'itli  him,  against  whom  he  thinks  we  n:ay  he  some  strength  to 
him  ;  f<)r  our  pieces  are  terrihic  unto  them.  This  morning  they  stayed  till  10 
or  II  of  the  clo  ..;  and  our  governor  hiil  them  send  the  king's  kettle,  and  tilled 
it  with  peas,  which  ]ileased  them  well ;  and  so  tlu'y  went  their  way."  Thus 
ended  the  first  visit  ol' AfassnsoU  to  tlm  pilgrims.  We  should  here  note  that  he 
ever  after  treaterl  the  English  with  kinilness,  and  the  peace  now  concluded 
was  undisturhcd  for  nearly  40  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  a 
treaty,  of  which  he  ne.er  had  any  adequate  idea,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly 
behavior,  but  it  was  tin.'  natural  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  he  was  at  war  with  the  Narragiuisets. 
Itut  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than  some  small 
skirmishing. 

Meanwhile  Squanto  ami  Samoset  remained  with  the  English,  instructing  them 
how  to  live  in  their  country ;  equal  in  all  respects  to  Robinson  Crusoe's  man 
Fridaji,  and  had  De  Foe  lived  in  that  age  he  might  have  made  as  good  a  story 
from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  of  Alexatuler  Selkirk. — "S'juanto  went  to 
fish  [a  day  or  two  after  .Massasoit  left]  for  eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with 
as  many  as  he  could  lift  in  one  hand,  which  our  people  were  glad  of.  They 
were  fat  and  sweet,  lie  trwl  them  out  with  his  feet,  and  so  caught  them  with 
his  hands,  without  any  other  instrument." 

It  drinking  toliucco.  Hist.  Plim.  W.  This  wc  infer  was  wiihin  the  recoilcclion  of  the  au- 
thor. 

The  nolinii  that  tobacco  is  so  railed  from  the  islnnd  Tol)a50,  i?  crronpously  cnterlainod  liy 
many.  When  Sir  Francin  Drake  (hsrovcrcd  the  coniitry  lo  llie  iiorlli  of  California,  in  lo7!>, 
the  writer  of  the  account  of  his  vovago  says,  ihe  Indians  presenled  the  aihniral  with  a  >niall 
basket  niii'dc  of  nish«-s,  filled  with  an  herb  ihcy  callo<l  tauah.  From  anotiier  passajfe  it 
a|>|>cars,  that  Ihc  Indians  of  that  rci|;(on.  like  those  of  New  E'igland,  had  bags  in  which  tobacco 
vas  carried.     linmey's  Votjages,  I.  3H— 7. 

*  Ann  with  this  fact  before  him,  the  author  of  "  Tahf  of  thf  Indians  "  says,  the  treaty  was 
madu  wilh  deliberation  and  cheerfulness  on  Ihe  part  of  .Massasoit ! 

t  Few  luilian  names  have  been  spelt  more  ways  Ician  tliis.  From  Ihe  nature  of  the  Indian 
lani;iiH<;o,  it  is  evident  thai  no  r  shonhl  be  used  in  it.  Nahiiron-iik  and  Naiiligansirk,  K. 
M'illinnis. — Nccheffansilt,  Oookin. — Nantyaf^aiisiks,  Cullender. — N^inohisfsjanset,  M'iiistoit's 
Good  News  from  N.  /vi;,'.— Nanhy^aiiset,  Jiidxe  Johnson's  Life  of  den.  Greene. — 1  hese  are 
but  few  of  the  |M>rmulalii>ns  without  the  r,  and  those  with  il  are  still  more  numerous. 

TKv  meaninji;  of  tiie  name  is  still  uncertain.  Madam  Knisrh'.,  in  her  Journal,  !^  and  2.3, 
says,  at  a  place  where  she  happened  lo  put  up  for  a  nighl  in  that  country,  she  heard  some  of 
Ihe  "  town  loners  "  dispuUni^  about  Ihe  oriirin  of  the  word  Narraganset  "  One  said  it  was  so 
named  bv  Indians,  l)ecause  there  grew  a  brier  Ihere  of  a  prodigious  height  and  bi^ucss,  who 
quoted  an  Indian  of  so  barbarous  u  name  for  his  author  that  she  could  not  write  it.'*  Another 
said  il  meant  a  celebrated  spring,  which  was  very  cold  in  summer,  aud  "  as  hot  as  could  be 
imagined  in  the  winter," 


i  m 


I  i  (J 


88 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II 


Tliifl  Sqtutnto  bncame  aAerwonls  an  important  personage  in  Indian  politirt«, 
and  HDiiio  ut'  his  niaiKBUvn's  rciiiiiul  im  of  aoino  managing  poiuicioiia  of  qui 
own  limcH.  In  WiSi,  he  foribitod  liiu  lilb  l»y  plotting  to  destroy  tiiat  of  Massa 
soil,  IIS  will  Im-  found  related  in  the  life  of  Hobomok,  On  that  oi'caaion,  MaaaitaoU 
went  himself  to  Plimoiith,  "  tN^ing  much  offended  and  enniged  ngniiif<t  Tiaquan- 
turn  ; "  hut  the  governor  siicceedod  in  allaying  hiu  wrath  lor  tlint  time.  Soon 
afler,  he  sent  a  mesHengcr  to  cntnnit  the  governor  to  constuit  to  his  In-ing  put  tc 
dcatli ;  the  governor  Ruid  he  denervcd  death,  hut  as  he  knew  not  how  to  get 
alon<;  without  him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  iic  would  8|)aro  him. 

Determined  in  his  pur|)08c,  Maascuoil  soon  scut  the  same  mcsscnf^er  again, 
acconiiMUiied  by  many  otnci'S,  who  offered  many  lieavcr  skins  »liat  iS.iquanlum 
mii^iit  m  given  up  to  them.  They  demandetl  him  in  the  name  of  MassaaoU, 
ns  iM-ing  one  of  his  stdijccts,  whom,  (says  Winslow,)  by  otir  first  articles  of 
peace,  we  could  not  retain.  liut  out  of  respect  to  the  Kngli.sh,  they  would  not 
tH;i/e  him  without  their  consent.  Massaaoit  had  sent  his  own  knife  to  be  used 
in  cutting  ofl'his  head  an  .'  Iiands,  which  were  to  l>c  brought  to  him. 

IMeantimo  SqtuiTUo  came  and  d<;livered  himsi^lf  up  to  the  governor,  charging 
Hohomok  with  his  overthrow,  and  telling  him  to  deliver  him  or  not  to  the  mcs- 
Hcngers  of  MasaaaoU,  as  he  thouglit  fit.  It  seems  from  the  narrative  that,  ns 
the  governor  wits  about  to  do  it,  they  gn)W  imiiatient  at  the  delay,  and  went 
off  in  a  nige.  The  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  a  Ixiut  in  tlio 
harbor,  which  the  governor  [;r«!tended  might  l)e  that  of  an  enemy,  as  then;  had 
been  a  rumor  that  tlie  French  had  meditated  breaking  up  the  siUtlement  of  the 
Kngjish  in  this  region.  This,  however,  was  doidnless  only  a  pn-tence,  ond 
(•mployed  to  wear  out  the  patience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hencj!  that 
.Mii.fsaaoit  should  for  some  time  after  "seem  to  frown"  on  tho  English,  as  they 
complain,  is  certainiy  no  wonder. 

The  next  sinnmer,  in  June  or  Jidv,  Maaaaaoil  was  visited  by  sevend  of  tho 
English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Edward  fVinslow,  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins,  and 
Squanio  as  their  interpreter.  Their  object  was  to  find  out  his  place  of  resi- 
(itnct;,  in  case  they  should  have  to  call  upon  him  for  assistiuice  ;  to  keep  good 
the  friendly  com>8]>ondeiice  commenced  at  Plunouth  ;  and  especially  to  cause 
him  to  |)revcnt  his  men  from  hanging  al>out  them,  and  living  upon  them, 
which  was  then  considered  very  burdensome,  as  they  had  l)egim  to  grow  shoit 
of  provisions.  That  their  visit  might  Iks  acceptable,  they  took  along,  for  a 
present,  a  trooper's  red  coat,  with  some  Ince  upon  it,  and  a  copper  chain  ;  with 
these  Maaaasoil  was  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  !iim,  ho 
must  seiul  us  a  signal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they 
might  not  Ite  imposed  u|K)n  by  strangers. 

When  the  English  arrive*!  at  Pokanoket,  Maaaaaoil  was  alwent,  but  was 
immediately  s<>nt  for.  Being  informed  that  he  was  conung,  the  English  Ix'gan 
to  prepare  to  shoot  off  their  guns ;  t  .lis  so  frightened  the  women  and  children, 
that  they  ran  away,  and  would  not  return  until  the  i!)ter|)reter  assunul  them 
that  tlu'y  need  not  fear ;  and  wlieii  Mnaaasoit  arrived,  they  saluted  him  by  a 
diseiiarge,  at  which  he  was  very  naicli  elated  ;  and  "who,  after  their  manner, 
(s{iys  one  of  the  company,]  kin(hy  welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house, 
and  set  us  down  by  him,  where,  having  deliverecl  our  message  and  presents, 
and  having  put  the  coat  on  his  bacs,  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not 
a  little  jiroud  to  l)ehold  himstdf,  and  his  men  also,  to  sen  their  king  so  bnively 
uttired."  •  A  new  treaty  was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  goo<l-naturedly 
aswMited  to  all  that  was  desired.  He  then  made  a  speech  to  his  men,  many  of 
them  iM'ing  assembled  to  soc  the  English,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  leara  its 
meaniiig,  acquainted  them  with  ^\1lat  course  they  might  pursue  in  re,^ard  to 
the  English.  Among  other  tilings,  he  said,  "  Jim  I  not  Maaaaaoit,  commnndtr 
of  the  country  about  ua  ?  la  not  auch  and  auch  places  mine,  and  the  people  of 
them  ?  They  ahall  take  their  skina  to  the  Engliah,  This  his  |)eople  apf)landed. 
In  his  speech,  "he  named  at  least  thirty  places,"  over  which  he  had  control. 
"This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  Eng- 
land and  of  the  king's  majesty,  miu'velling  that  he  should  live  without  a  wife.' 
He  seems  to  have  b';en  embittered  against  the  Fnuieh,  and  wished  "us  not  to 
eiiflt-r  them  to  come  to  Narraganset,  for  it  was  King  Jamea'a  countrj',  and  he 

*  Moiirl's  Relation,  in  CrI.  Miias.  llUt.  Hvc. 


4\ 


Chap.  II.] 


MASS.VSOIT 


99 


In 


was  King  Jamei't  mail."  IIo  had  no  virtnnls  .it  this  time  to  ifive  to  tin'  Kiig- 
liHli,  iiiul  iiiglit  coming  on,  tlioy  ivtin-d  to  rrsi  siipiH'rlfS!*.  lli;  Itait  lnit  oiu; 
tM><l,  if  HO  it  miglit  be  culled,  "iM-ing  only  planks  laid  a  loot  from  tlic  ground, 
nnd  a  thin  mat  njion  tlicm."  *  "lie  laid  ns  on  the  h^'d  with  himself  and  his 
wilV,  they  at  the  le  end,  and  wt;  at  the  other.  Two  more  of  hi.s  nun,  for 
want  of  room,  i)rt'98e«l  hy  and  npon  n.< ;  so  that  we  were  worse  weary  of  our 
lodging  than  of  our  journey." 

"The  ne.\t  day,  many  of  their  sachims  or  petty  governors  cnnie  to  .«ee  ns, 
and  many  of  their  men  also.  There  they  went  to  thoir  niuimer  of  games  for 
skins  nnd  knives."  It  is  annising  to  learn  that  tie;  Ktiglish  tried  to  get  u 
chance  in  this  gamhiing  aHinr.  Thi'y  sjty,  "TJHre  wv.  challengeil  them  to 
siiixit  with  them  for  skin.","  hnt  tliey  were  too  cmining  for  them,  "only  they 
desired  to  see  one  of  lis  shoot  at  a  mark  ;  who  shooting  with  hail  shot,  they 
wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes." 

The  next  day,  oliout  oik;  o'clock,  Mtisaaaoit  '>roiight  two  large  fishes  anil 
lM)iled  them  ;  but  the  iiilgrims  still  .'nought  their  chance  for  nfresliiiieiit  vc-ry 
small,  as  "there  were  at  least  forty  looking  for  a  share  in  them;"  hut  scanty  as 
it  wiL-^,  it  came  very  tiiii'  \y,  as  tiiey  had  fastiMl  two  nights  rtiul  u  day.  The 
English  now  left  him,  at  which  he  was  very  sorrowful. 

"  Vr-i-y  iin|)ortunate  ho  was  (says  our  author)  to  have  us  stay  villi  them 
longer.  But  we  d«'s;red  to  keep  the  s-.bbath  at  home,  and  fearetl  we  should 
either  lie  Ijght-lieaih'd  for  want  of  sleep  ;  for  •  /hat  wiih  Ijad  lodging,  the  sav- 
ages' Imrlmrous  singing,  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselves  aslee|»,j  lice  and  fleas 
witliin  doors,  and  miisketoes  without,  w<;  could  hardly  slee|)  all  tin;  time  of  our 
luliig  there  ;  we  much  fearing,  that  if  we  should  stay  ony  longer,  we  siiould 
not  Im!  able  to  recover  home  lor  want  of  strength.  So  that,  on  Friday  morn- 
ing, before  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave,  and  departed,  Massasoi/t  Ining  both 
gri(;ved  and  ashamed,  that  he  could  no  Ix-tter  entert.iiii  us.  And  retaining 
Tis(iuantum  to  send  from  place  to  place  to  procure  truck  for  us,  and  a|>p(>iiiting 
another,  called  Tokamahamon,  in  his  place,  whom  we  had  found  faitht'ul  before 
and  atler  upon  all  occa.sions." 

This  faithful  8cr^'ant,  Tokamahamon,  was  in  the  famous  "voyage  to  the 
kingdom  of  Nauset,"  aiid  was  conspicuous  for  his  courage  in  the  expedition 
against  Caunbilant. 

In  IG23,  Massasoit  sent  to  his  friends  in  Plimoutl  to  inform  them  that  he 
was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  jiossible,  the  gov- 
ernor despatclied  Mr.  H'inslow  again,  with  some  mecucines  and  cordials,  and 
i/ofcfco/reot  as  interjiretor ;  "having  one  MuaU^r  John  Hamdcn,  a  gentleman  of 
London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  to  see  the  country,  for 
my  foii80it."t  In  their  way  they  found  many  of  his  subjects  were  gone  to 
Pokanoket,  it  being  their  custom  for  all  friends  to  attend  on  »ucli  occasions. 
"  When  we  came  thither  (says  Mr.  Hinslow)  we  ibiiiid  the  hoiis*;  so  full  of 
men,  us  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make 
way  for  ms.  There  were  they  in  the  midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making 
such  a  helli-sli  noise,  as  it  dist«'m|K'n'd  us  that  were  well,  and,  therefore,  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  Aliout  him  were  six  or  eight  women,  who  ciiKfed 
his  urins,  legs  uiid  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  made  an  end 
of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to  see 
him.  Having  undei'standnig  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he  asked,  t/^Ao 
was  come.    They  told  him  l^vianow,  (for  they  cannot  pronounce  the  letter  (, 

*  La  fiiili'  says  (  Ex|)Cililioii  in  Amorica,  p.  II.)  of  tlie  Imliaiis'  biuls  in  general,  llial  "  they 
arc  made  up  witli  some  pieces  of  wood,  upon  which  they  lay  skins  full  of  wool  or  slraw,  bul, 
for  Iheir  covcrinor,  t'ley  use  (lie  finest  sorl  of  skins,  or  else  mats  finely  wrought." 

t  Wiiislow^s  llflalion.  The  IMr.  Ilamden  mentioned,  is  supposed,  by  sonu',  to  be  the 
colebrattMl  John  Hamd-  n,  fanioHs  mi  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  and  who  died  of  a  wound  received 
in  an  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  liiiprrt,  near  Oxford,  while  supporting  the  cause  of  the 
parliament.     See  Rapin'a  England,  ii.  477,  and  Kewiet,  iii.  137. 

It  would  be  highly  gratifying,  could  the  certainty  of  this  matter  bo  known  ;  hut,  as  yet,  we 
must  acknowleiige  that  all  is  mere  speculation.  Nevertheless,  we  are  pleased  to  meet  with 
the  names  of  sucli  valued  martyrs  i-f  lila-rty  upon  any  page,  and  even  though  ihey  should 
someliines  Jeem  rather  mal  npro/KH  to  the  case  in  hand.  We  cannot  learn  that  any  of 
Hitmden'n  biographers  have  discovered  that  he  visited  America.    Still  there  is  a  presumptioi: 

'  '  "  The  villaie  /{ampd'-it,  thrv',  with  (l'ii!>itlesR  hreniit, 

The  little  tyrant  uf  his  H  slds  witlisitoucj."— UHir'i  Kmot 


I  \'M 


V-h 


IN) 


MVSSASOir. 


I  Hook  II 


but  ordiiuiiily  ».  in  tlic  pin/c  tlMn'ol'.j*  lit-  dcHin-il  f«>  s|M'fik  «itli  iiir.  Wlirn 
I  caiiif  to  liiiii,  mill  tlu'y  told  liini  iil  it,  lit;  |iiit  I'ouli  his  liiiiid  to  iiir,  wliicli  I 
look.  'rii<  II  lie  miid  t\vi«'i',  tliiiiixli  v<Ty  inwardly,  Kren  li'inmnw  !  wliicli  is  tn 
fuiy,  .//-<  //('<((  fyinslow'}  1  aiis\vi-n>d,  Ahhe,  that  is,  }V.«.  Tliiii  In;  diiidiled 
tli'.s*'  words:  Mitlla  wen  wonrkniiH  iKimcn,  h'iiuvww ! — tiiiit  iH  to  say,  ()  Hvts- 
liiu,  I slinll  nrvtr  »cf.  tlice  Pffain!"  IJiit  rontiary  to  his  own  r.\|Mcliitioiis,  an 
well  as  ail  his  friends,  h^  the  kind  cxrrtions  of.Mr.  H'inalow,  lie  in  u  short  time 
ciitirt'ly  recovered.  Tliw  lM!iiig  a  puiuvigi;  of  great  inten'st  in  the  life  of  the  great 
Miissimoit,  we  will  here  go  inon;  intodetuil  eonccniiiig  it.  When  he  had  iN-eonio 
nhle  to  s|)euk,  he  desired  Air.  U'itislow  to  provide  him  a  lirotli  from  some  kind 
of  fowl :  "so  (sayH  he)  I  took  a  man  with  me,  and  made  a  uliot  at  a  eoiiple  of 
dneks,  some  sixBcoro  jmces  otf,  and  killed  one,  at  which  he  wondered  :  so  w« 
returned  forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making  more  broth  therewith,  which  he 
niiicli  desiretl ;  never  did  I  s«'e  a  man  so  low  bn>iiglit,  recover  in  that  measure 
in  MO  short  u  time.  The  fowl  being  e.xtmordinary  i'at,  I  told  IJobbnmork  I  must 
take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying  it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat 
it;  this  lie  ac(|uainted  Mnssnsaowat  tlier(>witli,  who  would  not  lie  |M-rsuaded  to 
it,  tliough  I  pn-ssed  it  very  inneli,  showing  the  strength  then-of,  and  the  weak- 
ness of  his  stomach,  wliieh  could  not  possibly  liear  it.  Notwithstanding,  he 
made  a  gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  much  ns  would  well  have  satisfied  a  man  in 
health."  As  ff'inslow  hud  said,  it  made  him  very  sick,  and  he  vomited  with 
such  violence  that  it  made  the  blood  8tr<>uin  from  his  nose.  This  bleeding 
caus(Hl  them  great  alarm,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours.  When  his  nos*;  cens<>(l 
bleeding,  he  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  uwake  for  (>  or  8  hours  tnon>.  At\er  ho 
awoke,  Mr.  Winsloio  washi;d  his  liicc  "and  supplied  his  beard  and  nose  with  a 
iinuen  cloth,"  when  taking  a  quantity  of  water  into  his  nose,  by  fiercely  eject- 
ing it,  the  blood  b(?gan  again  to  flow,  and  again  his  attcndonts  thought  he  could 
not  recover,  but,  to  their  great  satisfaction,  it  soon  8top|)C(l,  and  he  gained 
strength  mpidly. 

For  this  attention  of  the  English  he  wns  very  grnteful,  and  always  believed 
that  his  preservation  at  this  time  was  owing  to  the  lienefit  he  received  from 
Rlr.  ff'inslow.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Mnssaaotl,  Mr.  Winslow  broke  a  bottlo 
containuig  some  preparation,  and,  deeming  it  necessary  to  the  sachem's  recov- 
ery, wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth  for  another,  and  some  chickens 
in  which  he  gnve  him  an  account  of  his  success  thus  fur.  The  intention  was 
no  sooner  made  kno^vn  to  Massasoit,  than  one  of  his  men  was  sent  off,  at  two 
o'clock  at  night,  for  Plimouth,  who  returned  again  with  astonishing  quickness. 
The  chickens  Ixjing  alive,  Massasoit  was  so  pleased  with  them,  and,  iR'ing 
better  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed,  and  kept  them  with  the  idea  of  rais- 
ing more.  While  at  McuisasoiCs  residence,  aiifl  just  as  they  were  about  to 
depart,  the  sachem  told  Hobomok  of  a  plot  laid  by  some  of  his  subordinate 
chiefs  for  the  purjrose  of  cutting  off  the  two  English  plantations,  which  ho 
charged  him  to  acquaint  tlic  English  with,  whicJi  ho  did.  Massasoit  stated 
tliut  he  had  been  urged  to  join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereunto,  but  hud 
always  refused,  and  usctl  his  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the 
evils  which  that  plot  brought  upon  its  authors  will  be  found  in  tlio  history  of 
Wittuwamet. 

At  this  time  the  English  l)ccamo  moi-e  sensible  of  the  real  virtues  of  Massa- 
soit than  ever  before.  His  great  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  was 
manifested  by  his  desiring  Mr.  Winslow,  or,  as  Winslow  himself  expivsses  it, 
"He  caused  me  to  go  from  one  to  another,  [in  his  village,]  n^questing  me  to 
wash  their  Mionths  also,  ^many  of  his  people  being  sick  at  that  time,]  and  give 
to  each  of  them  some  ot  the  same  I  gave  him.  Buying  they  were  good  folk" 

*  Every  people,  and  ronscqucntlv  eve  rv  lan|rungc,  have  their  peculiarities.  Haron  Lahon- 
tan,  Memoires  lie  la  Amerique,  ii.  '23(i,  'i.'i7,  says,  "  Je  tlirai  ile  la  laiisve  des  Ilitrnus  et  lies 
Jioqiwis  une  chose  assez  curieiise,  qui  est  qii'il  iie  s'y  trotive  j)oiiU  tie  If  It  res  lahiales ;  cV*/  a  dire, 
de  b,  f,  m,  p.  Cependant,  cetle  laii<pie  drs  Iluvons  paroit  Hre  fort  belle  et  de  tin  son  lotit  a 
Jail  beau ,  quoi  qti'ilii  ne  ferment  jamais  leurs  tei'res  en  pariini."  A  ntl  " ^ui  pass^  qiiatre  jour» 
h  vouloir /aire  prononcer  d  des  llitrons  les  leltres  labinles,  mats  Je  7i'ai  p&  ij  r^llssir,  et  fr  croit 
qu'en  dix  aiis  its  ne  pourroul  dire  ces  mots,  bon,  fils,  Monsiciir,  Poiitcliartmiii ;  car  an  lieu  dt 
dire  bon,  ils  diroient  oiion,  an  lieu  de  (ils,  ils  prcnonceroient  rils  ;  a«  lieu  de  mnnsiciir,  canun« 
«icur,  au  lieu  de  Pontcharlrain,  Conciiartraiii."  Ilcuce  it  seems  their  langviges  are  anuilo 
goui. 


riup.  11.) 


MASSA80IT. 


01 


All  iiccoiiiit  III' his  rlmnirttT  nil  gxven  by  llohomok  will  In*  tuiititl  in  the  litr  of 
lliat  rliii't'  or  |i,'inii'.'«'. 

'•Many  wliilst  we  win-  tlirrc  (snyi*  Hinitloir)  ••iimc  to  xrc  liiiii ;  wjiim*,  lijf 
»lnir  n|ioit,  iVoiii  II  pliuT  not  li's«  tliiin  KK)  iiiilrH  t'roni  tlicniv." 

In  liilTi,  a  sliiirt  war  was  caiTii'il  on  lM<twi>rii  Mtt»»iu>i>\t  ami  Vitnnninis,  tim 
wifliciii  of  till'  ^llrl-apln^M'ts,  lint  tlir  [''.n);lisli  intrrfcrin^  wiili  ii  lorrc  iinili  r 
tins  spirited  l'a|iinin  Slnndiah,  nulcd  it  with  very  little  lilotHlshi'd.  Miis.visoil 
(>xpi>cti-<l  a  M-rions  rontist;  and,  hh  iisnul  on  hiicIi  occasions,  changed  liisnaiiic, 
mat  was  ever  idler  known  hy  the  naiiH!  of  Owanmniuin,  or  Oimameiptin.  Onr 
historical  records  rnrnisli  no  |mrticulurH  of  hiti  war  with  the  Nurnigunwts,  fur 
ther  liian  we  have  stated. 

We  may  inler  from  a  letter  writti-n  hv  Rof!:er  Hillinma,  that  winie  of 
I'liiniiiith  instiirated  Mitusaaoit,  or  Ouitamequin,  as  we  should  now  call  him,  to 
lay  claim  to  I'rovidence,  whicii  jjave  that  good  man  s<Miie  tronlile,  iM'cunse,  in 
that  case,  hiM  lands  were  considered  as  belonging  to  i'liinonth,  in  whos<!  juris- 
diction he  was  not  siitli>red  to  reside;  nnti,  nioreovur,  he  had  iMinght  and  paid 
for  all  he  iMtssesxcd,  of  the  Narnigaiiwt  luiclieniH.     It  wiw  in  WiiTt  that  .Mr. 


he  i)osses.sc( 
M  ncil  to  thii 


If  iltiiiiM  tfeil  to  that  conntry,  to  avoid  being  tu-i/ed  atid  sent  to  Knglund.  Ilo 
found  that  Viinoninis  and  Mimitunnomoh  were  at  bitter  enmity  with  Oximme- 
iinin,  but  by  his  great  exeitionn  he  restort'd  iwucr,  without  wiiich  he  could  not 
have  been  s»'Ciire,  in  a  iKjnIer  of  the  doininion  of  either.  Oiisnmequin  was 
well  ac(|iiain(ed  with  Mr.  H'illiams,  whom  he  ha<l  otlen  8«;en  during  his  two 
veiux'  it'sideiice  at  I'limouiii,  and  wils  n  gn'at  friend  to  him,  and  then-fbre  ho 
listened  readily  to  his  iN'iievoleiit  instructions ;  giving  up  tho  land  in  dispute 
between  himself  and  the  Narruganset  Hachems,  which  was  the  island  now 
called  Kliode  Island,  I'nu  Mice  Ishind,  and  perhaps  Home  others,  together  with 
I'rovidence.  "And  (says  Mr.  H'illiams)  I  never  denied  him,  nor. i/en)i/i'iiom_y, 
whatever  they  desin^d  of  ine."  Hence  their  love  and  attachment  for  him,  for 
this  is  their  own  mode  of  living. 

It  appears  that,  iM-fore  .Miantumiomoh''a  rovorses  of  fortune,  he  had,  by  wime 
means  or  other,  got  possession  of  soini;  of  the  dominions  of  Ouanmeqitiii. 
For  at  the  meeting  of  tli*;  Commissioners  of  the  United  Coloiues,  in  the 
antunin  of  UiJU,  they  order,  "That  IMymouth  lalwr  by  all  dxie  means  to  restore 
lyttommvquin  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respect  of  any  encroachments  by  the 
Nanohiggans«'tts,  or  any  other  natives ;  that  so  the  |?ro|)ertie8  of  the  Indians 
may  be  pit'served  to  themselves,  and  that  no  one  sagtunore  encroach  u|ioii  tho 
rest  as  of  late  :  and  that  fVoosnmequin  be  reduced  to  those  former  terms  and 
agreements  between  I'lyinouth  and  liim."* 

L'lider  dale  HKIH,  (lov.  Winlltrop  says,  "  Owsamekin,  tho  sachem  of  Acoonic- 
ineck,  on  this  side  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  governor,  and  brought  a 
present  of  18  skins  of  iM-aver  from  himself  and  the  sacli(!ins  of  Mohegaii 
iH'yontl  Coiniecticut  and  Pakontuckctt."  They  having  heard  that  the  Knglish 
wen;  alioiit  to  make  war  n|mn  them  was  the  cause  of  their  sending  this 
present.  The  govtjrnor  accepted  it,  and  told  Ouaamequin,  that  if  they  hud  not 
w  rouged  the  Knglish,  nor  assisted  their  enemies,  they  had  nothing  to  feur ; 
and,  giving  him  u  letter  to  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  disniissed  him  well 
sutisfied.f 

In  l(i4!),  Oiisamequin  sold  to  Miles  Standiah,  and  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Duxbuiy,  "  a  tnict  of  land  usually  called  Satightucket"  seven  miles  square. 
This  was  Bridg<!water.  It  had  lieen  Ix^fore  granted  to  them,  only,  however,  in 
jiree'mption.  They  agreed  to  pay  Ouaamequin  seven  coats,  of  a  yard  anil  a 
half  each,  nine  hatchets,  eight  hoes,  twenty  knives,  four  moose  skins,  and  ten 
and  a  half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

By  a  deed  bearing  date  SHh  March,  1G53,  Ouaemaquin  and  his  son  JFarn^  itto, 
[ff'amsutta,]  atlerwards  called  .flkxamkr,  sold  to  the  English  of  Plimouth  "all 
those!  severull  pnrcells  of  land  lyeing  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  Sinkunke, 
alias  Rehoboth,  Itoiuided  by  a  little  brooke  of  water  called  Moskituosh  westerly, 
und  soc  runing  hy  a  dead  swamp  eastward,  and  soo  by  marked  trees  as  Ouaa- 
mequin and  H'amsillo  directed,  imto  the  great  riuer,  and  all  the  meadow  abou< 


ii 


\:   ,. 


*  liccords  of  llie  U.  Colonics. 


t  Journal,  i.  264. 


M 


98 


MAS8ASOIT. 


riiooK  II 


thn  i«i<li>«  of  Imlh,  and  nitoiit  tlic  ncfk  called  Chnrlinriiflt,  also  Papniuiiuwli  nock, 
iiUm)  iIiu  iikmkIow  Irotn  llic  Iwy  to  Krcfonicwctt,"  Sec.  For  dim  tlit;  c-oii8itl*'iu- 
lion  wiw  "  ilX)  sterling." 

Hy  a  wriliiiv  iN'oring  dato  "tliiri  twt-nty-onc  of  Ht*|itcnil)rr,  KiTi/,"  Otigame- 
TMi/i  .xjiyis  "  i  I  Mam«yMfn  do  liy  tlii>Mu  |ircm>ntN  rutiiy  unii  allow  tlit;  niIo  of  ii 
ffrtniii  inland  rallt.'d  CiatM-waniN'kc,  or  Hogg  lHlun<l,  wiiicli  my  tton  Hamnilla 
Hol<l  to  Richard  Smith,  of  I'ortHnioiitii  in  K.  I.,  witli  my  i-onM-nt,  wliidi  dt-t'd 
of  Ktdc  or  iNirgain  madu  tlic  7th  of  February  in  tliu  yuar  J(i5U,  I  do  ratity,  own 
and  roiilirm." 

In  ll»5(i,  Ro^er  WiUiamn  ravH  that  Oiuamtquin,  by  onn  of  hitt  eaclinnK, 
'*  wiiM  at  daily  hud  wiih  I'umham  alwut  the  title  aiul  lorduhip  of  Warwick  ;  " 
and  that  liotttiiity  was  thiily  ex|iected.  liut  we  an;  not  informed  that  any  thing 
M'rions  ttnik  piaco. 

This  iH  the  year  in  which  it  Iiiih  lieen  gen«'ndly  8iij)|M)wd  that  (hisnmeqiiin 
iii«>d,  but  it  is  an  em>r  of  liulchinson^t  tnuinplanting  trom  Air.  lluhbanPa  work 
into  hiH  own.  That  an  error  should  flourish  in  so  good  a  soil  as  that  of  the 
"History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusi>tt8  ]iay,"  is  no  wonder;  but  it  is  a 
wonder  that  the  "accunite //u/rAuMon"  hhou Id  M't  down  tliat  date,  from  tluit 

IHissngc  of  the  Indian  Wars,  which  was  evidently  niadi;  wilhout  n flection, 
t  iN'ing  nt  that  time  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  of  I'okanoket  should  be  scarcely  known  to  our  n'cords 
lietween  1(J57  and  KKil,  a  space  of  only  aiiout  three  years,  as  we  have  shown, 
is  not  very  sur|>rising,  wIk  n  we  reflect  tiiat  he  was  entirely  sid)servient  to  the 
English,  (U)«i  nearly  or  quite  all  of  his  lands  l)eing  l)efore  disposed  of,  or  given 
up  to  them.  This,  therefore,  is  «  plain  reason  why  we  do  not  meet  with  his 
name  to  deeds  and  other  instrupients.  Amf.  iH'sides  this  consideration,  another 
sachem  was  known  to  l»e  avwiciated  with  him  at  the  fonner  iieriod,  wlio  seems 
to  have  Bcte<l  as  Oiummeqjxn'a  n-pn-sj-ntative. 

He  was  alive  in  Knil,  and  as  late  in  that  year  as  Septeml)er.*  Severn! 
months  previous  to  this,  Ontko,  with  alHiut  seventv  men,  t«-ll  upon  a  defence- 
less town  within  the  dominions  of  Oiuiaimquin^  killing  three  pei-sons,  and  car- 
rying away  six  others  captive.  He  coniiilained  to  tlic  Ceneral  Court  of 
Massi!chusett8,  wiiicli  interlerud  in  his  behalf,  and  the  matter  was  soon 
Betth-d.  t 

From  the  "  Relation  "  of  Dr.  /.  Mather,  it  is  clear  that  he  lived  until  1662. 
Hisword8are,''./9{ej:aru/er  being  dead,  [having  died  in  l(i(»2,]  his  brother  P/uVtp, 
of  late  cursed  memory,  rose  up  in  his  stead,  and  he  was  no  sooner  styled 
sachem,  but  immediately,  in  the  vear  l<i(i2,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of 
his  bloody  treachery  against  the  I'^nglish."  i 

Hence,  as  we  do  not  hear  of  Alexander  as  sachem  until  16G2,  which  is  also 
the  year  of  his  death,  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  he  could  not  have  Im-cii  long  in 
oflice  at  the  time  of  his  death  ;  nor  could  he  have  been  styled  "chief  sachem" 
until  atler  the  death  of  his  father. 

Whether  MasscuoU  had  more  than  two  sons,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is 
confidently  l)elieved  that  he  ha<l.  It  is  proliable  that  his  family  was  large.  A 
com|)any  of  soldiers  from  Hridgewater,  in  a  skirmish  with  Philip,  took  his 
sister,  and  killed  a  brother  of  Oujtameijuin,  whose  name  was  Unkompoen,  §  or 
Mkompoin,  \\  That  he  had  another  brother,  called  Qiiadequiim,  lias  been 
mentioned.       , 

Gov.  Winthrop  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  Ousameqvin.  As  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Hlnalou)  was  returning  from  a  trading  voyage  southward,  having  left  hia 
vess<'l,  he  traveled  home  by  land,  and  in  the  way  ston])ed  with  his  old  friend 
Masaasoit,  who  agreecl  to  accompmiy  him  the  rest  of  the  way.  In  the  mean 
time,  Otiaamequin  sent  one  of  his  men  forward  to  Plimouth,  to  sur|)rise  the 
people  with  the  news  of  Mr.  Wiiwloiu's  death.  My  his  manner  of  relating  it, 
and  the  particular  circumstances  attending,  no  one  doubted  of  its  truth,  and 
every  one  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceedingly  at  their  great  loss.    But 

•  Some  reconls  which  Mr.  Vazgftt  ronsiihcd  in  preptiring  his  History  oi  Aldoboroiigh,  led 
him  lo  conclude  that  Massasoit  died  previous  to  June,  \CM). 

t  Orifjinal  maniiscn'iil  dncunients.  The  particulars  of  these  matters  will  be  given  at  largcv 
H'lieii  we  come  lo  treat  of  the  life  of  Vvrun. 

t  Itclaiion,  72.  J  /.  Moither,  44.  ||  C/i«)c/i,  38,  edit.  4to 


CHAr.  II.] 


F.XPKDITION  AOAINST  rAUNIUTANT. 


93 


d 


prexpntly  thry  were  nn  nitirh  Riir|iriii(>fl  nt  wciiifr  lii'ii  cotniii?  in  rninpnny 
^vitli  (hisnriefjuitu  ^^  lion  it  >vnH  known  ntnon^'  tli«>  |h'I)|i|c  tliiit  tlu-  Mii-lirin 
IkuI  sent  thin  iwvn  to  tlicni,  tlic  y  «lcninnili>(i  why  lie  nlionld  tliU!4  drciivi-  tln'ni. 
lie  ri'iiru-tl  tlint  it  wiiH  to  Miukf  liini  tin'  nion>  wvlconio  wiicn  lu;  did  ntiirii, 
tind  tlint  this  wuh  n  niHtoin  ofliiH  |"'oplc. 

One  of  the  tiicmt  renowned  captainM  within  the  dominioiiN  nl' A!ii$sn.v>it  wii.s 
Cai'.'vhita.nt,*  whose  n'Hidoiire  was  at  a  phiiM-  calleil  MttUtpumt,  in  the 
preHcnt  town  ofSwiinsey.  Hi«  character  was  much  the  winie  an  that  of  the 
fntnoUH  Mttaromet.  The  En;;liHh  were  nlwavM  viewed  liy  liiin  a.s  intruders 
and  eneniicH  of  hiH  race,  and  there  in  little  douht  luit  lie  intended  to  wn>t 
the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  tirxt  opportunity. 

In  AiijfiiHt,  1<)'2I,  Cnunhihint  \\n»  niipposetl  to  Im'  in  the  interest  of  the  Nar- 
rairans4-tH,  and  plotting  with  them  to  overthrow  .If^rMrMoi'/ ;  and,  lieinir  at 
NumiiHket  seeking,  eny  the  l*il;:rims,  "to  draw  the  lii'iirts  of  Mnamsoj/tx  siil>- 
jects  ti'oiii  him  ;  Hpeuking  also  distlaintiill^  of  us,  stormiiif;  at  the  peace  !ie- 
tween  Naiiset,  Ciimnmqiiid  and  lis,  and  nt  7V,f»i(nn/um,  the  worker  of  it ; 
niso  at  Tokamahamon,  and  one  IMiomok,  (two  IiidiaiiH  or  Lemes,  one  of 
which  hn  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a  little  iM-l'ore,  lieiiig  a  special 
nnd  trusty  man  of  Mnasnsotfts,)  Tokamahamon  went  t<»  him,  hut  the  other 
two  would  not ;  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hands,  privately  w«iit  to  see  if 
they  could  hear  of  their  kiiifr,  and,  lodging  at  Namaseliet,  were  dicovered  to 
Couhalnnt,  who  set  a  gtiard  to  Ijeset  the  lioiise,  and  took  Tia(punitinn,  (li)r  he 
had  sniil,  if  he  were  dead,  the  Knglisli  had  lost  their  tongue.)  Hohbitmok  see- 
ini;  that  Tisquantum  was  taken,  nnd  Coubntant  held  [holding]  n  kniti;  at  his 
liuast,  heiiig  a  strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them,  and  came  to  New  I'li- 
inoiith,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  Tisquantum,  \<i\\oi\\  lie  thought  to  Im>  slain." 

t'pon  this  the  IMimoutli  peojile  sent  un  expedition,  under  SlantHsh,  of  14 
iiien,+  "  and  Hohhnmok  l()r  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  suppose<l  death  of 
Tinquanlum  on  Coubatant  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  J^'ejtfof,  another 
sachem,  or  governor,  who  was  of  this  conlederacy,  till  we  iieurd  what  was 
become  of  our  frieiul  Mniisasoyt" 

After  much  toil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  the  place  they  expected  to  find 
Caunbitnnt,  "  Bei'ore  we  came  to  the  town  (sjiys  the  narrator)  we  sat  down 
and  eat  such  as  our  knajisacks  nflbrded  ;  that  being  done,  we  threw  tliein 
asiile,  and  all  such  things  as  might  binder  ns,  and  so  went  on  and  l)eset  the 
iioiise,  according  to  our  last  resolution.  Those  that  entered,  demanded  if 
Cotibatnnl  were  not  there ;  but  lear  bod  Iwrell  the  savages  of  speech.  We 
charged  them  not  to  stir,  lor  W  Coubatant  were  not  then;,  we  would  not  med 
die  with  them  ;  if  he  were,  wc  came  principally  for  bim,  to  be  avenged  on 
liim  ibr  the  suppostMl  death  o\' Tisquantum,  and  other  matters:  but  howso- 
ever, we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their  women  or  children.  Notwithstanding, 
some  of  tbctn  |)reBsed  out  nt  a  private  door,  and  escaped,  but  with  some 
wounds.  At  length  perceiving  our  principal  ends,  tlicy  told  ns  Coubatant 
was  n;turned  [home]  with  all  his  train,  and  that  Tisquantum  was  yet  living, 
nnd  in  the  town  ;  [then]  oficriug  some  tobacco,  [and]  otlier,  sucb  as  they 
had  to  eat." 

In  this  hurley  hurley,  (cs  they  call  it,)  two  guns  were  fired  "at  random," 
to  the  great  terror  of  nil  but  Squanto  and  Tokamahamon,  "who,  though  they 
knew  not  our  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  them  [m  frightened]  of  our  licncsty, 
[and]  that  we  would  not  huit  them."  The  Indian  boys,  seeing  the  squaws 
protected,  cried  out,  JVeensquaes!  JSieensquaes!  that  is,  I  am  a  squaw!  I  am  a 
squaw!  and  the  women  trie<l  to  screen  tbeiiisclves  in  HobomofCs  presence, 
reminding  bim  that  lie  was  their  friend. 

This  attack  upon  a  defenceless  house  was  mode  at  midnight,  nnd  must 
have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,  especially  the 
sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  them,  had  ever  lienrd  before. 
The  relator  proceeds :  "IJiitto  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had,  and  made 
them  make  a  fire  tliut  we  might  see  to  search  the  house ;  in  the  meantime, 

"  Corhitant,  Cmilnitant,  aiitl  Conliitant,  were  ways  of  wriling  his  name  also,  by  his  cob 
li'ni|iiirnries. 
t  rcii,  says  ilie  Relation. 


V 


lliiii 


94 


TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  II 


Hobhamtk  pat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  and  cnlled  THsq^iantum  and  Tolcavia' 
kamon.'"  Tlioy  pooh  came,  with  some  otlicrs  with  them,  hddio  armed  and 
othei'H  naked.  Tlic  English  took  away  the  how8  and  arrows  iiom  thoNo  that 
woixi  armed,  hut  ]>romitied  to  return  them  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  whieii  they 
prohahly  did. 

They  kept  p^Rsession  of  tlie  captured  wijrwam  until  daylight,  when  they 
re'w.sed  their  prisoiiers,  ami  marched  into  the  town  (as  they  call  it)  of  the 
NduiaKkcts.  llcre,  it  ajtpears,  Sqtuinto  had  a  house,  to  which  they  went,  and 
t  jok  hreakfast,  and  held  a  coin't  afterward,  froui  which  they  issued  forth  the 
(bllowidjif  decree  against  Cmmhilnnt : — 

"  Tliither  came  all  whose  heartu  were  upright  towards  us,  hut  all  Covha- 
tnnVs  faction  were  fled  awa)'.  There  in  the  midst  of  them  we  manifested 
again  our  intendment,  assuring  thciu,  that,  although  Covbilnnt  had  now 
escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  place  shoidd  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he 
continued  his  threutenin.;  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us,  who  had 
kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towards  him  till  he  now  so 
justly  destirved  it.  Moreover,  \t' Massasoyl  did  not  return  in  safety  from  Nar- 
roliigganset,  or  if  herealler  he  slioidd  make  any  insurrcciion  against  him,  or 
ofli'r  violence  to  Tisijtimitmn^  Hohomok,  or  any  of  J\lnssaso;iVs  snhjects,  wo 
wouhl  revenge  it  \ipon  him,  to  the  o'orthrow  of  him  and  his.  As  lor  those 
[who]  were  wounded,  [how  m-.iiy  is  not  mentioned,]  wo  were  sorry  for  it, 
though  themselves  procured  it  in  not  staying  in  the  house  at  our  conunand  : 
yet,  if  they  wou]'l  return  home  with  ns,  our  surgeon  should  heal  them.  At 
this  otter  one  man  and  tt  woman  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us, 
l^isquanhim  and  many  other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering 
all  help  that  might  he  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  to  ease  us.  So  that 
hy  God's  good  providence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after 
we  set  forth."  * 

Notwithstanding  these  rough  passages,  Caunhitant  became  in  a])pearance 
reconciled  to  the  English,  and  on  the  IHth  Sept.  following  (1()21)  went  to 
Plimonth  and  signed  a  Irefity  o*'amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession  of 
Mttssasoit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  hut  the  English  always  doubted 
his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  treaty  or  eubmission 
was  in  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  whose  names  are  underwritten, 
do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King  Janics,  kiiig  of 
Great  Itritain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  In  witness 
Avhercof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have  subscribed  our  names,  or 
marks,  as  Iblloweth ; 


Ohquamehud, 

CaWxNACOME, 

Obbatinnua, 


NATTAWAHlirTT, 

Caunbatan". 

CniKKATABAK, 


quadaquina, 
huttmoiden, 
Apannow." 


Of  some  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction,  and 
of  Others  very  little. 

Obbatinua  is  supposed  to  have  been  sachem  of  Shawinut,  where  IJostou 
now  stands. 

Cawniicome  and  t^pnnvcw  may  he  the  same  before  spoken  of  as  Conccojwtn 
and  Epnnow,  though  I  am  rather  of  opinion  that  ^'Ipannoiv  means  .flspinrt  of 
Nauset.f  JSiattmmhunt  we  sliall  again  meet  witii,  mider  the  name  JViishoonon. 
Coneconiwi  was  sachem  oi' Miinomd,  on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  tlic  winti'r  of  Ki'iU,  the  English  traversed  the  coimtry  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  clfKjfs;  who,  tlie\ 
say,  "  it  seemed  was  of  good  resfjcct,  and  authority,  amongst  the  Indians. 
For  whilst  the;  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  hitter  cold  weather,  came 
two  men  from  Manamoyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having  set  aside  their  bows 


*  Frdin  i}foiiii.  lit  .iiipra.  niiil  sisfiiccl  only  uitli  llio  onpiliil  Icdpr  A,  wliirli  is  stippnsi'il  to 
„„in(l  for  hilar  Al/i'i-toii,  «lio  »priiiii|iiiiii(Ml  Slmiilish  porliiips.  I'nini  the  use  of  lh«  proiiuua 
in  llu;  lirst  person,  llio  writer,  whoever  he  wns,  iiiust  hiive  heen  prcsuiil 

'  Sol'  chapter  i.  ul'li.  11, 


Rtnn 


CHAT 


II.J 


CAUNHITANT. 


05 


and  (juivri's,  acconlmg  to  tlicir  nininipr,  snt  down  by  the  fire,  and  took  n  pipe 
oftnliacro,  not  nsing  nny  words  in  that  tnn«',  nor  any  otiier  to  tliein,  l)Mt  ull 
rcniainod  silent,  expecting  v  lien  they  wouiti  speul<.  At  lengtli  tliey  looked 
toward  Canacum ;  and  one  tlieui  made  a  8liort  speech,  and  delivered  a 
present  to  liini,  from  hissii  aim,  Avhicli  was  a  Imsket  of  tobacco,  and  many 
lieads,  which  the  otiier  received  tlmnkfidly.  Aller  which  he  made  a  long 
speocli  to  him,"  the  meaning  of  which  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  their 
men  li-ll  ont  in  a  game,  "  for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  any  where,  and 
will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  ti'om  their  backs,  yea  their  w  ive's  skins 
also,"  and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  nnirderer  w  as  a  powow,  "  one  of 
special  note  amongst  them,"  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part  with ; 
yet  they  were  threatened  with  war,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer.  That, 
tlierctore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconam  won 
first  obtained. 

AOer  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  hia  head  men,  these  messen- 
gers desired //biomofr's  judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  delerenco 
he  re|>rKMl,  that  "  he  tliouglit  it  was  better  that  one  should  die  than  many, 
since!  lie  had  deserved  it;"  "whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence  of  death 
upon  iiini." 

We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the  first 
act  of  a  tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  coinse  brought  ruin  upon  its 
projectors. 

>\'lien  Mr.  Edward  Jnnslow  and  Mr.  John  Hamden  went  to  visit  Maasasoit 
in  his  sickness,  in  Ki'iJJ,  they  heard  by  some  Lidians,  when  near  CaiinbitanVa 
residence,  that  Mnssn.soit  was  really  dead  :  they,  therefore,  though  with  much 
hesitation,  vent\neil  to  his  house,  ho])ing  they  might  treat  with  him,  he  being 
then  thought  the  successor  of  Massasoit.  But  he  was  not  at  home.  The 
squaw  sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with  crcat  kindness,  ami  learning  here 
that  Massasoit  was  still  alive,  they  made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket.  When  they 
returned,  they  staid  all  night  w  ith  Catmbitanl,  at  his  house,  who  accompanied 
them  tiiere  from  MassasoiCs. 

Mr.  fyinslow  gives  the  account  in  these  words  : — "That  night,  through  the- 
earnest  request  of  Conhatant,  who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams,  or 
Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  Jiim  at  Mattapuyst  By  the  way,  I  had  nnich 
conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a  notable  politician, 
yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased  than  when  the 
like  arc  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things  he  asked  me,  if  in 
case  lit  were  thus  dangerously  sick,  as  Massasoit  hod  been,  and  shoidd  send 
word  thereof  to  Patuxet,  for  maskicst*  [that  is,  physic,]  whether  their  master 
governor  wouhl  send  it;  and  if  he  would,  whether  I  would  come  therewith 
to  him.  To  both  which  I  answered,  yea ;  whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful 
thanks."  He  then  expressed  his  surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  ad- 
venture so  far  alone  nito  their  countiy,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not 
afraid.  Mr.  tHnsloio  said,  "  where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear."  "But," 
said  Caunhitant,  '^  if  your  love  be  s%ich^  and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits,  hoic  cometh 
it  to  pass,  Dial  u'hcn  tee  come  to  Patuxet,  you  stand  upon  your  ^«m/,  with  the 
mouth  of  your  pieces  presented  towards  us?"  Mr.  If'inslow  to\i\  him  that  was  a 
mark  ot'res|»ect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  friends  in  that  manner: 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  ami  answered,  that  he  did  not  T.ke  such  sahi 
tatioiis,  f 

Wlicn  Caunbitant  saw  his  visitors  crave  a  blessing  before  eating,  and 
retiuii  thanks  ailerwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant  "Hereupon  1 
took  occasion  (says  om-  inilhor)  to  tell  them  of  God's  works  of  cnMUion  and 
preservnti.in,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  con.Mand 
nients."  They  foimd  no  partictilar  fault  with  the  commaiulments,  except 
the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconveniences  in  that  a  man  should 
be  tied  (o  oiwi  woman.     About  which  tli(>y  reasoned  a  good  while. 

When  Mr.  ff'inslow  explained  the  goodness  of  (lod  in  bestowing  on  tliein 
all  their  comforts,  ami  that  for  this  reason  they  thaidied  and  blessed  hinij 


*  In  Willinms's  Kov,  Af'>sl<il  is  Irnii'^liMcil,  "  (Jive  me  some  physic." 
t  Good  News  I'roai  N.  Eiiglaiul,  Coll.  Muss.  Hist.  Svc. 


96 


WITTUWAMET.— PEKSUOT. 


[Book  II. 


"this  i'.ll  oftliem  coiieliidecl  to  be  very  well;  and  said  tliey  believed  nliiKint 
ail  tjie  same  things,  and  tliut  tlie  same  power  tliat  we  ci.ll  God  tliey  called 
A7f/i/rt7!."     "Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  enter 
tainiiu'iit  nmongHt  aiiy  of  them." 

Wliat  became  of  this  chief  is  unknown.    His  name  appearing  no  more  in 
our  nrordH,  leads  us  to  suppose  that  he  either  fled  his  countrj'  on  the  luur 
dor  of  If'ittmvamet,  Peksvot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  t;mt  time. 

WiTTL'WAMET  was  a  MassBchusctts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Pe'isuot, 
but  tlieir  jtarticuinr  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  Hittincamd  was  a  des- 
perate and  bold  I'ellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  shedding 
the  blood  of  his  enemies.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated a<.>ainst  the  English  fro.n  the  many  abuses  some  of  them  had  practised 
upon  his  countiymen.  This  will  account,  perha])s,  lor  all  the  severity  and 
malignity  i)ortrayed  by  the  foreliithers  iu  his  character.  He  was  one  of  those, 
they  say,  who  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  the  French  ship,  cast  away 
upon  Cape  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  fVittuwamet,  Peksitot,  and  some  other  chiefs,  intended  to  have  freed 
iheir  countrj'  of  intruders  in  the  year  IG23,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  in  re- 
lating the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  league  to  effect  this  object, 
we  shall,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partiality,  adhere  closely  to  the  record. 

We  have  before,  in  speaking  of  Cavnecum,  or  Coneconam,  mentioned  the 
voyage  of  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  that  sachem's  country  to  trade  lor 


corn ;  that  was  in  January,  1023. 


Not  being  able  to 


bri  ff  awav  all  he  ob- 


tained, Cajitain  Miles  Siandish  was  sent  the  next  month  to  take  it  to  Plimouth, 
also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  place,  but  he  did  r.ot  meet  with  vei"y  good 
reception,  which  led  him  to  apprehend  there  was  mischief  at  hand.  And 
immediately  after,  while  at  ConeconamUs  house  with  two  or  three  of  his  com- 
pany, "in  came  two  of  the  Massachusetts  men.  The  chief  of  them  was 
called  Wittmcamat,  a  notable  insulting  villain,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued 
bis  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his 
own  valor,  and  derided  their  weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said,  they 
died  crying,  making  sour  faces,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain 
took  a  dagger  from  about  liis  neck,  which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  Wtstoii'a 
people,  and  presented  it  to  the  sachem,  [Conec<mam,'\  and  after  made  a  long 
speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  flaming  it  in  such  sort  as  the  ca()taiii,  though 
he  be  the  best  linguist  among  us,  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it.  The 
end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  fblloweth.  The  Massaehu- 
seucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  Weaton^s  colony;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  30  or  iO  men,  strong  enough  to  execute  the  same  : 
yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered  more 
strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at  Plimouth : 
concluding  that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  otln.r  arguments  to  use 
against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  the  death  of  our  cotmtrymen  unre- 
venged ;  and  therefore  tlieir  safety  could  not  be  without  the  overthrow  of 
both  plantations.  To  this  end  they  had  formerly  solicited  this  sachem,  ns 
also  the  other,  called  lanovgh^  and  many  others,  to  assist  them ;  and  now 
again  came  to  prosecute  the  same ;  and  since  there  was  so  fair  an  ojjportu- 
nity  offered  by  the  cajitain's  presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him 
and  his  comjiany." 

Coneconam,  after  this  speech,  treated  Standish  with  neglect,  and  was  veiy 
partial  to  fVittuwamet,  which  much  increased  the  jeelousy  of  the  former. 
These  Indians  meantime  contrived  to  kill  Standish,  having  employed  a  "lusty 
Indian  of  Paomet"to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather  was  severely  cold, 
and  Standish  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was  the  time  he  was  to  have 
been  killed.  But  the  extreme  coldness  of  the  night  kept  him  from  sleeping, 
and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

We  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  ofMassasoit,  to  mention  that  that  chief 
had  been  solicited  to  engage  in  this  confederacy,  and  of  his  charging  Hohomok 
to  warn  the  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  places  named  at  that  time  by 
Massasoit,  as  in  the  plot,  were  Nausct,  Paomet,  Sticconet,  Mattachiest,  Mano- 
met,  Agowaywain,  and  the  Island  of  Capawack.  "Therefore,  (says  Mr 
Utnslow  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  oiu*  couutrynicn  and 


Chap.  Il.j 


WITTUVVAMET— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


97 


our  own  safety,  he  odvised  us  to  kill  the  men  oflMassachui'et,  who  wore  the 
luithors  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  whereas  we  were  wont  t<»  say,  we 
would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  hegan,  It',  said  he,  [Massasoit  to 
Hoboinok,]  u])on  this  intelligence,  they  make  that  answer,  tell  them,  when 
their  countrymen  at  Wichuguscusset  are  killed,  they  not  being  uhle  to  detend 
themselves,  thot  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives,"  and  it  would 
l)e  with  difficulty  that  they  preserved  tiieir  own;  "and  therefore  he  coun- 
selled, without  delay,  to  take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would 
cease." 

Meanwhile  JVeston^s  men  had  fallen  into  a  miserahle  a.id  wretched  condi- 
tion ;  some,  to  procure  a  daily  sustenance,  became  ser^'ants  to  the  Indians, 
"  fetching  them  wood  and  water,  &c.,  and  all  lor  a  meal's  meat."  Those 
who  were  thus  degraded,  were,  of  course,  only  a  few  who  had  abandoned 
themselves  to  riot  and  dissipation,  but  whose  conduct  had  aflected  the  well 
being  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  tliese  wretches,  in  their  ex- 
tremities, had  stolen  corn  from  the  Indians,  on  whose  complaint  they  had 
been  put  in  the  stocks  and  whipped.  This  not  giving  the  Indians  satisiuc- 
tion,  one  was  hanged.    This  was  in  February,  lii'^.'J. 

About  this  capital  punishment  much  has  been  written ;  some  doubting  the 
fact  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  that  it  was  the  real  offender,  &c.  Itut 
in  our  opinion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  was  hanged ;  but  whether 
the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  so  easily  settled.  The  fact  that  one 
was  hanged  for  another  appears  to  have  been  of  conunon  notoriety,  both  in 
Old  and  New  England,  firom  shortly  aller  the  aflair  mitil  the  beginning  of 
the  next  century.* 

Mr.  Hubbard  f  has  this  passage  ujion  the  affair : — "  Certain  it  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  that  they  thittU- 
ened  them,  as  the  Philistines  did  Samson's  fiitlier-in-law,  atler  the  loss  of  their 
corn ;  insomuch  tliat  the  company,  as  some  report,  pretended,  in  way  of  satis- 
faction,  to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft,  but,  in  his  stead,  hanged  a  poor,  de- 
crepit old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to  the  company,  [an  old  bed-rid 
weaver,!]  and  burdensome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the  ground  of  the  story 
with  which  the  merry  gentleman,  tiiat  wrote  the  poem  called  Hudibras,  did, 
in  his  jioetical  fancy,  make  so  muc  'i  sport."  And  from  the  same  author  it  ap- 
jjcars  that  the  circumstance  was  Will  known  at  Plimouth,  but  they  pretended 
that  the  right  person  was  hanged,  or,  in  our  authoi-'s  own  words,  "as  if  the 
person  hanged  was  really  guilty  of  stealing,  as  maybe  were  many  of  the  rest, 
and  if  they  were  driven  by  necessity  to  content  the  Lidiuns,  at  that  time,  to 
do  justice,  there  being  some  of  Mr.  fVestori's  company  living,  it  is  possible  it 
might  be  executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  him  that  could  be 
best  spared,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  hud  been  let  aloue." 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  we  produce  the  passiige  of  Hudibras.  Hera 
it  is : — 


"Tlioiigh  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear, 
(Quotli  Ralph,)  it  may  hold  up,  and  clear. 
That  Sinners  may  supply  the  place 
Of  suffering  Saints,  is  a  plain  Case. 
Justice  pves  Sentence,  many  times, 
On  one  Man  fc  another's  crimes. 
Our  Brethren  of  New  England  use 
Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse. 
And  hantr  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead. 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  need : 
As  lately  't  happened  :  In  a  town 
There  lived  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 
And  mend  Men's  Lives,  as  well  as  Shoes. 
This  precious  Brother  having  slain. 
In  times  of  Peace,  an  Indian, 

tNol  out  of  Malice,  but  mere  Zeal, 
iecause  he  was  an  infidel,) 


The  mighty  Tottipottt/moy, 
Sent  to  our  Elders  an  Envoy, 
Cumplaiiiiiig  sorely  of  the  Breach 
Of  League,  neld  forth  by  Brother  Patch, 
Against  the  Articles  in  force. 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours. 
For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  render 
Into  his  Hands,  or  liang  th'  Offender: 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed. 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  tn'  Trade, 
(A  Man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble,) 
Resolved  to  spare  him ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  floghan  Moghgan,  too, 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
If  nng  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid. 
Then  wherefore  may  not  you  bo  skipp'd, 
And  in  your  Room  anothe'r  Whipp'u  i  " 


fit 


m 


•  See  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ante. 

1  Hill.  iN.  Kng.  77.  X  Col.  N.  H.  Hisu  Soc.  iii.  148 

9  G 


98 


WITTUWAMET.— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


iBooK  II. 


The  following  note  was  early  printed  to  this  passage : — " The  history  of 
the  cobbler  had  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  who  were  upon  tlio 
place  when  it  was  done."  Mr.  Butler  wrote  tliis  part  of  his  lludibras 
before  1GC3. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  was  one  of  the  company,  though  perhaps  absent  at 
the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  insmuatcs  that 
the  Plimoutheans  caused  all  the  trouble,  and  tliat  their  rashness  caused  the 
Indians  to  massacre  some  of  their  men,  as  we  shall  presently  relate  ii'oni  a 
book  which  Mr.  Morton  publislied.* 

"Master  Weaton^s  plantation  being  settled  at  Wessaguscu'^,  his  servants, 
many  of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would  use  no  endeavor  to  take  the  benefit 
of  the  country,  some  of  them  fell  sick  and  died. 

"  One  amongst  the  rest,  an  able-bodied  man,  that  ranged  the  woods,  to  see 
what  it  would  aftbrd,  lighted  by  accident  on  an  IrJian  bam,  and  from  thence 
did  take  a  cap  full  of  corn.  The  salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by  the  foot 
[track]  some  English  had  been  there,  came  to  the  plantation,  and  made  com- 
jdaint  after  this  manner.  The  chief  commander  of  the  company,  on  this 
occasion,  called  a  Parliament  of  all  his  people,  but  those  that  were' sick  and 
ill  at  ease.f  And  wisely  now  they  must  consult,  upon  this  huge  coni])laint, 
that  a  privy  [paltry]  knife  or  string  of  beads  would  well  enough  hnve  quali- 
fied: And  Edward  lohnson  was  a  special  judge  of  this  business.  The  fiict 
was  there  in  rei)etition,  construction  made,  that  it  was  fellony,  and  by  the 
laws  of  England  punished  with  deatli,  and  this  in  execution  must  be  put  for 
an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the  salvage ;  when  struightwuys  one 
arose,  moved  as  it  wcn^  with  some  compassion,  and  said  he  could  not  well 
gainsay  the  former  sentence ;  yet  he  had  conceived,  within  the  compass  of 
his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of  special  consequence  to  be  delivered,  and 
cherished,  he  said ;  that  it  would  most  aptly  serve  to  pacify  the  salvage's 
complaint,  ond  save  the  life  of  one  that  might  (if  need  should  be)  stand  them 
in  some  good  stead ;  being  yomu'  urd  strong,  fit  for  resistance  against  an 
enemy,  which  might  come  imei»pectedi^,  for  any  thing  they  knew. 

"The  oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  he  intreated  to  show  the 
means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  you  all  agree  that  one  must 
die,  and  one  shall  die.  This  young  man's  clothes  we  will  take  oflj  and  jiut 
upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  person  that  cannot  escape  death ; 
such  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  tliat  die  he  must.  Put  the  yoiuig 
man's  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be  hanged  in  the  other's 
stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more.  And  this  had  like  to  have 
proved  their  final  sentence;  and  being  there  confirmed  by  act  of  Parliament 
to  after  ages  for  a  precedent.  But  that  one,  with  a  ravenous  voice,  begun  to 
croak  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  tliat  conclusive  motion ;  alleging 
such  deceits  might  be  a  means  hereafter  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  com- 
plaining salvages,  and  that,  by  his  death,  the  salvages  should  see  their  zeal 
to  justice,  and,  therefore,  he  should  die.  This  was  concluded  ;  yet,  never- 
theless, a  scruple  was  made ;  now  to  countermand  this  act  did  rejjresent 
itself  unto  their  minds,  which  was  how  they  should  do  to  pet  tlie  man's  pood 
will :  this  was  indeed  a  special  obstacle :  for  without  that  (they  all  agreed)  it 
would  be  dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execution  of  it,  lest  mis- 
chief should  befall  tJiem  every  man.  He  was  a  person  that,  in  his  wrath, 
(lid  seem  to  be  a  second  Sampson,  able  to  beat  out  their  brains  with  the  jaw- 
bone of  an  ass:  therefore  they  called  the  man,  and  by  persuasion  got  him 
fast  bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  pood  earnest,  who 
with  a  weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  these  wise  judges  of  this 
Parliament  to  a  i)ittif'ul  non  plus,  (as  it  hath  been  credibly  rej)orted,)  and 
made  the  chief  judge  of  them  al!  buckle  to  him." 

Tills  is  an  entire  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan,  which,  on  account  of  its 
great  rarity,  we  have  given  in  fidl.  In  liis  next  cha|>ter  Mr.  Morton  |)rocoed8 
io  narrate  the  circumstances  of  the  "massacre"  of  ff'ittuwamet,  Peksuot,  v.nd 
oiliL-r  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  consequences  of  it.    But  we  shall  now 

*  Eiiiitlcd  Now  Eiifflish  Ciinniin,4io.  Ainstprdam,  1037. 

t  Against  (hi!>  seiiloiice,  in  llie  margin,  is — "  A  poor  comp'aiiil." 


i 


i 


Chap.  II.]      WASSAPINEWAT.— .MASSACRK  AT  WEt-SAGUSCUS. 


09 


draw  from  tlie  Pliiiiouth  historian,  and  aflcrwnrds  use  Morlon^s  cliapter  aa 
we  find  occasion. 

Mr.  Winslow  says  that  Mr.  Wcsloii's  men  "  knew  not  of  tliis  conspiracy  of 
tlie  Lidians  before  liis  [John  Sanders,  tUv'ii  'overseer']  jroing;  neither  was  it 
known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Sowaams,  or  ruckanokick :  at  which 
time  also  another  sachim,  culled  Hassapincwat,  brother  to  Obtaklcst,  the 
sachini  of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  ibr  ])artaking  with 
Conbalaut,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  ]iur<;c  himself,  revealed  the  siL'ue 
thing,"  las  Massaaoit  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1G23,  "  a  yearly  court  day"  at  Plimouth,  cu 
which  war  was  proclaimed,  "  in  public  court,"  against  the  Ma.ssachusetts 
Lidians.  "We  came  to  this  conclusion,  (says  ff'inslow,)  that  Captain  Standish 
should  take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufHcient  to  make  his  party  good 
f^rainst  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  Iky;  and  as  because,  as  all 
men  know  that  have  to  do  with  them  in  tJiat  kind,  it  is  im|)ossihle  to  deal 
with  them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  lay 
for  othera:  therefore  he  should  incteiid  trade  as  at  other  times:  but  fu-st  go 
to  the  English,  [at  Wessaguscus,]  and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  and  the 
end  of  their  own  coming,  that,  coinpai'ing  it  with  their  own  carriages 
towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly 
take  opportunity   to   revenge    the    same:    but    should  forbare,  if  it  were 

Eossible,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure  ff'iltuwamat,  that  bloody  and 
old  villain  before  spoken  of;  whose  head  he  had  order  to  bring  with  him, 
tliat  he  might  be  a  warning  and  terror  to  all  that  disposition." 

We  will  now  hear  a  word  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this  trans- 
action. "After  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the  hanging 
of  one,*]  soine  of  the  plantation  there,  about  three  persons,  went  to  live 
with  Checaiawback  and  his  company,  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for  all  the 
former  quarrel  with  the  Plimouth  i)lanters.t  They  are  not  like  JFill  Som- 
mers,  J  to  take  one  for  another.  Tliere  they  purposed  to  stay  until  Master 
Weston^s  arrival :  but  the  Plimouth  men  intending  no  good  to  him,  (as 
appeared  by  the  consequence,)  came  in  the  mean  time  to  Wessaguscus,  and 
there  jiretended  to  feast  the  salvages  of  those  parts,  bringing  with  them 
pork,  and  things  for  the  jiurpose,  which  they  set  before  the  salvages.  They 
eat  thereof  without  suspicion  of  any  mischief,  [and]  who  were  taken  upon 
a  watchword  given,  and  with  their  own  knives  (hanging  about  their  necks) 
were,  by  the  Plimoutii  planters,  stabbed  and  slaiu.  One  of  which  was 
hanged  up  there,  after  the  slaughter."^  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  ChikataubuPs  people,  they  nnu'dered  the  three  English  who  had  taken  up 
their  residence  with  them,  as  they  lay  asleep,  in  revenge  for  the  murder  of 
their  countrymen.|l 

After  Standish  was  ready  to  proceed  against  Jfittutcamet,  but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  from  Wessaguscus  almost  famished,1I  and  gave  the 
people  of  Plimouth  a  lamentable  account  of  the  situation  of  his  fellows; 
that  not  the  least  of  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  Indians, 
'whose  boldness  increased  abundantly;  insomuch  as  the  victuals  they  got, 

*  As  mnitionod  in  our  last  extract  from  this  author. 

t  Referring,  it  is  supposed,  to  the  quarrel  with  Cuunbitant. 

i  The  person  who  proposed  hanging  a  sick  man  instead  of  the  real  ofrcnder. 

6  New  English  Canann,  111.  J|  Ibid. 

V  His  name  was  Phinelms  Prat.  An  Indian  followed  him  to  kill  him,  but,  by  losing  t..j 
direct  path,  the  Indian  missed  him.  In  XCiOl,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  in  answer 
to  a  petition  of  Phinelms  Prat,  then  of  Charlestown,  which  was  accompanied  "  with  a  nar- 
rative of  the  straights  and  hardships  that  the  first  planters  of  this  colony  underwent  in  their 
endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  since,  wlicreof  he  v*as  one,  the  court  judgeth 
it  meet  to  grant  him  300  acres  of  land,  where  it  is  to  be  had,  not  hii  Uering  a  plantation.'' 
3/.S.  ammivr  the^les  in  our  slate-hniise. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  disrover  the  narrative  of  Prat,  after  long  sv-arch.  Mr.  Hubbard 
protialily  used  it  in  compiling  his  Hist,  of  New  England. 

At  the  court.  .1  May,  llili."),  land  was  ordered  to  l)e  laiil  out  for  Prut.  "  in  the  wilderness  on 
the  east  orihe  Meirimnck  I?'-er,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Ilroiik,  on  the  south-east  of  it." 
Conrt  Fi/f.i.  ul  siiprn. 

I'l-il  married,  in  I'limoutli,  a  daughter  of  Cnthhert  Cuthbertson,  in  Ifi30.  See  2  Col.  Hist. 
Sor.  vii.  1:2'J. 


*i 


100 


MASSACRE  AT  WKSISAGUSCUS. 


[Book  II 


they  I  the  Indianb]  would  take  it  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat 
faces,    and  that  it  they  tried  to  prev 


[it]  befj 
liold  n 


:ore  their 
revent  tiicni,  tiicy  would  Iiold  n  knife  at 
their  breasts:  and  to  satisfy  tlieiii,  tliey  had  hanged  one  of  tlieir  couijiany: 
" That  they  had  sold  tiieir  clothes  lor  corn,  and  were  ready  to  star^e  I)otii 
with  cold  and  hunger  also,  because  they  eou!d  not  endure  to  get  victuals  by 
reason  of  their  nakedness." 

This  truly  was  a  wretched  picture  of  this  srcotid  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
the  knowledge  of  which  (says  H'in  '  •)  "gave  us  good  encoura^renient  tc 
proceed  in  our  intendments."  Accordingly,  the  next  day,  Stanuisk,  with 
Hobomok  and  eight  Eiiglislinien,  set  out  u|ion  the  eN]iedition.  His  taking  so 
lew  men  shows  how  a  few  English  guns  were  yet  fear<'d  by  the  Indians. 
Nevertheless,  the  historians  would  have  us  understand  that  Slamlish  would 
take  no  more,  because  he  would  not  have  the  Indians  mistrust  tl-at  he  came 
to  fight  them;  and  they  wculd  insinuate  that  it  was  owing  to  his  ^reat  valor. 

When  Siandish  arrived  at  Wessagnscus,  he  found  the  peojile  scattered 
about,  apprehending  no  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  ordinary  afliiirs. 
When  he  told  them  of  the  danger  they  were  in  lioni  the  Indians,  they  said 
"  they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived,  and  suflercd  them  to  lodge  w  ith 
them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same."  Standish  now  in- 
formed them  of  the  plot,  which  was  the  first  intimation,  it  apjjcars,  they  had 
of  it.  He  ordered  them  to  call  in  their  men,  and  enjoined  secrecy  of  his 
intended  massacre.  But  it  seems  from  Winslow^s  Relation,  that  the  Indians 
got  word  of  it,  or  mistrusted  his  design ;  i»robably  some  of  the  Wessagns- 
cus uje.  warned  them  of  it,  who  did  not  believe  there  was  any  plot. 

Meantime,  an  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  ailerwards  went  away  in  friend- 
ship. Standish,  more  sagacious  than  the  rest,  said  he  saw  treaehei-j'  in  bis 
eye,  and  suspected  his  end  in  coming  tlu.-e  was  discovered.  Shortly  after, 
Peftffwof,  "who  was  a  panicse,*  being  a  ma.  of  a  notable  spirit,"  came  to 
Hobomok,  and  told  him.  He  vnderstood  the  captain  was  come  to  kill  him  and  the 
rest  of  the  Indians  there.  "Tell  him,  (said  Peks>:ot,)  we  know  it,  but  fear  bun 
not,  neither  will  we  shun  him  ;  but  lot  him  begin  when  he  dare  [s],  he  will 
not  take  us  unawares." 

The  Indians  now,  as  we  might  expect,  began  to  prepare  to  meet  the 
danger,  and  the  English  say  many  of  them  came  divers  times  into  their 
presence,  and  " would  whet  and  sharpen  the  jwint  of  their  knives,"  "and 
use  nu.ny  other  insulting  gestures  a.id  speeches.  Amongst  the  rest,  Witlv- 
wanud  bragged  of  the  excellency  of  his  knife.  On  the  end  of  the  handle  there 
was  pictured  a  woman's  fiice  ;  but,  said  he,  I  have  another  at  home,  tvh^etirith  1 
have  killed  both  French  and  English,  and  that  hath  a  man^sface  on  it ;  and  by  and 
by  these  two  must  marry."  To  this  he  added,  IIinnaim  namen,  HI^^'AIM  bii- 
CHEN,  MATTA  ccTs !  that  is.  By  and  by  it  shoidd  see,  and  by  and  by  it  should  eat, 
hut  not  speak.  "Also  Pec/rswof,  (continues  WtWom,)  benig  a  man  of  greater 
stature  than  the  captain,  told  him  though  he  were  a  great  captain,  yet  he  was 
but  a  little  man :  and,  said  he,  though  I  be  no  sachem,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great 
strength  and  courage.  These  things  the  captain  observed,  yet  bare  with  pa- 
tience for  the  present" 

It  will  be  seen,  in  what  we  have  related,  as  well  as  what  we  are  about  to 
add,  that  Thomas  MortorCs  account,  in  some  of  the  ^nain  frets,  a,Tree8  with 
that  of  Winsloto.  From  the  latter  it  appears  that  Standish,  after  considerable 
manoDUvering,  could  get  advantage  over  but  few  of  the  Indians.  At  length 
having  got  PfiA»uo<  and  Wittuwamat  ^^  both  together,  with  another  man,  and 
a  youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was  brother  to  Wittuwamat, 
and,  villain  like,  trod  in  his  steps,  daily  putting  many  tricks  upon  the  weaker 
sort  of  men,  and  having  about  as  many  of  his  own  company  in  a  room  with 
them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and,  the  do  ir  being  fast  shut,  began  himself 
with  Fecksuc*,  and,  snatching  hw  ovm  knife  from  his  neck,  though  with  much 

•  "  The  Paniesns  are  men  of  i^eal  courage  and  wisedome,  and  to  these  also  (he  Deuill 
appearelh  more  familiarlv  than  to  others,  and  as  wee  conceiue,  maketh  couenant  with  them  to 
presenie  Ihem  from  de'''.  by  wounds  with  arrows,  knives,  hatchets,  &c."  ^^'iIlslo1c's  Rela- 
tion, In  speaking  of  tlie  origin  of  calumet,  Charlevoix  says,  some  Indians  told  him  that  i 
was  given  by  the  sun  (o  Panis,  a  nation  upon  the  Missouri.     Voyage  dans  I'Ameriqu. 


I 


Chap.  II] 


OBTA  KIEST.— HOBOMOK. 


101 


•tnigglinjr,  and  killed  him  therewith — tliP  point  whereof  lie  liad  made  ns  sharp 
as  a  needle,  niid  groinirl  the  hark  u\sc  to  an  edge.  Wittuwantet  and  tlie  other 
man  the  rest  killed,  and  took  the  yoidh,  icho.n  the  captain  caused  to  be  hanged." 

We  could  now  wisli  this  hk)0(iy  talc;  were  finished,  but  we  have  promised 
to  kfciip  close  -">  tiie  record.  IVIr.  ffv^low  continues,  "But  it  is  incredible 
how  many  wounds  these  two  priniescs  received  be/ore  they  died,  not  Tiuiking  any 
fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their  weapons,  and  striving  to  the  last. 

"Hcbbamock  stood  by  all  tliis  time,*  and  meddled  not,  observing  how  our 
men  demeaned  themselves  in  this  action."    After  the  affray  was  ended,  lie 
said  to  Slandish,  "Yesterday  Pecksuot  bragged  of  his  own  strength   and 
stature,  said,  though  you  were  a  gieat  captain,  yet  you  were  but  a  little  man 
but  to-day  I  see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him  on  the  ground." 

Slandish  was  now  sent  to  a  company  of  Westov^s  men,  who  ordered  them 
to  kill  the  Indians  that  were  among  them.  They  killed  two.  Himself  with 
some  of  his  men  killed  another,  at  another  place.  As  they  were  pursuing 
this  business,  intending  to  kill  all  they  could  lay  hands  upon,  "  through  tho 
negligence  of  one  man,  an  Indian  escaped,  who  discovered  [disclosed]  and 
ctv^ssed  their  proceedings." 

Joined  by  some  of  Mr,  JVeston^s  men,  Standish  discovered  a  few  Indians, 
and  (tursucd  them.  Standish  gained  a  hill  which  the  Indians  also  strove  to 
occupy,  and  who,  after  shooting  a  few  arrows,  fled.  "  Whereupon  Hobba- 
mock  cast  off  his  coat,  and  being  a  known  panicse,  theirs  being  now  killed, 
chased  them  so  fast,  as  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with  him." 
One  who  made  a  stand  to  shoot  Standish  had  his  arm  broken  by  a  shot, 
which  is  all  the  advantage  claimed  by  the  English.  The  Indians  got  into  a 
swamp,  and  after  some  bravadoing  on  both  sides,  the  parties  separated. 
After  issisting  the  settlers  of  Wessaguscus  to  leave  the  place,  the  English 
returred  to  Plimouth,  taking  along  the  head  of  fVittuwamet,  which  they  set 
up  in  their  foit 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  that  followed  Prat  from  Wessaguscus,  as  he  returned 
from  Manomet,  called  at  Plimouth  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  was  there 
seized  and  put  in  irons.  Being  asked  if  he  knew  the  head  of  Wittuwamet, 
said  he  did,  and  "looked  piteously"  upon  it.  "Then  he  confessed  the 
plot,"  and  said  his  sachem,  ObtaJciest,  had  been  drawn  into  it  by  the  impor- 
tunity of  all  the  people.  He  denied  any  hand  in  it  himself,  and  begged  hia 
life  might  be  spared.  Said  he  was  not  a  Massachuset,  but  only  resided  as  a 
stranger  among  them.  Hobomok  "  also  gave  a  good  report  of  him,  and  be- 
sought for  him ;  but  was  bribed  so  to  do  it"  They  finally  concluded  to  spare 
him,  "the  nither,  because  we  desired  he  might  carry  a  message  to  Obtakiest.^^ 
The  message  they  charged  him  with  was  this,  tliat  they  had  never  intended 
to  deal  so  with  him,  until  they  were  forced  to  it  by  their  treachery,  and, 
therefore,  they  might  thank  themselves  for  their  own  overthrow  ;  and  as  he 
had  now  began,  if  he  persisted  in  his  course,  "  his  country  should  not  hold 
him : "  that  he  should  forthwith  send  to  Plimouth  "  the  three  Englishmen  he 
had,  and  not  kill  them."  f 

The  English  heard  nothing  fi-om  OWoiiea^  for  a  long  time  ;  at  length  lie 
sent  a  ^vl)man  to  them,  (probably  no  man  would  venture,)  to  tell  them  he 
was  sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  before  he  heard  from  them,  also 
that  he  wished  for  peace,  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to  treat  about  it. 
The  English  learned  from  this  woman,  that  he  was  in  fereat  consternation, 
"  having  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from  place  to  place,  ex- 
jtecting  when  we  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him."  The  terror  was 
now  general  among  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  elsewhere  said,  died  through 
fear  and  want    To  this  dismal  narrative  Mr.  fFinslow  adds,   "  And  certainly 

*  This,  we  suppose,  is  the  affair  to  which  President  Allen  alludes,  in  his  American  Bio^- 
raphy,  (SJ<1  ed.)  when  he  says,  "  he  [Hobomok]  fought  bravely  by  liis  [Standisli's]  side,  m 
1623."  If  standing  and  looking  on  be  fighting,  tJien  did  Hobomok  JiglU  bravely  on  this 
occasion. 

t  Morton,  in  his  New  Canaan,  111,  says,  these  three  men  went  to  reside  wilh  Cliikataubiit ; 
hence  Morton  very  reasoniilily  suggests,  that  if  the  Plimouth  pcof)le  inlciulcd  the  men  of 
Wessaguscus  any  good,  why  did  they  not  first  see  thai  all  of  them  were  out  of  danger  befort 
I>eginniiig  war? 

9* 


M 


102 


II,)nOMOK.— vSCiUANTO'S  PF.RFIDY. 


[Rook  II. 


it  is  Ktniii'ic  to  licar  liow  ninny  t)f  liitc  liavr,  nnil  still  daily  «lio  ninoiifrsi 
tlu'iri;  iicitlicr  is  tlier*'  niiy  iikcliliood  it  uill  <>asily  rciisi; ;  lu'cniisi;  tliriiii<:li 
fear  they  8»!t  lilfli;  or  no  corn,  wliich  is  tliu  stall'  »if  lili',  and  without  wiiicli 
tiicy  cannot  lun^  preHenu  licaltli  and  Ktn;n<;tli." 

'I'lifso  ufliiii'H  cull  for  no  coinnicntary,  tiiat  inti{<t  ncronipany  every  li.inil 
tlirouffli  every  step  of  the  relation.  It  wonid  be  weakness,  as  appears  to  us, 
tit  att(-nipt  a  vindication  of  the  rash  eondnct  of  the  Kn^lish.  Atnid  their 
Kuflt-rinfrs,  some  poor  Indians  resolved  to  attempt  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
the  l']n<;lish  f,'overnor  l)y  jiresents.  Four  set  out  by  water  in  a  lioat  for 
I'linionth,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  and  three  of  thcni  were  drowned ; 
the  other  returned  ba«'k. 

When  Mr.  Robinson,  the  f«ther  of  the  Plimouth  churcn,  heard  how  his 
pco|)l(!  had  conducte<l  in  this  atfuir  with  the  Indians,  he  \\rote  to  them,  to 
consider  of  the  disposition  of  Captain  Standish^  "who  was  of  a  warm  tem- 
per," but  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a  good  end.  if 
they  used  him  as  they  ought  "He  doubted,"  he  said,  "whether  there  was" 
not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  aller  God's  image," 
wliicli  was  so  necessary;  and  above  all,  that  "'it  would  have  been  happy  if 
they  liatl  converted  some  before  they  had  killed  any." 

The  reader  has  now  jmssed  through  u  period  of  Indian  liistory  of  nuich 
interest,  , /herein  he  will  doiduless  have  fbuiul  much  to  admire,  and  more 
tliat  he  could  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  however,  we  will 
here  rcn/md  him,  is  that  of  a  dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he  must  take 
them,  dry  as  they  are,  without  any  labored  commentaries  from  us.  Although 
we  have  had  occasion  to  introduce  Hobovwk  several  times,  yet  there  remain 
tra  isactions  of  considerable  interest  .n  his  life  yet  to  be  noticed. 

IIoBOMOK,  or  Hobbamock,  was  a  great  paniese  or  war  captain  among  the 
Wam])anoags,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimouth  about  the  end  of  July,  1()21,  atul  continued  with  the  English  as 
long  as  he  lived.  He  was  n  principal  means  of  the  lasting  friendship  of 
Massasolt,  wiiicIi  Morton  says,  he  "  much  furthered ;  and  that  he  was  a 
proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  accoimt  among  tltj  Indians  in 
those  jiarts  for  his  valor."  He  was  of  the  greatest  service  in  learning  t'lem 
liow  to  cultivate  such  fruits  as  were  peculiar  to  tJie  coimtry,  such  as  corn, 
beans,  &c.  The  account  o.  his  mission  to  Massaaoit,  to  learn  the  tnilh  of  a 
report  that  the  Narragansets  had  made  war  ujton  him,  and  his  interruption 
and  trouble  from  Caunbitant  are  already  related. 

Keing  a  fiivorite  of  Massasoil,  and  one  of  his  chief  captains,  the  pilgrims 
found  that  they  need  not  apprehend  any  treachery  on  his  part,  as  Hobomok 
was  so  completely  in  their  interest,  and  also  in  that  of  the  great  sachem, 
tiiat  he  would  advi.se  tiiem  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot  against  them. 
What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was  the  following  circumstance. 
Tlie  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been  inviting  the  English 
into  thtir  country  to  trade  for  furs.  When,  in  March,  1G22,  they  began  to 
make  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  "  told  ns,  (says  Winslow,)  that  he  feared 
the  Massaclnisetta,  or  Massachuseuks,  for  they  so  called  the  people  of  that 
]>lace,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nanohig^anneuks,  a  people  of 
Nanohigganset,  and  that  they,  therefore,  would  take  this  opportunity  to  cut 
of[' Ci\\>X.  Standish  and  his  company  abroad ;  but  howsoever,  in  the  mean- 
time, it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the  Nanohigganeuks  would  assaidt 
tiie  town  at  home  ;  giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy ;  as  also  that  Tia- 
quantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who,  [he  said,]  we  should  find,  Avould  use 
many  jiersuasions  to  draw  us  from  our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  for 
their  better  advantage." 

Nevertheless,  they  proceeded  on  their  voyage,  and  when  tlioy  had  turned 
the  point  called  the  GumeVs  Nose,  a  fidse  messenger  came  running  into 
Plimouth  town,  apparently  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and  bleeding 
from  a  wound  in  his  fiice.  He  told  them  that  Caunbilant,  with  many  of  the 
Narragansets,  and  he  believed  Massasoit  with  them,  were  corning  to  de- 
stroy tilt)  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  slnceri  /,  and  the  first  tliought  of 
the  peo|)le  was  to  bring  back  their  military  leader,  who  had  just  gone  in 
the  boat  with  Hobomok.    A  piece  of  cannon  was  immediately  discharged 


CuAr.  II.] 


IIonoMOK— SdUVNTO'S    rRllFIDY. 


103 


ltd 

Into 

ln'g 
Itlie 
|(le- 
of 
iu 
led 


wliicli,  to  tlioir  p»'oiit  j«»y,  sdoii  ciinscd  tlie  Ixnit  to  return,  not  liiivintr  L'ot  oni 
of  luNiriii^.  Tlicv  liail  no  soonrr  iirriv. d,  tliaii  lloliomok  uM  llicni  ilicrc  w.is 
no  tnitli  ill  tlio  n'|iort,  iiiul  saiil  it  wiis  a  pi. it  of  Sijwinlo,  m  ho  was  tinii  with 
tliciii.  and  cvt'ii  oin'  of  tliosf  in  the  boat;  tliat  lie  knew  .Mn.imiifoit  would  not 
undertake  siudi  an  enliM'prise  witliont  coiisnltinj^  him.  llultDniok  was  r-duli- 
dent,  hecuuse  lie  was  hiinself  a  jrreat  cliieli  aiul  one  of  .Mits.vinoirit  counsel- 
lors. S(iuanto  denied  all  knowledjre  of  any  jilof,  and  thus  ended  the  atliiir 
The  Fniflishj  howc^ver,  seemed  well  satisfied  that  Siiuanio  had  laid  this  shal- 
low plot  tu  set  them  against  J\fassasoit,  thinking  tliev  would  d(-stroy  him,  hy 
which  meuna  lie  expected  to  bocoiiie  chief  sachem  liiiiiself;  and  thi.-*  seem.'* 
th(!  iii.-ire  prolmhie,  as  .Mn.txasoit  was  (or  some  time  irreconcilahle  hecaii.st! 
they  withheld  him  from  him,  when  lie  had  forfeited  his  life,  as  in  niir  nar- 
ration has  heoii  set  forth.  But  entirely  to  Hatisly  the  Kiij-lish,  Ilohomok  sent 
his  wile  to  I'okanuket  privately  to  gain  exact  intelli'ience,  and  her  return 
only  verified  what  !  <  '  liiishaiid  had  said. 

"  ThiLs  hy  deifrech  ^continues  tyinslow)  we  began  to  discover  Tl.i(]umtlum, 
wliosc  ends  were  only  to  make  himself  great  in  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen, 
by  means  of  his  nearness  and  favor  with  us ;  not  caring  who  lill,  so  he 
stood.  In  general,  his  course  was,  to  ptsrsuade  tluMii  he  could  lead  ns  to 
peace  or  war  at  his  phuisure ;  and  would  oil  threaten  tin;  Indians,  sending 
them  woril,  in  a  i)rivate  manner,  we  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that 
thereby  he  might  get  gitls  to  himself,  to  work  their  peace,  insoninch  as  they 
liad  hiin  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of  their  sachems ,  yea,  they  them- 
selves sought  to  him,  who  promi.sed  them  peace  in  respect  of  ns;  yea,  and 
protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers 
were  wont  to  rely  on  Massassowat  for  i)rotection,  and  resort  to  his  aliode, 
HOW  they  began  to  leave  him,  and  seek  atler  Tisqiianlum.  Iliit  w Ih'ii  we 
uinlerstood  his  dealing.s,  we  certified  all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and 
iunocency  therein  ;  assuring  them,  till  they  begun  with  us,  they  should  have 
no  cause  to  fear :  and  if  any  herealler  should  raise  any  such  reports,  they 
shoidu  punish  them  as  liars,  luid  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbanci! ;  which 
gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on  all  sides."  "For  these  and  the  like 
abuses,  the  governor  sliar|)ly  reproved  him,  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and 
profitable  an  instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him." 

To  the  end  that  '  „■  might  j)ossess  his  countrymen  with  great  fear  of  the 
English,  Tisquanlwn  told  them  the  English  kept  tlie  plague  buried  in  their 
store-house,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any  jtlace,  to 
destroy  whatever  persons  or  jieoplc  they  would,  though  they  themselves 
stirred  not  out  of  <loors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hohomok  believe 
this  tale,  wlio  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  being  intbrined  that  it 
was  not,  it  ex[doded  like  his  other  impostures. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  Squanto  was  in  the  interest  of  Caunhilnnl, 
and  lived  among  the  English  as  a  spy,  while  Hohomok  was  honestly,  as  he 
pretended,  a  strong  friend  to  them ;  but  for  some  time  it  was  nearly  impos- 
sible for  them  to  know  which  was  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed  emu- 
lous to  outvie  the  other  in  good  ofliccs.  They  were,  however,  at  this  time 
satisfied  ;  for,  Hohomok^s  wife  having  told  Massasoil  what  liad  happened,  and 
that  it  was  one  of  Squanto''s  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied  him  that  that 
sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  he  therelbrc  demanded  him  of  the  Ensflish, 
that  he  might  {lut  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law,  as  lias  been  related. 
Rut  tlie  Englisli,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to  them  from  saving  his 
life,  more  than  keejiing  inviolate  the  treaty  before  made  with  Massasott, 
evaded  the  demand,  and  thus  '^quanto-was  permitted  to  esca[)e. 

Hohomok  was  greatly  beloveo  by  Mn.tsasoit,  notwithstanding  lie  became  a 
niofessed  Christian,  and  Massasoit  was  always  opposed  to  the  English  religion 
himself.  I^ias  been  told  in  the  life  of  the  great  Massasoit,  how  valuable 
was  the  agency  of  Hohomok^  in  faithfiilly  revealing  the  mischievous  plot  of 
Caunbilant,  which  terminated  in  the  death  of  fVittuwamet  and  Peksuol.  He 
was  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited  Massasoit  in  his  sickness, 
whom  before  their  arrival  they  considered  dead,  which  caused  great  mani- 
festations of  grief  in  Hohomok.  He  often  exclaimed,  as  they  were  on 
their  way,  "  JVeen  icomasu  Sagimus,  neen  tconmsu  Sagimvs,"  &c.,  which  i^ 


ii 


104 


A  VOYAOE.— NANEPASHEMET.— OBBATINEWAT.        [Book  II 


"  My  loving  Sachein,  my  lo''  Snrlipm  !  many  Iiavc  I  known,  but  never  any 
like  thee."  Then,  turning  .  •,  ffinslow,  mn],  "While  you  live  jou  will 
never  Hee  his  like  ttiiiong  tilt  um;  that  ho  wns  no  liar,  nor  bloody  uiul 

zrucl  like  other  IndiaiiH.  In  i...,  uiid  imssion  he  wns  soon  reclaimed  ;  ea»>y 
to  h(!  reconciled  towards  such  us  lind  oticndcd  him ;  that  his  reason  wa? 
such  as  to  cause  him  to  receive  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he  governed 
his  |)e()jile  lietter  with  few  blows,  than  others  did  with  many." 

Ill  the  division  of  the  land  at  Plimouth  among  the  inhabitants,  Hohomok 
received  a  lot  as  liia  share,  on  which  he  resided  ailer  the  English  manner 
and  died  a  Christian  among  them.  The  year  of  his  death  does  not  appear, 
but  was  previous  to  1G42. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  pilgrims  made  a  voyage  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  autumn  of  l(j21.  It  was  in  this  voyage  that  they  became 
acquainted  with  the  fame  of  JS'ampashcmtt.  The  I'Inglish  had  heard  that 
the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  threatened  them,  and  they  went  (says 
Mouii)  "partly  to  see  the  country,  partly  to  make  peace  with  them,  and 
partly  to  procure  their  truck." 

Sqtuinto  was  pilot  in  this  voyage.  They  went  ashore  in  the  bottom  of  the 
bay,  and  landed  under  aclift'which  some*  have  supposed  was  what  has 
been  since  called  Copp's  llill,t  now  the  north  part  of  Boston.  This  was  on 
yOth  Sept.  1621.  lliey  saw  no  Indians  until  some  time  after  they  went 
ashore,  but  found  a  parcel  of  lobsters  which  they  had  collected,  with  which 
they  refreshed  themselves.  Soon  after,  as  they  were  j)rocee<ling  on  an 
excursion,  "  they  met  a  woman  coming  for  her  lobsters."  They  told  her 
what  they  had  done,  and  paid  her  tor  them.  She  told  them  where  to  find 
Indians,  and  Squanto  went  to  them  to  prepare  them  for  meeting  with  the 
English. 

Obbatituwat  now  received  the  voyagers.  This  sachem  (if  he  bo  the 
same)  had  made  peace  w  ith  the  English  ut  Plimouth  only  seven  days  pre- 
vious,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice.  He  tnld  thcni  he  was  sachem  of 
the  place,  and  was  subject  to  Massasoit ;  and  that  he  dared  not  remain  long 
in  any  place,  from  fear  of  the  Tarratines,  who  were  "  wont  to  come  at  har- 
vest and  take  away  their  corn,  and  many  times  kill  them."  Also  that  Sqvaw- 
■SiarAem  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  This  Squaw-Sachetn,t  &»  we  be- 
lieve, was  chief  of  those  inland  Indians  since  denominated  the  Nipncts,  or 
Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near  Wachuset  Mountain.  The  English 
intended  §  to  have  visited  her  at  this  time,  but  found  the  distance  too  great 
to  proceed.  They  received  the  greatest  kindness  from  all  the  Indians  they 
met  with,  and  mentioned  that  of  Obbatinetcat  in  particular.  And  they  say, 
"  We  told  him  of  divers  sachims  that  had  acknowledged  themselves  to  be 
King  Jantes  his  men,  and  if  he  also  xcould  submit  himself,  ||  we  would  be  his 
safeguard  from  his  enemies,  which  he  did." 

At  another  place,  "  having  gone  three  miles,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  came  (say  they)  to  a  place  where  corn  had  been  newly  gathered,  a  house 
pulled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  JVanepashemel, 
their  king,  in  his  life-time  hud  lived.lT  His  house  was  not  like  others,  but  a 
scaflbid  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  planks,  some  six  foot  from  [the] 
ground,  and  the  house  upon  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  N04 
far  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  a  fort,"  built  by  JVanepashemel.    It 


*  Dr.  Belknap  appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  sugffcstecl  this.    See  his  Bioa;.  ii.  2i!4. 

t  We  had  supposed  this  eminence  to  have  been  so  called  from  a  copse  or  clump  of  trees, 
<vhich  for  a  long  lime  remained  upon  it,  after  it  became  known  to  the  whites ;  but  Shaw, 
Descrip.  Boston,  67,  says  it  was  named  from  one  Copp,  a  shoemaker.  And  Snmv,  Hist. 
Boston,  105,  says  William  Copp  was  the  proprietor  of  "  a  portion  of  the  hill." 

t  "  Sachems  or  saramoreSj-^which  are  but  one  and  the  same  title, — t  lie  first  more  usual 
with  the  southward,  the  other  with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  that  hath 
the  chief  command  of  a  place  or  people."     Hist.  N.  E.  60. 

5  Shattiick  (Hist.  Concord,  2)  says  she  was  visited  at  this  time  by  tliese  voyagers,  but  I 
ani  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  information  in  my  pos- 
•ession. 

II  It  (Iocs  not  seem  from  this  that  he  is  the  same  who  before  had  submitted  at  Plimouth,  as 
Mr.  Prince  .supposes. 

V,  Mr.  Shalluck  in  his  Hist.  Concord,  says,  this  "  was  in  Medford,  near  Mystic  Pond." 


Chap  II.| 


NANEPASIIEMET.— ins  DEATH,  ie 


105 


was  made  with  »« polos  some  30  or  40  foot  lonp,  stuck  in  tlie  ground,  ns  lliirk 
na  tlicy  conid  Im^  wet  ono  l)V  nnotlu'r,  and  with  these  tiu-y  iMifloM'd  a  riiiy 
Bonu!  40  or  50  loot  over.  A  tnuich,  hn  iist  iiif:h,  was  di^^ed  on  i  arh  ^iid^•.• 
One  way  there  was  to  get  into  it  with  a  hrid^te.  In  the  nrnlst  of  this  pali- 
sado  stood  tiio  tranie  of  an  lionse,  wiiercin,  heing  dead,  lie  hiy  hiiried, 
Ahout  a  mile  from  henre,  we  came  to  snrii  anotiicr,  l)iit  seated  on  tin;  top 
ot'  an  iiill.  Here  JSi'anepashemel  was  kilk-d,  none  dwelling  in  it  h^ince  the 
time  of  his  death." 

A(  eording  to  Mr.  Ltwia,  Kantpa-^hfrnet  was  killed  ahont  the  year  Kill),  and 
I. is  widow,  who  was  Squaw-Sitchtm  hel<)rc  named,  contimied  the  govermnent.f 
He  lell  five  children,!  *"i"*  "*  whose  names  we  gather  tioni  the  interesthig 
History  of  Lymi ;  viz.  1.  Monlowampatc,  called  hv  the  English  S<t^amore 
James,  lie  was  sachem  of  Sangus.  i2.  .'ibig'niV,  a  (faiightcr.  'I.  If'onokaqua- 
ham,  called  Saf^amorc  John,  saeiiem  of  Wiimesimet.  4.  IVinncpurkitt,  called 
Sasramore  Georf^e,  or  George  Rtimnei/marsh,  the  sncccssor  of  Montoivampate  at 
Hangus.     Of  most  of  these  wc  shall  speak  in  iletail  hereailer. 

S(iu(iw-Sa4:hem,  according  to  the  authority  last  mentioned,  was  the  spouse 
of  h'appncowet,^  or  Jfcbromt,  in  KiiT).  She  and  her  hushand,  four  years 
alh-r,  lti;C>,  deeded  to  Jolhiun  Gihbonen  "the  reversion  of  all  that  |mrcel  of 
land  which  lies  against  the  ponds  of  IMystic,  together  with  the  said  ponds, 
all  which  we  reserved  from  Cliarhsstown  and  (Jamhridge,  late  called  New- 
town, after  the  death  of  me,  the  said  Sijuaw-Sacfum."  Tlie  consideration  was, 
"the  many  kindnesses  and  henefits  we  have  received  from  the  hands  of 
Captain  lidward  Gibbones,  of  Boston." 

The  Squa-Sachem's  mark  '-^v- 
Webcowit's  mark  -" — "- 


i^M 


hi 


■ai 


Webcowlt  was  a  powwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  considered 
next  in  importance  to  JVanepashemet  among  the  snhjccts  of  that  chief,  aflcr 
his  death  ;  as  a  matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her  bed.  It  does 
lot  iip|)ear,  that  he  was  either  much  respected  or  thought  nuich  of;  especial- 
ly hy  his  wite,  as  in  the  ahove  extract  from  their  «'  d,  no  provision  seems 
to  have  been  made  lor  him  allcr  her  death,  if  ,  .;  outlived  her.  At  all 
events,  we  may  conclude,  without  hazard  we  tin  .k,  that  if  breeches  had 
been  in  liishion  among  Indians,  the  wife  of  JVebcowit  would  have  been  ac- 
couiitahlo  for  the  article  in  this  case. 

In  um^,  Massachusetts  covenanted  with  "  Wassamequm,  ^aahoonon,  Kutch- 
ama/]um,  Massaconomet,  and  S(piaw-Sa/:hem,"\\  to  the  end  that  mutual  bene* 
fit  might  accrue  to  each  party.  The  sachems  put  themselves  under  the 
government  of  the  English,  agreeing  to  observe  their  laws,  in  as  far  as  they 
«liould  be  made  to  uiulerstand  them.  For  this  confidence  and  concession 
of  their  persons  and  lands  into  their  hands,  the  English  on  their  part  agreed 
CO  extend  the  same  protection  to  them  and  their  people  as  to  their  English 
suhjccts.1T 

What  had  become  of  JVebcoioil  at  this  time  does  not  appear ;  perhaps  he 
ivas  off  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  labor  of  the  household. 
We  hear  of  him,  however,  ioiT  yeais  aller,(  1647,)  "taking  an  active  part" 
HI  the  endeavors  made  by  tlii>  English  to  Christianize  his  countirmen.  "  He 
asked  the  English  why  some  of  them  had  been  27  years  in  the  land,  and 
never  taught  them  to  know  (Jod  till  then.  Had  you  done  it  sooner,  (said 
he,)  wc  might  have  known  nuich  of  God  by  this  time,  and  much  sin  might 
have  been  prevented,  but  now  some  of  us  are  grown  [too]  old  in  sin." 

*  Miiflil  not,  'hen,  ihe  western  mounds  have  bei  n  formed  by  Indians  ? 

t  mil.  Lynn,  16. 

i  Sliattuc/c,  lb.  who  fixes  her  residence  at  Concord ;  she,  doubtless,  had  several  places  of 
resiilencu. 

^  His  name  is  spelt  \Vebroieits  to  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  Shatttic"i  MSS 
HililMcowitts,  as  appears  from  his  History. 

\\  111  the  History  of  the  Narnignmet  Country,  these  names  are  written  Was.^amegiin, 
J\tiiiliawanon,  Cutshanuuke,  Massattomell,  and  Squa- Sachem.  Sue  3  Col.  ALus.  Hist.  Hoc 
i.  212. 

1i'  See  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praijirig  Jndic  ns. 


M 


Ill 


lOG 


SO.MK    ACCOUNT  OF  THE   MASSACIIIIHF.TT.S. 


[Book   II. 


TIk!  I'lii^'li.Hli  hiikI  tliey  ro|)i>iil(*(l  of  tiieir  ri(>^'l<>ct ;  lint  iTcollortiiiirtlif>inR<>lvr<i 
•iiH\Vfr(-<l,  "Von  wi-n-  not  wiilii  jr  to  lieiirv  till  now,"  and  that  (iod  had  not 
UinK'd  their  heartn  till  then.* 

or  tilt!  KacliiMim  who  made  tho  covvntint  aliovc  named,  the  firHt  W(>siipp<i.wri 
to  have  lieen  Mnsmsoil,  on  Ihu  part  of  t!i<;  \Vanipanoa;:M,  who  at  tiiiH  lime 
wiiN,  p(!rliaps,  among  the  NipninkH;  AWiooxon, a  Nipnnik  chief,  with  whom 
Maasitsuil  now  re.-sided.  Ili.s  ref*idenee  wan  near  what  wa«  wince  Mairii.s  Hill, 
in  Worcester  county,  lie  wa«  prolmhly  at  I'liitiouth,  KJ  Hept.,  KiiiJ,  where 
he  8i;,'ned  a  treaty  with  eijjht  others,  aH  we  have  set  down  in  the  lilij  of  Cuun- 
bilanl  lltti  iiunic  la  there  ajicit  JVattnwahunt,  In  Ifinthrop's  Journal, 
it  is  JVnahofoivam,  and  wo  Hii|ipoHe  he  was  iiitlier  of  JVassowanno,  mentioned 
by  fniilney.\  Kulchninnquin  was  saclierii  of  Dorchester  aiid  vicinity,  and 
Miusaconoiml  was  Mascononomo. 

CHAPTER  m. 

Somt  account  of  the  Massuchusells — Gcogrnphy  of  their  eounlnj — CuiKAXAUBrT — 
Wampatcck — his  tear  with  the  Muhatcks — Mascononomo — Canonicis — Mos- 
TO  w  A  M  p  A  T  K — Hmull-jivt   JtistTtsscs   the   In  ilia  us — Wo  n  o  ii  \  q  i;  a  n  a  m — W  i  ,n  N  i;  p  u  B- 

KIT —  MaNATAIKIUA — SCITTERYOUSSET — NaTTAHATTA  WANTS — WahOUMACLT- 

Jack-Straw — Jamf.3. 

Not  long  before  tlie  settlement  of  Plimouth,  tlie  Ma.ssachusptts  had  been 
a  niuiierous  people,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  tliis  time;  partly  from  the 
great  jilague,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  and  subsequently  from  their 
wars  with  the  Tarratincs.  Of  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records  of  tho 
first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  jiarticulars  are  preserved; J 
therefore  it  will  not  be  expected  that  ever  a  complete  account  of  the  territo- 
ries and  power  of  the  Massachusetts  can  be  given ;  broken  down  as  they 
Wire  at  the  time  they  became  known  to  the  Europeans ;  for  we  have  seen  that 
their  sachems,  when  first  visited  by  the  Plimouth  peojile,  Avere  shilling  for 
their  lives — not  daring  to  lodge  a  second  night  in  the  same  place,  fiom  their 
fear  of  the  Tarratines.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independ- 
ent tribe,  their  history  was  long  since  swept  awoy  "  in  gloomy  toniiiests," 
and  obscured  in  "a  night  of  clouds,"  and  nothing  but  a  meagre  tradition  re- 
mained. For  some  time  after  the  country  was  settled,  they  would  tly  lor 
protection  from  the  Tanatines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said,  by  Mr.  Gooiin,  that  "their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  petty  governors ;  as  those  of  Weechagaskas,  Neponsitt,  Piiiika- 
paog,  Nonantum,  Nasliaway,  some  of  the  Nijimuck  people,  as  far  as  Pokoni- 
takuke,  as  the  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people  could,  in 
former  times,  arm  for  war  about  3000  men,  as  the  old  Indians  declare. 
They  were  in  hostility  very  often  with  the  Narragansitts ;  but  held  amity, 
for  the  most  part,  with  the  Pawkunnawkutts."^  Near  the  mouth  of  Charles 
River  "  used  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  Indians,  both  on  the 
Eouth  and  north  side  of  the  country."||  Hutchinson^  says,  "That  circle 
which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charlcstown,  round  by  Mai- 
den, Chelsea,  Nantasket,  Hingham,  Weymouth,  Braintree,  and  Dorchester, 
was  the  capital  of  a  great  sachem,**  much  revered  by  all  the  plantations 
round  about.  The  tradition  is,  that  this  sachem  had  his  principal  seat  upon 
a  small  bill,  or  rising  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a  body  of  salt  marsh  in  the 
township  of  Dorchester,  near  to  a  place  called  Squantum."tt    Hence  it  will 

*  Hist.  Coiico'd,  23.  t  Hist.  Worcester  Co.  174. 

X  This  war  was  causpfl,  says  iHr.  Tluhhard,  "  upon  the  accoiiiit  of  some  trcnclierj' "  on 
the  part  of  the  western  tribes,  i.  e.  the  trihes  west  oi"  the  Merrimark.     Ifi.st.  New.  En"-.  30. 

&  1  Coll.  INIass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  hl8.  ||  Hist.  N.  Eng.  32.      ° 

TT  From  Nfitl's  Hist.  N.  Ens;.,  prohal)ly,  whioh  see. 

•*  It  will  he  a  good  while  before  liie  present  possessors  of  the  country  can  boast  of  such  a 
sapital. 

ft  Hist.  Mass.  i.  4(K).    And  here  it  was,  I  suppose,  that  the  riimouth  people  landed  in  iheii 


Chap.  Ill] 


niiKATArnLT— VISITS  r.(;.sT()N. 


107 


he  ol)s(>rvo(l,  tlint  uiiiomk  tlin  iiccoiints  oC  the  (*iitTn>!«t  writrrx,  tiic  ildii'inioim 
of'  iIh'  dirtt-rcnt  wiriiniiis  with  coiisifjcri'd  as  i-oinpn'lH'inlt'd  witliiii  \t'ry 
dilli'iriit  liiiiit.s ;  a  kitut  of  iri'tii-ra!  iilm,  tlirn-lorc,  can  luily  lii>  iiatl  <il' llin 
rxtrtit  lit*  their  iKiwst'SMioiis.  It  is  rvifli-nt  that  the  .Massachusetts  urn;  either 
fnilijeet  to  till!  Narrapiiiselt.s,  or  in  alhaiice  with  tiiem ;  tor  wlieii  the  latter 
were  at  war  witJi  tlie  Peipiots,  Chikntnuhut  ami  Sairainorc  John  hoth  went 
with  many  men  to  aid  Canonicu.i,  who  liad  sent  l<)r  them.  'I'iiit*  war  Ix^^'aii 
in  l(i.'{"2,  and  ended  in  1(>}5,  to  the  advanta<;e  of  the  I*ei|not»' 

We  shall  now  proeeed  tf)  speuk  ot'  the  ehiels  ajrreeahly  to  onr  pint). 

Chikntaubut,  or  Chikkatahak, — in  Kn<rlisli,  ii  hoti.w-n-Jire, — was  n  .sacheiri  of 
ronsiilerahio  note,  and  generally  snpposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  tho 
IMassaelnis(!tts  Indians.  Thomas  Morton  meiitioiiM  him  in  his  New  Ca.xaa.n, 
as  sachem  of  l'assoiia<;eNit,  (about  Weymontii,)  and  says  hix  mother  waa 
buried  tiierc.  I  need  make  no  comments  upon  tho  aiitiiority,  or  warn  the 
reailer  concerninj;  tho  stories  of  .VoWon,  as  this  is  done  in  nlmnst  every 
book,  early  and  late,  about  New  England ;  but  Hhall  relate  the  following 
Ihim  liiiti. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  fiomo  of  the  company,  in  wandering  about 
tipon  disj'overy,  came  u|ion  an  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  tiie  mother 
of  Chiknlatihut.  Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  tlie  ground,  and 
two  bear-skin.s,  8(!wed  tog(!ther,  s|)read  ovct  it ;  these  tho  English  took 
away.  Wlicn  this  came  to  tho  knowledgo  of  Chikatauhnl,  he  complained  to 
liiH  people,  and  demanded  inunediato  vengeance.  When  tiiey  Wt'ro  n.s- 
semhlcd,  he  thus  harangued  them:  "When  lust  the  glorious  light  of  all  the 
sky  was  underneath  this  globe,  aiul  birds  grew  silent,  I  began  to  settle,  as 
my  custom  is,  to  take  repose.  IJefore  mine  eyes  were  fast  closed,  nie  tlio't 
1  saw  a  vision,  at  which  my  sjiirit  was  nuich  troubled,  niul  trembling  at  that 
doleful  sight, a  spirit  cried  aloud,  'Behold!  my  son,  whom  I  have  cherished; 
see  the  ]mps  that  gave  tiiee  suck,  the  haiuls  that  clasped  thee  warm,  and  fed 
thee  oil ;  canst  thou  lor<;et  to  take  revenge  of  those  wild  people,  that  bath 
my  monument  defaced  in  u  desi)itcful  manner;  disdaining  o\ir  ancient  anti- 
quities, and  honorable  custom.s.  See  now  the  sachem's  grave  lies  like  unto 
the  couuuon  people,  of  ignoble  race  defaced.  Thy  mother  doth  complain, 
implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish  i)eoi)le  now  come  hither;  if  this  bo 
snni'r<;d,  I  siiall  not  rest  in  cpiiet  within  my  everlasting  habitati<Mi.' "* 

Battle  was  the  imanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watclied,  and 
followed  from  place  to  i>lace,  until  at  length,  as  some  were  going  ashore  in 
a  boat,  they  fell  upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  Atlcr  maintaining 
the  tight  (or  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief  captain 
was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  whole  took  to  flight.  This  action  caused 
the  natives  id)ont  Plimouth  to  look  upon  th  English  as  invincible,  and  this 
was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  maintained  between  them.  Of  the 
tune  and  circumstances  of  this  battle  or  fight  we  have  detailed  at  length  in 
a  ])revious  chai»ter. 

MourCs  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  the  main  facts  in  the  above  accoimt. 
It  says,  "We  brought  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  cov- 
ered tl°,  corpse  up  again,"  and,  "there  was  variety  of  opinions  amongst  ua 
uKjuI  the  end)almed  person,"  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  a  comparison  of  the  difleront  accounts,  there  is  but  little  doubt,  that 
the  English  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  their  dei)reda- 
tions  upon  the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  l(i'21,  Chikatauhut,  with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  a  writ- 
ten instriunent,  whicn  we  have  already  given,  themselves  the  subjects  of 
King  James.  Ten  years  oiler  this,  23  March,  1631,  be  visited  Governor 
Wmthrop  at  Boston,  and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of 
"his  sannops  and  squaws"  came  with  him,  but  were  most  of  them  setit 
away,  "  aller  they  had  all  dined,"  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the 
governor  urged   their   stay;  Chikataubut  probably  feared   they  would   be 


voyage  lo  .Mnssacliusctts  before  spoken  of,  and  from  Squanio  who  was  with  them  it  probably 
recfived  its  name. 

*  If  litis  be  fiction,  a  modern  compiler  has  doceivcd  some  of  his  readers.  The  artirle  in 
the  Analrrtic  Mairazine  may  liave  been  his  source  of  Information,  but  llie  original  may  ba 
seen  u:  M'r'.m''  N'w  Canwn.  106  npH  im. 


'i 


1: 


103 


CIIIKATAUBUT— ins  DEATfl. 


[Boor  II. 


biirdiMisome.  At  this  time  he  wore  English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  govern- 
or's tulile,  "  where  he  behaved  himself  us  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englisliman." 
Not  long  after,  he  called  on  Governor  fVinthrop,  and  desired  to  buy  clothes 
for  himself;  the  governor  informed  him  that  "  English  sagamores  did  not 
use  to  truck;*  but  he  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a 
suit  of  clothes ;  whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat 
beaver."  In  a  few  days  his  clothes  were  ready,  and  the  governor  "  put  him 
into  a  very  good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before 
them ;  but  he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  thanks,  and  after  meat 
he  desired  him  to  do  the  like,  and  so  departed." 

June  14,  1631,  at  a  court,  Chikalauhid  was  ordered  to  pay  a  small  skin  of 
beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men's  having  killed  a  jjig, — which  he  com- 
plied with.  A  man  by  the  name  ot'Plastowe,  and  some  others,  having  stolen 
corn  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court,  Sei)t.  27,  ordered  that  Plastowe  should 
rt  Jtore  "two-fold,"  and  lose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and  pay  £5.  This  I  sup- 
pose they  deemed  emiivalent  to  four-lbld.  His  accomj>lices  were  whipped, 
to  the  same  amount.  The  next  year  we  find  him  engaged  with  other  saclicms 
in  an  expedition  against  the  Pequots.  The  same  year  two  of  his  men  were 
convicted  of  assaulting  some  persons  of  Dorchester  in  their  houses.  "  They 
were  put  in  the  bilboes,"  and  himself  required  to  beat  them,  which  he  did.f 

The  small-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  1633,  in  which 
year,  some  time  in  November,  ChikataubiU  died. 

The  residence  of  the  family  of  Chikataiibut  was  at  Tehticnt,  now  included 
in  Middleborough.  He  was  in  obedience  to  Massasoit,  and,  like  other  chiefs, 
had  various  jjlaces  of  resort,  to  suit  the  different  seasons  of  the  year; 
sometimes  at  Wessaguscusset,  sometimes  at  Neponset,  and  especially  upon 
that  part  of  Namasket}:  called  Tehticnt.  This  was  truly  a  river  of  saga- 
mores. Its  abundant  stores  of  fish,  in  the  spring,  drew  them  from  all  parts 
of  the  realm  of  the  chief  sachem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  Indians,  the  place  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  from  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  ])rogress  of  this  article,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  ditferent  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5,  1665,  Quincy,  then  Bruintree,  was  deeded  by  a  son  of  Chikalau- 
but,  in  these  terms : — 

§  "To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come;  JVampattick^ 
alias  Josiah  Sagamare,  of  Rlnssathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  ofClakatau- 
but  deceased,  sendeth  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  tiie  said  JVampatuck,  being 
of  fiill  age  and  power,  acconling  to  the  order  and  custom  of  the  natives, 
hath,  with  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Sqvamos;,  liis  brother  Daniel, 
and  Old  Hahalun,  and  William  Mananioinott,  Job  JVassoU,  Manuntago  William 
Aa/ianton|| "  "For  divers  goods  and  valuable  reasons  therunto;  and  in 
special  for  "£21  10s.  in  hand.    It  was  subscribed  and  witnessed  thus : — 

JosiAH,  alias  Wampatuck,  his  |0  marke. 
Damel  Squamog,  and  a  mark. 
Oi,D  Nahaton,  and  a  mark, 
William  Manunion,  and  a  mark. 
Job  Noistknns. 

lioBERT,  alias  Mamuntago,  and  a  mark, 
William  Hahatiin. 
In  presence  of 
Thomas  Ketahgunsson,  and  a  mark  O. 
Joseph  Manunion,  his  | —  marL 
Tjomas  Wetmocs,  his  O  mark. 

*  Howovor  true  lliis  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should  iio» 
have  used  the  plurul. 

t  "  The  most  usiuil  custom  amongst  thorn  in  exercising  punishments,  is,  for  the  sachem 
either  to  bent,  nr  whin,  nr  put  to  death  with  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  common  sort  most 
quietly  submit."      U  illittmJt. 

t  Namai'iasuck  signified  in  their  lanBruageyi.sVic*,  and  some  early  wrote  Namascheuck. 

\  History  of  (iiiincy,  by  Rev.  Mr.  WlUtiieij,  taken  front  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  J.  Q.  Ailam.i. 

Jl  iVi'/m^on,  or  Ahaton,  and  the  same  sometimes  written  AWioWen.  See  Worlhinglo  it 
niy.  'Vi/zVnn,  21      lid  sold  laiius  iiiou  lyl.'iiries  Kiver  in  1680.     lA. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAMPATUCK.—IIIS  MOHAWK  WAR. 


109 


lOt 


'm 

)Sl 


lie 


Tliere  is  a  quit-claim  deed  from  "  Charles  Josias,  alias  Josins  ffaiDpaliick, 
grandson  of  Chikataubut,  dated  19  Mar,  1(J95,  of  Boston  and  the  adjiiccnt 
country,  and  tlie  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  "proprietated  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston,"  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  records.*  fVampatuck  says, 
or  some  one/or  him,  "Forasnuich  as  I  am  informed,  and  well  assured  fioui 
several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others,  that,  upon 
the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in  those  parts  of  New 
England,  my  above-named  grandfather,  Chikatauhit,  by  and  with  the  advice 
of  his  council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did  give,  grunt,  sell,  alien- 
ate, and  confirm  imto  the  English  planters,"  the  lands  above  named. 

Besides  Josias,  there  signed  this  deed  with  him,  Jihuvton,  sen.,  IVUliam  Ha- 
haton,  and  Robert  Momentauge. 

Josias,  or  Josiah  Wampaiiick,  was  sachem  of  Rlaltakeesett,!  and,  from 
the  deeds  which  he  gave,  must  have  been  the  owner  of  much  of  the  lands 
southward  of  Boston.  In  1G53,  he  sold  to  Timothf  Hather^j,  James  Cudworth, 
Joistpk  Tilden,  Humphrey  Turner,  fyHliam  Hatch,  John  Hoare,  and  James  Tor- 
rey,  a  largo  tract  of  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accord  Pond  and  North  River. 

In  IGG'2,  he  sold  Pachage  Neck,  [now  called  Ptchade,]  "lying  between 
Namas.sakett  riuer  and  a  brook  fullmg  into  Tcticutt  riuer,  viz.  the  most 
westerly  of  the  three  small  brookes  that  do  fall  into  the  said  riuer;"  like- 
wise ali  the  meadow  upon  said  three  brooks,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
bounded  by  Plimouth  and  Duxbury  on  one  side,  and  Bridgewater  on  the 
other,  extending  to  the  gi'eat  pond  Jlattakeeset ;  provided  it  included  not  the 
1000  acres  given  to  his  son  and  George  fFampei/,  about  those  ponds.  This 
<leed  was  witnessed  by  George  IVampey  and  John  Wampoices. 

Alter  the  death  of  his  fatlier,  Josias  was  often  called  Josias  Chikataubut, 
bi  the  Plimouth  Records  we  find  this  notice, but  without  date:  "Memoran- 
ilum,  tiiat  Josias  Chickabidl  and  his  wife  doe  owne  the  whole  necke  of  Pun> 
•kateesett  to  beloirig  vnto  Plymouth  men,"  &c. 

In  lG{i8,  "Josias  C/«'cAYjfu6MM,  sachem  of  Namassakeesett,"  sold  to  Robert 
Studson  of  Scituate,  a  tract  of  land  called  J\ranumackeuitt,  for  a  "valuable 
consideration,"  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bounded  on  the 
east  by  Scituate. 

Josias  had  a  son  Jeremy ;  and  "  Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  the  last  of 
the  race."J    Of  Josiah,  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  important  information. 

ft'ar  between  the  Massachusett  Indians  and  Mohawks.  In  the  year  IfiHO, "  the 
war  having  now  continued  between  the  Matpias  and  our  Indians,  about  six 
years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighbors,  united  their  forces  together,  and  made 
an  army  of  about  G  or  700  men,  and  marched  into  the  Maquas'  country,  to 
take  revenge  of  them.  This  enterprise  was  contrived  and  undertaken 
without  the  privity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  English  friends.  Mr. 
Eliot  and  myself,  in  particular,  dissuaded  them,  and  gave  them  several 
reasons  against  it,  but  they  would  not  hear  us."  Five  of  the  Christian 
Indians  went  out  with  them,  and  but  one  only  returned  alive.  "The  chief- 
est  general  in  this  expedition  was  the  principal  sachem  of  Massachusett.s, 
named  Josiah,  alias  Chekatabidt,  a  wise  and  stout  man,  of  middle  age,  but  a 
very  vicious  person.  He  had  considerable  knowledge  in  the  Christian 
religion ;  and  sometime,  Avhen  he  was  younger,  seemed  to  profess  it  for  a 
time ; — for  he  was  bred  up  by  his  uncle,  Kuchamakin,  who  was  the  first 
sachem  and  his  people  to  whom  Mr.  Eliot  preached."  § 

Of  those  who  went  out  with  Wampatuk  from  other  tribes  we  have  no  rec- 
ord ;  but  there  were  many,  ])robal)ly,  as  usual  u{)on  such  exjjcditions. 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  afler  a  journey  of  about  200  miles ; 
when,  upon  btsieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  of  their  men  killed  in 
sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  ui)  the  siege  and  retreated.  Mean- 
while the  Mohawks  i)Uisued  them,' got  in  their  front,  and,  from  an  ambush, 

*  Priiilfd  at  length  In  Snow's  Hist.  Boston,  389,  et  cet. 
\  Ih-itm's  Hist.  Scituate,  111, 

t  ll>iil.     Stpiamnus:  was  n  hrollicr  of  Josiah,  and  ruled  "as  sachem  during  the  minorily  " 
otJeremii.     Dr.  Harris,  Hist.  Dorchester,  IG,  17. 
i  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc.  i.  IGC. 

10 


110 


MASCONONOMO  OF  AGAWAM. 


fKooK  II 


nttaekcd  tlipni  in  a  defile,  nrd  a  great  fight  ensued.  Finally  the  Mohawks 
were  put  to  flight  hy  tiie  extraordinary  bravery  and  prowess  ol"  Chikataubut 
and  iiis  cai)tains.  Kut  what  was  most  calamitous  in  this  disastrous  expedi- 
tion, was,  the  loss  oftiic  great  cliief  Chikalauhvt,  who,  afU-r  |)eribrmin<r  prcidi- 
gi(  s  of  valor,  was  killed  in  rejtelling  the  Mohawks  in  their  Inst  attack,  with 
almost  all  his  ca])tains,  in  nund)er  about  50,  as  was  snp])osed.*  This  was  a 
sov«'re  stroke  to  these  Indians,  and  they  suffered  much  from  chagrin  on 
th  .'ir  return  jiomc.  The  Mohawks  considered  themselves  their  masters, 
untl  altliough  a  peace  was  brought  about  between  them,  by  the  mediation  of 
the  English  and  Dutch  on  eacii  side,  yet  ,'he  Massachusetts  and  others  oilen 
Buffered  from  their  incursions. 

A  chief  of  much  tlie  same  importance  ns  Chikataubut  and  his  sons,  was 
Mnscononomo,  or  Masconomo,  sachem  of  Agawam,  since  called  Ipstcich, 
VViien  the  fleet  which  brouglit  over  tiie  colony  tliat  settled  Boston,  in  IGIJO, 
anchored  near  Capo  Ann,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and  spent  some 
time  on  l)oard  one  of  the  ships.f 

On  the  ySth  June,  1()38,  Mascononomet \  executid  a  deed  of  "all  his  lands 
in  Ipswich,"  to  John  IHnthrop,  ir.,  for  the  sum  of  £20.  § 

At  a  comt  in  Jul},  KiSl,  it  was  ordered,  that  "the  sagamore  of  Agawam  is 
banished  from  coming  into  any  Englishman's  house  lor  a  year,  under  j)enalty 
often  beaver-skins."  ||  This  was  probably  done  in  retaliation  lor  his  having 
committed  acts  of  violence  on  tiie  Tarratines,  who  soon  after  came  out 
with  great  force  against  Mascononomo ;  he  having,  "as  was  usually  said, 
treacherously  killed  some  of  those  Tarratine  liunilies."^  It  would  seem 
that  he  ex])ected  an  attack,  and  had  then'fore  called  to  his  aid  some  of  the 
eachems  near  Boston ;  for  it  so  happened  that  Montowampate  and  fVonoha- 
guaham  were  at  Agawam  when  the  Tarratines  ntadc  an  attack,  but  whether 
by  concert  or  accident  is  not  clear. 

To  the  number  of  100  men,  in  three  canoes,  the  Tarratines  came  out  on 
this  enterprise,  on  the  8  August  following.  They  attacked  Mascononomo  and 
his  guests  in  his  wigwam  in  the  night,  killed  seven  men,  wounded  Mascono- 
nomo himself,  and  Montowampate,  and  Wonohaquaham,  and  several  others  who 
allerwards  died.  They  took  the  wife  of  Moiitoivitmpate  captive,  but  it  so  hap- 
jiened  that  Abraham  Shurd  of  Pemnmquid  ransomed  her,  and  sent  her  home, 
where  she  arrived  on  the  17  Sej)tember  tiie  same  autumn.**  From  Mr.  Cob- 
befs  account,  it  appears  that  they  came  against  the  English,  who,  but  for  an 
Indian,  named  Robin,  would  have  been  cut  off,  as  the  able  men  at  this  time, 
belonging  to  Ipswich,  did  not  exceed  30;  and  most  of  these  were  from  home 
on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  have  been  made.  Robin,  having  by  some  means 
found  out  their  intentions,  went  to  John  Perkins,\\  and  told  him  that  on  such 
a  day  four  Tarratines  would  come  and  invite  the  English  to  trade,  "and  draw 
them  down  the  hill  to  the  water  side,"  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indians 
would  be  ready,  under  "  the  brow  of  the  hill,"  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned 
out  as /Joiiin  had  reported;  but  the  Indians  were  frightened  off  by  a  false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a  few  guns,  without  effecting  their 

objecttt 

We  hear  no  more  of  him  until  1644,  March  8,  when,  at  a  court  held  in 
Boston,  "  Cutshamekin  and  Squaw-Sachem,  Masconomo,  J^/ashacowam  and  fVas- 
tumagin,  two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  west,  called  ffachusett,  came 
into  the  court,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor,  desired 
to  be  received  under  our  protcction§§  and  government,  upon  the  same  tev.is 

•  1  Coll.  iMiiss.  Hist.  Soc  i.  IG7. 

t  I  list.  N.  Eiijjiiiiiil. 

j  'I'liis  is  (louliilcss  ilic  most  correct  spelling  of  his  name.  It  is  scarce  spelt  twice  alike  ip 
llie  IMS.  rocDrds. 

^S  IJocords  of  (ii'n.  C  -iirl,  v.  381.  ||  Prince,  357. 

1!  Iliihhiinl's  N.  K.  l;J. 

«•   Wliitliin])'.'iJin\r.—I.eiris'sUki.  F-ynn,  39,  40.— 7'V<'«  Hist.  I,.swicli,  3. 

tf  (liiiirK'i-niiisicr,  "  living;  llien  in  a  liiilo  liut  upon  his  liuhcr's  island  on  this  side  of  Jcol" 
rv's  Neck."     /J/iS.  IWirnitire. 
'  l;  Cohliel's  MH.  Narroiive. 

^^v  They  dcsi/cd  this  from  tlieir  great  feor  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 


Chap.  III.] 


MONTOWAMPATE.-WONOIIAQUAHAM. 


Ill 


that  Piimham  niul  Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to  understnnd  tlie 
articles,  and  all  the  ten  conininndments  of  God,  and  tliey  freely  tusscnting  to 
all,*  they  were  soleir.nly  received,  and  then  presented  the  court  with  twenty- 
six  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them  a  coat  of  two  yarda 
of  cloth,  and  their  dhnier;  and  to  them  and  their  men,  eveiy  one  of  them,  a 
cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ;  so  they  took  leave,  and  went  away  very  joyful." { 

In  the  Town  Records  of  Ipswich,  under  date  It?  June  1(558,  a  grant  is  made  to 
the  widow  of  Mascononomo,  of  "that  parcel  of  land  which  her  hushand  had 
fenced  in,"  s<ilong  as  she  should  remain  a  widow.  Her  husband  was  the  liust 
of  the  sachems  of  Agawam,  and  with  him,  says  Mr.  JFt//, descended  "his  fehle 
and  broken  scepter  to  the  grave."  lie  died  on  the  6  March,  1G58,  and  was 
buried  on  Sagamore  Hill,  now  within  the  bounds  of  Hamilton.  His  gun  and 
other  valuable  implements  were  interred  with  him.  "  Idle  curiosity,  wanton, 
sacrileirious  sport,  jjrompted  an  individual  to  dig  up  the  remains  of  this  chiefj 
and  to  carry  his  scull  on  u  pole  through  Ipswich  streets.  Such  an  act  of  bar- 
barity was  severely  frowned  upon,  and  speedily  visited  with  retributive  civil 
justice."  t 

MONTOWAMPATE,  sagamore  of  Lymi  and  Marblehead,  was  kno^\Tl  more 
i;eiierally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  JSTanrpashemel, 
end  i)n)tiier  of  ffonohaqiutham  and  ff'innepurkitt.^  He  died  in  Kvi'J,  of  the 
small-po.K,  "with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  siid  that  these  two  promised,  if 
ever  tiiey  recovered,  to  live  with  the  English,  and  serve  their  God."|| 
Monlowampale,  having  been  defrauded  of  20  beaver-skins,  by  a  man  named 
ff'nlls,  who  had  since  gone  to  England,  he  went  to  (iov.  Winlhrop  on  the  26 
Marvh,  1(531,  to  know  how  he  should  obtain  recompense.  The  governor  gave 
him  a  letter  to  Emanuel  Downing,  Esq.  of  Louden,  from  whicli  circumstance 
it  would  seem  that  the  chief  dttcrmined  to  go  there ;  and  it  is  said  that  ho 
actually  visited  England  and  receivi  d  his  due.lf  The  histories  of  those  times 
give  a  melancholy  pictm-e  of  the  distresses  caused  by  the  sniall-po,\  among  tho 
"wretched  natives."  "There  are,"  says  Mather,  "some  old  plantei-s  surviving 
to  this  day,  who  helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians;  even  whole  families  ot 
them  all  dead  at  once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor  uifant  suck- 
ing at  the  breast  of  the  dead  mother."**  The  same  author  observes  that,  before 
the  disease  began,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English  al)out 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  " but  God  inded  the  controversy  by  sending  the 
small-pox  among  the  Indians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time  exceeding- 
ly numerous." 

We  have  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  A''anepasliemet,  also  a  sachem. 
This  wiis  fybnohaquaham,  called  by  the  English  Sagamore  John,  of  Winisiine(. 
His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  Rumnetjmarsh,  part  of  which  is 
now  in  Chelsea  and  part  in  Saugus.§  As  early  as  likU,  he  had  cause  to  com- 
plain that  some  of  the  English  settlers  had  burnt  two  of  his  wigwams. 
"  Wliich  wigwams,"  says  Governor  Dwllcy,\\  "  were  not  inhabited,  but  stood  in 
a  i)lace  convenient  for  their  shelter,  when,  u|)on  occasion,  they  should  travel 
that  way."  The  court,  upon  examination,  found  that  a  servant  of  Sir  R.  Sal- 
ionslall  had  been  the  means  of  tho  mischief,  whoso  master  was  ordered  to 
make  satisfaction,  "  which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant 
pay  him,  ;it  the  end  of  his  time,  filly  shillings  sterrnig."tf  Sagamore  John  died 
at  Wiriisimet,  in  1(5.'J"'},  of  the  small-pox.§§  He  desired  to  Ixjcome  ac(piaintcd 
with  tiie  Englishmen's  God,  in  his  sickness,  and  recpiested  them  to  take  hia 
two  .sons  and  instruct  them  in  Christianity,  which  they  did.|||| 

ff'lnni'purkitt,'i'f  who  married  a  daughter  of  Passacona.  ^.w,  makes  considera- 
ble figure  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  H(^  was  born  about  lbl6,  and  succeeded 
Monhwampate  at  his  death,  in  1()3.'J.    The  l"'nglish  called  him  George  Rumney- 


rf,-. 


'■  t; 


*  Tlio  arlicli^s  wliii'li  l!icy  subsorihod,  will  he  si'ni  !il  Inr^o  wlion  the  Mitnuf!criiit  Hist,  of  the 
I'liiiiliisr  fniliii'i-t,  hij  Daniel  Gookin,  shall  be  piibllsliud.  'I'liey  ilo  not  read  precisely  at 
rcildiTi'd  by  )yiiitliiop. 

t  W'iiitlii-im^i  .loiinial.  t  Hist.  Ijiswicli,  ,'5.  4  Lewis's  Hi*!.  I, vim,  lli,  17. 

II  lli<i.  of  New  Kn;,'l:ind,  195.  H  llisloiy  of  l.yiiii,  3;i.  *»  Relnlicui,  iVc.  TX 

tt  I       'T  lo  llie  Coiinless  of  Lincoln,  25,  edition  KlIMi. 

i\  I'l  Hive's  Cliroiiolotrv.  ^\i!i  History  of  New  Kn-flnml.  l!l.").  T.V) 

Ij II  Woudor-working  Providence.  "  tH  Spell  also  H'iH-(/;.',n.t 


i 


112 


MANATAHQUA.—NATTAHATTA  WANTS. 


[Book  H 


marsh,  find  at  one  time  lie  was  proprietor  of  Deer  Island,  in  Boston  linrbor 
In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  lie  went  to  Barbadocs.  It  is  8iip|)oscd  that  ht: 
was  carried  there  with  the  prisonera  who  were  sold  for  slaves,  at  the  end  of 
Philip'a  war.  He  died  soon  after  his  retuni,  in  11)84,  at  the  house  of  Mumin- 
quash,  ago-d  G8  yeare."  Anaioayetsquaine,  daughter  of  Poquanum,  is  also  men- 
tioned as  his  wife,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.* 

Manatahqua,  called  also  Black-xmlliam,  was  a  sachem,  and  proprietor  o'  ^ia- 
liant,  when  the  adjacent  country  was  settled  by  the  whites.  Ihs  fath«;r  .v<?d 
at  Swainpseot,  and  was  also  a  sagamore,  but  probably  was  dead  before  tin? 
English  setded  in  the  country .f  A  traveller  in  thi^  then  t  wiMemess  w  )rld, 
thup  notices  fi'Uliam,  and  his  possessing  Nahant.  "One  Bluck-iviUiain,  au 
Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave  this  pla'^e  ii.  general  to  the  plantaiioii 
of  Saugus,  so  that  no  other  can  appropriate  it  to  himself."  He  was  a  great 
friend  to  the  whites,  but  his  friendship  was  re|)aid,  as  was  that  of  many  others 
of  that  and  even  much  later  times.  There  Wiis  a  man  by  the  name  of  'Faller 
Bagnall,  nicknamed  Great  ^Fof,  "a  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  nnich  wronged 
the  Indians,^  killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  jirobably  by  some  of 
those  whom  he  had  defrauded.  This  was  in  October,  IGJl.  As  some  vessels 
were  upon  the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  pirat»!s,  in  January,  1G33,  they  jmt  in 
at  Richmond's  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-mlliam.    This  w.is  tiie 

Elace  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two  years  before  ;  but  whether  he 
ad  any  thing  to  do  with  it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I  fmd  that  any  one,  even 
his  murderers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated ;  but,  out  of  revenge  ibr 
BagnalVs  death,  these  pirate-hunters  hanged  Black-mlliam.  On  the  contrary, 
it  was  particularly  mentioned  {|  that  Bagnall  was  killed  by  SquUfrayset  and  his 
men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  tliut  part  of  the  country. 

This  Squidrayset,  or  Sciiterygiissd,  for  whose  act  Manalaliqua  suffered,  was 
the  first  sachem  who  deeded  land  in  Falmouth,  Maine.  A  crtek  near  tiie 
mouth  of  Presum[)Scot  River  perpetuates  his  name  to  this  day.  Mr.  f^iV/ia 
supposes  he  Vras  sachem  of  the  Aucocisco  tril)e,  who  inhabited  L  H"^  ^en  the 
Androscoggin  and  Saco  rivers;  and  that  from  Aucocisco  come.  Casco.lf 
There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  Bagnall  deser\'ed  his  flite,**  if  auj  ceserve 
such  ;  but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and  we  leave  the  rv  der  to 
draw  the  parallel  between  the  two:  perhaps  he  will  inquire,  fFerethe  »ii'.  ierers 
of  Manatahqua  brought  to  justice  f  All  we  can  answer  «s,  The  records  are  si- 
lent.    Perha|)s  it  was  considen!d  an  offset  to  the  murder  of  Bagnall. 

JVattahattawants,  in  the  year  1G42,  sold  to  Simon  Willard,  in  behalf  of  "JMr. 
ffinthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  JVoioell,  and  Sir.  ^Ilden,"  a  large  tract  of  land  U|)on 
both  sides  Concord  River,  "fllr.  IVinlhrop,  oiu*  present  governor.  1200  acres, 
Mr.  Dudley,  1500  acres,  on  the  S.  E.  side  of  the  river,  Rlr.  JVoioelt,  500  acres, 
and  Mr.  Allen,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  river,  and  in  consideration 
hereof  the  said  Simon  giueth  to  the  said  JVatlahattaioants  six  fadom  of  waom- 
painpege,  one  wastcoat,  and  one  breeches,  and  the  said  JSTattahaltawants  doth 
covenant  and  bind  himself,  that  hee  nor  any  other  Indians  shall  set  traj)s  witii- 
ui  this  ground,  so  as  any  cattle  might  recieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle 
shall  receive  hurt  by  this  meanes,  hee  shall  be  lyablc  lo  make  it  good."  fin 
the  deed,  jYattahattaioants  is  called  sachem  of  that  land.] 

Witnessed  by  The  mark  of  Q  Natahattawants. 

three  whites.  The  mark  of  %  Winnipin,  an  h  Han 

thai  traded  for  him.\\ 


The  name  of  this  cliief,  as  apjjearsfrom  documents  copied  by  Mr.  S}iattuck,tt 
was  understood  TalMttawan,  Tahaitaioants,  Jlltawan,  Attawanee,  and  Jlhatawa- 
nee.    He  was  sachem  of  Musketaquid,  since  Concord,  and  a  supporter  and 

•Hisi.Lyiin.  f  Hist.  N.  Eiig. 

1 1633.     William  Wood,  nullior  of  iVeio  Eng.  Proipect. 

o  Winlhrcp's  Journal,  i.  02,  G3.  ||  Winthrop,  ib. 

TT  Col.  Maine  Hisl.  Soc.  i.  C8. 

**IIe  had,  in  about  iliren  years,  by  extorlion,  as  wo  infer  from   Winthrop,  accumulated 
Bl)out  £'1<X)  from  ninonff  llie  Indians.     .See  Journal  iit  mpra. 
tt  Suffolk  Ut'L'ords  ol  Deeds,  vol.  i.  No.  31.        W  Hisl.  Concord,  Mass.  pasrim  chap.  i. 


Chap.  IIIJ 


WAIIGUMACUT.— JACK-STRAW. 


113 


propagator  of  Christianity  among  his  people,  and  an  honest  and  npriirlit  man. 
Tlie  celebrated  Waban  married  his  eldest  daughter.  John  Tahatimvan  was  his 
eon,  who  lived  at  Nashoba,  where  he  was  chief  ruler  of  the  |)rayiiig  Indians — 
a  deserving  Indian.  He  died  about  1670.  His  widow  was  daughter  of  John, 
sagamore  of  Patucket,  upon  the  Merrimack,  who  man-ied  Ootuimos;,  nnothei 
ruler  of  the  praying  Indians,  of  Marlborough.  Her  only  son  by  Tahnttawnn  * 
was  killed  by  some  white  ruffians,  who  came  upon  them  while  in  tlnir  wig 
wains,  and  his  mother  was  badly  wounded  at  the  same  time.  Of  this  affair 
we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  be  more  particular.  JVaan'tfihquaw,  an 
other  daughter,  married  JVaaniahcow,  called  John  Thomas,  who  died  at  Xatick, 
aged  110  years. 

We  know  very  little  of  a  sachem  of  the  name  of  Wahgumncut,\  e.vcopt  that 
he  lived  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  Boston  in  liKJl,  with  a  ro(piest 
to  the  governor  " to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country,"  and  as  an 
inducement,  said  he  would  "  find  them  corn,  and  give  them,  yearly,  80  skins 
of  beaver."  The  governor,  however,  dismissed  him  without  giving  l:im  any 
encouragement;  doubling,  it  seems,  the  reality  of  his  friendship.  IJut  it  is 
more  probable  that  he  was  sincere,  as  he  was  at  this  time  in  great  f«!ar  of  the 
Pequots,  and  judged  that  if  some  of  the  English  would  reside  with  iiim,  he 
should  be  able  to  maintain  his  country. 

There  accompanied  Wahgumacut  to  Boston  an  Indian  nained  Jackstraic.t 
who  was  his  interi)reter,  and  Sagamore  John.  We  have  labored  to  find  some 
further  particulars  of  him,  but  all  tliat  we  can  ascertain  with  certainty,  is,  thai 
he  had  lived  some  time  m  England  with  Sir  f Falter  Ralegh.^    How  Sir  f falter 

*  Mr.  (iookin  writes  this  name  Toluitooner,  that  of  the  fatlicr  Tahatiatrarre.  MS.  Hist. 
Prai/ino^  Indians,  105. 

t  iValiginnarut,  accordinff  to  Mr.  Savage's  reading  of  Wiiithrop.  Our  text  is  acrording 
to  Prince,  who  also  used  it'^intlirop  in  MS.  It  is  truly  diverting  to  sec  how  the  anilior  oi 
Tales  of  the  Indians  has  displayed  his  invention  upon  the  passage  in  M'ittlhrop's  Journal 
bringing  to  our  knowledge  this  chief.  We  will  give  the  passage  of  Winllirop,  that  the  reader 
mav  judge  whether  great  ignorant-e,  or  misrepresentation  "  of  set  purpose  "  be  chargeable 
lo  Iiim.  "  He  [Gov.  Winthrop]  discovered  after  [  Walnrinnaciit  was  gone],  that  the  said 
•agamore  is  a  very  treacherous  man,  and  at  war  with  the  Pekoalh  (a  far  grsater  sagamore.") 
Now,  every  chilcf  thai  has  read  about  the  Indians,  it  seems  to  us,  ouj'l'l  to  know  that  the 
meaning  of  Pekoalh  was  mistaken  by  the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a  cliief  than  (he 
Massasoits  meant  what  the  Plimouth  people  first  supposed  il  to  mean.  In  the  one  case,  the 
name  of  a  tribe  was  mistaken  for  that  of  a  chief,  and  in  the  other  the  chief  for  the  tril>c. 
Mistakes  of  this  kind  wore  not  uncommon  before  our  fathers  became  acquainted  with  the 
i.ountry.  Winllirop  says,  too,  the  Mohaw  s  was  a  great  sachem.  Now,  who  ever  thought 
there  was  a  chief  of  thai  name  ? 

X  Probably  so  named  from  the  Maidstone  minister,  who  nourished  in  Wat  Tyler's  rebellion, 
and  whose  real  name  was  Jtnn  Ball,  but  afterwards  nick-nanicd  Jack  Straw.  He  became 
chaplain  to  Wat's  army,  they  having  let  him  out  of  prison.  A  text  which  he  made  great  use 
of  in  preaching  to  his  liberators  was  this : — 

When  Adam  dnlfe  and  Eve  span. 
Who  was  tlien  a  gentleman .' 

Tliis  we  apprehend  was  construed,  Down  with  the  nobility!  See  Rapin's  Eng.  1.  457.  In 
Kennet,  i.  247,  John  Wrote  is  called  Jack  Straw.     He  was  beheaded. 

^  "  The  imputation  of  the  first  bringing  in  of  tobacco  into  Rngland  lies  on  this  heroic  knight." 
Hinstaiiley's  Worthies,  259.  "  Besides  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and  impairing  o(  our 
inward  parts,  the  immoderate,  vain  and  phanlastical  abuse  of  the  lii-llish  weed,  corriiptelh  the 
natural  sweetness  of  the  breath,  sliinilicth  the  brain ;  and  indeed  is  so  prejudicial  to  llic 
general  esteem  of  our  country."  iLid.  211.  Whether  Jack-straw  were  the  ser\anl  who 
acted  a  part  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Waller  Rale2;h's  smoking  tobacco,  on  its  first 
being  taken  to  England,  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  the  anecdote,  we 
will  admit  the  fact;  it  is  variously  related,  but  is  said  to  be,  in  substance,  as  follows.  At  one 
lime,  il  was  so  very  unpopular  to  use  tobacco  in  any  way  in  England,  thai  many  who  had  got 
atlnchcd  to  it,  used  it  only  privaiely.  Sir  Walter  was  smoking  m  his  study,  at  a  certain  time, 
anl,  being  thirsty,  called  to  his  servant  to  bring  him  a  tankard  of  beer.  Jack  hastily  olx-y-.d 
the  summons,  and  Sir  Waller,  forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a 
volume  of  smoke  from  his  mouth  when  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  seeing  his  master  smoking 
prodigiously  at  il;e  mouth,  thought  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  fire  insiile,  having  never  seen 
sndi  a  plienumenoii  in  all  England  before ;  dashed  the  quart  of  liquor  at  once  inliis  face,  and 
ran  out  screaming,  "Massa's  a  fire  !  ftlassa's  a  fire  !  " 

Ihuiiig  dismisned  the  servant,  every  one  might  reasonably  expect  a  few  words  concerring 
his  master.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  may  truly  be  said  to  have  lived  in  an  age  fruitful  in  great  and 
Worthy  characters^  ^^aptaiii  John  Smith  comes  to  our  notice  through  his  agency,  and  the 


iV'i 


■'      11 


10' 


H 


114 


JAMES-PRINTER,  OR  JAMES-THE-PRINTER. 


[Book  II 


came  by  him,  does  not  satisfactorily  appear.  Captains  Amidaa  and  Barlow 
Bailed  to  America  in  his  employ,  and  on  their  return  carried  over  two  natives 
from  Virginia,  whose  names  were  Wanchese  and  Manteo.*  It  is  barely  possible 
that  one  of  these  was  aftenvards  Jack-straw. 

A  Nipmuck  Indian,  of  no  small  note  in  his  time,  it  may  in  the  next  place  be 
proj)er  to  notice. 

James  Printer,  or  James-tlu-prirUer,  was  the  son  of  JVaoas,  brother  of  Tuka- 
jiewillin]  and  Anaioeakin.  When  a  child,  he  was  instructed  at  the  Indian 
charity  school,  at  Cambridge.  In  1G59,  he  was  put  apprentice  to  Samuel 
Green,  to  Icam  the  printer  s  business ;  \  and  he  is  spoken  of  as  having  run 
away  from  his  master  in  1G75.  If,  after  an  apprenticeship  of  16  years,  one 
could  noi  leave  his  master  without  the  charge  of  absconding,  at  least,  both  the 
master  and  apprentice  should  be  pitied.     In  relation  to  this  matter,  Mr.  Hub- 

renowned  first  English  circumnavigator  was  his  contemporary.  He,  lii<e  the  last  named,  was 
born  in  the  connty  of  Uevonsliire,  in  1552,  in  the  parish  of  iJudlcy.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
so  well  known  in  our  annals,  was  his  half-brother,  his  father  having  married  Sir  Ilum})hrei/s 
mother,  a  widow*,  liy  whom  he  had  Walter,  a  fourth  son.f  The  great  successes  ami  dis- 
coveries of  the  celebrated  admiral  Sir  Francis  Drake  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  English 
nation  in  maritime  aflairs,  and  consequent  thereupon  was  the  settlement  of  North  America; 
as  great  an  era,  to  say  the  least,  as  was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more 
conspicuous  ill  those  undertakings  than  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  After  persevering  a  long  time, 
he  established  a  colony  in  Virginia,  in  1G07.  lie  was  a  man  of  great  valor  and  address,  and 
a  favorite  with  the  great  Queen  Elizabeth,  th«  promoter  of  his  undertakings,  one  of  whose 
"maids  of  honor"  he  married.  In  this  atfair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored 
that  lady,  and  was  for  a  time  under  the  queen's  displeasure  in  consequence,  but  marrying  her 
restoretl  him  to  favor.  The  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia  was  so  named  by  his  direction.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Drake  and  Howard  in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  armada  in  1588. 
On  the  death  of  the  queen,  he  was  imprisoned  almost  13  years  in  the  tower  of  London,  upon 
the  charge  of  treason.  It  was  during  his  imprisonment  that  he  wrote  his  great  and  leariicil 
work,  tlie  History  of  the  World.  The  alleged  crime  of  treason  has  long  since  been  viewed 
by  all  the  world  as  without  foundation,  and  the  punishment  of  Ralegh  reftecls  all  its  blackness 
upon  the  character  of  James  I.  The  ground  of  the  charge  was,  that  Ralegh  and  others  were 
in  a  conspiracy  against  the  ki7ig,  and  were  designing  to  place  on  the  throne  Arabella  Stetcart.t 
He  was  never  pardoned,  although  the  king  set  him  at  liberty,  and  permitted  him  to  go  on  an 
expedition  to  South  America  in  search  of  a  gold  mine  of  which  he  had  gained  some  intima- 
tions in  a  previous  visit  to  those  countries.  His  attempt  to  find  gold  failed,  but  he  took  the 
town  of  St.  Thomas,  and  established  in  it  a  garrison.  This  was  a  depredation,  as  Spain 
and  England  were  then  at  peace,  but  Ralegh  had  the  king's  commission.  The  Spanish 
ambassador  complained  loudly  against  the  transaction,  and  the  miserable  James,  to  extricate 
himself,  and  appease  the  Spanish  king,  ordered  Ralegh  to  be  seized  on  his  return,  who,  upon 
the  old  charge  of  treason,  was  sentenced  to  be  beheaded,  which  was  executed  upon  him  i;9tli 
Oct.  I(il8.§  "  I  shall  only  hint,"  says  Dr.  /'o/it'/i^/e,||  "that  the  execution  of  this  great  man, 
whom  James  wa.s  advised  to  sacrifice  to  the  advancement  of  tl;e  peace  with  Spain,  nath  left  an 
indelible  slain  on  the  memory  of  that  misguided  monarch."  It  appears  from  another  account  TT 
that  Sir  Walter,  on  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoko,  was  taken  "  desperately  sick,"  and 
sent  forward  a  company  under  one  of  his  captains  in  search  of  the  gold  mine.  That  they 
were  met  by  the  Spaniards,  who  attacked  them,  and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  their  assaulf- 
mf^-  St.  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without  eflecliiig  the  object  tliey 
•Aerc  upon. 

The  following  circumstance  respecting  the  celebrated  History  of  the  World,  not  being 
gpiierilly  known,  cannot  but  be  acceptable  to  the  reader.  The  first  volume  (which  is  what 
we  have  of  it)  was  published  before  he  was  imprisoned  the  last  time.  Just  before  his  execu- 
tion, he  sent  for  the  publisher  of  it.  When  he  came.  Sir  Walter  took  him  by  the  hand,  and, 
"  alter  some  discourse,  askt  him  how  that  work  of  his  sold.  Mr.  Bnrre  [the  name  of  the 
puhlisliei]  returned  this  ans'vcr,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  that  it  had  undone  him.  At  which 
words  of  his.  Sir  Waller  Ralegh,  stepping  to  his  desk,  reaches  his  other  part  of  his  history  to 
Mr.  Biirre,  which  he  had  brought  down  to  the  times  he  lived  in ;  clapping  his  hand  on  his 
breast,  he  took  the  other  unprinted  part  of  his  works  into  his  hand,  willi  a  sigh,  saying, '  Ah, 
iny  I'ricnd.  hath  the  first  part  undone  thee,  the  second  volume  shall  undo  no  more;  this 
ungrateful  world  is  unworthy  of  it.'  When,  immediately  going  to  the  fire-side,  threw  it  ia 
and  set  his  foot  on  it  till  it  was  consumed. ""* 
''  See  Cayley's  Life  Sir  II'.  Ralegh,  i.  70.  ed.  Lond.  ISlfi,  2  vols.  8vo. 

t  ."^oine  author  of  Indian  talcs  might  delight  himself  for  a  long  lime  in  ringing  changes  on 
t\\<<  Indian  preacher's  name,  wiihout  invoniiiig  any  new  ones ;  for  it  is  not,  as  t  remember, 
lipeU  twice  alike  in  uur  aulhorilies.  |  Thomas,  Hist.  I'rinliiig. 

♦  "  Of  Olhn  nVhn-l.  of  Coinpton,  E-")."  Fnlinhclr's  IIU.  Ihron,  W.  91!l. 
t  Slilh,  lli-t.  Viiiiniii,  7.  Peconil  son,  says  ^!r.  I'ulinhrh,  nevon,  11.  ai!). 
j  Rdpin'.i  r.iii.'-  ii.  bil.  vVlindiil's  notes  In  Rapin,  il.  I'JJ. 

II  Hist,  lli'vonshirc,  i.  Q.".:l,  IF  Winstaiiiey,  Wortlile.s,  250. 

**  Win.-tiiiili'y,  Wurtlilcs,  257. 


Chap  III.l 


JAMES-THE-PRINTF.R.— KUT(  n.MAKI.V. 


IK 


5  on 
ibcr, 


Irrd  says,*  "  He  had  attainrd  some  skill  in  urintiiijar,  and  might  have  nttainrd 
n^-  le^  had  he  not,  like  a  false  villain,  ran  away  liom  his  mast(;r  bclore  hia 
t'me  was  out."  And  the  same  author  oltscrvt-s  tiiat  the  name  printer  A'ua 
•upcradded  to  distinguish  him  from  othoi-s  named  Ja.nts. 

Or.  I. Mather';  has  this  record  of  Jame.i-printer.  "July  8,  [lfi76.]  Whoicas 
tlie  council  at  Boston  had  lately  emitted  a  declaration,  sifniifying,  that  such 
Indians  as  d.d,  witJ.ln  14  days,  come  in  to  the  Englisli,  might  hope  for  mere}-, 
divers  of  them  did  this  day  rctm-n  from  among  the  Nipmucks.  Among 
others,  Jamec  a>,  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and  write,  but  had  Icarnrcl 
the  art  of  printing,  notwithstanding  his  apostasy,  did  venture  himself  upon  the 
mercy  and  tru'h  of  the  English  declaration,  which  he  had  seen  and  read, 
promising  for  tlie  future  to  venture  his  life  agiunst  the  common  enemy.  He 
and  the  other  now  ome  in,  aflirm  that  very  many  of  the  Indians  an;  dead 
shice  this  war  began  and  i v\X  more  have  died  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  res|)(ct 
of  diseases,  fluxes  and  fevers,  which  have  been  amongst  them,  than  have  been 
killed  with  the  sword.'' 

Mr.  Thomas  says,  J  it  was  owing  to  the  amor  patrire  of  James-printer  that  he 
left  his  master  and  joined  in  Philip^s  war.  But  how  much  amor  patriae  he 
must  have  had  to  have  kept  him  an  apprentice  10  years  is  not  mentioned. 

It  was  in  l(>t;5  that  the  second  edition  of  the  famous  Indian  Bii)Ie  was 
completed.  From  the  following  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliot  will  be  seen  how 
much  the  success  of  that  luidertaking  wjis  considered  to  depend  on  James- 
the-prlnter.  In  1683,  in  writing  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  at  London,  ,"\lr.  Eliot 
i*ays,  "I  desire  to  see  it  done  before  I  die,  and  I  am  so  deep  in  years,  tli;it  I 
cannot  expect  to  live  long;  besides,  we  have  but  one  man,  viz.  the  Indinn 
Printer,  that  is  able  to  com|)ose  the  sheets,  and  correct  the  press  with  under- 
standing." In  another,  from  the  s«une  to  the  same,  dated  a  year  after,  he  says, 
"  Our  slow  progress  needeth  an  ajwlogy.  We  have  been  much  hindered  liy 
the  sickness  the  last  year.  Our  workmen  have  been  all  sick,  and  we  have  hut 
few  hands,  (at  printing,)  one  Englishman,  and  a  boy,  and  one  Indian,"  &c. 

This  Indian  was  undoiil)tedly  James-the-printer.  And  Mr.  Thomas  adds, 
"  Some  of  James''s  descendants  were  not  long  since  living  in  Grafton  ;  they 
bore  the  surname  of  Printer."^ 

There  was  an  Indian  named  Joh  JVesutan,  wlio  was  also  concerned  in  the 
first  edition  of  the  Indian  Bible.  He  was  a  valiant  soldier,  and  went  with  the 
English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  first  expedition  to  Mount  Hope,  where  he 
was  slain  in  battle.  "He  was  a  very  good  linguist  in  the  English  tongue,  and 
was  Mr.  ElioVs  assistant  and  interpreter  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible  and 
other  books  in  the  Indian  language."ij 

In  a  letter  of  the  commissioners  of  the  U.  C.  of  New  England,  to  the 
corporation  in  England,  we  find  this  postscript. — "Two  of  the  Indian  yoiuhs 
formerly  brought  up  to  read  and  write,  are  put  apprentice;  the  one  to  a 
carpenter,  the  other  to  Mr.  Green  the  priuter,  who  take  their  trades  and 
follow  their  business  very  well."  James-the-printer  was  probably  one  of  these. 
j\'estUan^  we  presume,  was  only  an  inter[)reter.  The  above-mentioned  letter 
was  dated  10th  Sept.  KSGO. 

In  1698,  James  was  teacher  to  five  Indian  fan.ilics  at  Hassinammisco.H 
In  1709,  he  seems  to  have  got  through  with  his  ajtprenticeship,  and  to  have 
hail  some  interest  in  carrying  on  the  printing  business.  For,  in  the  title 
pages  of  the  Inilian  and  English  Psalter,  printed  in  that  year,  is  this  imprint: 
"BOSTON,  N.  E.  Upprinthomimne  au  B.  Green,  &  J.  PRINTER,  tviUche 
guhtinntamwe  Chapanukke  nt  J^ew  Ensj^land,  &c.  1709." 

We  shall  now  pass  to  notice  a  Massachusetts  sachem,  who,  like  too  many 
others,  does  not  appear  to  the  best  advantage;  nevertheless,  we  doubt  not  but 
as  much  so  as  he  deserves,  as  by  the  sequel  will  be  seen.     We  mean 

KiUchmakin,  known  also  by  several  other  names,  or  variations  of  the  same 
Hume ;  as,  Kutshamaquin^  Cutshajiwquen,  Cutchamokin,  and  many  more,  as,  in 


*4l 


*  Niirrntive,  Dfi.  t  Brief  Hist.  B9, 

<illisl.  rriiiliii-r,  i.  2!)'2.  293. 
Il  liiCdriimliun  I'roin  .Mr.  /•".  Tiirkerman.  it.- 
a  place  of  stones.    I'lioiiias,  ul  supra. 


t  Mist.  I'riiitiiij,',  1.  290. 
llOookin,  //?'«'.  P 111 iji no-  Indians. 
Ilassinniniiiiscn,  Iliissaimincsit,  &c.  signified 


DO 


KUTCHMAKIN.— WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  H, 


ililFerent  parts  of  our  work,  extracts  will  necessarily  show.  He  was  one  of 
tlioso  saciicms  who,  in  1G43 — 4,  signed  a  subinissior.  to  the  English,  as  has 
hern  mentioned  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

In  1(J3(],  Kulshamakin  sold  to  the  people  of  Dorchester,  Uncataquirtsef, 
ijfiiig  the  part  of  that  town  since  called  Milton.  Tiiis,  it  appears,  was  at  homio 
pi  riod  his  residence.  Thougli  he  was  a  sachem  under  fVoosamequin,  yet,  like 
Caunbitant,  he  was  oj)|)Osed  to  the  settlement  of  the  English  in  his  coimtry. 
He  soon,  liowever,  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  became  a  Christian.  When 
Rlr.  Eliot  desired  to  know  why  he  was  o|)posed  to  his  people's  becoming 
Cliristians,  he  said,  then  they  would  pay  him  no  tribute. 

When  tiie  English  of  Massachusetts  sent  to  Canonicus,  to  inquire  into  the 
cause  of  the  murder  of  John  Oldham,  KiUshamakin  accompanied  them  as 
interpreter,  fighter,  or  whatever  was  required  of  him. 

As  no  satisfaction  could  be  had  of  the  Pequots,  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Old- 
ham,  it  was  resolved,  in  1G36,  to  send  an  army  into  their  country  "  to  fight  with 
them,"  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English,  as  a  recompense,  were  not  to  be 
obtained  without.  The  annumcnt  consisted  of  about  'JO  men.  These  first 
went  to  Block  Island,  where  they  saw  a  few  Indians  before  they  landed,  who, 
after  shooting  a  few  arrows,  which  wounded  two  of  the  English,  fled.  The 
Indians  had  here  "two  j)lantations,  three  miles  in  sunder,  and  about  GO 
wigwams,  some  very  large  and  friir,  and  above  200  acres  of  corn."  This  the 
English  destroyed,  "staved  seven  canoes,"  and  after  two  days  spent  in  tliis 
l)usiness,  and  hunting  for  Indians  without  success,  soiled  to  the  main  land, 
where  Kulshamakin  pertormed  his  part  in  hastening  on  the  Peqnot  calamity. 
Having  waylaid  one  of  that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  he 
sent  to  Canonicus,  who  sent  it  about  among  all  his  sachem  friends;  thus 
expressing  his  approbation  of  the  nnirder,  and  willingness  to  engage  his 
friends  to  figiit  for  the  English.  As  a  further  proof  of  his  a])proval  of  tlie  act, 
he  not  only  thanked  the  English,  but  gave  Kulshamakin  four  fathom  of 
wampum. 

Cant.  Jjion  Gardener  gives  us  some  particulars  of  this  affair,  which  are  very 
valuable  for  the  light  they  throw  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions  with  the 
Pequots.  The  aftiiir  we  have  just  mentioned  happened  immediately  after 
Endicoll,  Turner,  and  Underhill  arrived  at  Saybrook,  from  Block  Island.  Capt. 
Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  spoke  to  them  as  follows  of  their 
undertaking :  "  You  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then 
you  will  take  wing  and  tlee  away."  It  so  came  to  pass ;  and  although  he  was 
much  opposed  to  their  going,  yet  they  went,  agi'eeably  to  their  instructions. 
Gardener  instructed  them  ho\v  to  proceed,  to  avoid  being  surprised ;  but  the 
Indians  played  them  a  Yankee  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  will  appear. 

On  coming  to  the  Pequot  town,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wishing  to 
r)arley  with  him :  his  people  said  "  he  was  from  home,  but  within  three  hours 
lie  would  come ;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine,  there  came 
none."  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  great  numbers,  and  spoke  to  them, 
through  the  interpreter,  Kulshamakin,  for  some  time.  This  delay  was  a  strata- 
gem which  succeeded  well ;  for  they  rightly  guessed  that  the  English  had 
come  to  injure  them  in  their  persons,  or  property,  or  both.  Therefore,  while 
pome  were  entertaining  the  English  with  words,  others  carried  off"  their  effects 
and  hid  them.  When  they  had  done  this,  a  signal  was  given,  and  all  the 
Indians  ran  av/ay.  The  English  then  fi'll  to  burning  and  destroying  eveiy 
thing  they  could  meet  with.  Gardener  had  sent  some  of  his  men  with  the 
others,  who  were  unaccountably  left  on  shore  when  the  others  reembarked. 
Olid  weie  pursued,  and  two  of  them  wounded  by  tlie  Indians. 

"  The  Bay-men  killed  not  a  man,  save  that  one,  Kichomiquim,  an  Indian 
sachem  of  the  Bay,  killed  a  Pequit ;  and  thus  began  the  war  between  the 
Indians  and  us,  in  these  parts."  f  The  Pequots  henceforth  used  every  means 
t?  kill  the  Englisli,  and  many  were  taken  by  them,  and  some  tortured  in  their 
tiianucr.     "Thus  far,"  adds  Gardener,  "I  had  written  in  a  book,  that  all  men 

*  Sassacus,  says  Winlhrop  (i.  191.) ;  l)iit  boiiis:  •"'''  ''C  was  sjoiie  to  Long  Island,  ihe  gm» 
ral  demanded  to  see  "  llic  otiicr  sacliuni,  &.c."  wliicti  was  doubtless  Mononotto. 
1 3  CoU.  Hisf.  Soc.  iii.  1 H,  &c. 


pic 


Chap.  IV.l  OF  THE  NARRAGANSETS— TASIITASSUCK 


117 


and  posterity  might  know  how  and  why  so  many  honest  men  had  their  blood 
Bhi'd,  yen,  and  some  flayed  alive,  others  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roasted  alive, 
only  because  Kichamokm,  a  Bay  Indian,  killed  one  Pequot." 

'to  say  the  least  of  our  author,  he  had  the  best  possible  means  to  be  corredlif 
informed  of  these  matters,  and  we  know  not  that  he  had  any  motive  to  mis- 
represent them. 

Governor  Winihrop  mentions,  under  date  1646,  that  Mr.  Eliot  lectured 
constantly  "one  week  at  the  wigwam  of  one  JVabon,  a  new  sachem  near 
Watcrtown  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wigwam  of  Cutshamekin, 
near  Dorchester  mill."  We  shall  have  occasion  in  another  chapter  to  speak 
of  Kiiiskamakin. 

In  1648,  Cvtchamekin,  as  he  was  then  called,  and  Jojeuny  appear  as  witnesses 
to  a  deed  made  by  another  Indian  called  Cato,  alias  Goodman.  Lane  and 
Griffin  were  the  grantees  "  in  behalf  of  the  rest  of  the  people  of  Sudburj'." 
The  tract  of  land  sold  adjoined  Sudbury,  and  was  five  miles  square;  for 
which  Cato  received  five  pounds.    Jojeuny  was  brother  to  Cato.* 

CHAPTER  IV. 


he 
td, 

Ian 

Ihe 
Ins 
leu 
leu 


Of  the  great  nation  of  the  Karragansets — Geography  of  their  country — Canonicus 
— MiANTUNNOMou — His  rclulions — Jlids  the  English  in  destroying  the  Pequots — 
Sells  Rhode  Island — His  difficidtics  with  the  English — I'isits  Boston — His  mag- 
nanimity  and  independence — Charged  with  a  conspiracy  against  the  tohites — Mhj 
ffpfJs  it — Waiandance  becomes  his  secret  enemy — His  speech  to  Waiandancc  and 
Llo  people — His  war  with  Uneas — His  capture  and  death — Circumstances  of  his 
execution — Participation  of  the  whiles  therein — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — 
Traditions — Ninioret — Mexam,  alias  Mexano — Affair  of  Cuttaquin  and  Uncas 
— Character  of  Jlscassassotick — JVinigret  visits  the  Dutch — Accused  by  the  English 
of  plotting  with  them — .dbly  defends  himself — A'olices  of  various  other  Indians — 
IVar  beticern  JVinigret  and  Jlscassassotick — Present  condition  of  his  descendants- 
Further  account  of  Pessacits — Killed  by  the  MohawliS. 

The  bounds  of  Narraganset  were,  as  described  in  the  tunes  of  the  sachems,  f 
"  Pautuckit  Iliver,  (iuenebage[Cluinebauge]and  Nipnuick,"northerly;"  westerly 
liy  a  brook  called  Wequapaug,  not  farf  from  Paquatuck  River;  southerly  by 
the  sea,  or  main  ocean ;  and  easterly  by  the  Nanhigansct  Bay,  wherein  lieth 
many  islands,  by  deeds  bought  of  the  Nanliiganset  sachems."  Coweesett  and 
Niantick,  though  sometimes  ap|)lied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  places 
within  it.  According  to  Mr.  Gookin,  "  the  territory  of  their  sachem  extended 
about  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekunk  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay,  including 
Rhode  Island  and  other  islands  in  that  bay."  Pawcatuck  River  separated 
them  from  the  Pequots.  This  nation,  under  Canonicus,  had,  in  1642,  arrived 
•It  the  zenith  of  its  greatness,  and  was  supposed  to  have  contained  a  population 
of  thirty  thoi^sand.  This  estimate  was  by  Richard  Smith,  jr.,  who,  with  his 
father,  lived  in  their  country. 

In'  1760,  or  about  that  year,  Mr.  Samuel  Drake  made  a  catalogue  of  the 
Narraganset  Indians.  This  catalogue  contained  the  names  of  about  315  per- 
sons. Mr.  Drake  sp(;nt  14  years  among  tliem,  chiefly  in  the  capacity  of  a 
schoolmaster.  He  wrote  an  account  of  them,  but  whether  it  was  ever  pub- 
lished I  cannot  learn.  § 

A  census  of  those  calling  themselves  a  remnant  of  the  Narragansets,  taken 
Feb.  1832,  was  315;  only  seven  of  whom  were  unmixed.  The  Indians 
themselves  make  their  number  304.  || 

Of  the  early  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  from  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  previous  to  their  airival,  a  sachem 
named  Tashtassuck,  and  their  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and  valor  were 


*  Suffolk  Reg.  Deeds.     There  is  no  name  .sig;ned  to  the  deed,  but  in  the  place  tiiereof,  is  the 
picture  of  some  four-lejsr?ed  animal  drawn  on  his  back. 

~       '  t  Four  or  five  miles,  says  (foo/tih. 


fSee  3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  210. 


(  See  Beatty's  Journal,  lOf). 


II  MS.  letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 


118 


CANOMCL'S. 


rOooK  II 


•1111.  |j  ill!'  siiiif  IIS  tin;  Diliiwnros  rcporteil  of  tlioir  grout  chief  Tamany,  tlial 
siiK-f,  then'  liad  not  hoiii  h\ti  l>i|IIu),  &ic.  TnnhUissxick  liad  Itiit  two  cliililrcii,  n 
ROM  iiikI  (laiiglitcr;  tlu'sc  lio  joitiod  in  nmrriagt*,  hccunse  liu  vjoulil  find  none 
woriliy  of  tliein  out  of  his  family.  Tlio  i)ro(luct  of  this  inurriugo  was  four 
Botis,  of  whom  Canonicus  was  the  oldest.* 

('A.N0Mcus,t  the  great  sachem  of  the  Narraganscts,  was  contemporary  with 
Miantunnomoh,  wlio  was  liis  nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  iiis  birth,  hut 
a  son  of  his  was  at  Boston  in  1031,  the  next  year  after  it  was  settled.  JJiit  the 
time  of  his  death  is  minutely  recorded  by  Governor  If'inthrop,  in  his  "Journal," 
thus:  "June  4, 1(547.  Canonicus,  the  great  sachem  of  Narraganset,  tlied,  u 
very  old  man,"  He  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  about  ti3  years  of  age 
whin  he  died. 

The  Wainpanoag3  were  in  great  fear  of  the  Narraganscts  about  the  time  the 
English  came  to  Plirnouth,  and  at  one  time  war  actually  existed,  and  .Massaaoil 
fled  before  Canonicus,  and  applied  to  tlie  English  for  j)rotection. 

Edward  Jfinslou  relates,  in  his  Good  News  from  New  England,  that,  in 
Feb.  l(j'22,  Canonicus  sent  into  Plimouth,  by  one  of  his  men,  a  bimdlo  of 
arrows,  bound  with  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  and  there  left  them,  and  retired.  The 
Narraganscts,  who  were  reported  at  this  time  "  many  thousand  strong,"  hearing 
of  the  weakness  of  the  English,  "began,  (says  the  above-named  author,)  to 
l)reath  forth  many  threats  against  us,"  although  they  liad  the  last  summer 
"  desired  and  obtained  peace  with  us." — "  Insomuch  as  the  common  talk  of 
our  neighbor  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  tlie  preparation  they  made  to  come 
against  us."  They  were  now  imboldened  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
English  had  just  added  to  their, numbers,  but  not  to  their  arms  nor"  provisions. 
The  ship  Fortune  had,  not  long  before,  landed  35  persons  at  Plimouth,  and 
th(!  Narraganscts  seem  to  have  been  well  informed  of  all  the  circumstances. 
This,  (says  Mr.  Wins/oio,)  "  occasioned  them  to  slight  and  brave  us  with  so 
many  threats  as  they  did.  At  length  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who  was  sent 
by  Connmus,  their  chief  sachem  or  king,  accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon, 
a  friendly  Indian.  This  messenger  inquired  lor  Tisquantum,  our  interjireter, 
wlio  not  being  at  home,  seemed  rather  to  be  glad  than  sorry;  and  leaving  for 
hiui  a  bundle  of  new  arrows,  lapped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desii'ed  to  depart 
with  all  expedition." 

When  S(puinto  was  made  acquainted  v/ith  the  circumstance,  he  told  the 
English  that  it  was  a  challenge  for  wor.  Governor  Bradford  took  the  rattle- 
snake's skin,  and  filled  it  with  powder  and  sliot,  and  returned  it  to  Canonicus ; 
at  the  same  tune  instructing  the  messenger  to  bid  him  defiance,  and  invite  him 
to  a  trial  of  strength.  The  messenger,  and  his  insulting  carriage,  had  the 
desired  eff'ect  upon  Canonicus,  for  he  would  not  receive  the  skin,  and  it  was 
cast  out  of  every  community  of  the  Indians,  until  it  at  last  was  returned  to 
Plimouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This  was  a  demonstration  that  he  was  awed 
into  silence  and  respect  of  the  English,  by  the  decided  stand  and  hostile 
attitude  they  assumed. 

In  1()21,  soon  after  the  war  with  Caunbitant  was  over,  among  those  who 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  English,  was  Canonicus  himself,  notwithstanding 
ho  was  now  courting  war  again  so  soon.  He  had  doubtless  nearly  got  rid  of 
the  fiar  that  the  news  of  Slawfish's  conduct  first  inspired,  and  ha!d  taken  up 
again  his  old  resohition  of  fighting  tlie  strangers  at  Plimouth. 

He  is  mentioned  with  great  res[)ect  by  Rev.  Roger  JViUiams,  X  in  the  year 
lO.^.  After  observing  that  many  hundreds  of  the  English  were  witnesses  to 
the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Narraganscts,  he  says,  "Their  late  famous  long- 
lived  Caunonicus  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most  honorable  manner 
and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  you  laid  to  sleep  your  prudent  peace-maker, 
Mr.  JVinthrop,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and  peaceable  prince ;  yea, 

*  Hutchinson,  i.  458,  who  met  with  this  account  in  MS. ;  but  we  do  not  give  implicit  credit 
to  it,  its,  at  best,  it  is  tradition. 

t'I'his  spelling'  does  not  convey  the  true  pronunciation  of  the  name;  other  spelliign  will  b« 
noticed  in  the  course  of  his  biography.  Its  sound  approached  so  near  the  Latin  wotl  can<mt< 
tun.  that  it  became  confounded  with  it.     Qunnoune  was  early  written. 

t  iMauuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 


Chap.  IV] 


CAMONICUS.— r.IASCUS. 


il9 


tliroii!;!i  !ill  tlicir  towns  niul  countries  how  tViMiufntly  do  ninny,  find  ofl  tinioa, 
our  Ln^rlisliMU'n  travel  ulono  with  sati'ty  ai   I  i(i\inL'  iiimhiess  !•'" 

The  liiilowing  statenient  of  Rof^er  U'iUiitinn  is  in  a  <le|M)siti(>n,  dated  Xarm- 
panset,  Id  June,  KJd'i,  and,  altlitdigii  varyiii;,'  a  little  \'\u\\\  the  nhoxe,  eoniains 
fiiets  very  i)ei-tinent  to  onr  jiurpost!.  He  says,"  I  testily  that  it  was  the  general 
und  constant  <leclnration,  that  Canonicus  his  father  had  three  sons,  whereof 
Canonkiis  was  the  heir,  and  his  youngest  hrother's  son  Mantinomii  (heiause 
of  iiis  youth)  was  his  niai'shal  and  executiotx'r,  and  did  nothing  witiiout  his 
uiicli!  Vanonicus'  consent.  And  theref()rc  I  declare  to  posterity,  that  were  it 
not  for  the  favor  that  God  gave  iik!  with  Cnnoninis,  none  of  these  pans,  no, 
not  Rhode  Island,  had  hecii  purchased  or  obtuinod;  for  1  never  got  any  thing 
of  ('iiiwiiicus  hut  by  gill." 

When  Mr.  John  Oldham  was  killed  near  Hlock  Island,  and  an  invesngafion 
BCt  oil  foot  by  the  English  to  ascertain  the  niurderei-s,  they  were  fully  salislied 
that  Cnnnnicus  and  Mianlunnomoh  had  no  hand  in  the;  alliiir,  but  that  "  the  six 
otlier  iNarraganset  sachems  had."  No  wonder  he  took  gri-at  ofl'ence  at  the 
conduct  of  the  I'.nglish  concerning  the  death  ot'.Mliniluiindmoh.  The  Warwick 
settlei-s  considered  it  n  great  piece  of  injusticre,  and  .Mr.  Sumitil  (iuiion  wrote  a 
letter  t'ov  Canonicus  to  the  government  of  Massaehusetrs,  notityiiig  tlieui  tliat 
he  had  resolved  to  be  revenged  upon  the  Mohegans.  I'ikhi  this  the  I'.nglish 
des|)atcht;d  messengers  to  Narraganset  to  inquire  of  ( 'unonivus  whether  he 
authorized  the  letter.  He  treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not 
admit  them  into  his  wigwam  for  the  space  of  two  houi-s  atier  their  arrival, 
although  it  was  exceedingly  rainy.  Whisn  they  were  admitted,  he  frowneil 
upon  them,  and  gave  them  answers  foreign  to  tht;  jiiir|)ose,  and  retirred  theni 
to  Pessania.  This  was  u  very  cold  reception,  compared  with  that  which  the 
iuessengei"S  receivt^d  when  sent  to  him  for  information  respecting  the'  de;itli 
of  Mr.  Oldham.  "They  returned  with  acceptance;  and  good  success  of"  their 
business;  observing  in  the  sachem  nuicli  stat(>,  great  command  of  his  men, 
and  marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answei*s;  and  in  the  earriag<;  of  the  whole 
treaty,  clearing  liimself  and  his  neighbors  of  the  nmrder,  and  otlering  revenge 
of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wury  conditions." 

This  sachem  is  said  to  liave  governed  in  groat  harmony  with  his  ne|iliew, 
"The  chiefest  government  in  the  country  is  divided  between  a  yoimger  sachem, 
Miantunnomu,VLm\  an  elder  sachem,  Crtu/iaujiacus,  of  about  fom'scon,' years  old,* 
this  young  man's  uncle  ;  and  their  agreement  in  tlie  government  is  remarkable. 
The  old  sachem  will  not  be  ofiended  at  what  the  young  sachc^m  doth ;  and  the 
young  sachem  will  not  do  what  he  conceives  will  displease  his  uncle."}  Willi 
this  passage  before  him,  Mr.  Durfee  versities  as  follows,  in  his  poem  called 
}f'hatcheer : — 

"  Two  miglity  cliicfs,  one  cautious,  wise,  and  old. 
One  young,  and  stron",  and  terrible  in  tiglit, 
All  Narraganset  and  Cort-eset  liold  ; 
One  lodge  they  build— one  counsel  fire  tliey  liglit." 

"  At  a  meetitjg  of  the  commissionei's  of  the  United  Colonies  at  Boston,  vij 
Sept.,  ir43,"  it  was  agreed  that  Massaclmsetts,  in  behalf  of  the  other  colonies, 
"give  Conoonacus  and  the  Nanoliiggtinsets  to  nnd(!rstand,  that  from  time  to 
time"  they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violation  of  the  covenant  between  them, 
notwithstanding  the  great  manifestations  of  their  love  to  them  !  y  the  English ; 
that  they  had  concm-red  with  .Mianlunnomoh  in  his  late  mischievotis  plots,  by 
which  he  had  intended  "to  root  out  the  body  of  the  English"  from  the  coun- 
t^T)  l»y  g'^^s  ""fl  allurements  to  other  Indians";  and  that  he  liiid  invadetl  Uncas. 
contrary  to  the  "tripartie  covenant"  between  himself,  Unnis,  iuid  Coniieeiicut. 
Therefore,  knowing  "how  i)eaccahle  Conanacus  and  Mn,vii.t,  the  late  liitht^r  <if 
Mijantenomo,  governed  that  great  people,*'  they  ascribed  the  latt;  "ttnntilts  and 
outbreakings"  to  the  malicious,  rash  and  am'bitiotie  spirit  oi'  Miaitlunnuntoh, 
more  than  to  "any  affected  way  of  their  own." 

Notwithstanding,  Mianlunnomoh  being  now  put  to  death,  the  English  tind 
their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  "  Fncus,  sfigamons  of  the  JMohegins, 


|Hf' 


This  was  written  about  1643. 


t  Col.  K.  1.  Hist.  .Soc   vol.  i. 


130 


CANOMCUS.— HIS  WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[UOOK  II 


and  Ilia  |)oopIi»,  fFooaamequine  and  liis  people,  Sacanocot  and  his  people,  Pum- 
ham  und  his  jicople,  were  diH|Hmi!d,  tliey  snid,  still  to  have  peace  witii  i!ie 
NuiTu;;niisct.s ;  but  nliould  expect  a  more  fititliiid  ohservunce  of  their  agree- 
ment than  they  had  nhown  hitherto."  This  determination  was  to  be  imme- 
diately laid  b<!tore  them,  and  a  prompt  answer  demanded. 

In  a  pnive  assembly,  u|)on  a  certain  occasion,  Canoninis  thns  addressed 
'Rofrer  fVilliama:  "I  have  never  siifiered  any  wronj^  to  Ihj  ort'en;d  to  the 
En<,'lisli  since  they  landed,  nor  never  will;"  and  oilen  repented  the  word 
fyunnaunewu'jean.  "If  the  Englishman  speuk  true,  if  he  mean  trnly,  then 
shall  I  go  to  my  grave  in  ])eace,  and  hope  that  the  English  and  my  posterity 
shall  live  in  love  antl  iwace  together." 

When  Mr.  h'Uliams  said  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  question  the  English- 
men's wunnaumwauonrk,  thai  <s,  fuithfidness,  having  long  lM;en  aecpiainted  with 
it,  Canonicus  took  a  stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  ten  pieces,  related  ten  instances 
wherein  they  had  proved  false;  laying  down  a  pine  at  each  instance.  Mr. 
Williaina  satisfied  him  that  he  was  mistaken  in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others 
he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the  governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make 
Batisjuetion  for  them. 

In  1()35,  Rev.  Rcgcr  ffllliams  found  Canonicits  and  Jiliantunnomoh  carrjing 
on  a  bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an  end  was 
put  to  it,  and  he  grew  much  in  favor  with  all  the  sachems ;  es[)ecially  Canonicits, 
whose  "heart  (he  says)  was  stirred  up  to  love  me  as  his  son  to  his  last  gasp.'* 
He  sold  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  to  William  Coddin^ton,  Rofre)  'f'illiams, 
and  others.  A  son  of  Canonicus,  named  Mriksah,  is  named  by  IVilliams  as 
inheriting  his  father's  spirit.  This  son  is  also  called  Meika,  who,  afler  his 
fttther's  death,  was  chief  sjichein  of  the  Narragansets,  and  was  said  to  have 
been  his  eldest  sou.  Many  particulars  of  him  will  be  found  in  our  progress 
onward. 

At  the  time  of  the  Pequot  war,  much  pains  was  taken  to  secure  the  fricnd- 
sliip  of  Canonicus  more  firmly.  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  Wiy.lhrop 
concerning  him  as  follows:  "Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to  the  princes,  I  find 
Caiwunicus  would  gladly  acceiit  of  a  box  of  eight  or  ten  pounds  of  sugar,  and 
indeed  he  told  me  he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a  box  full."  In  another 
letter  which  Mr.  Williams  sent  to  the  same  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  he  says, 
"I  am  bold  to  request  a  word  of  advice  of  you  concerning  a  proposition  made 
by  Caunounicus  and  Miantunnomu  to  me  some  lialf  year  since.  Caunounicua 
gave  an  island  in  this  bay  to  Mr.  Oldluim,  by  name  Chibachuwese,  upon 
condition,  as  it  should  seem,  that  he  would  dwell  diere  near  unto  them."  The 
death  of  Mr.  Oldham,  it  ap|)ears,  prevented  his  accepting  it,  and  they  oflljred 
it  to  Mr.  Williams  upon  the  same  eond  tions;  but  he  first  desired  to  know 
whether,  in  so  <loing,  it  would  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  Massachusetts,  and 
that  he  had  no  idea  of  accepting,  without  paying  the  chiefs  for  it ;  said  he  told 
them  "  once  and  again,  that  for  the  present  he  mind  not  to  romove ;  but  if  he 
had  it,  would  give  them  satisfaction  for  it,  and  build  a  little  house  and  put  in 
some  swine,  as  understanding  the  place  to  have  store  of  fish  and  good  feeding 
for  swine."  When  Miantunnomoh  heard  that  some  of  the  3Iassacliusi'tts  men 
thought  of  occu|>ying  some  of  the  islands,  Caiwnicus,  he  says,  desired  he 
would  accept  of  half  of  it,  "  it  being  spectacle-wise,  and  between  a  mile  oi 
two  in  circuit;"  but  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  inform  them  that,  if  he  Jiad  any 
he  desired  the  whole.  This  was  not  long  before  the  Pequot  war,  which 
probably  put  a  stop  to  further  negotiation  upon  the  subject. 

There  was  another  chief  of  tli'-  same  name  in  Philip's  war,  which  Mr. 
Hubbard  denominates  "the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,"  and  Avho, 
"distrusting  the  proffers  of  the  E'lglish,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  the 
Mohawks,  his  squaw  surrendering  herself:  by  this  means  her  life  was 
spared."  He  was  probably  a  younger  son  of  Canonicus,  or  an  immediate 
descendant. 

Ill  1G;32,  a  war  broke  out  between  the  Narragansets  and  the  Peqiiots,  on 
neeount  of  disputed  right  to  the  lands  between  Paueatuek  River  and  Wecapaug 
IJrook.*     It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  consequence,  being  about  ten  miles 

"''The  natives  are  very  exact  and  pmicluni  in  (lie  buumls  of  llieir  lauds,  belun^iiig  lo  this 


III* 


Chap.  IV] 


CANONICUS.— SOKOSO. 


191 


wido,  ami  fifteen  or  twenty  lonjy.  Canonicus  drew  nlnnp  witli  liim,  l)f>ii,|c«  liiit 
own  (iicii,  scvorul  of  the  MiiMwieliiiwtts  Hiij^ariions.  Tliiswn.s  iii.iKilaiiird  with 
ferocity  and  various  Hiicces-s,  until  WM,  when  th(!  P(M|uots  wcie  (hiviii  Iroin  if, 
hut  wlio,  it  would  seem,  eonsidtsred  thenisclvcM  !):!t  litllt;  worsted  ;  for  ('(iiioiiinin, 
ddulitiu^r  hid  ahility  to  hold  posHrssion  loiiir,  and  nHJuuiied  to  iinve  it  ntaken  from 
him,  mad"  a  |)re8ent  of  it  to  one  of  hi;'  ea|i!.iins.  wiio  had  foui^ht  heroically  in 
con(|Uerinj(  it;  hut  he  never  held  poHscswii;:! :  however,  alter  th(!  l'e(|Uots  were 
Buhdued  hy  the  Kiiglisli,  these  lands  wert-  possessed  hy  the  Narrapm.S4ts aj^ain. 
The  name  of  this  Peipiot  eaptain  was  tioKCso,  Hometimes  called  Soiio,Sjsna, 
&,c.     lie  had  killed  one  of  his  countrymen  and  lied  to  the  Narniffanscts,  who 

Iiroteeted  him.  This  tmct  of  country  was  allerwr.rds  in  dispute  hetween  the 
•inglisli.  Sokoso  having  deeded  it  to  some  of  them,  (U  June,  l(i<iO,)  an  I'-nfrlish- 
inan  atlerwards  testifieii,  that  Sokoso  had  acknowledt^ed,  that,  altliou,<rli  he  had 
HMM-ived  money  for  it,  he  never  owikmI  it.  lUit,  acco;ding  to  the  testimony  of 
K'awaloam,  the  wife  ot\Mia>Uunnonujli,  there  was  doiibtless  some  false  swearing 
about  it.  It  was  reckoned  to  contain  'iO,000  acre*,  and  the  following  is  attested 
concerning  it: — "1,  I t'a walonm,  i\o  allirm  it  to  ix  Socho's  or  his  assigns',  and 
further,  whereas  my  uncle  At/iPif/W  sayeth  that  it  is  his  land,  1  do  utterly  deny 
it  hefore  all  men ;  for  it  was  coiKpiered  hy  my  hushand  Mianlononuj,  and  my 
uncle  Caiwniciis,  long  lieforc  the  liiiglisli  had  any  wars  with  the  I'etiuots;  and 
my  uncle  Ampgrac/  had  no  hand  in  the  war.  This  land  was  given  and  past 
over  to  the  valiant  Captain  Soclto,  for  sei-vice  done  for  us  before  the  English 
had  any  wars  with  the  Pecpiots."  * 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh,  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicus  fought  on  the  side  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  were  wounded 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  Sachem's  Plain. 

Canonicus  has  been  the  subject  of  a  poem  which  was  published  at  Boston, 
ill  1803.  t    Among  the  tolerable  passages  are  llie  following : — 

"  A  miglily  prince,  of  vciieraMe  agfe, 

A  peerless  warrior,  bul  of  peace  llio  friend ;  , 

Ilis  lireast  a  Ireasury  of  maxims  sa^e — 
His  arm,  a  host — to  puiiisli  or  deteiid." 

Canonicvj,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  made  to  oiuiounce  his  approaching 
dissolution  to  his  people  thus: — 

"  I  die. — My  frien<ls,  you  have  no  oause  to  grieve : 
To  al>lcr  fiands  my  regal  power  I  leave. 
Our  god  commaiids — to  fertile  realms  I  liasln. 
Compared  with  wliicli  your  gardens  arc  a  waste. 
There  in  full  bloom  eternal  spring  abides, 
And  swarming  lishes  glide  through  azure  ti<les; 
Continual  sunshine  gilds  the  cloudless  skies, 
No  mists  conceal  Kcesuckquaiid  from  our  eyes." 

About  1642,  a  son  of  Canonicus  died,  at  which  his  gi'ief  was  very  great; 
insomuch  that,  "having  buried  his  son,  he  burned  his  own  palace,  and  all  his 
goods  in  it,  to  a  great  vaUie,  in  solemn  remembrance  of  his  son." 

Like  other  men  ignorant  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and  waa 
greatly  in  fear  of  the  English,  chiefly,  jierhaps,  from  a  belief  in  their  ability  to 
hurt  him  by  enchantment,  which  belief,  very  jirobably,  was  occasioned  by  the 
mory  thfxt  Squarito  circulated,  of  which,  in  a  previous  chapter,  we  have  spoken. 
When  Roger  Williams  fled  into  his  country,  he  at  first  viewed  him  with  dis- 
trust, and  would  only  frown  upon  him ;  at  length  he  accused  him,  as  well  as 
the  other  English,  of  sending  the  plague  among  the  Indians ;  but,  Jis  we  have 
said  before,  he  soon  became  reconciled  to  him,  gave  him  lands,  and  even 
protected  him.  They  became  mutual  helps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  ani- 
mosities among  the  English  themselves,  it  may  be  fair  to  conclude,  friendship 
would  have  continued  with  the  Narragansets  through  several  generations. 

or  that  prince  or  pctole,  even  to  a  river,  brook,  &c.  And  I  have  known  thorn  make  bargain 
nnd  sale  amongst  themselves,  for  a  small  piece,  or  qtmnlily  of  ground  ;  not«ilhsi;iiuliiig  a 
linful  opinion  amongst  many,  that  Christians  have  right  to  heathen's  lands."     li.   IVtliianu. 

*See  Poller's  History  of  Narrnganset,  in  Col.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  248. 

♦  15v  Jchn  Lathrop,  A.  M.  in  8vo. 

11 


1 

\ 

•,i 


<? 


122 


MIANIUNNOMOH.-TIIE  PEQUOT  WAR. 


[linoK  II 


MiANTU.NNOMOH  *  WHS  the  soti  of  a  chief  railed  Mascv.i,  nephew  of  Canoni- 
cus,  brothiT  or  l)n)ther-in-law  to  JVin{gret,\  and  lirotlier  of  Olash.  And,  from 
a  manuscript  t  among  tiie  paf)(;ra  of  the  late  Dr.  Trumhull,  it  appears  that 
Mossup,  or  jyiosipe,^  and  Caiijanaquo7Hl,\\  were  also  his  brothers. 

"This  .Miantoninw"  siiys  Mr.  i/it66ar</,  " was  a  very  good  personage,  [that 
is,  well  made,]  of  tall  statm-e,  suhtil  and  cunning  in  his  contrivements,  as  well 
as  hanglity  in  his  designs."1[ 

As  early  as  3  Aug.  1(J32,  this  chief  came  with  his  wife  to  Boston,  where  ho 
Btuid  two  nights.  He  was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Mecumeh.  While  hero 
he  went  to  church  with  the  English,  and  in  the  mean  while,  some  of  his  men, 
twelve  of  whom  had  accompanied  him,  it  seems,  broke  into  a  house,  and 
committed  a  theft,  on  5  ]Marcli.  Complaint  was  made  to  the  English  gov- 
ernor, who  "told  the  sachem  of  it,  and  with  some  difficulty  caused  him  to 
make  one  of  his  sannaps**  beat  them."  The  authors  of  the  mischief  were 
immediately  sent  out  of  to\vn,  but  Miantunnomoh  and  the  others,  the  governoi 
took  to  his  house,  "and  made  nnich  of  them."ff 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  been  more  favorably  inclined  towards 
other  tribes  than  to  the  Narragansets,  as  appears  from  the  stand  they  took  in 
tlie  ware  between  them  and  their  enemies.  And  so  long  as  other  tribes  suc- 
ceeded against  them,  the  English  were  idle  spectators;  but  whenever  the 
scale  turned  in  their  favor,  they  were  not  slow  to  intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  Canonicus,  the  part  Miantunnomoh  exercised  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  great  nation  of  the  NaiTagansets  is  related. 

In  1634,  Cai'tains  Stone  and  JS/orton  were  killed  by  the  Pequots,  and  in  1636, 
Mr.  John  Oldham,  by  the  Indians  "  near  Block  Island."  Miantunnomoh  did  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  in  apprehending  the  murderers,  and  was  at  much  pains 
and  trouble  in  furnishing  the  English  with  facts  relative  thereto,  from  time  to 
time.  Anil  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that  there  was  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
between  the  Narragansets  and  Pequots,  Miantunnomoh  was  immediately  or- 
dered to  ap])car  there,  which  ho  did  without  delay,  and  agreed  to  assist  them 
in  a  war  against  the  Pequots ;  without  whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English 
would  hardly  have  dared  to  engage  in  a  war  against  tliem  at  that  time. 

Early  in  1637,  (March  21,)  to  show  the  governor  of  JIassachusetts  that  ho 
kept  his  promise  of  warring  against  the  Pequots,  Miantunnomoh  sent  him,  by 
26  of  his  men,  a  Pequot's  hand  and  40  fatliom  of  wampom.  The  war  with 
them  now  commenced,  and  though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such 
a  degree,  that  they  appeared  no  jnorc  as  a  nation.  One  hundred  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets joined  themselves  with  the  English  in  its  accomplishment,  and  re- 
ceived a  i)art  of  the  prisoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.tt  When  the  war 
was  over,  Miantunnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seized  ui)on  such 
of  the  Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  from  bondage,  and  returned  them  to 
their  English  mastere ;  gave  up  to  them  his  claim  of  Block  Island,  and  other 

E laces  where  the  English  had  found  Pequots,  akid  which  they  considered  as 
elonging  to  them  by  right  of  conquest. 
About  the  same  time,  or  in  the  coui-ae  of  the  year  1638,  troubles  had  grown 
to  an  alarming  height  between  the  Narragansets  and  Mohegans,  and,  as  usual, 


*Tliis  spellinpf  is  nccordiiij''  to  Winlliirp:  wo  prefer  ll7//mm.s's  melliod  as  more  correct, 
wliicil  is  Miantunnomn ;  but,  havincf  employed  the  former  in  jur  first  edi'.on,  it  is  relnined  in 
this.  It  is,  however,  oftoiicr  written  MtjaiiUmimo  now,  wHicli  only  show,  another  pronuncia- 
tion. Tiie  accent  is  usually  upon  tiie  pcimltimato  syllable.  tJec  JalLnder's  Cent.  Dis- 
cmirse,K\^c  I. 

fMSS.  of  R.  ^VillillmJ!.  I  Now  published  in  the  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  l^nr. 

^Called  also  ('HssiU'iin'nrh.  or  SiirquKnch,  and  Paliciis ;  that  is,  Pes.inrus.  He  "was 
killed  by  the  Moqui,  [INIohawlvs.]  in  tlie  wilderness,  about  20  niiies  above  Pisataqua,  in  his 
travel  eastward,  in  the  time  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  cllior  Indians  \/itli  him,  and  were  buried 
by  order  of  Major  IValdimi."    3  Coll.  Muss.  Hist.  Soc. 

II "  Recoaucd  this  First  of  luly,  U)59,  of  Maj'.  Humfrey  Aderton,  [Atherton,]  and  tlie  rest 
of  his  friends,  the  siime  of  75  pounds  in  Wampam  peajf  w'h  seucral  other  thinsfs  as  g-rntuity 
for  certaino  lands  giuen  y*  said  RIajf.  Aderton  and  his  frlcads,  as  may  af^icare  by  l.vo  seuerall 
deeds  of  gift.     1  say  rcceaued  l)y  me. 

CoGINA^UAN     ,_^   his  nufrk.* 

[Mf^.  Vncuments. 

TT  Hist.  New  Ens;.  4-W).  **  A  name  the  sachems  gave  their  attendants. 

ft  Winthrop's  Jouriml.  it  Miantunnomoh  received  eijjhty.    Mather's  Relation,  39. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MI.\NTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES  OF  U.NC.VS. 


123 


Roger  Jf'iUiams  exerci.sed  all  his  skill  to  rcstori;  traininillity.  iM.-uiy  of  the 
l*e()iiot.s  who  liad  escapeil  tli(5  sword  of  the  war  of  h'ii7,  were  aiiionjj  the 
IMohcgaiis,  and  seem  to  have  taken  part  with  them  aarain.-^t  .Miantunnomolu 
They  (lid  thi.s,  no  doiiht,  that  the  Mohegans  might  screen  them  from  the 
l'<nglisii,  who  were  still  seizing  on  all  of  that  nation  against  whom  they  could 
find  any  cause  of  suspicion  of  having  heeu  engaged  in  murdering  the  English, 
or  in  arms  against  them. 

Mianliv.inotnoh,  it  is  i)robahle,  had  been  ordered  !)efore  the  magistrates  of 
Connecticut,  to  give  some  account  of  the  Pequot  refugees  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mohegans,  as  well  as  of  those  in  his  nation;  which  may  have  been  a  main 
cause  of  the  war  they  had  now  waged  against  him.  For,  when  lie  set  out  for 
Hartford,  he  had  a  guard  of  "upwards  of  150  men,  and  many  sachems,  and 
his  wife  and  children."  Mr.  iniliams  was  with  him,  and  strongly  urged  him 
not  to  venture  upon  the  journey,  even  with  this  force,  because  of  the  liostility 
of  the  Mohegaus;  but  the  sarhem  would  not  be  dissuaded,  although  he  had 
no  doubt  that  the  Mohegans  and  their  Pequots  were  in  great  force  not  far  off. 
And  while  they  were  on  their  niarcli,  "about  GOO"  of  them  fell  upon  the 
Wunnashowatuckoogs,  a  tribe  muler  Canonicus,  where  they  committed  exten- 
sive robberies,  and  destroyed  "about  23  fields  of  corn." 

Notwithstanding  this  great  ftlohegan  army  liad  prepared  an  ambush  to 
intercept  and  cut  off  Mianlunnomoh,  and  gave  out  a  threat  that  they  loould  boil 
him  in  a  kellle,  yet  he  went  to,  and  returned  safe  from,  Connecticut.* 

On  this  occasion  he  discovers  great  braveiy,  if  it  border  not  too  closely 
upon  tejiKirity ;  for,  when  Williams  urged  him  to  retreat,  they  liad  performed 
half  tlieii*  jouniey,  or  about  50  miles ;  and  Miantunnomoli's  answer  was,  alter 
holdhig  a  council  with  his  chiefs,  "that  no  man  should  turn  back,  resolving 
nitli(>r  all  to  die." 

The  Mohegan  sachem,  Uncas,  was  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  a[)pear  at 
Hartford,  to  give  an  account  of  the  Pecpiot  warrioi-s,  or  riiurdcrei-s,  as  the 
English  called  them,  in  liis  keejiing,  as  well  as  to  eflect  a  reconciliation  of 
differences  between  him  and  Mianluimomoh ;  but,  instead  of  appearing,  he 
sent  a  messenger,  with  word  that  he  was  lame  and  could  not  come.  The 
governor  of  Connecticut,  Mr.  Haynes,  at  once  saw  through  the  artifice,  and 
observed  that  it  was  a  lame  excuse,  and  immediately  sent  for  him  to  come 
without  delay. 

Whether  cured  of  his  lameness  or  not  before  coming,  we  are  not  informed ; 
but,  in  a  few  days  afler,  the  subtle  sachem  apjieared,  not  daring  to  forfeit  the 
frieiidslii|)  of  the  English,  which,  it  seems,  he  i)referred  to  hiding  longer  his 
guilty  face  from  the  ])resence  of  the  magnanimous  .Miavtimnomoh. 

Now  before  the  English,  Uncas  was  charged  with  the  depredations,  some 
of  which  were  too  well  attested  to  admit  of  a  denial,  and  others  were  dis- 
owned in  part.  Thr>  inquiry  seems  to  have  ended  afler  the  parties  were  tired 
of  it,  without  any  advantage  to  the  injured  Narragauscts,  aud  we  hear  of  no 
measures  taken  lor  their  relief. 

The  next  thing  in  order  was  a  call  upon  Uncas  for  an  account  of  the 
Pequots  which  he  was  sheltering,  which  resulted  only  in  a  new  series  of 
falsehoods  fioin  him.  When  he  was  requested  to  give  their  names,  he  said  he 
knew  none  of  them,  and  that  there  were  but  20  in  his  dominions.  Whereupon 
witnesses  were  called,  whose  testimonies  [)roved,  in  his  presence,  that  hia 
statement  was  false.  "Then  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  30."  At  length 
Mr.  Haynes  dismissed  him,  with  ordere  to  bring  in  their  names  in  10  days,  or 
he  would  take  those  Indimis  by  force  out  of  his  country.  But,  when  Mian- 
lunnomoh was  called  upon  for  the  names  of  those  with  hhii,  nothing  waa 
withheld. 

At  lliis  time,  at  the  request  of  the  English,  jli7an<wnnomoft  consented  to  lay 
aside  all  animosities,  and  take  Uncas  by  the  hand.  When  he  had  done  this, 
he  urged  Uncas  to  dine  with  him ;  but  the  guilty  sachem  would  not,  though 
pres.sed  by  the  English  for  some  time  to  do  so ;  and  tlius  all  efforts  to  bring 
about  a  peace  vanished,  f 


r  ■■ 


,89. 


*Coll.  II.  I.  Ilisi.  Soc  iii.  flj. 


t  Ibid.  ill.  \X,m. 


124 


MIANTUNNOMOH  SELLS  AQUIDNICK. 


[Rook  II 


Rpv.  Sanniel  Gorton  nnd  his  associates  purchased  Shaomct,  afterwards 
railed  Warwick,  from  tlie  Earl  of  Warwici<,  of  Minntunnomoh ;  hut,  ns 
Ciorton  could  do  nothing  right  in  the  eves  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts, 
Pumham  was  instigated  to  claim  saiil  tract  of  country;  nnd,  although  a 
Kiicheui  under  Miantunnomoh^*  did  not  hesitate,  when  supported  by  tiie  Eng- 
lish, to  assert  his  claim  as  chief  sachem.  And  the  government  of  Massjichu- 
Kctts,  to  give  to  their  interference  the  appearance  of  disintercstediiess,  whicli  if 
would  seem,  from  their  own  vindication,  they  thought  there  was  a  cimncc  to 
doubt,  "Send  for  the  foresaid  sachems,  [who  had  complained  of  r»!r.  Gorton 
nnd  others,  through  the  instigation  of  the  English,]  nnd  upon  examination 
find,  botli  by  English  and  Indian  testimony,  that  Miantonomo  was  oidy  a 
usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the  foresaid  lands."  f  This  is  against  the  testi- 
mony of  every  record,  and  could  no  more  have  been  believed  <Acn,  than  that 
Philip  was  not  sachem  of  Pokanoket.  In  all  cases  of  purchase,  in  those 
times,  the  chief  sachem's  grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  eveiy 
instan(;c,  by  the  purchaser  or  grantee.  It  was  customary,  generally,  to  make 
the  inferior  sachems,  and  sometimes  all  their  men,  presents,  but  it  was  by  no 
means  a  law.  The  chief  sachems  often  permitted  those  under  them  to 
dispose  of  lands  also,  without  Iwing  called  to  account.  This  was  precisely 
the  situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  the  life  of  Pumham. 

In  March,  1638,  Miantunnomoh,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  William 
Coddinffton  and  otliere,  the  island  now  called  Rhode  Island,  also  most  of  the 
othcra  m  Narraganset  bay,  "for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of  white  pcag, 
to  be  equally  divided "  between  them.  Hence  Miantunnomoh  received  eight 
fathom.  He  was  to  "have  ten  coats  and  twenty  hoes  to  give  to  the  present  in- 
habitants, that  they  shall  remove  themselves  from  the  island  before  next  winter." 
The  deed  of  this  purchase,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  my  possession,  is  dated 
24th  March,  and  runs  thus:  "We,  Canonicas  and  Meantinomie,  the  two  chief 
sachems  of  Naragansets,  by  virtue  of  our  general  command  of  this  Bay,  as 
also  the  particular  subjecting  of  the  dead  sjichems  of  Aquednick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  unto  us,  have  sold  unto  Mr,  Coddington  and 
his  friends  *  *  the  great  Island  of  Aquidnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence] 
eastwai'd  *  *  also  the  marshes,  grass  upon  Qunnonigat  and  the  rest  of  the 
islands  in  the  bay,  excepting  Chabatcwece,  formerly  sold  unto  Mr.  Winihrop, 
the  now  Gov.  of  Rlass.  and  Mr.  Williama  of  Providence,  also  the  grass 
upon  the  rivera  and  coves  about  Kitackamuckqut,  and  from  thence  to  Pau- 
pasquat." 

"  The  mark  of  ^   Cononicus. 

The  mark  of  ^  Yotnesh,  [Otash, 
brother  of  Miantun>omoh.] 

The  mark  of  A)    Meantinomie. 

The  mark  of  , — ■>  Asotamnet. 

The  mark  of  w*^  Meihammoii, 

Canonicus  his  son. 
"This  witnesseth  that  I,  Wanamatanamet,  the  present  sachem  of  the  island, 
have  received  five  fathom  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  contents. 

The  mark  of  4)    Wanamatanamet. 
"Memorandum.   I,  Osemequon,  freely  consent"  that  they  may  "make  use 
of  any  gi-ass  or  trees  on  the  niaui  land  on  Pocasicke  side,"  having  receiued 
five  fathom  of  wampum  also. 

The  mark  of  /\   Osamequen. 


As  late  as  21  Sept  1038,  the  hand  of  Mianttmnomoh  is  set  to  an  instrument, 
with  that  of  Uncas.  Said  instrument  was  a  treaty  of  peace,  a  bond  for  the 
iettling  of  diflicultics  between   tliese   two  sachems  and  their  men,  and  an 

•"The  law  of  the  Indians  hi  nil  America  is,  tliat  the  inrcrior  snrhnms  anil  siihjrcls  shall 
plant  and  remove  nl  the  pleasure  of  the  hie;hesl  and  supreme  sachems."  Hotter  Williams 
This  is  uuthorily,  and  we  need  no  ullicr  commentary  on  tiie  arbitrary  proceedings  of  .:ic  court 
nf  MiissHcliiisein. 

t  In  maiitiscnpl  on  file,  at  the  stato-liouse,  Uostou. 


Chap.  IV] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY  WITH  UNCA3. 


•T. 


12 


obligation  from  both  to  appeal  to  the  English  when  any  difficnlty  should  tivhc 
between  thcni.  This  treaty  was  done  at  Hartford,  the  substance  of  which 
follows : 

1st.  Peace  and  friendship  is  established  between  Miatilunnomoh  on  the  j)art 
of  the  Narragansets,  and  Poqnim,  as  Uncas  was  then  sometimes  called,  on  the 
part  of  the  Mohegans.  And  all  former  injuries  and  wrongs  to  be  forgiven, 
and  never  to  be  renewed. 

2d.  Each  of  the  sacliems  agree,  "that  if  there  fall  out  injuries"  from  either 
Bide,  they  will  not  revenge  them,  but  that  they  will  appeal  to  the  English, 
whose  derision  shall  stand;  and  if  either  piu'ty  refuse  to  submit,  "it  shall  be 
lawful  for  the  English  to  compel  him." 

3<1.  The  sacliems  further  covenant  with  the  English,  that  they  nor  none  of 
their  people  shall  hai'bor  any  Indians  who  shall  be  enemies  to  them,  or  shall 
have  murdered  any  white  people.  They  further  agree  that  they  will,  "as 
soon  as  they  can,  either  bring  the  chief  sachem  of  our  late  enemies  the 
Peaquots,  that  had  the  chief  hand  in  killing  the  English,  to  the  sd  English,  or 
tJike  of "  his  head.  As  to  the  "murders  that  are  now  agreed  upon  amongst 
us  that  arc  living,  they  shall,  as  soon  as  they  con  possibly,  take  off  their 
heads." 

4th.  And  whereas  it  is  agreed  that  there  are  now  among  the  Narragansets 
and  Mohogans,  200  Peipiot  men,  besides  squaws  and  ])a|)oosi!s;  this  article  is 
to  provide,  that  the  Narragansets  have  enough  of  them  to  make  up  80,  with 
the  11  they  have  already,  "and  Poquime  his  number,  and  that  after  they,  the 
Peaquots,  shall  be  divided  as  above,  shall  no  more  be  culled  Peaquots,  but 
Narragansets  and  Rlohegans."  They  agree  to  pay  for  every  sanop  one  fathont 
of  wanq)om,  and  for  every  youth  half  as  nrnch — "and  for  every  sanop 
papoose  one  hanil  to  be  paid  at  killing-time  of  corn  at  Connecticut  yearl}', 
and  shall  not  suiter  them  for  to  live  in  the  country  that  was  formerly  theirs, 
but  is  now  the  English's.  Neither  shall  the  Narragansets  or  Mohegana 
possess  any  part  of  the  Pcquot  country  without  Icaue  of  them." 


John  IIaines, 
Rog'r  Ludlow, 
Enw^ao  Hopkins. 


MlANTINOMMY,     •, 

PoQuiAM,  aliaa  Unjlas.  -j-" 


ivr 


an 


1 


The  wift!  of  JMiantunnomoh,  named  Wawaloam,  was  alive  as  late  as  IGfil, 
as  appears  by  an  information  which  she  gave,  dated  25  June,  concerning  the 
right  of  Sokoso  to  sell  the  lands  adjacent  to  VVecapaug. 

On  a  time  previous  to  liUS,  Roger  /ri7/ia'»w  delivered  a  discourse  to  some 
Indians  at  their  residence,  as  he  was  passing  through  their  country.  Miari' 
ttinnomoh  was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity.  Mr. 
JVillinms,  being  much  fatigued,  retired  to  rest,  while  Miantunnomoh  and  others 
i-emained  to  converse  ujon  what  they  had  heard.  One  said  to  the  chief, 
"  Our  fathera  have  told  ds  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south-west ; "  Miantunno- 
moh rejoined,  "How  dr  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the  south-west?  did  you 
ever  see  a  soul  go  that  way  ?  "  (Still  he  was  rather  inclined  to  believe,  as  Mr. 
If'illiams  had  just  said,  that  they  went  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The 
other  added,  "When  did  he  (meaning  fyUliams)  ever  see  a  soul  go  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell  ?  " 

Wo  have  given  the  above  anecdote,  which  is  thought  a  good  illustration 
of  the  mind  of  man  under  the  influence  of  a  superstitious  or  prejudiced 
education. 

When  it  was  reported,  in  1G40,  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off 
tile  English,  as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  ATnigre/,  ami 
several  English  were  sent  to  him  in  July,  to  know  the  truth  of  the  mutter,  he 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a  Pequot  interpreter,  because  ho  wjls  then 
at  war  with  that  nntion.  In  other  respects  he  complied  with  their  wish(!.s, 
and  treated  them  resi)ectfully,  agreeing  to  come  to  IJoston,  for  the  gratifiofition 
of  the  government,  if  thcsy  would  allow  Mr.  ffillittms  to  arrompanv  iiim. 
Tills  they  would  not  consent  to,  and  yet  he  eaine,  agreeably  to  their  desiresi 
\Ve  shall  presently  see  who  acted  best  the  part  of  civilized  nieu  in  this  uliiiir 
11* 


f 


126 


MIANTUNNOMOH  ACCUSED  OF  A  CONSPIRACY.        [Hook  11 


t^'^m 


He  had  refused  to  use  a  Pequot  interpreter  for  good  reasons,  but  when  he  was 
at  Boston,  and  surrounded  by  armed  men,  he  was  obliged  to  submit.  "The 
governor  being  as  resohite  as  he,  refused  to  use  any  otiier  interpreter,  tiiinking 
it  a  dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  much  way  to  them ! "  The  gi'eat  wisdom  of  the 
government  now  displayed  itself  in  the  pci-son  of  Governor  Tlionuis  Dudky. 
It  is  not  to  be  exi)ected  but  that  Miantimnomoh  should  resent  their  proceedings ; 
for  to  the  above  insult  they  added  others ;  "  would  show  him  no  countenance, 
nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done,  till  he  had 
acknowledged  his  failing,  &c.,  which  he  readily  did."  *  By  their  own  folly, 
the  English  had  made  thf-mselves  jealous  of  a  jrowerful  chief,  and  they  appear 
ever  ready  afterwards  to  credit  evil  reports  of  him. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to  conform  to  transitory 
notions  upon  such  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridiculous  ;  and  the  justness  of 
•he  following  remark  from  him  was  enough  to  have  shamed  good  men  into 
their  senses.  He  said,  "  When  your  people  come  to  me,  they  are  permitted  to  use 
tlieir  own  fashions,  and  I  expect  the  same  liberty  lohen  I  come  to  you." 

In  1 1)42,  Connecticut  became  very  sus|)icious  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  urged 
Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  him.  Their  feai"s  no  doid)t  grew 
out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a  war  with  Uncos  in  his 
favor,  which  was  now  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Even  Miissachusetts  did 
not  think  their  sus|)icious  well  founded  ;  yet,  according  to  their  request,  they 
sent  to  Miantunnomoh,  wiio,  as  usual,  gave  them  satisfactoiy  answers,  and, 
agreeably  to  their  request,  came  again  to  Boston.  Two  days  were  employed 
by  the  court  of  Massachusetts  in  deliberating  with  him,  and  we  are  aston- 
ished at  the  wisdom  of  the  great  chief,  even  as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

That  a  simple  man  of  nature,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should  cause 
such  acknowledgments  as  follow,  from  the  civilized  and  wise,  will  always  be 
contemi)lated  with  intense  admiration.  "When  he  came,"  says  H'inthrop, 
"the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  admission,  we  considered  how  to 
treat  with  him,  for  we  knew  him  to  be  a  very  subtle  man."  When  ho  was 
admitted,  "  he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table,  over  against  the 
governor,"  but  would  not  at  any  time  speak  upon  business,  unless  some  of  his 
counselloi-s  were  present;  saying,  "he  would  have  them  present,  that  they 
might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  his  return  honie,  of  all  his  sayings."  The 
same  author  further  says,  "In  all  his  answera  he  was  very  deliberate,  and 
showed  good  undei-standing  in  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity,  and 
ingenuity  withal." 

lie  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  they  could  not  establish  their 
allegations,  they  ought  to  suffer  what  he  expected  to,  if  they  did;  but  the 
court  said  'hey  kneio  of  none ;  that  is,  they  knew  not  whom  they  were,  and 
therefore  gave  no  credit  to  the  reports  until  they  had  advised  him  according 
to  a  former  agreement.  He  then  said,  "  If  you  did  not  give  credit  to  it,  wliy 
then  did  you  disarm  the  Indians?"  Massachusetts  having  just  then  disarmed 
Borne  of  the  Merrimacks  under  some  pretence.  "  He  gave  divers  reasons," 
Bays  Governor  JVinthrop,\  ^^  why  we  should  hold  liim  free  of  any  such  con- 
epiracy,  and  why  we  should  conceive  it  was  a  report  raised  by  Uncns,  &c. 
and  therefore  offer(!d  to  meet  Uncus,  and  would  [trove  to  his  fiice  liis  treachery 
against  the  English,  &c.,  and  told  us  he  would  come  to  us  at  any  time,"  al- 
though he  said  some  had  tried  to  dissuade  him,  saying  that  the  English  would 
put  liiin  to  death,  yet  he  feared  nothing,  as  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges 
agiiinst  him.  I 

The  punishment  duo  to  those  who  had  raised  the  accusations,  bore  heavily 
upon  Ills  breast,  and  "he  j)ut  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had  been 
to  hiiii,  in  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  hoJkie,  and  not  suffer  them  to 
go  forth  on  hunting,  &c.,  till  ho  had  given  the  English  satisfaction."  Afler 
two  (lays  spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  English. 

During  the  council,  a  table  was  set  by  itself  for  the  Indians,  which  Mian- 


t  f^cR  book  ill.  clmr 
leuiler  inny  willi  propriety  exdiiini,  wns  nnnllior  Michael  Servetiis : — "  I'mir' 


"  Willi  limp's  .loiirii.il 

}  MiTClllO 

B'lnii,    Afi'.'ini-i^nt'nni,   if  demaiulc   ipie 
ill). ! ou's  L(u  X.  iv.  457. 


an.  vii. 
Mirlme 


on  faulx  acciisati'uf  soil   |)Uiii  poena  lalioiiis,"  kVc 


Crap.  IV.]         MIANTUNNOMOH.-HIS  WAR  WITH  UNCAS. 


127 


HI"- 

cc 


tiinnomoh  appenre  not  to  have  liked,  and  "  would  not  eat,  until  some  food  had 
been  sent  him  from  that  of  the  governor's." 

That  wisdom  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  in  her  nnswei  to 
Connecticut,  must  be  acknowledged ;  but,  as  jnstice  to  Miantunnomoh  a!>nn- 
dantly  demanded  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  due  only  to  them,  as  to 
him  who  docs  a  good  act  because  it  was  his  interest  so  to  do.  Tiicy  urged 
Connecticut  not  to  commence  war  alone,  "alleging  how  dishonoralile  it  would 
be  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  with  the  Indians,  they  should 
make  war  upon  them ;  for  they  would  account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing 
we  had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we  were  all  as  one ;  and  in  oiir 
last  message  to  Miantunnomoh^  had  remend)ered  him  again  of  the  same,  and 
he  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Ujion  receipt  of  this  our  answer, 
they  forhare  to  enter  into  a  war,  but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  as  not  well 
pleased  with  us."  The  main  consideration  which  'paused  Mas.sacluisetts  to 
decide  against  war  was,  "That  all  those  informations  [furnished  by  Connecti- 
cut] mifeiit  arise  from  a  false  ground,  "iud  out  of  the  enmity  which  was 
between  the  Narraganset  and  Mohigan  "  sachems.  This  was  no  doubt  one 
of  the  real  causes;  and,  had  Miantunnomoh  overcome  Uncas,  the  English 
would,  from  policy,  as  gladly  have  leagued  with  hiui  as  with  th.e  latter;  for  it 
Avas  constantly  pleaded  in  those  dajs,  that  their  safety  nmst  dei)en(l  on  a 
union  with  some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  on  iuiriy  examining  the  case,  that  Uncus  used  many 
arts,  to  influence  the  English  in  his  favor,  and  against  his  enemy.  In  the 
progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  the  English  acted  precisely 
as  the  Indians  have  been  always  said  to  do— stood  aloof,  and  watciied  the 
scale  of  victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors:  and  we  will  here  liigresa 
for  a  moment,  to  introduce  a  character,  more  fully  to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the 
operations  of  the  English  against  the  chief  of  the  Narragansets. 

Miantunnomoh  had  a  wretched  enemy  in  Waiandance,  a  Long  Island 
sachem,  who  had  assisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  at  their  last 
retreat.  He  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Miantunnomoh ;  and,  says  Lion 
Gardener,  "  he  told  me  many  years  ago,"  as  all  the  plots  of  the  Narnigansets 
had  been  discovered,  tliey  now  concluded  to  let  the  English  alone  until  they 
had  destroyed  Uncas  and  himself,  then,  with  the  assistance  of  the  IMoliawks. 
"and  Indians  beyond  the  Dutch,  and  all  the  northern  and  eastern  Indians, 
would  easily  destroy  us,  man  and  mother's  son." 

Mr.  Gardener  next  relates  tiiat  he  met  with  Miantunnoynoh  at  Mcanticut, 
Waiandance^s  country,  on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island.  That  Miantunnomoh 
was  there,  as  IFaiandaiKC  said,  to  break  up  the  intercourse  with  those  Indians. 
There  were  others  with  Miantunnomoh,  and  what  they  said  to  JVaiandance  was 
as  follows: — 

"  You  must  give  no  more  wampum  to  the  English,  for  they  are  no  sachems,  rMi" 
none  of  their  children  shall  be  in  their  place  xf  theij  die.  They  have  710  tribute 
given  them.  There  is  but  one  king  in  England,  who  is  over  them  all,  and  if  you 
should  semi  him  100,000  fathom  of  wampum,  he  woidd  not  give  you  a  knife  for  it, 
nor  tlumk  you,"  Then  said  ^^aianrfance,  "  They  will  come  and  kill  us  all,  as 
they  did  tlie  Pequits;"  but  replied  the  Nan-agansets,  "jVo,  Vie  Pequots  gave 
them  wampum  and  beav/'r,  tchu!  i',ey  loved  so  iocll,but  they  sent  it  them  again, 
and  killed  them  because  they  had  killed  an  Englishnuin;  hut  you  have  killed  none, 
therefore  give  them  Twthing." 

Some  time  after,  Miantunnomoh  went  again,  "with  a  troop  of  men,  to  the 
same  ])lace,  and,  instead  of  receiving  presents  as  formerly,  he  gave  presents 
to  Waiandance  and  his  people,  and  made  the  following  speocli:— 

"  Ihotiiei-s,  wo  must  be  one  ns  the  Engiisii  are,  or  we  shall  soon  all  1x5 
destroyed.  You  know  our  fathers  had  plenty  of  deer  and  skins,  and  onr 
plains  were  full  of  d(!cr  and  of  turkeys,  and  onr  e<  vos  and  rivers  were  full  of 
lisli.  Hut,  brothers,  since  these  English  have  seized  u|.ot«  o.ii  lonntry,  they 
cut  down  the  grass  with  scythes,  and  the  trees  with  iixes.  Their  cows  ,ind 
horses  cat  up  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  sfioil  our  beds  of  clams ;  and  liiMilly 
we  shall  starve  to  death !  Therefore,  stand  not  in  your  own  lignt,  I  bisi-ecli 
yon,  lint  resolve  with  us  to  act  like  men.  All  the  sachems  hotli  to  thi'  iJist 
und  west  have  joined  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  lidl  upon  thiin,  at  c 


m 


¥: 


m 


■M 


ill 


128 


MIANTUNNOMOII  liEFEATF,!)  AND  TaKEN  PRISONER.  [Dook  It 


day  appointed,  and  therefore  I  have  come  secretly  to  yon,  because  you  can 
))('rsim(lc  tlie  Iiidians  to  do  wliat  you  will.  Brothers,  I  will  send  over  .'iO 
Indians  to  xManisscs,  and  30  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  100  of 
Soutliaiiipton  Indians,  with  an  100  of  your  own  here.  And,  when  you 
Bee  the  three  tires  that  will  be  made  at  the  end  of  40  days  hence,  in  a 
clear  night,  then  act  as  we  act,  and  the  next  day  fall  on  t.nd  kill  men,  women 
and  children,  but  no  cows;  they  must  be  killed  as  we  need  them  for  pro- 
visions, till  the  deer  come  again." 

To  this  8i)eecli  all  the  old  men  said,  "  JFiirregen,"  i.  e.  "It  is  well."  But 
tliis  great  plot,  if  the  account  given  by  ffaiandance  be  true,  was  by  him 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  so  failed.  "  And  the  plotter," 
says  Gardener,  "  next  spring  after,  did  as  Ahab  did  at  Uamoth-Gilead. — So  lie 
to  Mohegan,*  and  there  had  his  fall."t 

Capture  and  death  of  Miantunnomoh. — The  war  brought  on  between  Uncas 
and  Miantunnomoh  was  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English,  nor  is  it  to 
be  expected  that  they  could  with  certainty  determine  the  justness  of  its  cause. 
The  broil  liad  long  existed,  but  the  open  rupture  was  brought  on  by  Uncos' 
making  war  upon  Scquasson,  one  of  the  sachems  under  Miantunnomoh.  The 
English  accounts  say,  (and  we  have  no  other,)  that  about  1000  warriors  were 
raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came  upon  Uncas  unprepared,  having  only 
about  400  men ;  yet,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed  on 
both  sides,  the  Narraganscts  were  put  to  flight,  and  Miantunnomoh  taken 
prisoner ;  that  he  endeavored  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but,  having  on  a  coat 
of  mail,  was  known  from  the  rest,  and  seized  by  two  J  of  liis  own  men,  who 
hoped  by  their  treachery  to  save  their  own  lives.  Whereupon  they  imme- 
diately delivered  him  up  to  the  conf]iieror.  Uncas  slew  them  both  instantly ; 
probably  with  his  own  hand.  This  specimen  of  his  bravery  must  have  had  a 
salutaiy  effect  on  all  such  as  afterwards  chanced  to  think  of  acting  the  part 
of  traitors  in  their  wars,  at  least  among  the  Nan-agansets!. 

The  English  of  Rhode  Island  rather  favored  the  cause  of  the  Narraganscts, 
nor  could  a  different  course  be  expected  of  them,  satisfied  as  they  were,  that 
that  nation  were  greatly  wronged ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Connecticut  and 
Massachus(?tts  rather  liivored  the  Mohcgans.  That  Miantunnomoh  should  not 
suffer  in  his  pereon,  in  battles  which,  it  was  now  seen,  were  inevitable,  Samiiel 
Gorton  furnished  him  with  a  heavy  old  English  armor,  or  coat  of  mail ;  and 
this,  instead  of  lieing  beneficial,  as  it  was  intended,  j)roved  the  destruction  of 
his  friend.  For,  when  a  retreat  became  necessaiy,  not  being  used  to  this  kind 
of  caparison,  it  both  obstructed  his  efforts  at  resistance  and  his  means  of  flight. 
About  30  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  many  more  were  wounded. 

Being  brought  before  Uncas,  he  remained  without  spraking  a  word,  until 
Uncas  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  "If  you  had  taken  me,  I  would  have  besought  you 
for  my  life"  He  then  took  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and  at  his  request  left 
him  a  prisoner  with  the  English,  until  the  mind  of  the  United  Colonies  should 
be  known  as  to  what  disposition  should  be  made  of  liim. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  having  convened  at  Boston,  "taking  into  serious  considera- 
tion, they  say,  what  was  safest  and  best  to  be  done,  were  all  of  opinion  that  it 
would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither  had  we  sufficient  ground  for  us 
to  jHit  him  to  death."  §  The  awful  design  of  putting  to  death  their  friend  they 
bad  not  yet  fixed  upon ;  but,  calling  to  their  aid  in  council  "five  of  the  most 
judicious  elders,"  "  they  all  agreed  that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death."  This  was 
the  final  decision ;  and,  to  complete  the  deed  of  darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoin- 
ed upon  all.     And  their  determination  was  to   be   made   known  to  Uncas 


*  This  e;oes  lo  show  that  Miantunnomoh  was  not  killed  al)ove  Hartford,  as  Winthrop  states ; 
for  the  coiiiilry  at  some  ilisl;uicc  from  the  mouth  of  Pequot  River  was  cai'.ed  Mohegan.  It 
probably  inrhulcd  Windsor. 

t  3  Coll.  Mass.  Ifisf.  Son.  iii.  KM. 

\  In  the  records,  (Hazard,  ii.  <18,)  but  one  person  is  mentioned  as  liaviiif  taken  Mianlmno 
moh,  whose  name  was  Tantoqueson :  and  there  lie  is  railed  a  Mohegan  e-.ptnin.  That  there- 
fore the  Niirraffansels  tried  to  kill  him;  came  upon  him  onre  in  the  nlshl,  and  dangerouslj 
wounded  him,  as  lie  lay  in  his  wigwam  asleep.     See  vole  in  the  Life  of  Ninigret. 

§  VVinlhrop,  ii.  131 


Chap.  IV.]     MIANTUNNOMOII.— CONDUCT  OF  THE  ENGLI.SH. 


12!) 


privately,  with  direction  that  he  should  execute  him  within  his  own  jiiiisdir- 
tion,  and  without  torture. 

From  tlieir  own  account  of  this  affair,  the  English  (of  the  T'liiti^l  Ci)lonirs) 
stand  condemned  in  the  trial  of  time  at  the  har  of  history.  It  i.<  iiliowed  iliat 
Uncos  had  made  war  upon  Sequasson,  in  July,  1G43,  and  doin;  him  miicli 
injury  ;*  and  that,  according  to  a  previous  agreement  with  tin-  Ijiglish,  M!an- 
lunnotnoh  had  complained  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  of  the  conduct 
of  Uncas,  and  had  received  answer  from  him,  "that,  if  Uncas  had  done  him 
or  his  friends  wrong,  and  would  not  give  satisfaction,  he  was  lefl  to  ttika  his 
own  course."  No  account  is  given  that  Seqitasson  had  injured  Uncas,  l)ut  that 
Uncas  "set  upon  Sequasson,  and  killed  7  or  8  cf  his  men,  wounded  13,  hurnt 
his  wigwams,  and  carried  away  the  booty."  * 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  enable  t>^  to  judge  of  the  justness 
of  this  matter.  When  the  English  had  determined  that  linens  should  execute 
Miantunnomoh,  Uncas  was  ordered  to  be  sent  for  to  Hailford,  "with  some 
considerable  number  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men,"  to  take  him  to  a  place  for 
execution,  "carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of  his  own  government,  and  there 

Eut  him  to  death:  provided  that  some  discreet  and  faithful  persons  of  the 
higlish  accompany  them,  and  see  the  execution,  for  our  more  full  satisfac- 
tion ;  and  tliat  the  English  meddle  not  with  the  head  or  body  at  all."t 

The  commissioners  at  the  same  time  ordered,  "that  Hartford  fnniish  Uncas 
with  a  competent  strength  of  English  to  defend  him  against  any  present  fury 
or  assault,  of  the  Nanohiggimsetts  or  any  other."  And  "that  in  case  Uncas 
shall  refuse  to  execute  justice  upon  Mi/antenomo,  that  then  Myantenomo  be  sent 
by  sea  to  the  Massachusetts,  there  to  be  kept  in  safe  dunmcc  till  the  com- 
missioners may  consider  further  how  to  dispose  of  hini."1 

Here,  then,  we  see  fully  developed  the  real  state  of  the  case.  The  Mohe- 
gans  had,  by  accident,  captured  J\Kanlunnomoh,  after  which  event,  they  were 
more  in  fear  of  his  nation  than  before ;  which  proves,  beyond  doubt,  that  they 
would  never  have  dared  to  put  him  to  death,  had  they  not  been  promised  the 
protection  of  the  English 

No  one  can  rend  this  account  without  being  reminded  of  the  fate  of  JVapo- 
leon.  We  do  not  say  Uiat  the  English  of  New  England  dreaded  the  power 
of  Miantunnomnh  as  much  as  those  of  Old  England  did  that  of  JVapoleon 
afterwards ;  but  that  both  were  sacrificed  in  consequence  of  the  fears  of  those 
into  whose  power  the  fortune  of  wars  cast  them,  will  not,  we  presume,  be 
denied. 

When  tlie  determination  of  the  commissioners  and  elders  was  made  known 
to  Uncas,  he  "readily  undertook  the  execution,  and  taking  Minntunnomoh 
along  with  him,  in  tiie  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor,  (where  Uncas 
hath  some  men  dwell,)  Uncos'  brother,  following  after  Miantunnomoh,  clave 
his  head  with  an  hatchet." J  Mather  says,  they  "very  fairly  cut  off  hi^ 
head."§ 

Dr.  Trumbull  ||  records  an  account  of  cannibalism,  at  this  time,  which  we 
ought  to  caution  the  reader  against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no  doubt 
rests  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer  even  the  transac- 
tions of  one  continent  to  another,  which  is  this : — "  Uncas  cut  out  a  large  piece 
of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph ; "  saying,  " '  it  was  the  sweetest 
meat  he  ever  ate ;  it  made  his  heart  strong.' "  IT 

*  Iluhbard,  N.  E.  450.  f  Records  of  tlie  U.  Colonics. 

X  H'inthrop's  Journal,  ii.  134.  As  to  the  place  of  Miantunnomnh' s  execution,  IViiillimp 
M'ems  to  have  been  in  a  mistake.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  he  was  taken  in  the  opposite 
direction,  from  Uuca^'s  own  country,  as  Windsor  was  from  Hartford.  It  is  also  unlikely  that 
f'licas  had  men  dtoell  so  far  from  his  country  upon  the  Thames. 

A  gentleman  who  lately  visited  his  sepulchre,  says  the  wandering  Indians  have  made  a 
heap  of  stones  upon  his  grave.  It  is  a  well-known  custom  of  the  race,  to  add  to  a  mrmu- 
nii-]ilnl  pile  of  the  dead  whenever  they  pass  by  it.  See  3  Coll.  Mans.  Hist.  ^nr.  iii.  135,  and 
JfiYerson's  Notes.  [Jj*  Some  wretchedly  ignorant  neighbors  to  this  sacreil  pile  (whites,  of 
course)  have,  not  long  since,  taken  stones  Irom  it  to  make  wall !  but  enough  remain  to  mark 
the  siHit.     It  is  in  the  east  part  of  Norwich.     Colls.  Ihid. 

^  Mi>gnalia.  _  l|  History  of  Connpfticul,  i.  135. 

1'  That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circumstance  of  an  eminently  obscure 
tvritc's  publishing  nearly  tlie  same  story,  which  he  says,  in  his  book,  took  place  upon  in« 


«''l 


A%\ 


130 


DEATH  OF  MIANTUNNOMOH.— TRADITIONS. 


[Book  II. 


We  are  now  certain  that  what  Dr.  Trumbull  has  given  us  as  unquestionable 
hist(jry,  from  a  " manuscript  of  Mr.  H}ide"  is  only  tradition.  Having  been  put 
ill  |i().«s('i«sioii  of  a  copy  of  that  manuscript,*  we  deem  it  highly  important  tiint 
it  slionlil  be  laid  before  the  world,  that  its  true  weight  may  be  considered  by 
«ll  who  would  be  correctly  informed  in  this  important  transaction. 

\\\  way  of  preliminary  to  his  communication,  Mr.  Hyde  says,  "The  follow- 
ing facts  being  communicated  to  me  from  some  of  the  ancient  fathers  of  this 
town,  who  were  contemporary  with  Uncos,"  &c.  ''That  before  the  settlement 
of  Norwich,  the  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  tribe  [Miantunnomoh]  had  a  per- 
sonal quarrel  with  Uncos,  and  proclaimed  war  with  the  Moheg[anls:  and 
marched  with  an  army  of  900  fighting  men,  equipped  with  bows  and  arrows 
and  hatchets.  Uncos  be[ing]  informed  by  spies  of  their  march  towards  his 
seat.  Uncos  called  his  warriors  together,  about  600,  stout,  hard  men,  light  of 
foot,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow ;  and,  upon  a  conference.  Uncos  told 
his  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  y«  Narragansets  come  to  their  town,  but 
they  must  go  and  meet  them.  Accordingly,  they  marched,  and  about  three 
miles,  on  a  large  plain,  the  armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  bow-shot.  A 
l)arley  was  sounded,  and  gallant  Uncos  proposed  a  conference  with  the  Narra- 
ganset sachem,  who  agreed.  And  being  met.  Uncos  saith  to  his  enemy  word[s] 
to  this  effect:  '  You  have  got  a  number  of  brave  men  xoith  you,  and  so  have  1. 
Ahd  it  n  pity  that  such  brave  men  should  be  killed  for  a  quarrel  between  you  and 
I?  Oidy  come  like  a  man,  as  you  pretend  to  be,  and  we  unllfght  it  out.  If  you 
kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours;  but  if  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mineJ  Upon 
which  the  NaiTaganset  sachem  replied:  'J%  men  came  to  fight,  and  they  shall 
fight.'' 

"  Thu:as  having  before  told  his  men,  that  if  his  enemy  should  refuse  to  fight 
him,  he  would  fall  down,  and  then  they  were  to  discharge  their  artillery 
[arrows]  on  them,  and  fall  right  on  them  as  fast  as  they  could;"  this  was 
done,  and  the  Mohegans  rushed  upon  JViiianhmnomo/i'j  army  "  like  lions,"  put 
them  to  flight,  and  killed  "a  number  on  the  spot."  They  "pursued  the  rest 
driving  some  do\vn  ledges  of  rocks."  The  foremost  of  Uncases  men  got 
ahead  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  impeded  his  flight,  drawing  him  back  as  they 
passed  him,  "to  give  Uncas  opportunity  to  take  him  himself." 

"  In  the  pursuit,  at  a  place  now  called  Sachem's  Plain,  Uncas  took  him  by 
the  shoulder.  He  then  set  down,  knowing  Uncas.  Uncas  then  gave  a  whoop, 
and  his  men  returned  to  him ;  and  in  a  council  then  held,  'twas  concluded  by 
them,  that  Uncas,  with  a  guard,  should  carry  said  sachem  to  Hartford,  to  the 
governor  and  magistrates,  (it  being  before  the  charter,)  to  advise  what  they 
should  do  with  him."  "  Uncas  was  told  by  them,  as  there  was  no  war  with 
the  English  and  Narragansets,  it  was  not  proper  for  them  to  intermeddle,  in 
the  affair,  and  advised  him  to  take  his  own  way.  Accordingly,  they  brought 
said  Narraganset  sachem  back  to  the  same  spot  of  ground  where  he  was  took : 
where  Uncas  killed  him,  and  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  roasted, 
and  eat  it;  and  said, '/t  was  the  sioeetest  meel\  he  ever  eat;  it  made  him  have 
strong  hart.^  There  they  bury  him,  and  made  a  pillai',  which  I  have  seen  but 
a  few  yeare  since." 

This  communication  was  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich,  9 
Oct.  1769,  and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  remark  of  Mr.  Ely  upon  it  I 
cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subject. 

"  The  obove  '  Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde^  as  a  tradition,  is  a  valuable  paper, 
and  worthy  of  preservation ;  yet,  being  written  15i5  years  affcr  the  event 
wlii(!h  it  describes,  it  is  surprising  that  Dr.  Ihumhidl  should  have  inserted  it, 
ill  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  principal  paniculiu-s,  as  matter  of  fact."}: 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonics,  the  main 

flojitli  of  Philip.  Otflco,  be  snys,  cut  out  a  pound  of  Philip's  bicedinp  body  and  ate  it. 
The  book  is  by  one  Heitnj  Tiiimhiill,  and  purports  to  be  a  iiislory  of  the  disrovcry  of  Amer- 
ica, the  Indian  wars,  &c.  The  reader  will  fnid  it  about  stalls  by  llie  street-side,  but  rarely  in 
B  respectable  book-slote.  It  has  been  forced  through  many  editions,  but  tiiere  is  scarce  a 
Word  of  true  history  in  it. 

*  Hv  Rev.  Wm.  Klij,  of  Connecticut. 

t  Tnimbtil/  says  vieat,  but  the  .MS.  is  plain,  and  means  mtal, 

*  Manuscript  letter,  1  Mar.  1833. 


r^HAP.  IV.]       NINIGRET— TROUBLE  WITH  MIANTUNXOMOFI. 


131 


fncts  in  reference  to  the  death  of  Miantunnonwh,  contained  in  the  almve 
account,  are  corrohorntcd.  Tlie  records  of  tiie  commissioners  sny,  tlint  Uncas, 
l)efore  the  hattle,  told  Miajitunnomoh^  that  he  had  many  ways  sought  liis  hfe, 
and  now,  if  he  dared,  he  would  figiit  him  in  single  comhat;  hut  that  .l/irwi- 
<wn»iomo/i,  "  presumuig  upon  his  uumbei-s  of  men,  would  have  nothing  hut  a 
battle."* 

It  does  not  appear  from  these  records,  that  Uncas  had  any  idea  of  putting 
Miantunnomoh  to  death,  but  to  extort  a  great  price  from  his  countrjnien,  t()r 
liis  ransom.  That  a  large  amount  in  wampum  was  collected  for  this  pin|)ose, 
appears  certain ;  but,  before  it  was  paid,  Uticas  received  the  decision  of  tjie 
liiUglish,  and  dien  pretended  that  he  had  made  no  such  agreement,  or  that  the 
quantity  or  quality  was  not  as  agreed  upon,  as  will  more  at  length  be  seen  in 
the  lite  of  Uncas. 

NINIGRET  was  often  called  JVTmcra/?,  and  sometimes  JVenekunat,\  Ami- 
glud,  JVejiegdetl ;  and  his  name  was  written  almost  us  many  other  ways  as 
times  mentioned,  by  some  early  writers.  Janemol  was  the  first  name  liy 
which  he  was  known  to  the  English,  lie  was  generally  styled  sachem  of  the 
Nianticks,  a  tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  whoso  jjrincipal  rosid<;nce  was  at  W'e- 
kapaug,  now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.  He  was  cousin  to  Miantunnomoh,  § 
and  is  conmionly  mentioned  in  history  as  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Nianticks, 
which  always  made  a  part  of  the  great  nation  of  the  NaiTagansets.  J^tnigrct 
married  a  sister  of  Cashaioashett,  otherwise  called  Harmon  Garrei,  who  wiia 
bis  ui;clc. 

The  relation  in  which  the  Nianticks  stood  to  the  Narragjmsets  is  plain,  from 
the  representation  given  by  Miantunnomoh  to  the  government  of  I'^Iassacliu- 
setts  in  1642.  In  treating  with  him,  at  that  time.  Governor  H'inthrop  says, 
"  Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we  had  just 
cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,"  he  said,  "as  his  own  flesh,  being  allie«l 
by  continual  intermarriages,  &c.  But  at  last  he  condescended,  that  if  they 
should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could  not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfaction  for,  nor 
himself  could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  &c.  then  he  would  leave  them 
to  us." 

On  the  12  July,  1637,  Jiyanemo,  as  his  name  was  written  by  Governor 
Winthrop  at  this  time,  came  to  Boston  with  17  men.  The  objects  of  his  visit 
being  stated  to  the  governor,  ho  promised  him  an  answer  the  next  day ;  but 
the  governor,  understanding  meanwhile,  that  he  had  received  many  of  the 
Pequots,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  country  after  their  defeat  at  Mystic,  fii>t 
demanded  their  delivery  to  the  English.  JVinigret  was  very  loath  to  coni|)ly 
with  the  demand ;  but,  finding  he  could  get  no  answer  to  his  propositions 
without,  he  consented  to  give  up  the  Pequots,  after  a  day's  cjusideration. 
The  governor  shortly  after  dismissed  him,  with  instructions  f  treat  with  the 
English  captains  then  in  the  Pequot  country. 

On  the  9  Mar.  1638,  ^^Miantunnomoh  came  to  Boston.  The  governor, 
deputy  and  treasurer  ti'eated  with  liim,  and  they  parted  upon  fair  teiuns." 
"  We  gave  him  leave  to  right  himself  for  the  wrongs  which  Janemoh  and 
Wequash  Cook  had  done  him ;  and,  for  the  wrong  they  had  rlone  us,  ^ve 
would  right  ourselves,  in  our  own  time."||  Hence,  it  appears  that,  at  this 
period,  they  were  not  so  closely  allied  as  they  were  afterwards. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  complained  of  by  the  Long  Island  Indians,  who 
paid  tribute  to  the  English,  that  he  had  committed  some  robberies  upon  them. 
Captain  Mason  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  to  require  satisfac- 
tion. Janemo  went  unmediately  to  the  English,  and  ttie  matter  was  amicably 
BL'ttied.  H 

When  it  was  rumored  tlmt  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 


t'lil 


*  See  Hazard's  Historical  Colleclions,  ii,  7,  10. 

t  So  wriltcii  by  Ros;tr  Williams. 

t  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  edition  of  Hubbard's  Narrative,  prnbal>lv  mistook  }Vivthrop's  MS., 
iiuil  « role  Asaueiiio  nisU'ud  of  Aija/wiiio.  See  llie  edition  l77o.  of  Nar.  p.  40,  and  Winthrop, 
Jour.  i. -Jai" 

^  I'liiicf  snvs  lie  was  uiicle  to  Muiutwinoiiioh,  (Chronolo^,  Ii.  59.)  but  thai  could  no! 
n:ive  biTii. 

U  WiiUhroii's  Journal,  i.  243.  IT  Ibid.  i.  2()7. 


l:» 


NINIGRET.— DUTCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


Eiurlii*!!,  and  using  liia  endeavors  to  unite  other  tribes  in  tlic  enterprise,  tlie 
J'',n!iii.sli  sent  deputies  to  him,  to  Icurn  the  trutii  of  the  report,  as  will  he  found 
«lsc\\ here  fully  stated.  The  deputies  were  well  satisfied  with  the  carriage  of 
JMiantunnomoh ;  l)ut,  they  say, "  Jancino/i,  the  Niantit.k  saelu.'in,  carried  iiimself 
|)i()U(lly,  and  refuse*!  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any  thing;  only,  he  sai<l,  lie 
>M'uld  /lot  harm  us,  except  we  invaded  iiini."*  Thus  we  cannot  but  Ibrm  an 
e.\ulted  opinion  of  AYnigrtt,  in  tlie  person  of  Janemo. 

»'i  Dukli  and  liulian  toar  raged  at  this  time,  and  was  conducted  with 
unrelenting  barbarity  by  the  former  party.  It  grew  out  of  a  single  murder, 
an  Itidian  having  killed  a  Dutchman  in  a  drunken  frolic.  The  murderer  was 
immediately  demanded,  but  could  not  be  obtained ;  and  the  governor  was 
urged  to  retaliate,  and  ollen  called  ujion  to  take  revenge.  lie  waived  the 
Bubject,  foreseeing,  no  doubt,  that  retaliation  was  a  bad  course  to  pursue  for 
satisfaction,  especially  with  Indians.  However,  it  soon  ha{ipened  that  the 
Mohawks  iell  upon  those  Indians,  killed  about  30  of  them,  and  the  rest  fled 
their  country  ;  many  of  wlrom  sought  jirotection  from  the  Dutch  themselves. 
Some  evil-miiuletl  pereons  now  thought  to  revenge  themselves  on  these 
Indians,  without  the  danger  of  suffering  from  resistance.  It  is  reported  that 
an  inhuman  monster,  named  Marine,  a  Dutch  captain,  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  governor  to  kill  as  many  of  them  as  he  pleased ;  and,  acting  under  that 
autJiority,  surprised  and  murdered  70  or  80  of  them,  men,  women,  and 
children.  No  sooner  was  this  blow  of  assassination  struck,  than  the  Indians 
flew  to  their  ai-ms,  and  began  hostilities  of  the  same  kind ;  and,  with  such 
fury  was  their  onset  made,  that  they  cut  olf  20  j)ei-sons  or  more,  before  the 
alarm  could  spread ;  and  they  were  soon  masters  of  their  settlements,  and  the 
Dutch  were  confined  to  their  fort.  IJy  emjiloying  Ca|)tain  Underhill,  however, 
an  exfierienced  English  oWeer  in  the  Indian  wars,  and  some  otliei-s  of  the 
English,  the  Dutch  were  enabled  to  maintain  their  ground  ;  and,  fortufitely. 
Boon  after,  iJo^er  jyilliams  accidentally  arrived  there,  through  whose  mediation 
a  peace  was  effected,  and  an  end  was  put  to  a  bloody  war.  This  Marine,  who 
was  the  j)rincr])al  cause  of  it,  quarrelled  with  the  governor,  on  account  of  his 
employing  Umkrhill  instead  of  him,  and  even  atteni|)ted  his  life  on  the 
account  of  it.  He  jireacnted  a  pistol  at  his  breast,  which,  being  turned  aside 
by  a  bystander,  the  governor's  lite  was  presei-ved.  A  servant  of  Marine's 
then  discharged  a  gun  at  the  governor,  but  missitig  him,  one  of  the  governor's 
guard  shot  the  servant  dead,  and  Marine  was  made  prisoner,  and  forthwith 
Bent  into  Holland.  Williams,  having  been  denied  a  passage  through  N.  Eng- 
land by  iiie  law  of  banishment,  was  forced  to  take  passage  for  England  at  N. 
York  in  a  Dutch  ship,  by  way  of  Holland;  and  this  was  tlie  reason  of  his 
l)eing  there  in  the  time  of  this  war. 

IV.'fore  this  war  was  brought  to  a  close.  Captain  Underhill,  with  his  comi)any 
of  Dutch  and  English,  killed  about  300  Indians  on  the  main,  and  120  more  on 
Long  Island.  The  Dutch  governor's  employing  the  English  was  charged 
ujion  him  as  a  "plot"  to  engage  the  English  in  his  quarrel  with  the  Indians ; 
"  which,"  says  WinihrQp,\  "  we  had  wholly  declined,  as  doubting  of  the  justice 
of  the  cause." 

It  was  about  the  beginning  of  this  war,  Sept.  1G43,  tliat  "the  Indians  killed 
and  drove  away  all  the  English"  on  the  coast,  from  Manhattan  to  Stamford, 
the  extent  of  the  Dutch  claim  to  the  eastward.  They  then  passed  over  "  to 
Long  Island,  and  there  assaulted  the  Lady  Moodey  in  her  house  divers  times ; " 
but  she,  having  about  40  men  at  her  place  at  that  time,  was  able  to  defend 
herself.  "These  Indians  at  the  same  time,"  continues  }Vinthrop,t" Bet  upon 
the  Dutch  with  an  implacable  fury,  and  killed  all  they  could  come  by,  and 
burnt  their  houses,  and  killed  their  cattle  without  any  resistance,  so  as  the 
governor  and  such  as  escaped,  lietook  themselves  to  their  fort  at  Monhaton, 
and  th(!re  lived  and  eat  up  their  cattle." 

Among  the  English  people  who  were  murdered  when  this  war  began,  was 
a  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchi)iso7i,  fi-om  whom  was  descended  the  historian  of  ftlassa- 
chusetts.  She,  having  given  offence  to  the  Puritans  of  the  Bay  state,  (as 
Massachusetts  was  then  called,)  by  her  peculiar  religious  notions,  to  avoid 


*  Wintlirop's  Journal^  ii.  b. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  157. 


\  Ibid.  ii.  13G. 


riivr.  IV.J 


NINIGRET— MOHEGAN  WAR. 


133 


porscriitioii,  fled  rirst  to  Rhode  Island,  and  afterwards  to  tlie  Dutch  possow- 
fions,  not  fiir  beyond  Stamford.  This  van  in  KJ42.  When  the  Indians 
hroke  nj)  tiie  settlements  there,  in  Sept.  I(i43,  they  fell  ii|ion  the  (iimily  of 
tlii.s  wnnmn,  killed  her,  a  Mr.  Collins,  her  son-in-lnw,  and  all  her  family  ex- 
I'ept  one  daughter  eight  years  ohi,  whom  they  cariied  into  captivity,  and  such 
of  two  other  families,  TTirockmorton  and  ComhUCs,  as  were  at  liome ;  in 
all  lij  persons.  They  then  collected  their  cattle  into  tlie  houses  and  set 
tlieni  on  fire  and  burned  them  alive!  A  greater  slaughter  would  have  been 
made  at  this  time  and  place,  but  for  the  arrival  of  a  boat  while  the  tragedy 
was  acting,  into  which  several  women  and  children  escaped.  Hut  two  of 
the  boat's  crew  were  killed  in  their  humane  exertions  to  save  these  distressed 
jieople.  The  daughter  of  Mrs.  HiUrhinson  remained  a  prisoner  four  years, 
when  she  was  delivered  to  the  Dutch  governor  at  New  York,  who  restored 
lier  to  her  friends.  She  had  forgotten  her  native  language,  and  was  unwilling 
to  be  taken  from  the  Indians.  This  governor,  with  a  kindiicss  not  to  be  Ibr- 
gotten,  sent  a  vessej'  into  Connecticut  River,  where  its  captain  contrived 
to  get  several  Pequo  s  on  board,  whom  he  secured  as  prisoners.  He  then 
informed  their  friends,  that  they  would  not  be  set  at  liberty  until  the  captive 
girl  was  delivered  to  him.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  she  was 
accordingly  rescued. 

Notwithstanding  a  jieaco  was  brought  about  in  the  manner  l)efore  stated, 
vet  it  was  of  short  duration,  and  the  sparks  of  war  which  had  for  a  short  time 
laid  hid  in  its  own  embers,  was  by  sordid  spirits  fanned  again  into  a  flame. 
The  scries  of  murdero-is  acts  which  followe*!,  are  nowhere  recorded  within 
my  researches,  hut  an  end  waM  not  put  to  it  until  1G46.     It  ended  in  a  san- 

fuinary  battle  at  Stricklaial's  Plain,  iiear  what  is  since  Horse  Neck  in  New 
'ork,  about  37  miles  fi'om  the  city.  The  numbers  engiiged  on  each  side  are 
not  known,  nor  the  numbers  slain,  but  their  graves  are  still  pointed  out  to 
the  curious  traveller. 

To  return  to  our  more  immediate  subject. 

We  hear  little  of  JVimsrct  until  after  the  death  of  Mtantunnotnoh.  In  1C44, 
the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  united  against  the  Mohcgans,  and  for  some 
time  obliged  Uncas  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 

This  affair  prol)ably  took  place  early  in  the  spring,  and  we  have  elsewhere 
given  all  the  particulars  of  it,  both  authentic  and  traditionary.  It  appears, 
by  a  letter  from  Tho.  Peters,  addressed  to  Governor  Winihrop,  written  about 
the  time,  that  there  had  been  some  hard  fighting ;  and  that  the  MohegauH 
had  been  severely  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.    Mr.  Peters  writes: — 

"  I,  with  your  son,  [John  fVinthrop  of  Con.,]  were  at  Uncos'  fort,  where  1 
dressed  seventeen  men,  and  left  plasters  to  dress  seventeen  more,  who  were 
wounded  in  Uncas'  brother's  wigwam  before  we  came.  Two  captains  and 
one  common  soldier  were  buried,  end  since  we  came  thence  two  captams 
and  one  common  man  more,  are  de:,d  also,  most  of  which  are  wounded  with 
bullets.  Uncas  and  his  brother  told  me,  the  Narragansets  had  30  guns  which 
won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  care  a  rush  for  them.  They  drew  Uncos' 
forces  out  by  a  wile,  of  40  appearing  only,  but  a  thousand  [lay  hid]  in  am- 
busl),  who  pursued  Uncas'  men  into  their  o\vn  land,  where  the  battle  was 
iought  vario  marte,  till  God  put  fresh  spirit  into  the  Moheagucs,  and  so  drave 
the  Narragansets  back  again."  So  it  seems  that  Uncat  had  been  taken  in  his 
own  play.  Tho  letter  goes  on: — "'Twould  pity  your  hearts  to  see  them 
[Uncus'  men]  lie,  like  so  many  new  circumcised  Sechemites,  in  their  blood. 
Sir,  whatever  information  you  have,  I  dare  boldly  say,  the  Narragansets  first 
brake  the  contract  they  made  with  the  English  last  year,  for  I  helped  to  cure 
one  Taiitiquieson,  a  Mohcague  captain,  who  first  fingered  [laid  hands  on] 
Miantinomio.  Some  cunning  squaws  of  Narraganset  led  two  of  them  to 
Tantiquieson's  wigwam,  where,  in  the  night,  they  struck  him  on  the  breast 
through  the  coat  with  an  hatchet,  and  had  he  not  fenced  it  with  his  arm,  no 
hope  could  be  had  of  his  life,"  &c.  * 

"  The  English  thought  it  their  concern,"  says  Dr.  7.  Mather,  t  "  not  to  suffer 
him  to  be  swallowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  he  had,  (though  for  his 


•   Winlhrop's  Jour.  ii.  380,  381. 

12 


t  Relation,  53. 


'11 


M 


l:U 


NI.NIGRET— NARRAGAN.SET  WAR. 


[HODK   II. 


own  ends,)  iipprovcil  liiinscirrHitlifiil  to  tlu;  Eii;:lisli  from  time  to  tinic."  A.i 
army  wiis  nfcor(liri>:ly  r(ii.><i!(l  for  the  rclii'f  of  Vncax,  "J5iit  (ih  tlicy  wcri' 
just  iiiarcliini;  out  of  Kostoii,  tiiaiiy  of  tin;  |iriii('i|ial  Niirrii^aii.s('t  Indiana,  vi/.. 
I'e.i.iecii.t,  .Mc.ntno,*  anil  H'ilttwash^  Hafraniorcs,  and  Jlwasequin,  dejiuty  for  the 
Niaiitirks ;  tlicsr,  with  a  lar^it  train,  cunio  to  Hoston,  Niiing  for  peace,  lM-in<> 
willin<;  to  HulMiiit  to  wiiat  terms  the  English  hIiouUI  see  caime  to  impose 
npon  them.  It  was  lU'inaiuled  of  tliom,  that  they  Hlionhl  defray  tlie  cliar^'es 
they  had  put  the  EiigMnli  to,f  and  that  the  BncheniH  ehouhl  8end  their  sons 
to  he  ke|>t  an  liosta^a-s  in  the  huiiils  of  tlie  Kii^Hsli,  until  sucli  time  lus  tiic 
money  shouhl  lie  paid."  Al\er  rcinarkin^r  tiiat  from  tliis  time  the  Nurra^'aii- 
Betf  hurlM>red  venom  in  tiieir  hearts  aguinHt  the  Englisii,  Mr.  Mather  pro- 
••eedH:— "III  tlie  first  ])lace,  they  endeavored  to  play  legerdemain  in  tiieir 
eeiiding  hostages;  for,  instead  of  sachems'  ciiildren,  they  tiiought  to  waid 
some  other,  and  to  niul^e  the  Englisii  believe  that  those  base  papooses  were 
of  a  royal  progeny;  but  they  bad  those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  he 
HO  eiu(led.  Atlcr  the  expected  hostages  were  in  tlic  hands  of  the  Englisii, 
tlie  Narragansets,  notwithstanding  that,  were  slow  in  the  performance  of 
what  they  stood  engaged  for.  And  when,  upon  an  impartial  discharge  of 
the  debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  became  more  backward 
tliaii  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  pre|)arntions,  again  and  again 
ti-rritied  into  l)ctter  obedience.  At  last,  Capt.  Jltherton,  of  Dorchester,  was 
sent  with  a  small  party  J  of  20  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  was  due. 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wigwam,  where  old  JVitiigret  resided,  with  only 
two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  him,  two  or 
tlircH!  dro|>piiig  in  at  once ;  when  his  small  com|)any  were  come  about  jiim,  tlio 
Indians  in  the  mean  time  su|)posing  that  there  had  been  many  more  behind, 
he  caught  the  sachem  by  the  hair  of  bis  head,  and  setting  a  pistol  to  his 
breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  surely  die,  if  he  did  not  fortli- 
witii  comjily  with  what  was  re(]uired.  Hereupon  a  great  trembling  and 
consternation  sur|iriscd  the  Indians ;  albeit,  multitudes  of  them  were  then 
present,  with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings  ready  to  let  fly.  The  event 
was,  tiie  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop  of  blood  was  slicd."§  This,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  a  high-handed  proceeding. 

"Some  sjiace  after  that,  J\/inigret  was  raising  new  trouble  against  us, 
amongst  his  Nianticks  and  other  Indians ;  but  upon  the  speedy  sending  up 
of  Capt.  Davis,  with  a  party  of  horse  to  reduce  him  to  the  former  peace, 
who,  ii|)oii  the  news  of  the  captain's  a])proach,  was  put  into  such  a  ]ianic 
fear,  tiiat  he  durst  not  come  out  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the  captain,  till 
seciiri  (1  of  his  life  by  him,  which  he  was,  if  he  quietly  yielded  to  bis  message, 
al)()iit  which  he  was  sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  lie  freely  consenting,  that 
storm  was  graciously  blown  over."  || 

Thus  having,  tiirough  these  extracts,  summarily  glanced  at  some  prominent 
passages  in  the  life  of  JVinigretf  we  will  now  go  more  into  particulars. 

The  caae  of  the  Narragansets,  at  the  period  of  the  treaty  before  spoken  of, 
had  become  rather  desperate  ;  two  years  having  passed  since  they  agreed  to 
])ay  '2000  fathom  of  "good  white  wampum,"  as  a  remuneration  for  the 
trouble  and  damage  they  had  caused  the  English  and  Mohegans,  and  they 
were  now  pressed  to  fulfil  thek  engagements.  JVinigret,  then  called  Janemo, 
wjLs  not  at  IJoston  at  that  tunc,  but  Aumsaaquen  was  his  deputy,  and  signed 
tile  treaty  then  made,  with  Pessacus  and  others.  At  their  meeting,  in  July, 
1G47,  Pessacus  and  others,  chiefis  of  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks,  were 

*  Tlie  editor  of  Johnson's  Wonder-working  Providence,  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Sac.  makes  a 
great  mistake  in  noting  lliis  cliief  as  Mianlunnomoh.  Mnksali,  Mixanno,  Meika,  &.c.,  are 
iianies  ol'  the  same  person,  who  was  llie  eldest  son  of  Canonicus.  After  the  death  of  his  falhor, 
he  was  chief  sachem  of  the  NarraMiiscts.  Jle  married  a  sister  of  Niiii^ret,  who  was  "  a 
woman  of  great  power,"  and  no  other  than  the  famous  Quaiapen,  at  one  lime  called  Matan- 
tuck.  Iroin  which,  probably,  was  derived  Magnus.  By  some  writers  mistaking  hiin  for  Mian- 
liimiomoh,  an  error  has  spread,  that  has  occasioned  much  confusion  in  accounts  of  their  gene- 

t  A  yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.    Manuscript  Narrative  of  the  Rev.  T 
Cobbet,  which  places  the  affair  in  164o. 
I  MS.  document  among  our  state  papers. 
<(  HeUuioii  of  the  Troubles,  dtc,  4io,  1077.  ||  Cobbet's  MS.  Narrative 


Chat.  TV] 


NiNioRKT— v.')iii".(a\  r  >.Ni  I!  )v:;i!SY 


135 


sent  to  liy  tlii^EnjjIisli  rotiitMissioiKTs,  us  uill  he  (imihl  in  lli"  WW-  ni'  Pixsanis, 
JJciii;;  wiiriirMi  to  CDiiK!  to  IJostoii,  l'i:s.vt  iJ.f,  not  liciii!.'  williii!,'  to  jrct  any  I'tir- 
tliiT  into  tronhlt!  liy  hoiii;;  ()lili;,'t;<l  to  si;:M  w hfitcvrr  mticirs  ihc  l'',ii;.'lisli  niiiilit 
draw  np,  (i-i^iied  liinisflf  sick,  niul  told  tin-  inrssi  ii;rcrs  In-  liiiil  airii-cil  to 
Icavf-  all  till!  liimiiieHH  to  jV7ni/>Tf/.  Tliis  si-cins  to  liav<;  Imicii  wril  niHlcrstoml, 
and  we  Nliall  next  hoc  with  what  ^rnre  JViniicret  acted  his  part  with  the  coni- 
inissionei!*,  at  HoHton.     Their  record  runs  thim: — 

"  A  ,..ini  3d,  [1<)-J7,]  JVinecrratt,  with  some  ofthe  Nyantick  Indians  and  two 
of  PesiKiik\i  in»!n,  came  to  JJoston,  and  desiring  Mr.  John  IViixthrop,  that  cnnie 
t'roiM  ['('([iiatt  i)lantation,  niij.'ht  he  prenent,  they  were  admitted.  The  eoni- 
missioners  asked  J\'inefp-alt  for  whom  lie  caiiio,  whidier  as  a  piddick  prison 
.III  the  hehaif  of  Ptaaack^s  and  tiie  rest  of  the  Nai  ras^ansets'  confederates,  or 
only  for  hiinself  as  a  particular  sajramore  ?  He  at  fust  answered  that  he  h;i(l 
sfiokewitli  Peaaack,  hut  liad  no  such  comiiiission  from  him;"  and  said  tii-  re 
had  not  heen  so  pood  an  iinderstaiidiiig  lietweeii  tlnMii  as  he  desired  ;  hitt, 
from  Mr.  ft'inllirop'a  ti'Stiiiiony,  niid  the  answer  Tfwa.  Slanton  and  lientilirt 
Jlrnold  hroiijriit  Irom  Peamnis,  and  also  the  testimony  of  Pcasnrva'  two  men, 
"it  apitean.'d  to  the  commissioners  that  whatever  formalitv  iiii^'lit  Ik;  « anting 
in  Peaaack'a  expressions  to  jVinefrratl,  yet  Peaaack  had  liilly  enpajred  himself 
to  stand  to  whatsoever  .Vinefrrnlt  should  conclude."  Tliereliin;  they  pr(»- 
ceeded  to  demand  of  him  why  the  wampum  had  not  heen  paid,  and  why  the 
covenant  lia<l  not  heon  ol  jervcd  in  oilier  jiarticulars.  S'iniirnt  pretended  he 
did  not  know  what  covenants  had  heen  nindt!.  He  was  then  reminded  that 
his  de|)nty  executed  the  covenant,  an<l  that  n  copy  Avas  carried  into  his  coun- 
try, and  his  ifrnorance  of  it  w.is  no  excuse  for  him,  lor  Mr.  If'Uliiiins  was  at 
ull  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  had  taken  the  jiains  to  recpiest  it  of  him. 
"There  could,  therefore,  ho  no  truth  in  his  answere," 

JVinigret  next  (l('mande<l,  '^  For  what  are  the  .Yarraifanaeta  to  pay  ao  miirh 
wampum'}  I  kihiw  not  that  the;/  are  indebted  to  the  Engliah!"  The  commi.- 
sioners  then  repeated  the  old  charfres — the  hreacli  of  covenant,  ill  treiitin;,' 
messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  tlit;  English  messengei-s,  namely, 
that  he  knew  the  English  would  try  to  hring  alioiit  a  peace  at  their  meeting  at 
Hartford,  but  ho  was  resolved  on  war,  nor  would  he  iii<[uire  who  hegaii  it — 
that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  men  from  assisting  Uncaa,  he  would 
kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c.  According  to  the  records  of  tlu!  cominissionei's, 
J^nigret  did  not  deny  these  charges  with  n  verj'  good  face.  He  said,  however, 
their  messengers  provoked  him  to  say  what  he  did. 

In  order  to  waivv^  the  criminating  discourse,  A'lnigret  called  for  docmneuts ; 
or  wished  the  English  to  make  a  statement  of  their  account  against  him,  that 
ho  might  know  "how  the  reckoninge  stood."  The  llnglish  answered,  that 
tliey  hail  rt^ceivcd  of  Peaaacus,  170  fathom  of  wampx.'i  at  one  time: — A  tier- 
wards  aomc  kettlea  and  about  15  fathom  »nore,  "  which  heinge  a  contemptible 
some,  was  refused."  As  to  the  kettles,  they  said,  "The  Narraganset  messen- 
gers had  sould  them  to  Mr.  Shrimpton,*  a  l)rasier  in  Boston,"  for  a  shillii>g  a 
pound.  Their  weight  was  285  lbs.,  (not  altogether  so  contemptible  as  one 
might  be  led  to  imagine,)  which  came  to  14£.  bs.,  and  the  wampum  to  4£.  4a. 
C)d.\  Ofthe  amount  hi  Mr.  Shrimpton^s  hands,  the  n.cssengers  took  uj)  1£. 
probably  to  defray  their  necessary  expenses  while  at  Boston.  The  remainder 
an  Englishman  attached  to  satisfy  "for  goods  stollen  liom  him  by  a  NaiTagan- 
set  Indian." 

JS/inigret  said  the  attachment  was  not  valid,  "for  that  neither  the  kettlea  nor 
wampum  did  lielonge  to  Peaaacks  himself,  nor  to  the  Indian  that  had  stollen 
the  goods,"  and  therefore  must  be  deducted  from  the  amount  now  due.  "The 
commissioners  thought  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachment,"  hut  reckoned  the 
kettles  and  wampum  at  70  fathom,  and  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  240 
fathom,  [in  all,^  besides  a  parcel  sent  by  jYinigret  himself  to  the  governor ; 
and  though  this  was  sent  as  a  present,  yet,  as  it  was  not  acccjited  by  the 
governor,  they  left  it  to  JVinigret  to  say  whether  it  should  be  now  so  r  on- 

*  Samuel  f^linrnpton,  proI>al)ly.  who  bought  a  house  and  lands  of  Ephrain  Turner,  brasier, 
lituatod  in  Roston,  in  1G71. 
t  Hence  i£.  4s.  Gd.  -^  15  =  5s.  l-^d.  =  value  of  a  fathom  of  wampum  in  Ifit?. 


Ma 


136 


NIiNIGRET.— MOHEGAN  CONTROVERSY. 


[Book  II. 


sidered,  or  whether  it  should  be  taken  in  payment  of  tlie  debt.  JVinlgrit  said 
tlie  governor  sliould  do  as  he  pleased  about  it.  It  was  then  inquired  how 
niucii  he  liad  sent ;  (it  being  deposited  in  Culshamokin^s  hands,  as  we  Imve 
elsewlierc  stated ;)  lie  said  he  had  sent  30  fatlioin  of  black,  and  45  of  white,  in 
value  together  105  fatliom.  Cutshainokin  was  sent  for  to  state  what  he  had 
received  in  trust.  He  had  produced  two  girdles,  "with  a  string  of  wanipinn, 
all  which  himself  rated  at  45  fathom,  affirming  he  had  received  no  more. 
e,\cej)t  8*.  which  he  had  used,  and  would  repa}'."  lie  was  brought  before 
JVinjffret  and  questioned,  as  there  appeared  a  great  difference  in  their  ac- 
counts, "lie  at  i;;3it  persisted,"  sa3's  our  record,  "and  added  to  liis  lyes,  but 
was  at  last  convinced  [confronted]  by  JVinif^ret,  and  his  messengers  who  then 
brought  the  present,  and  besides  Cu.shamokin  had  sent  him  at  the  siune  time 
10  fathom  as  a  present  also."  It  still  remained  to  be  settled,  whether  this 
watni)um  should  be  received  as  a  part  of  the  debt,  or  as  a  present;  and 
JVtnigret  was  urged  to  say  how  it  should  be.  With  great  magnanimity  he 
answered : — 

"  My  tongue  shall  not  belie  my  heart.  Whether  the  debt  be  paid  or  not,  I  in- 
tended it  as  a  present  to  the  governor" 

It  is  unpleasant  to  conti-ast  the  oharacters  of  the  two  chiefs,  Culnhamokiti 
and  JVinigret,  because  the  former  had  long  had  the  advantage  of  a  civilized 
neighborhood,  ut.[  the  latter  was  from  the  dejUlis  of  the  forest,  where  he  saw 
an  Englishman  but  seldom.  We  could  stiy  nuich  upon  it;  but,  as  it  is 
thought  by  many  that  such  disquisitions  are  unprofitable,  we  decline  going 
into  them  >  ie. 

What  we  have  related  seems  to  have  finished  the  business  of  the  day,  and 
doubtles'^  the  shades  of  iiiglit  were  very  welcome  to  CiUsliainokin.  The  next 
day,  JVinigret  came  into  court,  with  the  deputies  of  Pessacus,  luul  spoke  to  the 
following  effect : — 

"  Before  I  came  here  I  expected  the  burden  ha<l  heen  thrown  upon  me, 
Pessacus  not  having  done  what  he  agreed  to  do.  However,  I  have  considered 
U|)on  the  treaty  of  1645,  and  am  resolved  to  give  the  English  satisfiiction  i)i 
all  things.  I  will  send  some  of  my  men  immediately  to  Narruganset  and 
Niantick,  to  raise  the  wampiun  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  what  they 
will  do  in  three  dayx.  In  ten  days  I  think  the  wamjium  will  anive,  and  I 
will  stay  here  cntil  it  comes.  I  will  tell  this  to  the  Narraganset  confederates. 
But  if  tliere  should  not  enough  at  this  time  bo  raised,  I  desire  some  forbeaj-- 
ance  as  to  time,  as  I  <ssu.e  you  that  the  remainder  shall  be  shortly  paid,  and 
you  shall  see  me  trut  to  the  Englisii.  henceforth." 

This  spo<^h  gave  the  couuiiissionei-s  great  satisfaction,  and  they  proceeded 
to  other  busuies.s. 

Tht!  messengers  sent  out  by  J\/inigret  did  not  return  so  soon  as  was  ex- 

r)ected ;  but,  on  the  1(5  August,  notice  was  given  of  their  arrival ;  sadly, 
u)wevcr,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  eouunission  s,  for  tliey  brought  only 
200  fiithom  of  wampum.  The  feelings  of  the  court  were  somewhat  changed, 
a*id  they  rather  sternly  demanded  "what  the  rea.son  was,  that,  so  nuieh  Ixjing 
due,  so  little  was  brought,  and  iV;  m  whom  this  1200  fathom  came."  J\''inigret 
answered  that  he  was  <lisa|){)«inted  that  more;  had  not  heen  brought,  hut  said, 
if  ho  had  be<'n  at  home,  moio  would  have  been  obtained :  that  100  fathom 
was  sent  by  Pessacus,  and  the  other  100  by  his  people 

The  commissionei-s  say,  that,  "not  thinking  it  meet  to  l)egin  a  present  war, 
if  satisfaction,  (though  with  a  little  forbearance,  may  he  had  otherwise,)"  told 
JVinigret,  that,  since  he  had  said  the  wampum  would  have  been  gathered  and 
paid  if  he  had  l)een  at  home  hin:-'^lf,  they  would  now  give  him  SO  days  to  go 
and  get  it  in;  and,  if  he  eould  noi.  prociue  enough  by  500  liuliom,  still  tlit'y 
would  not  molest  him  until  "next  8|)ring  planting  time,"  That,  as  so  nnieli 
was  still  due,  they  would  reckon  the  present  before  mentioned  ;  hut,  if  they 
did  not  bring  1000  fathom  in  twenty  <lay,'<,  the  commi.^sioners  would  send  no 
more  messengers  into  his  countrj',  "hut  take  course  to  right  themselves." 
That,  if  they  were  " Ibreetl  to  seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  ho  ami  his  conllMle- 
rafes  imist  not  expect  to  make;  their  jieaei-,  as  lately  tli(\v  had  done,  by  a  little 
wami)um.  In  the  mean  time,  though  for  lir(;aeh  o.  covenants  they  niiglit  put 
their  hostages  to  death,  yet  the  eoiinuissioners  would  it)rtliwith  deliver  tlio 


in 


Chap.  IV.]     NIMGRET.— THE  ENGLISH  PREPARE  FOR  WAR. 


137 


children  to  JVinifpret,*  expecting  from  liim  the  more  care  to  .sec  eiignue- 
nients  fully  8nti.«Hci!.  And,  if  tlicy  find  him  real  in  his  performnnce,  they  will 
charge  all  former  neglects  upon  Pessacus,"  nud  "in  such  case  they  expect 
from  JViniffret  his  best  assistance,  when  he  siiall  Ite  n-quired  to  recover  the 
whole  remainder  from  him.  All  which  J^'inigret  clieertully  accepted,  and 
promised  t<  ^)ei-form  accordingly." 

Notwithstanding  all  their  promises,  the  Narmgansets  had  not  discharged 
their  debt  at  the  end  of  two  yeara  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had  paid 
al)out  1100  fathom  of  wampum.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  UH'J,  at  IJoston, 
"the  commissionoi-s  were  minded  of  the  continued  complaint  of  Uncas" 
against  the  Narragansets,  that  they  were  ".still  vndermining  his  peace  mid 
seeking  his  mine,"  and  had  lately  endeavored  "to  bring  in  the  Mowhaukes 
vppon  him,"  which  failing,  they  next  tried  to  take  away  Ins  life  by  witchcraft. 
A  Narraganset  Indian,  named  Cuttaqiiin, "  m  an  English  vessel,  in  Mohcgan 
River,  nui  a  sword  into  his  breast,  wherby  h(!e  receeved,  to  all  a|)pearance,  a 
mortal  wound,  which  murtherus  acte  the  a.ssalant  then  confessed  hee  was,  foi 
a  considerable  sum  of  wampum,  by  tlie  Narragansett  and  Nianticke  sachems, 
hired  to  attempt." 

Meanwhile  JWnigrcf,  understanding  what  was  to  be  urged  against  him, 
apjjeared  suddenly  at  IJoston  be(br«!  the  conunissioners.  The  old  catalogue 
of  delinquencies  was  reatl  over  to  him,  with  8(!veral  new  ones  appended.  As 
it  respected  Cuttaquin^s  attempt  upon  the  life  of  Uncas,  JVinigret  said  that 
neither  he  nor  Pessams  had  any  haiul  in  it,  but  that  "he  [Cutlaquin]  was 
drawn  thereunto  by  torture  liom  the  Mohegans  ;"  "but  he  was  told,  that  the 
assailant,  before  he  came  into  the  hands  of  thi^  Mohegans,  presently  after  the 
fact  was  connnitted,  layed  tlu;  charge  upon  him,  with  tlie  rest,\vhich  he 
coutirmed,  the  day  Ibllowing,  to  Capt.  Mason,  in  the  presence  of  tlie  English 
that  were  in  the  bark  with  him,  and  often  reiteratetl  it  at  Hartford,  though 
since  he  hath  denied  it:  that  he  was  presented  to  Uncas  under  the  notion  of 
one  apjiertaining  to  Vs.iamequin,  whereby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend, 
and  no  provocation  given  him."  Cutlaquin  had  aflirmed,  it  was  said,  that  his 
desperate  condition  caused  him  to  attempt  the  lile  of  Uncas,  "through  his 
great  engagement  to  the  said  sachems,  having  received  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  wampum,  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  uway 
his  liti'." 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  we  next 
find  them  engaged  in  settling  the  old  account  of  wampum.  JVinigret  had 
got  the  commissioners  debited  more  than  they  at  first  were  willing  to  allow. 
They  say  that  it  appeared  by  tht^  auditor's  account,  that  no  more  than  15291 
fathom  hath  been  credited,  "  nor  could  JK'inigrct  by  any  evidence  make  any 
more  to  appear,  only  la;  alh^ged  that  about  (iOO  fathom  was  ])iii<l  by  measure 
which  he  accounted  by  tale,  wherein  there  was  considerable  ditl'erence.  The 
commisisioners,  not  willing  to  adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  jiarticular, 
(and  though  by  agreement  it  was  to  be  paid  by  measure  and  not  by  tale,) 
were  willing  to  allow  (fi  liitliom  and  half  in  that  res|iect,  so  that  there  remains 
due  408  fiitliom.  IJut  jVinigret  persisting  in  his  f<)rmer  altirmatioii,  and  not 
endeavoring  to  give  any  reasonable  satistiictioti  to  the  commissioners  in  the 
premises,  a  small  incoiisiderabh!  parcel  of  beaver  being  all  that  was  t<'ndered 
to  them,  though  they  understood  h(>  «as  better  provided."  They  therefore 
gave  him  to  understand  that  they  were  altogether  dissatisfied,  and  that  he 
might  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  determined  to  protect  Uncas  according 
to  their  treaty  with  nini. 

The.  commissioners  now  expressed  the  opinion  among  themselves,  that 
aflairs  looked  rather  turbulent,  and  advised  that  each  colony  slioidd  hold  itself 
:n  readiness  to  act  as  ciieumstaiices  might  reipiire,  "  wliich  they  t!n^  rather 
present  to  consideratioM,  from  an  inlbrmation  they  received  since  tliiir  sitting, 
of  a  marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  JVinigrcVs  daughter,  and  a  brother  or 
brother's  son  of  Sassaquan,  tla;  malignant,  furious  Pcfpiot,  wliereby  probably 


"  (ih\(l,  no  (liiiilil,  lo  rill  llM'ni'ii'hi"i  oCllii'  cxpciKi-  dC  kiTpiMy  llicin  ;  (or  it  niiiv|  lie  rcincin. 
l)oro(l,  llial  ilio  English  took  llicni  upini  tlio  i  onililion  llial  llicy  slioulil  siii>;i<irt  lliuiii  ul  tlicir 
•wn  ex|teu!ie. 


13 


L>* 


138     WAIANDANCE  SEIZES  jMIAN  rUNNOfllOH'S  MESSENGER.      [Look  II 

their  niiiia  arc  to  gutlier  togntlirr,  and  reunite  tlie  scattered  conqiierc.l  Pe- 
qiiates  into  one  body,  and  set  tlieni  ii|)  again  as  u  distinct  nation,  wiiicli  liutli 
always  been  witnessed  against  i)y  tlio  Englislj,  and  may  hazard  tiie  peace 
ot'tlie  colonies." 

The  four  years  next  succeeding  are  fidl  of  events,  but  as  they  linijpencd 
chiefly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  diflicult  to  learn  the  purticu- 
lai-s.  JVmigref  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a  part  of  Long  Island,  as 
did  his  predecessors;  but  those  Indians,  seeing  the  English  domineering 
over  the  Narragausets,  became  altogether  independent  of  them,  and  even 
waged  wars  upon  thetn. 

^scassasotick  was  at  this  period  tiie  chief  of  those  Indians,  a  warlike  and 
courageous  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbarous  as  he  was  brave.  These 
islanders  had,  from  the  time  of  the  Pequot  troubles,  been  protected  by  the 
English,  which  much  increased  their  insolence.  Not  only  had  JVini^ret,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Narragansets,  suilered  liom  his  insults,  but  the  Mohegans  had 
also,  as  we  shall  more  fidly  make  ajjpear  hereailer. 

When  the  English  conimissioners  had  met  at  Hartford  in  1G50,  Uncos 
came  with  a  complaint  to  them,  "that  the  Mohansick  sachem,  in  Long 
Island,  had  killed  som  of  his  men ;  bewitched  diners  others  and  himself 
also,"  which  was  doubtless  as  true  as  were  most  of  his  charges  against  the 
Narragansets,  "and  desired  tiie  commissioners  that  bee  might  be  righted 
therjn.  But  because  the  Raid  sachem  of  Long  Island  was  not  there  to  an- 
swer for  himself,"  several  Englishmen  were  a|)poiuted  to  examine  into  it, 
and  if  they  found  him  guilty  to  let  him  know  that  they  "  will  bring  trouble 
upon  themselves." 

At  the  same  meeting  an  order  was  passed,  "  that  20  men  well  armed  be 
Bent  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachusetts  to  Pessiciis,  to  demand  the 
said  wampum,  [then  in  arrears,]  which  is  308  fathom;"  but  in  case  they 
could  not  get  tlie  wampum,  they  were  ordered  "  to  take  the  same,  or  the 
vallew  therof,  in  the  best  and  most  suital)le  goods  they  can  find."  Or,  if 
they  could  not  find  enough  to  satisi'y  all  demands,  tliey  were  ordered  to  seize 
and  "  bring  away  either  Pessacus  or  his  children,  or  such  other  considerable 
sachem  or  persons,  as  they  prize,  and  may  more  probably  bow  them  to 
reason." 

From  Pessaais,  they  were  ordi  red  to  go  to  JS/ini^d,  and  inform  him  that 
the  conmnssioners  had  heard  "  that  he  had  given  hs  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Sasecos  his  brother,  tcho  gathers  Pequots  under  him,  as  if  eillter  he  woiUd  become 
their  sachem,  or  again  possess  the  Pequot  country,"  which  was  contrary  to 
•'  engagements,"  and  what  they  would  not  allow,  and  he  must  inform  them 
wheilier  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  Waiuash  Cook  "comitlains  of 
sundry  wrongs."  And  that,  as  to  his  hunting  in  the  Pe(iuot  country,  to  udbrm 
liim  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  that  c  juntry  belonged  to  the  English.  The 
termination  of  this  expedition,  in  which  .'ViWafrfi  was  taken  "by  tiie  hair," 
has  been  previously  mentionecl  in  our  extract  liom  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  given  some  account  of  the  acts  of  a 
chief  called  fVaiandance,  especially  relating  to  the  disorganization  of  tlio 
plans  of  that  great  chief  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a  parallel  act  in  relation 
to  JVinigret.  About  a  year  afkr  tiie  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  JVinigret  under- 
took to  organize  a  plan  for  expatriating  the  EngUsh;  and  sent  a  messenger 
to  Maiamlance,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  to  engage  him  in  it.  Instead  of 
listening  to  his  message,  JVaiandanre  seized  upon  JVinigreCs  messenger, 
bound  liini,  and  sent  him  to  Ca|)taiii  Gardener  at  Saybrook  ibrt.  From  tiicnco 
he  was  sent,  under  a  guard  of  10  men,  for  Ifartlbrd.  But  they  were  wind- 
bound  in  tiieir  passage,  and  were  oi)liged  to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where 
an  old  sachem  lived,  who  was  Haiandance\i  elder  brother.  Here  they  let 
Mnigrcl^s  ambassador  escape,  and  thus  he  had  knowledge  that  his  plan  was 
discovered  and  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  Waiandanre,  we  will  add  the 
account  of  his  last  acts  and  death.  One  William  Hammond  being  killed  "by 
a  giant-like  Indian"  near  New  York,  about  l(i;i7,  Ca|)tain  Hardener  told 
Waiaiulance  that  he  nnist  kill  that  Indian  ;  but  this  being  against  the  advico 
of  tlie  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  and  told  the  captain  that  that 


Chap.  IV.]  NINKillKI    ACCU.Si:i)  OF  .V   I'l.Or  WITH  TIIF,   IHrTCII. 


I'W 


Iiuli.ni  was  a  mi<rlity  jriTiit  mmi,  and  no  m.in  darod  tm'ddlo  with  Iiiin,  ami 
that  lie  liad  many  iiiends.  Some  tun-  alh^r,  he  killed  another,  one  Tliomits 
F(trrhi;r/on,  and  in  the  mean  tiiie,  ffaimiflana^s  iirother  haviiij,'  died,  ii«; 
undertook  his  execution,  whicii  h  •  accomplished.  This  was  his  last  act  in 
the  service  of  the  English ;  "ibr  in  ti.e  time  of  a  great  mortality  among  them, 
iie  dieil,  hut  it  was  by  poison ;  also  two-thirds  of  the  Iiulians  upon  Long 
Island  died,  else  the  Narragunsjts  had  liot  mode  such  huvoc  hci-c  as  they 
iiave." 

JVinigret  passed  the  winter  of  1G52 — 3  among  the  Dutch  of  New  York 
This  caused  the  English  great  suspicion,  especially  as  they  were  enemirs  to 
the  Dutch  at  that  time ;  and  several  sagamores  who  resided  near  the  Dutch 
had  reported  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  trying  to  hire  them  to  cut  otV  the 
Kn<;lish  ;  conseijuently,  there  was  a  sjjccial  meeting  of  the  English  coimnis- 
sioners  at  Boston,  in  April,  l(i5!J,  occasioned  by  a  rumor  that  the  Narragansets 
had  leagued  with  the  Diitch  to  I  reak  U|)  the  English  sittlements.  Where- 
U|)on  a  letter  was  sent  by  tliem  to  their  agept  at  Narraganset,  Thomas  St  a  i)  ton, 
containing  " divei-s  queries,"  by  him  to  be  interpreted  "to  JVinegrett,  Pessicus 
and  Meeksam,  three  of  the  chicfest  Narraganset  sachems,"  and  their  answers 
to  he  inunediatoly  obtained  and  reported  to  the  commissioners. 

The  questions  to  be  put  to  the  sachems  were,  in  substance,  as  follows : — 

1.  Wluither  the  Dutch  had  engaged  them*  to  fight  against  the  I'aiglish. — 

2.  Wli(!ther  the  Dutch  governor  did  not  endeavor  such  a  conspiracy. — 
\i.  Whether  they  had  not  received  arms  and  immitions  of  war  from  the 
Dutch.— 4.  What  other  Indians  are  engaged  in  the  jilot. — .'>.  Whether,  con- 
trary to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to  tight  against  the  English. — 
G.  If  they  are  so  resolved,  lolial  Ihcy  think  the  English  will  do. — 7.  VVhethcr 
they  liad  not  better  be  true  to  the  English. — 8.  Similar  to  the  first. — d.  What 
were  their  grounds  of  war  against  the  English. — 10.  Whether  they  had  not 
better  come  or  send  messengers  to  treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they 
iiad  hired  the  Mohawks  to  help  them. 

"The  answare  of  the  sachems,  viz.  J^Tinigrdt,  Pessecus  and  Mixam,  vnto  the 
queries  and  letters  sent  by  the  messengei-s,  Sarjeant  fVaile  and  Sarjen.nt  John 
liarrell,  the  18th  of  the  second  month,  1(553." 

Mernin  seems  to  have  been  the  first  that  answered ;  aud  of  tJic  firai  query 
he  said : — 

"I  speak  nnfeignedly,  from  my  heart,  and  say,  without  dissinndation,  that  I 
know  of  no  such  plot  against  the  English,  ?ny  friends;  implicating  either  the 
Dutch  governor  or  any  other  person.  Though  I  be  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
guns,  powder  nor  shot,  that  shall  draw  me  to  such  a  jnot  as  this  against  the 
English,  my  friend.>J.  f  If  the  Dutch  governor  had  made  known  any  such 
intention  to  me,  I  would  have  told  it,  without  delay,  to  the  English,  my 
friends.  With  respect  to  your  second  questitm,  I  answer,  JVb.  What  do  the 
English  sachems,  my  friends,  think  of  lis? — do  they  think  wo  should  prefer 
g.iods,  g!in«;  powd(>r  and  shot,  before  om*  lives?  our  means  of  living?  both 
of  us  and  ours?  As  to  the  4th  query,  I  speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  I  know 
of  no  such  j)lot  by  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  fiilsc  news  and 
rejiorts  against  us;  let  them  say  what  they  will,  they  are  false.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  say  more.  But  in  answer  to  the  10th  query  1  will  say,  It  is  just 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  English  sachems,  but  as  for 
mysell",  I  am  old,  and  cannot  travel  two  days  together,  hut  a  man  shall  be  sent 
to  speak  with  the  siicliems.  I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Smith,  and  Volll  his  man, 
to  speak  to  IMr.  Brown,  and  to  say  to  him,  that  I  love  the  English  sticbems, 
and  all  Englishmen  in  the  Bay:  And  desire  Mr.  Brown  to  tell  the  sachems 

*  The  lliird  p'Tsoii  siiiu;iil;ir, /ic,  is  iisoil  lliroiislinut,  in  llic  ori!;;innl,  as  it  waii  sujiposcd  by 
llie  |ir()|ioiiii(lurs  ihiU  oiii'li  clii<!l'  woiilil  Ix-  (jiioslioiit'd  scparnlply. 

t  Kvury  oiio  miisl  In;  ('orcil)ly  roniiiidcd  of  llio  answer  given  l»y  one  of  onr  rovnliilionnry 
Worthies,  .fosi-ph  Reed,  Ksq.,  to  a  British  apciit,  on  roniliii}?  this  answer  of  the  chief  Mexam, 
Ihongh  not  luider  rircninstanees  exactly  srniihir.  Mr.  Keed  was  promised  a  fortune  if  ha 
Ronld  exert  liiniself  on  iho  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  it  in  the  light  of  a  bribe,  he  ret)lic(l  i 
"  /((HI  MO/  vorllt  piirchitxin<x,  lint,  swh  n.s  I  urn,  the  kiiif:;  of  (ire'it  Jirilnin  is  not  rich  enough 
to  do  il."     Dr.  Onrdon's  America,  iii.  172.  ed.  liondon,  4  vols.  8vo.  1788 

\  Valkntitu  Whitman,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  named. 


140 


messa(;k  to  ninigret.— ins  answer. 


JISOOK  II. 


of  tlie  Bay,  that  the  cliild  that  is  now  bom,  or  that  is  to  be  born  in  time  to 
coin«i,  shall  see  no  war  made  by  us  against  the  English." 

Pessants  spoke  to  this  purpose : — 

"  I  am  very  thankful  to  these  two  men  that  came  from  the  Massachusftts, 
and  to  you  Thomas,  and  to  you  Poll,*  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith,  you  that  are 
come  so  mr  as  from  the  Bay  to  bring  us  this  message,  and  to  inform  us  of 
those  things  we  knew  not  of  before.  As  for  the  governor  of  the  Dutch,  we 
are  loath  to  invent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  we  be  far  from  him,  to  please 
the  i*^  'jjlish,  or  any  others  that  bring  these  reports.  For  what  I  speak  with 
ni^  mouth  I  speak  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch  governor  did  never  propoimd 
any  such  thing  unto  us.  Do  you  think  wc  are  mad?  and  that  we  have 
forgotten  our  writing  that  we  had  in  the  Bay,  which  doth  bind  us  to  the 
English,  our  friends,  in  a  way  of  friendship .'  Shall  we  irow  away  that 
writing  and  ourselves  too  ?  Have  we  not  reason  in  us  ?  H  ><  '  can  the  Dutch 
shelter  us,  being  so  remote,  against  the  power  of  the  English,  our  friends — 
we  living  close  by  the  doors  of  the  English,  our  friends?  We  do  profess,  we 
abhor  such  things." 

Lastly,  we  come  to  the  chief  actor  in  this  affair,  JVinigret.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  order,  and  answere  it ;  which,  for  brevity's  sake,  we  will  give  in 
a  little  more  condensed  foi-m,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  can  in  any 
degree  add  to  our  acquaintance  with  the  great  chief.    He  thus  commences: — 

"I  utterl*'  deny  that  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  between  the  Dutch 
governor  and  myselfj  to  fight  against  the  English.  I  did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  say  they  would  go  ancl  fight  against  the  English ;  neither  did  I 
hear  the  Indiana  say  they  would  join  with  them.  But,  while  I  was  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  that  toUl  me  there  was  a  ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  were  fighting 
together  in  their  own  country,  and  there  were  s(;veral  other  ships  coming  with 
ammunition  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a  great 
blow  given  to  the  English  when  they  came.  But  this  I  had  from  the  Indians, 
and  how  true  it  is  I  cannot  tell.  I  know  not  of  any  wrong  the  English  have 
done  ine,  therefore  wnv  should  I  fight  against  them?  Why  do  the  English 
sachems  ask  me  the  same  questions  over  and  over  again  ?  Do  they  think  we 
are  mad — and  would,  fi)r  a  few  guns  anf!  swords,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  lives 
of  our  wives  and  children  ?  As  to  their  tenth  question,  it  being  indiflferently 
spoken,  whether  I  may  go  or  send,  though  I  krow  nothing  myself,  wherein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  i)revent  mv  going ;  yet,  as  I  said  before,  it  being 
left  to  my  choice,  that  is,  it  bring  indilferent  to  the  conmiissioners,  whether  1 
will  send  some  one  to  speak  with  them,  I  will  send."! 

To  the  letters  which  the  English  messengera  can-ied  to  the  sachems,  Mexam 
and  Pessacus  said,  "  IVe  desire  there  may  he  no  mistake,  but  that  ive  may  be 
undei  stood,  and  that  there  viay  be  a  true  iinderstandir.^  on  both  sides.  We  desire 
to  know  tohere  you  had  this  news,  that  tliere  icas  such  a  league  made  betioixt  the 
Dutch  and  us,  and  also  to  know  our  accusers" 

JVinigret,  though  of  the  most  importance  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned  in 
the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  him  by  the  messengers  is  as 
follows : — 

"You  are  kindly  welcome  to  us,  and  I  kindly  thank  the  sachems  of  Massa- 
chusetts tliat  they  should  think  of  me  as  one  of  the  sachems  worthy  to  be 
inquired  of  concerning  this  mutter.  Had  any  of  the  other  sachems  been  at 
the  Dutch,  I  should  have  feared  their  folly  might  have  done  some  hurt,  one 
way  or  other,  hut  they  have  not  been  there.  /  am  the  man.  I  have  been 
there  myself.  I  alone  am  answerable  for  what  I  have  done.  And,  as  I  have 
already  declared,  I  do  utterly  deny  and  protest  that  I  know  of  no  such  i)lot  as 
has  been  apprehended.  Wliat  is  the  story  of  these  groat  nimora  that  I  hear  at 
Pocatocke — that  I  shoidd  be  cutoflT,  and  that  the  English  had  a  quarrel  against 

•  So  printed  in  Hazard,  but  probnlily  moans  the  same  as  Voll;  V,  in  the  latter  case,  liavins; 
been  taken  for  P.     Wo  liiwe  known  siicli  instances. 

t 'I'lic  procodinf^  sonloiico  of  our  text,  llio  nnllior  of  Tnh's  of  the  Ititlimis  Xh'mVn,  "  \\o\M 
ptiz/le  llie  most  myslifiiiiiu-  politician  of  niodorn  linios."  Indeed !  What !  a  I'iiiiadolphia 
lau'ijer?  Really,  we  oannol  conceive  lliat  ll  oiip;lit  in  the  least  to  pnzzle  even  a  Uostou 
Liuyer.     If  a  puzzle  exist  any  wliere,  we  apprelienil  it  is  in  some  inij-ilifyiiig  word. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— AWASHAW. 


141 


me  ?  I  know  of  no  such  cause  at  all  for  luy  part.  Is  it  because  1  weiii 
tiiitiior  to  take  [tliysic  fur  my  healtli .''  or  what  is  the  cause.'  I  found  no  surh 
entLTtaininent  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I  was  tliere,  as  to  give  me  any 
encouragement  to  stir  me  up  to  such  a  league  against  tlie  English,  my  fricndH. 
It  was  winter  time,  and  I  stood,  a  great  part  of  a  winter  day,  knocking  at 


door,  and  he  would  neidier  o|)en  it,  nor  sufler  others  to  open 
iu.     1  was  not  wont  to  iind  sucli  carriage  from  the  English,  my 


the 

it,  to  let  me 

friends." 

Not  long  after  the  return  of  the  English  messengers,  who  brought  the  above 
ndation  of  their  mission,  AwosJmw  arrived  at  Boston,  as  "messenger"  of 
JWnigret,  Pessacua,  and  Meiam,  with  "three  or  four"  othere.  An  hitiuisition 
was  immediately  held  over  him,  and,  from  his  cross-examhiation,  we  gather 
the  following  answers: — 

"jViHi£7'f<  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  be  cured  of  his  disease, 
liearing  there  was  a  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him ;  and  Mr.  John 
n'inthrop  knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  30  fathom  of  wampum,  gave  the 
doctor  10,  and  the  Dutch  governor  15,  who,  in  lieu  thereof,  gave  lum  coats 
with  sleeves,  but  not  one  gun,  tliough  the  Indians  there  gave  him  two  guns. 
That,  while  JVinigrel  was  there,  he  crossed  Hudson's  River,  and  there  an 
■'in  told  him  about  the  arrival  of  the  Dutch  ships.  As  to  the  com  sent  to 
the  Dutch  by  jYini^et,  it  was  only  to  pay  his  passage,  the  Dutch  liaving 
brought  him  home  in  a  vessel.  Five  men  went  with  JVini^ret.  Four  came 
home  with  him  in  the  vessel,  and  one  came  by  land  before.  One  of  his 
company  was  a  Mohcgan,  and  one  a  Conecticott  Indian,  who  lived  on  the 
other  side  of  Hudson's  River.  A  canoe  was  furnished  witli  (JO  fathom  of 
wampum,  after  jYinigreCs  return  from  Monhatoes,  to  be  sent  there  to  pay  for 
the  two  guns,  but  six  fathom  of  it  was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  which 
was  then  il;")  to  iiiin.  There  were  in  it,  also,  two  raccoon  coats,  and  two 
beaver  skins,  and  seven  Indians  to  go  with  it.  They  and  the  canoe  were 
captur(.'d  by  Uncus" 

An  Indian  named  ^^  J\'ewcom-Mahixes,  sometimes  of  Rhode  Island,"  waa 
one  that  accom[)anicd  Awashaw.  "  One  John  Ligldfoot,  of  Boston,"  said 
J\Iaiiu:es  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  Southhold,  and 
learned  their  language,)  that  tlie  Dutchmen  would  "cut  off"  the  English  of 
Long  Island.  "Mwcom  also  confes,seth  [to  him]  that  JVinigret  said  tliat  he 
licanl  that  some  ships  were  to  come  from  Holland  to  the  Monhattoes  to  cut  otl* 
the  English."  "Tliat  an  Indian  told  him  that  the  Dutch  would  come  against 
the  English,  and  cut  them  oft*,  but  they  would  save  the  women  and  children 
and  guns,  for  th  mselves.  But  Capt.  Siinkins  ami  the  said  lAghlJbot  do  both 
nftirm  that  the  sail  A^(cco»i  told  them  that  the  Dutchmen  told  him,  us  before 
[stated,]  though  hi  now  puts  it  oflj  and  saith  an  Indian  told  hijn  so."  Siinkins 
ulfirmed  also  that  \cifco//i  told  hhn  that  if  he  would  go  and  serve  the  Dutch, 
they  would  give  h  m  £100  a  year. 

On  examining  jVeivcom,  the  commissioners  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  lie 
was  guilty  of  i)erfidy,  and  that  they  should  not  have  let  him  escape  without 
punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  ambassador.  They,  there- 
ibre,  desired  Awashaw  to  inibrm  J^'inigret  of  it,  that  he  irnght  send  him  to 
them  again,  "  the  better  to  clear  himseitl"  This  we  apprehend  was  not  done. 
Awashaw  next  notified  the  court  that  he  had  not  done  with  them,  "  where- 
upon he  was  sent  for  to  speak  what  he  had  further  to  propound."  He  de- 
manded how  they  came  by  their  information  "^f  all  these  things  touching 
J^nigrd."  They  said  from  several  Indians,  particularlif  "  the  Monheage  In- 
dian and  the  Narraganset  Indian,  which  were  both  taken  by  Uncus  his  men, 
who  had  confessed  the  i)lot  before  Mr.  Haines  at  Hartford."  Awushaw  also 
demanded  restitution  of  the  wampum  taken  by  Uncus.  The  commissioners 
told  him  that  they  had  not  as  yet  understood  of  the  truth  of  thai  action,  but 
when  they  had  thoroughly  examined  it,  he  should  have  an  answer. 

So,  all  this  Itigislating  was  about  jYinigreVs  going  to  the  Dutch;  for  as  to  a 
j)U)t  tlu-re  appears  no  evidence  of  any ;  but  when  Uncas  had  committed  a 
great  depredation  upon  Mnigrd,  why — "that  altered  the  case" — they  must 
in(iuirc  into  it,  which  doubtless  was  all  right  so  ftir;  but  if  a  like  complaint 


u 


i!'" 


142 


NlMaRET.-UNCAS'S  PERFIDV. 


[UooK  11 


hnd  Itpen  preferred  ngainst  JS/inigret  by  Uncos,  we  liave  reason  to  tliink  it 
woulii  liave  been  fortliwitb  "iiKjuired  into,"  at  least,  without  an  if. 

A  story,  it  cannot  be  culled  evidence,  told  by  Uncus,  relating  to  JVIuigrefs 
visit  to  tlie  Diitcli,  is  recorded  by  the  coniniissioners,  and  which,  if  it  amount 
to  any  thing,  goes  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  iudecnl  an  acknowledgment 
of  liis  own  perfidy  in  taking  jYinigrefs  boat  and  goods,  as  charged  by  ./Iwa- 
shaio.    It  is  as  follows : — 

"  Uncos,  theMohegan  sachem,  came  lately  to  Mr. /fo/ns'  house  at  Hartford, 
and  informed  him  that  JVinnigrett,  eachem  of  the  Niantick  Narragansetts 
went  diis  winter  to  the  Monhatoes"  and  made  a  league  with  the  Dutch  gov 
ernor,  and  for  a  large  ijresent  of  wampum  received  SO  guns  and  a  great  box 
of  powder  and  bullets.  JS/^nigret  told  him  of  the  great  injuries  he  had 
sustained  from  Uncas  and  the  English.  That  on  the  other  side  of  Hudson's 
River,  JVinigret  had  a  conference  with  a  great  many  Indian  sagamores,  and 
desinid  their  aid  to  cut  oft'theMohegans  and  English.  Ahio,  that,  about  two 
years  since,  JS/inigret  "sent  to  the  Jluidieage  sachem,  and  gave  him  a  present 
of  wampum,  pressing  him  to  procure  a  ni:"u  skilful  in  magic  workings,  and 
an  artist  in  poisoning,  and  send  unto  him  ;  and  he  should  receive  more  one 
hundredth  fiithom  of  wampum,  which  was  to  have  been  conveyed  to  the 
Monheage  sachem,  and  the  powaugh  at  the  return  of  him  that  was  to  bring 
the  poison.  Uncas  having  intelligence  of  these  things,  caused  a  narrow 
watch  to  be  set,  by  sea  and  land,  for  the  apprehending  of  those  persons  j  and 
accordingly  took  them  returning  in  acaiioo  to  the  number  of  seven:  whereof 
four  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangers  and  one  Pecjuatt.  This  was 
done  in  his  absence,  while  he  was  with  Mr.  Haines,  at  Conecticott,  and  carried 
by  those  of  his  men  that  took  them  to  Mohegan.  Being  there  examined,  two 
of  them,  the  [Wampeage*]  sachem's  brother,  and  one  NaiTaganset  freely  con- 
fessed the  whole  plot  formerly  expressed,  and  that  one  of  their  company  was 
that  powaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  out  the  man.  Upon  this,  his  men  in  a 
rage  slew  him,  fearing,  as  he  said,  least  he  should  make  an  escape,  or  other- 
wise do  either  mischief  to  Uncas  or  the  English,  in  case  they  should  carry 
him  with  the  rest  before  them,  to  Conecticott  to  be  further  examined.  And 
being  brought  to  Conecticott  before  Mr.  Haines,  and  examined,  did  assert 
these  particulars." 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  "  an  inhabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that  the 
Dutch  and  Indians  generally  were"  confederating  to  cut  off  the  English,  and 
that  election  day,  [1654,]  was  the  time  set,  "  because  then  it  is  apprehended 
the  plantations  will  be  left  naked  and  unable  to  defend  themselves,  the  strength 
of  the  English  colonies  being  gathered  from  the  several  towns.  And  the 
afon-said  squaw  advised  the  said  inhabitants  to  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  Eng- 
lish with  it,  desiring  they  would  remember  how  dear  their  slighting  of  her 
former  information  of  the  Pequots  coming  upon  the  English  cost  fhem."t 

It  would  seem,  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  records,  that  something 
had  been  suggested  either  by  the  Dutch  or  Indians,  about  "  cutting  off  the 
English,"  which  justice  to  jYinigret  requires  us  to  state,  might  have  been  the 
case  without  his  knowledge  or  participation.  For,  the  testimony  of  the  mes- 
sengers of  "nine  Indian  siigamores  who  live  about  the  Monhatoes"  no  how 
implicates  him,  and,  therefore,  cannot  be  taken  into  account,  any  more  than 

*  8i'0  (lecliiralioii  onward  in  the  rocnrds,  {flaz.  ii.  22i.) 

t  Kcli'iring-  lo  an  ali'air  of  l(iJ7,  wliicli  Dr.  /.  Mather  relntos  as  follows:  "  In  the  interim, 
[wiiilc  ("n|>l.  Miison  was  protci'linsf  Havlirook  fort,]  many  ol'  the  I'equods  went  to  a  place 
iiDU  iMJIcd  Wftliersjield  on  Connccticnr  Jlivor,  and  liaving  cont'ederaled  with  the  bidians  of 
that  |)lace,  (as  it  was  rfcnprally  tlionjjiil,)  llicy  laid  in  anihnsh  for  the  English  people  of  that 
place,  aii(l  divers  of  them  froinfr  lo  thi'ir  labor  in  a  larfre  field  adjoining  to  the  town,  were  set 
upon  iiy  the  hidians.  Nine  of  llie  English  were  slain  npon  the  place,  and  some  hordes,  and 
two  young  women  were  taken  captive.''  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  iic.  26. — Dr.  Trumbull 
says  this  happened  in  April,     llht.  Con.  \.  77. 

The  cause  of  this  act  of  the  I'e<|uols,  according  to  WInlhrop,  i.  2G0,  was  this,  An  Indian 
called  Si''iiiiii  had  given  the  English  hinds  at  U'elhersfiold,  that  he  might  live  hy  them  and  lie 
proiecled  from  other  Indians.  I!ut  when  he  came  there,  and  had  set  down  his  wigwam,  the 
English  drove  him  awav  l>y  force.  And  hence  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  plotted  the'r 
lieslruclion,  as  ahove  related,  wilh  the  I'eqnols. 


Chap   IV] 


NINIGRET— ADDAM. 


143 


what  an  Indian  named  Ronnessoke  told  JVtcholrts  Tanner,  as  intorprnted  by 
another  Indian  caWvAlMdam;  the  Inttor,  tliougli  relating  to  JVtHi>/-f<'*  visit, 
wa«i  only  a  iieareay  affair.    Ronnessoke  was  a  sagamore  of  Long  Island. 

Ji.iiUvn  also  interpreted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Powanefre,  "  who 
saitli  he  came  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  over  against  the 
Moniiatoi-s,  where  the  plot  is  a  working,  that  was  this:  that  the  Dntchinen 
fwlccd  the  Indians  whether  they  would  leave  them  at  the  last  cast,  or  stand  up 
with  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  should  fear  nothing,  and  not  be  dis- 
couraged because  the  plot  was  discovered,"  Sec. 

Allium  the  interpreter  had  also  a  story  to  tell.  He  said,  "  this  sjjring  [1(5.5:3, 
O.  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aurania,  [since  Albany,]  and  first 
\vent  to  a  jilace  called  Ackicksack,  [Hackinsack,]  a  great  place  of  Lulians,  from 
thence  to  Alonnesick,  [Minisink,]  thence  to  Opingona,  thence  to  VVarmnoke, 
tlien^-e  to  Fort  Aurania:  And  so  far  he  went  in  his  own  person.  From 
thence  lie  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [Deerfield,  on  the  Connecticut,]  and  he  cairicd 
with  him  many  note  of  sewan,  that  is,  i)ags  of  wampum,  and  delivered  them 
to  the  sagamores  of  the  places,  and  they  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their 
men  ;  and  withal  he  carrieil  powder,  shot,  cloth,  lead  and  guns ;  and  told  them 
he  woidd  get  all  the  great  Indians  imdcr  him,  and  the  English  should  have  the 
scum  of  the  Indians,  and  he  would  have  those  sagamores  with  their  men  t'< 
cut  off  the  English,  and  to  be  at  his  coitunand  whenever  he  had  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  to  find  them  powder  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them.  Further 
he  s^'nt  one  Govert,  a  Dutchman,  to  Marsiey,  on  Long  Island,  to  JSnitnnahom, 
tiie  sagamore,  to  assist  him  and  to  do  for  him  what  he  would  have  [iiim]  do : 
But  the  sagamore  told  him  he  would  have  nothing  to  [do]  with  it:  whereupon 
Govert  gave  the  sagamore  a  great  kettle  to  be  silent.  JViitanaham  told  iiim  he 
had  but  20  men,  and  the  English  had  never  done  him  wrong,  [and]  he  had  no 
cause  to  fight  against  them.  Further,  he  saith  that  jMinnegrett,  the  fiscal,*  and 
the  Dutcii  governor  were  up  two  days  in  a  close  room,  with  other  sagamores ; 
and  there  was  no  speaking  with  any  of  them  except  when  they  came  tor  a  coal 
of  fire,  t  or  the  like.  And  much  sewan  was  seen  at  that  time  in  ./V7nnegre<  j 
hand,  and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ; "  and  that  Ronnesseoke  told  him  tlu.t 
tlic  governor  bid  him  fly  for  his  life,  for  tiie  plot  was  now  discovered. 

Nevertheless,  as  for  any  positive  testimony  that  JVinigret  was  plotting  against 
the  English,  there  is  none.  That  he  wjis  in  a  room  to  avoid  company,  while 
his  piiysician  was  attending  him,  is  vei-y  probable. 

In  a  long  letter,  dated  2(ith  May,  1(553,  which  the  governor  of  New  Amster-  . 
dam,  Peter  Sluyvesant,  wrote  to  the  English,  is  the  following  passage : — "  It  is 
in  part  true,  as  your  worships  conclude,  that,  about  Januaiy,  there  came  a 
strange  Indian  from  the  north,  called  JS/^nmgrett,  commander  of  the  Nan'agtn- 
sets.    But  he  came  hither  with  a  pass  from  Mr.  John  Winthrop.    Upon  which 

Itass,  as  we  remember,  the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expressed,  namely,  to 
le  cured  and  healed ;  and  il^  upon  the  other  siile  of  the  river,  there  hath  been 
any  assen.hly  or  meeting  of  the  Indians,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not 
[of  it.]  We  heard  that  he  hath  been  upon  Long  Island,  about  Nayacke,  where 
he  hath  been  for  the  most  part  of  the  winter,  and  hath  had  several  Indians 
with  him,  but  what  he  hath  negotiated  with  them  remains  to  us  imknown : 
only  this  we  know,  that  what  your  worships  lay  unto  our  charge  are  false 
re|)orts,  and  feigned  informations." 

The  war  with  Ascassasulk,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  particulare  in  our 
possession,  was  the  next  affair  of  any  considerable  moment  in  the  life  of 
ATnigTf/. 

In  1654,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  communicated  to  Massachusetts, 
that  the  last  siunmer,  Ninigret,  without  any  cause,  "  tiiat  he  doth  so  much  as 
allege,  tell  upon  the  Long  Island  Indians,  our  friends  and  tributaries,"  and 
killed  many  of  them,  and  took  othera  prisonei*s,  and  wo>dd  not  restore  them. 
"This  summer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  tluun;  in  one  whereof  he 
killed  a  iimii  and  woman,  that  lived  upon  the  land  of  the  English,  and  witliii. 

*  A  I/iilcli  iidlcer,  whose  duly  is  similar  to  lliiil  of  Ireiisiirer  iiimin>r  the  Kiip;lish. 
t    I'd  I'lfli!  Ilioir  |)ipcs,  doubtless — the  Diilcli  n/rreoing  woll,  In  ilio  |)arliriilur  of  sni  ikiii;^ 
tvitli  tlic  lit  liaiis. 


\   !•> 


144 


ISINIGRET.— ASCASSASOTICK'S  WAR. 


tHooK  II. 


one  of  tlieir  to\vn8lii|)s ;  and  niiother  Indian,  thnt  kept  the  co^va  of  the  Enjf- 
lisli."  He  Imd  drawn  many  of  the  foreign  Indians  down  from  Conncrticiit 
and  Hudson  Rivers,  wlio  rendezvoused  upon  Winthroji'a  Island,  wiicre  flicy 
killed  some  of  his  cuttle.*  This  war  hegan  in  IGSIJ,  and  continued  "acviral 
years."  f 

Tiie  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  blind  to  all  con)y)laints 
against  Unc(vi ;  hut  the  Narragnnsets  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of  those  times, 
the  fact  is  veiy  apparent.  The  chief  ot  the  writera  of  the  history  of  that 
period  copy  from  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  Avhich  accoimts  tiir 
their  making  out  a  good  case  for  the  English  and  Mohegans.  The  spirit 
which  actuated  the  grave  commissioners  is  easily  discovered,  and  I  need  only 
refer  my  r»?aders  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh,  Desjierate  errors  rccpiire 
others,  oftentimes  still  more  desperate,  until  the  first  appear  small  nomparcd 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  last!  It  is  all  along  discoverable,  that  those 
venerable  records  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of  evidence,  and  that  when  a 
Narragimsct  appeared  in  his  own  defence,  so  many  of  Ids  enemies  stood 
ready  to  give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant  spirit  could  not  stoop  to  contra- 
dict or  parley  with  them  ;  and  thus  his  assumed  guilt  passed  on  for  historj'. 
The  long-silenced  and  borne-down  friend  of  the  Indians  of  Mooseliansic,|:  no 
longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his  toils  and  perils,  he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in 
their  defence ;  and  though  his  letters  for  a  season  slept  with  him,  they  are  now 
awaking  at  the  voice  of  day. 

When  the  English  had  resolved,  in  1654,  to  send  a  force  against  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  because  they  had  had  difficulties  and  wars  with  Jlscassasolk,  as  we 
liave  related,  JMr.  JVUhams  ex[)ressed  his  views  of  the  matter  in  a  letter  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts  as  follows : — "The  cause  and  root  of  all  the  present 
mi.schicfs  is  the  pride  of  two  barbarians,  Jlscassas6lick,  the  Long  Island  sachem, 
and  JVenekunal  of  the  Narigensct.  The  former  is  proud  and  foolish,  the  latter 
is  proud  and  fierce.  1  have  not  seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  from  their 
sober  men,  1  hear  he  pleads,  1st.  that  Ascassasolick,  a  very  inferior  sachem, 
(bearing  himself  upon  the  English,)  hath  slain  three  or  four  of  his  people, 
and  since  that  sent  him  challenges  and  darings  to  fight  and  mend  himself. 
Sd.  He,  A^enc/cMTia/,  consulted  by  solemn  messengers,  with  the  chief  of  the  Eng- 
lish governors,  Maj.  £n(/ico<,  then  governor  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  sent  him 
an  implicit  consent  to  right  himself:  upon  which  they  all  plead  that  the  English 
have  just  occasion  of  displeasure.  3d.  After  he  had  taken  revenge  upon  the 
Long  Islanders,  and  brought  aAvay  about  14  captives,  (divers  of  them  chief 
women,)  yet  he  restored  them  all  again,  upon  the  mediation  and  desire  of  the 
English.  4th.  After  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Long  Islanders  pretending 
to  visit  J^cnckimat  at  Block  Island,  slaughtered  of  his  Narragansets  near  30 
persons,  at  midnight ;  two  of  them  of  great  note,  especially  Wtpiteamviock^a 
son,  to  whom  J^cnekunat  was  uncle.  5th.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  war, 
although  he  had  dra^vn  do^vn  the  inlandera  to  his  assistance,  yet,  u])on  pro- 
testation of  the  English  against  his  proceedings,  he  retreated  and  dissolved  his 
army.  § 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into  these  particulars,  being 
entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians:  but  yet  we  occasionally 
meet  with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence  against  the 
jn'oceedings  of  Uncus,  and  his  friends  the  commissioners : 

"  Tlie  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  far  as  by  the  best  and  most  credible  in 
telligence,  I  have  understood,  presented  to  the  honored  general  court,  [of  Mas- 
sachusetts,] \.*Uncas  his  men,  at  unawares,  set  upon  an  unarmed  poor  people, 
and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty-four  women  and  children. 
2.  Some  of  tiiese  were  subjects  to  Massachusetts  government,  by  being  the 
subjects  of  Josias.  ]|  3.  They  sued  for  relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and 
magistrates.  4.  Tliey  were  pleased  to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a  commission 
to  Capt.  Denison,  [of  Stonington,]  to  demand  these  captives.    5.  Unca3  liis 


Manuscript  tlociiments  \  \Vood's  Hist.  Lone;'  Island.  i  Providonce. 

From  the  oi-ii^inil  lelUr,  in  manuscript,  among  tlie  files  in  our  state-house 
Eion  of  Cliikalaubut 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGUET. 


145 


G. 


answer  was,  (as  I  lieard,)  insolent. 

by  filthiness,  but  have,  since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  I  lipur)  some  or 


Tlicv  did  not  onlv  abuse  tbe  women 

..      ■'  all 

ot'  tliose  captives.  7.  The  poor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to 
do.  8.  You  were  j)leased  to  tell  them,  you  would  present  it  to  the  free  court 
and  tlicy  sliould  expect  their  answer  from  tliem,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
!•.  J^enccrofl,  yea,  all  the  Indians  of  the  country,  wait  to  see  the  issue  of  this 
matter."  * 

This  memorial  is  dat..d  12th  May,  1659,  and  signed  by  John  Eliot ;  from 
which  it  is  evident  there  had  been  great  delay  in  relieving  those  distressed 
by  tlie  haughty  Uncos.  And  yet,  if  he  were  caused  to  make  remuneration  in 
anv  way,  we  do  not  find  any  account  of  it. 

In  1(J(J0,  "  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  di<l,  by  their  letters  directed  to 
the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  siunmer,  represent  an 
intolerable  affront  done  by  the  Narraganset  Indians,  and  the  same  was  now 
complained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a  new  plantation  at  Mohegan,  viz: 
that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot  eight  bullets  into 
an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same;  wlierein  five  Englishmen  were  asleep. 
Of  which  insolency  the  Narraganset  sachems  have  so  far  tidien  notice,  as  to 
send  a  slight  excuse  by  Maj.  Mherlon,  that  they  did  neither  consent  to  nor 
allow  of  such  practices,  but  make  no  tender  of  satisfaction."  f  But  they 
asked  the  privilege  to  meet  the  commissioners  at  their  next  session,  at  which 
time  they  gave  them  to  understand  that  satisfaction  sh  )uld  be  made.  This 
could  not  fiave  been  otiicr  than  a  reasonable  request,  but  it  was  not  granted ; 
and  messengers  were  Ibrthwith  ordered  to  "  repair  to  JVmigrct,  Pessictia, 
ff'oquacanoose,  and  the  rest  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,"  to  demand  "  at  least 
four  of  the  chief  of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house."  And  in  ca.se 
they  should  not  be  delivered,  to  demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum.. 
They  were  directed,  in  particular,  to  "  charge  jYinigret  with  breach  of  cove- 
nant, and  high  neglect  of  their  order,  sent  them  by  IMnj.  fVillard,  six  years 
since,  not  to  invade  the  Long  Island  Indians ;  and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
surprising  tlie  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of  them, 
to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the  English,  and  a  barbarous  and  inhuman  act." 
These  are  only  a  few  of  tlie  most  prominent  charges,  and  five  hundred  and 
ninety-five  |  fatiioms  of  wampum  was  the  price  demanded  for  them ;  and  "  tiie 
general  court  of  Connecticut  is  desired  and  empowered  to  send  a  convenient 
company  of  men,  under  some  discreet  leader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the 
same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of  recovering  the  same  ;  and  in  case  the 
persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be  sent  to  Harbadoes,"  §  and  sold  lor  .slaves. 

It  appears  that  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut  could  not  collect  tlie  wampum, 
nor  secure  the  olTenders  ;  but  for  the  payment,  condescended  to  t^ike  a  mortgage 
of  all  the  Narraganset  country,  with  tlie  provision  that  it  should  be  void,  if  it 
^vere  paid  in  four  months.  Q^uissoquus,  ||  A'eneglud^  and  Scuttup,  II  signetl  the 
deed. 

JVinigret  did  not  engage  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  Philip^s  war. 
Dr.  Mather  **  calls  him  an  "  old  crally  sachem,  who  had  with  some  of  his  riieu 
withdrawn  himself  from  the  rest."  lie  must  at  this  time  have  been  "  an  old 
sachem,"  for  we  meet  with  him  as  a  chief,  as  eaily  as  KkJi 

Although  JVinigret  was  not  personally  engaged  in  Philip's  war,  still  he 
must  have  suflered  considerably  from  it ;  ollen  being  obliged  to  send  his 
people  to  the  English,  to  gratify  some  whim  or  caprice,  and  at  other  times 
to  appear  himself.  On  10  Sept.  1675,  eight  of  his  men  came  as  ambassadors 
to  Boston,  " having  a  certificate  from  Capt.  Smith," ft  who  owned  a  huge 

*  Mamiscript  slate  paper.  \  RecorJ  of  llie  Uiiilod  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

X  Tlie  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  ofl'ence,  viz.  ''  for  the  insolcneies  committed  at 
Mr.  Bretvsler's,  in  killing-  an  Indian  servant  at  Mrs.  lirewsler's  feet,  to  her  great  aflrightmciit, 
Hm\  stealing  corn,  d:c.,  and  other  atrronts."    Hazard,  ii.  433. 

6  Kecords  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

11  The  same  called  Qiiequegunent,  the  son  of  Magnus.  Newcom  atid  Atvashars  wera 
witnesses.     The  deed  itself  may  be  seen  on  tile  among  our  folate  Papers. 

!I  Grandson  of  Canonicus,  son  of  Magnus,  and  brother  of  Qu'-(iueguiie'i'. 

•»  Brief  Hislory,  20. 

tt  Captain  Richard  Smith,  probably,  who  settled  quite  early  in  that  country.  Wo  find 
him  there  15  years  before  this, 

13  K 


146 


NINIGRET.— DIVISION  OF  THE  PLUUOrS. 


LUooK  If. 


estnte  m  Nnringanset.  After  having  finisl  ec'  'heir  business,  they  received 
n  pass  from  tlio  aiitiiorities  to  return  to  tlieir  ov  country.  This  certificate 
or  j)ass  was  fastened  to  a  staff  and  carried  by  o  Ju  front  of  the  rest.  As 
they  were  going  out  of  Boston  «  a  back  way,""  tv  :nen  met  them,  and  seized 
U|)on  him  that  carried  the  pass.  These  men  were  brothers,  who  liad  had  a 
brother  killed  by  Philip's  men  some  time  before.  This  Indian  they  accused 
of  killing  him,  and  in  court  swore  to  his  identity,  and  he  was  in  a  few  days 
hanged.* 

Notwithstanding  these  affairs,  another  embassy  'vas  soon  after  sent  to 
Boston.  On  the  15  September  "  the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a  party  "  to  order 
JVinifp-et  to  appear  there  in  person,  to  give  an  account  of  his  sheltering 
Quaiapen,  the  sqiiaw-sachem  of  Narraganset.  He  sent  word  tliat  he  woulil 
come  "  provided  he  might  be  safely  returned  back."  Mr.  Smith,  "  living  n«'ar 
him,  offered  himself,  wife  and  children,  and  estate,  as  hostages"  for  his  safe 
return,  and  the  embassy  forthwith  departed  for  Boston.  A  son,  f  however,  of 
JVinigrd,  was  deputed  prime  minister,  "he  himself  being  veiy  aged." 

Captain  Smith  accompanied  them,  and  when  they  came  to  Koxbury  they 
were  met  by  a  company  of  English  soldiers,  whose  martial  appearance  so 
frightened  tlieni,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  thj  presence  of  Mr.  &'mi7A,  they 
would  have  escaped  ns  from  an  enemy. 

They  remained  at  Boston  several  days,  until  "  by  degrees  they  came  to  this 
agreement:  That  they  were  to  deliver  thij  squaw-sachem  within  so  many 
days  at  Boston  ;  and  the  league  of  peace  was  then  by  them  confirmed,  which 
was  much  to  the  general  satisfaction  ;  but  many  had  hard  thoughts  of  them, 
fearing  tliey  will  at  last  [)rove  treacherous."  { 

Ninigret  was  opposed  to  Christianity ;  not  perhaps  so  much  from  a  disbelief 
of  it,  aa  liom  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who  professed  it.  When  JMr. 
Mayhew  desired  Ninigret  to  allow  him  to  preach  to  his  people,  the  sagacious 
chief  "  bid  him  go  and  make  the  English  good  first,  and  chid  Mr.  Mayhew  for 
hindering  him  from  his  business  and  labor."  § 

There  were  other  Niantick  sachems  of  this  name,  who  succeeded  Ninigret. 
According  to  the  author  of  the  "  Memoir  of  the  fliohegans,"  |l  one  woulrl 
Bupjjose  he  was  alive  in  171G,  as  that  writer  himself  supposed ;  but  if  the 
anecdote  there  given  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Charles  Ninigret,  who,  I 
6Ui)pose,  was  his  son.  He  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  history  of  the  Pequot 
war,  us  having  received  a  part  of  the  goods  taken  from  Captain  Stone,  at  the 
time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots,  in  1634.  The  time  of  his  death  has  not 
been  aj<certaiued. 

The  burying-i)laces  of  the  family  of  Ninigret  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I.  It 
is  said  that  the  old  chief  was  buried  at  a  place  called  Burying  Hill,  "  a  mile 
from  the  street."  A  stone  in  one  of  tlie  places  of  interment  has  this  inscrip- 
tion : — 

"  Here  leih  tlie  Body  of  George,  the  son  of  Cliarles  Ninigret,  King  of  the. 
Natives,  and  of  Hannah  his  Wife.    Died  Decern^,  y"  22,  1732 :  agerf  6  mo." 

"  George,  the  last  king,  was  brother  of  Mary  Sachem,  who  is  now,  [1832,] 
sole  heir  to  the  crown.  Marij  does  not  know  her  age  ;  but  from  data  given  by 
lior  husband,  John  Harry,  she  must  be  aliut  G6.  Her  mother's  father  waa 
George  Ninigret.  Thomas  his  son  was  the  next  king.  Esther,  sister  of  Thomas. 
Gi'orgp,  the  brother  of  Mary  above  named,  and  the  last  king  crowned,  died 
aged  about  20  years.  George  was  son  of  Esther.  Mary  has  daughters,  but  no 
sons."  H 

On  a  division  of  the  captive  Pequots,  in  1637,  Ninigret  was  to  have  twenty, 
"  w  hen  he  should  satisfy  for  a  mare  of  Eltweed  **  Pomroye's  killed  by  his  men." 
Tliis  remained  unsettled  in  1659,  a  space  of  twenty-two  j'eai-s.  This  debt 
certainly  was  outlawed!  Poquin,  or  Poquoiam,  was  tiie  name  of  the  man  who 
killed  the  marcft  He  was  a  Pequot,  and  brother-in-law  to  Miantunnomoh, 
w.id  was  among  those  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when 


*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  30.  t  Probably  Catapazal. 

X  Old  liidian  Clironiclo,  32.  §  Douglas's  Summary,  11.  118. 

II  In  1  ColL.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  83.  IT  MS.  coi.  .nunication  of  Rev.  \Vm.  Ely. 

•*  Familiarly  callod  Elty,  probably  from  EUicood.  ft  Hazard,  ii.  188,  189. 


Chap.  IV.]    PESSACUS— COMPLAINTS  IlROUCJiri'  AGAINST  IIIM. 


147 


the  Peqiiot  war  was  enrletl ;  at  wliich  time  Pomtroy  states  ■'  all  sorts  ofiiorsea 
were  at  an  liigli  prire."  Miantunnomoh  had  a^rn'ctl  to  pay  the  (Iciiiaiiil,  hut 
his  death  prevented  iiiiii.  JViniirret  was  calh'd  upon,  as  he  inherited  a 
coiisiderahle  part  of  .Mianlunnomoka  estate,  especially  his  |>art  of  tiie  I'eipiots, 
of  whom  Pomioiain  was  one.  He  was  aflerwurds  called  u  Niantick  and 
brother  to  JVinifrreL* 

Pessacls,  often  mentioned  in  the  preceding  |)ages,  thongh  imder  a  viniety 
of  names,  was  horn  ahoiit  1G23,  and,  consequently,  was  ahont  20  years  of  tige 
when  his  brother,  Miantunnomoh,  was  killed. f  The  same  arbitrary  course,  as 
we  have  seen  already  in  the  present  chapter,  was  pursued  towards  luin  hy  the 
English,  as  had  been  before  towards  Miantunnomoh,  and  still  continued 
towards  ^nigrct,  and  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  Mr.  Cobbetl  makes  this 
record  of  him :  "  In  the  year  1G45,  proud  Pessacus  with  his  Narragansits,  with 
whom  JVintgrct  and  his  Niantigs  join ;  so  as  to  provoke  the  English  to  a  jiisit 
war  against  them.  And,  accordingly,  forces  were  sent  from  all  the  towns  to 
meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so,  and  had  a  party  of  fifty  horse  to  go  with  them 
under  Mr.  Leveret,  as  the  ca|)tain  of  the  horse."  Edward  Gibbons  was 
commander  in  cliielj  and  Mr.  Thompson,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Braintree, 
"  was  to  sound  the  silver  trumpet  along  with  his  army."§  J5ut  they  were 
met  by  deputies  from  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  an  accommodation 
took  place,  as  mentioned  in  the  accoimt  of  JVinigrct. 

The  commissioners,  having  met  at  New  Haven  in  September  164(1,  expected, 
according  to  the  treaty  made  at  Boston  with  the  Narragansets,  us  particu- 
larized in  the  life  of  Uncas,  that  tiicy  woidd  now  meet  them  here  to  seit'e  the 
remaining  difficulties  with  that  chief.  But  the  time  having  nearly  expired, 
and  none  a[)pearing,  "  the  commissioners  did  seriously  consider  what  course 
should  be  taken  with  them.  Tlicy  called  to  minde  their  breach  of  couenant 
in  all  the  articles,  that  when  aboue  1300  fadome  of  wampan  was  due  they 
sent,  as  if  they  would  put  a  scorne  vpon  the  [English,]  20  futhome,  and  a  few 
old  kettles."  The  Narragansets  said  it  was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of  • 
the  Nianticks  that  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it 
to  the  Narragansets.  One  hundred  fathom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor 
of  Massachusetts  as  a  present  by  the  Nianticks,  they  promising  "to  send 
what  was  due  to  the  colonies  uery  speedily,"  but  he  would  not  accept  of  it. 
He  told  them  they  might  leave  it  with  Cuchamakin,  and  when  they  had 
performed  the  rest  of  their  agreement,  "  he  would  consider  of  it."  The 
commissioners  had  understooil,  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Narragansi  t 
sachems  had  raised  wampum  among  their  men,  "and  by  good  ouidence  it 
appeared,  that  by  presents  of  wampum,  they  are  practisinge  with  the  Mohawkes, 
and  with  the  Indyans  in  those  parts,  to  engage  them  in  soine  designe  against 
the  English  and  Fncics."  Therefore,  "  the  commissioners  haue  a  cleare  way 
open  to  right  themselues,  accordinge  to  iustice  by  war;  yet  to  shew  how  highly 
they  prize  peace  with  all  men,  and  particularly  to  manifest  their  forbearance  iuid 
long  sufFeringe  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that  first  the  forcmentioned 
present  should  be  returned,"  and  then  a  declai-ation  of  war  to  follow. 

At  the  same  court,  complaint  was  brought  against  the  pooj)le  of  Pessacus  by 
"Mr.  Pelham  on  behalf  of  Richard  Woody  and  Mr.  Pincham,"  [Pir.chnn,'^  that 
they  had  committed  sundry  thefts.  Mr.  Brown,  on  behalf  of  Wm.  Smith  of 
Rehoboth,  preferred  a  siiriilar  charge ;  but  the  Indians  having  no  knowledge  of 
the  procedure,  it  wa^  suspended. 

Thus  the  Nairagansets  were  sufTered  to  remain  unmolested  until  the  next 
year,  and  we  do  not  hear  that  the  story  about  their  hiring  the  Mohawks  and 
othei-s  to  assist  them  against  Uncas  and  the  English,  turned  out  to  be  any 
thing  else  but  a  sort  of  bugbear,  probably  invented  by  the  Mohegans.  "  One 
principall  cause  of  the  comissioners  meetinge  together  at  this  time,  [20  July, 
l(i47,]  being,"  say  the  records,  "  to  consider  what  course  should  bi;  lield  with 
the  NaiTaganset  Indyans  ; "  the  charges  being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as 
at  the   previous  meeting.    It  was  therefore  ordered  that  Thomas  Stanton, 

*  .Seo  Hazard,  ii.  152. 

\   M.S.  letter,  subscribiid  with  the  mark  of  llie  sachem  Pntnham,  on  the  filo  at  our  oapital, 
(Ma>s.) 
t  .MS.  Narrative.  $  Mather's  Relation,  and  Hazard. 


,1    -.v 


148 


I'ESSACUS  KILLED  BY  THE  MOHAWKS. 


[Rook  II 


Beneilirt  Jlrnold,  nnd  StTgcant  ffaite  should  he  sont  to  Peasacks,  A'enegralt 
nnd  H'ehetnmuk,  to  know  wliy  they  \\m\  not  |)ai(l  the  wnrnpiiin  vm  tliey  agreed, 
mid  why  they  ihd  not  come  to  ^ew  llavitn ;  and  that  now  they  might  meet 
Unrns  at  lioston ;  nnd  therefore  were  ndviscd  to  attend  tliere  without  diday ; 
lint  "yf  they  refuse  or  ddny,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,"  and  they  must 
hliidt!  tlic  consequences.  When  the  English  messengers  had  delivered  their 
message  to  Pes.mcus,  he  sjioke  to  them  iis  follows: — 

"The  reason  I  did  not  meet  the  Knglish  saehems  at  New  Haven  last  year, 
is,  they  did  not  notify  me.  It  is  true  I  have  hroken  my  covenant  thes«;  two 
years,  nnd  that  now  is,  and  constantly  has  heen,  the  gri«-f  of  my  spirit.  And 
lh(.'  reason  I  do  not  meet  thctn  now  at  Boston  is  hecanse  I  am  sick.  If  I  were 
luit  pretty  well  I  would  gf).  I  have  sent  my  mind  in  fidl  to  ATnigre/,  and 
what  he  does  I  will  altide  hy.  I  have  sent  Potcpijnnmdt  and  Pomiimsks  to  go 
and  hear,  and  testify  that  I  have  hetrusted  my  full  mind  with  Mnefrralt.  You 
know  well,  however,  that  when  I  made  that  covenant  two  yeare  ago,  I  did  it 
in  f<!ar  of  the  army  that  I  did  see ;  and  though  the  English  kejtt  their  cove- 
nant with  me,  yet  they  were  ready  to  go  to  Narraganset  and  kill  me,  and 
the  cotnmissioncrs  said  they  would  do  it,  if  I  did  not  sign  what  they  had 
written." 

Moyanno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  business  with  JVmigrel  last 
spring,  and  would  now  abide  ljy  whatever  be  should  do. 

When  the  English  messengers  returned  and  made  known  what  liad  been 
done,  the  commissioners  said  that  Pessacus'  sjieecb  contained  "  seuerall  pas- 
sages of  vntruth  and  guile,  and  [they]  were  vnsatisfyed." 

What  measures  the  Whites  took  "to  right  themselues,"  or  whether  any, 
immediately,  is  not  very  distinctly  stated ;  but,  the  next  year,  1648,  there  were 
some  military  movements  of  the  English,  and  a  company  of  soldiers  was  sent 
into  Narraganset,  occasioned  liy  the  non-payment  of  the  tribute,  nnd  some 
, other  less  important  matters.  Pe.isacu.i,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach, 
fled  to  Rhode  Island.  "J\'inicrafl  entertained  them  courteously,  (there  they 
etaid  the  Lord's  day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  frUliams,  and  then 
Pessaais  and  Canoniciui'  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  tlieni ;  and 
being  demanded  about  hiring  the  IMobawks  against  Uncas,  they  solemnly 
denied  it ;  only  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a  great  sachem,  nnd 
their  rncient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some  20  futliom 
of  wanipuni  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indinns  is."*  The 
matter  seems  to  have  rested  liere  ;  Pessacus,  as  usual,  having  promised  what 
was  desired. 

This  chief  Avas  killed  by  the  3Iolinwks,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  life  of  Ca- 
nonicus.  His  life  was  a  scei^i;  of  ulinost  jierpetual  troubles.  As  late  as  Sep- 
tember, lf)68,  his  name  stands  first  among  others  of  his  nation,  in  a  complaint 
sent  to  them  by  Massachusetts.  The  messengers  sent  with  it  were.  Rich'', 
If'aift,  Captain  }F.  WrigJd,  and  Captain  SamK  Mosely;  and  it  was  in  terms 
thus  :— 

"  Whereas  Capt.  Wm.  Hudson  and  John  Viall  of  Boston,  in  the  name  of 
themselves  nnd  others,  proj)rietors  of  Innds  and  fnrms  in  the  Nnrrnganset 
country,  have  complnined  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mnss.,]  of  the  great  insolen- 
cies  nnd  injuries  offered  unto  them  nnd  their  people  by  several,  as  burning 
their  hay,  killing  sundry  horses,  and  in  special  manner,  about  one  month  since, 
forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labors  in  mowing  grass  upon  their  own 
land,  and  nssaulted  others  in  the  high  way,  as  they  rode  about  their  occnsions ; 
by  tJirowing  many  stones  at  them  and  their  horses,  and  beating  their  horses  as 
they  rode  upon  them,"  &c.  The  remonstrance  then  goes  on  wnming  them  to 
desist,  or  otherwise  tliey  might  expect  severity.  Had  Mosely  been  as  well 
known  then  among  the  Indians,  ns  he  was  uflerwards,  his  presence  would 
rloubtless  have  been  enough  to  have  caused  quietness,  as  perhajw  it  did  even 
ut  this  time. 


VVinthrop's  Journal. 


Chap.  V]       UNCAS.— HIS  CHARACTER  AND  CONNECTIONS. 


140 


CHAPTER  V. 

Uncas — Ills  eharaclcr — Connections — Gtoitntphij  of  the,  Moliegan  country — General 
account  of  that  nation — Unraa  joins  the  Eiiirlish  Uitainst  the  Pei/uot.i — Cuplnrrs  c% 
chir'^  at  Sachem's  llcod — Visits  lioston — > lis  speech  to  Governor  Winthrop — Sped- 
me,i  of  the  jMohciran  laoifuagc — Sc(iuas.<ioH — The  tear  hcticten  Uncus  and  Miantunno- 
moh — Examination  of  its  ctitisc — The.  jWirraganscts  determine  to  atengc  iheit 
sachem's  death — Forces  raised  to  ,i'Otec.t  Uncas — I'essaciis — Great  distress  of  Uncus 
— Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  lOJ.'j — Frequent  complaints  against 
Uncus — If^ei/uask — Obechickicud — Noweiiua — Woosamequin. 

Uncas,  cniled  also  Poquin,  Poqiwiam,  "oquim,  sncliom  of  tlic  Molicgaiis,  of 
wfioMi  wo  liave  already  Iiad  occasioK  1 1  say  considerable,  has  letl  no  very 
favoral)le  character  upon  recfird.  His  life  is  a  series  of  changes,  without  any 
of  those  brilliani  acts  of  nias^naniniity,  which  throw  a  veil  over  nunuTons 
erroi-8.  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  this  charact(;r  of  liini  in  the  year  1074 :  (Mr. 
James  Filch  having  been  sent  d)oiit  this  time  to  preach  among  the  Mohegans:) 
"I  am  a|)t  to  lear,"  sjiys  he,  "that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  labora  is  in  tho 
Bacheni  of  those  Indians,  whoso  name  is  Unkas;  an  old  and  wicked,  wilful 
man,  a  drunkard,  and  otherwise  very  vicious;  who  hath  always  been  an 
opposer  and  undermin.  i  of  praying  to  God."*  Nevertlieles.><,  the  charitable 
Mr.  Hubhard,  when  he  wroio  Ins  Narrative,  seems  to  have  liad  some  hopes 
tliat  lie  was  a  L'hristi-.n,  with  about  the  same  grounds,  nay  better,  perhaps, 
than  those  on  w'lidi  JJisliop  IVarhurlon  declared  Pope  to  be  such. 

Uncus  l'.\ud  to  a  great  age.  He  was  a  sachem  before  the  I'cquot  wars,  and 
was  -uive  in  KidO.  At  this  time,  Mr. //ittfcarrf  makes  this  remark  upon  liim: 
•He  is  alive  and  well,  and  may  T>robably  live  to  see  all  his  enemies  buried 
before  him."f 

From  an  ejjitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Collections, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  there  seems  to  have  done,  "that  the  race  of 
Uncas ^^  was  "obnoxious  in  colloniril  history  ;"  but  rather  attribute  it  to  some 
waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making  sport  for 
himself  and  others  of  like  humor.  It  is  upon  his  tond)-stoue,  and  is  aa 
follows : — 

"  Here  lies  (lie  body  of  Sanseeto 
Own  son  to  Uncas  granilson  to  OnekoX 
Wild  were:  tlic  famous  sacliems  of  Mohecan 
But  now  tlicy  are  all  dead  1  tliiiik  it  is  icerlieegen."  ^ 

The  connections  of  Uncas  wore-  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names  of 
several  of  them  will  be  ibund  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  and  elsewhere. 
Oneko,  a  son,  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  1075,  Uncas  wm-  ordered  to  appear  at  Boston, 
and  to  surrender  his  arms  to  the  English,  and  give  such  other  security  lor  hia 
neutrality  or  cooperation  in  tho  war  now  begun  between  tho  English  and 
Warnpanoags,  as  might  be  required  of  iiim.  Tlie  messenger  who  was  sent  to 
make  this  reipiisition,  soon  returned  to  Boston,  accomi)aiiiod  by  three  sons  of 
Uncas  and  about  (JO  of  his  men,  and  a  quantity  of  arms.  The  two  yoimger 
sons  were  taken  into  custody  as  hostages,  and  sent  to  Cambridge,  where  they 
were  remaining  as  late  as  the  10  November  following.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  at  this  time  not  far  from  30  years  of  age,  but  their  names  are  not  men- 


*  1  Coll.  Muss.  Ilisl.  Soc.  i.  208.  flloheek,  since  Mcntville,  Connecticut,  about  10  miles 
north  of  Now  London,  is  the  place  ''where  Unkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Waniiho,  are  sachems." 
Ibid. 

t  Hist.  New  En^.  4G4. — "  Alihoii?h  he  be  a  friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  liis  men 
continue  pagans  still,"  imC.     Mt.  I.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  45. 

X  The  writer  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  the  contrary  of  this,  if,  indeed,  he  may  be  said  to 
have  meant  any  thing. 

$  A  genuine  Indian  word,  and,  as  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  icell.  "  Then  they  bid 
me  stir  my  instep,  to  see  if  that  were  frozen  :  I  did  so.  When  they  saw  that,  they  said  that 
was  icurregen."     Slocheell's  Nar,  of  his  Captivity  amone  the  Indi<'ns  in  1G77. 

13* 


150 


UNCAS  ASSISTS  IN  DESTROYING  THE  PEQUOTS.      [nooK  I). 


t'oned.*     Oncko  was  omployud  with  his  60  iiien,  aiid  proceeded  on  uii  expo 
ditioii,  ns  will  he  found  stated  elsewhere. 

Uncus  was  originally  a  Pequot,  and  one  of  the  20  war  captains  of  tlial 
fiunoiis,  hut  ill-fated  nation.  U|iou  some  intestine  commotions,  he  revolted 
nsraiiist  his  sachem,  and  set  up  for  liimself.  This  took  place  ahout  the  time 
that  nation  became  known  to  the  Englisli,  j  il  ;ij»s  in  1634  or  5;  or,  as  it 
would  seem  from  some  circumstances,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Pequot  war. 
Peters,  j  an  author  of  not  much  authority,  says,  that  the  "colonists  declared 
liim  King  of  Mohegan,  to  reward  him  for  deserting  Sassacus.''^  We  are  told, 
by  the  same  author,  that,  after  the  death  of  Uncos,  Oneko  would  not  deed  any 
lands  to  the  colony ;  tipon  which  he  was  deposed,  and  his  natural  brother, 
Jibimilcck,  was,  by  die  English,  advanced  to  the  office  of  chief  sachem. 
Oncko,  not  acknowledging  the  validity  of  this  procedure,  sold,  in  process  of 
tin:",  all  his  lands  to  two  individuals,  named  Mason  und  Harr'ion.  But, 
meantime,  JIbimileck  sold  the  same  lands  to  the  colony.  A  lawsuit  followed, 
and  was,  at  first,  decided  in  favor  of  the  colony  ;  hut,  on  a  second  trial.  Mason 
and  Harrison  got  the  case — but  not  the  property ;  for,  as  Petcm  tells  us,  "  the 
colony  kept  possession  under  Abimileck,  their  created  King  of  Mohegan,"  and 
"found  means  to  confound  the  claim  of  those  conipetitoi"s  without  estahlis;jing 
their  own." 

By  the  revolt  of  Uncas,  the  Pequot  territories  became  divided,  and  that  part 
called  Moheag,  or  Mohegan,  ^gW  generally  under  his  dominion,  and  exf.nded 
from  near  the  Connecticut  River  on  the  south,  to  a  space  of  disputed  c  juntry 
on  the  north,  next  the  Narragansets.  By  a  recurrence  to  our  account  of  the 
dominions  of  the  Pequots  and  Narragansets,  a  pretty  clear  idea  mo;  *  J  had 
of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  Englif^h,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  was  occasioned  by  the  ii  i-  ho  was  in  from  his 
potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  ,i  the  south.  In  May, 
J():j7,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their  war  upon  the 
Peipiois.  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them,  the  English  at 
firet  were  nearly  as  afraid  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they  were  of  the  Pequots. 
But  when,  on  the  15  of  the  same  month,  they  had  arrived  at  Saybrook  ibrt,  a 
circumstance  happened  that  tended  much  to  remove  their  suspicions,  and  is 
related  by  Dr.  Mather  as  follows:  "Some  of  Uncas  his  men  being  then  at 
Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisting  the  English  against  the  Pequots,  espied  seven 
Indians,  and  slily  enconq)assing  them,  slew  fi\e  of  them,  and  took  one  prison- 
er, and  brought  him  to  the  English  fort,  which  was  great  satisfaction  and  en- 
couragement to  the  English  ;  who,  before  that  exploit,  had  many  fears  touch- 
ing the  fidelity  of  the  Moheag  Indians.  He  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a 
perfidious  villain,  one  that  could  speak  English  well,  having  in  times  past 
lived  in  the  fort,  and  knowing  all  the  English  there,  hacl  been  at  the  slaughter- 
ing of  all  the  English  diat  were  elaughtered  thereabouts.  He  was  a  contin- 
ual sjiy  about  the  fort,  informing  Sassacus  of  what  he  could  learn.  When 
this  bloody  traitor  was  executed,  his  limbs  were  by  violence  pulled  from  one 
another,  and  burned  to  ashes.  Some  of  the  Indian  executionei-s  barbarously 
taking  his  flesh,  they  gave  it  to  one  another,  and  did  cat  it,  withal  singing 
about  the  fiie."| 

;^fotw  ithsi'inding,  both  Uncas  and  Miantunnomnh  were  accused  of  harboring 
fugitive  l'e(iuots,  after  the  Mystic  fight,  as  our  accounts  will  abundantly  prove. 
It  is  true  they  had  agreed  not  to  harbor  tlieni,  but  fierliaps  the  philanthropist 
will  not  judge  them  harder  ibr  erring  on  the  score  of  mercy,  than  their  Eng- 
lish fricnils  for  their  strictly  religious  jiersc-verance  in  revenge. 

A  tradiiidiiary  story  of  Uncas  pursuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  a  Pequot 
sachi'iu,  as  I'ivi"'  ;.,  ttiw  Historical  Collections,  may  not  be  un(]nalifiedly  true. 
It  was  afn'r  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  fi)llows:  Rlost  of  the  English  forces  jinr- 
sued  th(!  fiigitives  by  water,  westward,  wliiK;  some  followed  by  land  with 
U7icns  and  liis  Indians.  At  a  jioint  of  land  in  Guilford,  they  came  ujion  n 
great  Pi  <|uot  sachem,  and  a  few  of  his  men.     Knowing  they  were  pursued, 


*  Old  Indian  Cliriinirlf,  15. 

{  lUliitkin  ol'  ilic  Tronbk's,  ikc.  46. 


t  In  \\\i  Hist,  of  Conncclicul, 


Chap.  V.] 


UiNCAS.— MOHEG A.N   LANGUAGE. 


151 


they  had  gone  into  ua  a  Ijiicent  |)(3iiiii.siil;i,  "lioping  iht'ir  imrsuers  woiih) 
hiive  pasjicd  hy  thuiii.  JJiit  Uiicas  knew  Indian's  emit,  and  ordered  some  ot 
his  men  to  siurch  tliat  point.  Tlie  IViinots  perceiving;-  tliat  thiy  were  pnr 
sni'd,  swam  over  tlie  month  of  the  harbor,  whieh  is  narro\v,  JJnt  thoy  wen. 
waylaid,  and  taicen  us  they  landed.  Tlie  sachem  wa.s  sentenced  to  l)(;  uhot  to 
death.  Uncas  shot  him  with  an  arrow,  en'  oil"  liis  head,  and  stnck  it  np  in 
the  crotch  ofa  large  oak-tree  near  the  haiboi.  where  the  skull  remaiiied  lor 
a  great  many  years."*  This  was  the  oriijin  of  tSACiiKM'a  Ukad,  by  which 
nanu!  the  harbor  of  Gnillbrd  is  well-known  to  coasters. 

Dv.MiUher  records  the  expedition  of  the  r.nglish,  hut  makes  no  menticn  of 
Uiwas.  lie  says,  they  set  out  from  Waybroek  fort,  and  "sailed  westward  in 
piwsnit  of  the  IVcjuots,  who  wereHed  that  Wiiy.  Sailing  along  to  the  westvvard 
of  Mononowuttuck,  the  wind  not  answering  their  desires,  tliey  cast  anclixr.'* 
"  Some  scattering  I'equots  were  then  taken  and  sl.'in,  as  also  the  l'«'4not 
sachem,  belbre  exi)ressed,f  had  his  head  cut  otlj  whence  that  place  d]d  b(.'ar 
the  name  of  Sachem's  Head."  J 

Uncas's  tear  of  the  Pecpiota  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  his  hostility  to 
them;  and  when  he  saw  them  vanquished,  he  ])robal)ly  began  to  relent  his 
unprovoked  severity  towards  his  countrymen,  many  of  whom  were  his  near 
relations  ;  and  this  may  account  for  his  endeavors  to  screen  some  of  them 
from  their  more  vindii-live  enemies.  The  next  spring  after  the  war,  5  March, 
l(>Jd,  "  Unkus,  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegan  sachem  in  the  twist  of  Pequoil 
River,  came  to  iJoston  with  37  men.  lie  came  from  Connecticut  with  .Mr. 
Hdyncs,  and  tendered  the  governor  a  present  of  ^0  liithom  of  wanipmn. 
This  was  at  court,  ami  it  was  thought  lit  by  the  council  to  refuse  il,  till  he 
hud  given  satisliiction  about  the  IVcpiols  he  kej>t,  &.e.  Upon  this  lie  was 
much  dejected,  and  made  aecoinit  we  woidd  have  killed  him  ;  but,  ttvo  days 
aller,  having  received  good  satisliiction  of  his  imiocency,  i5L-c.  and  he  promis- 
ing to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English,  touching  the  reipiots  lie  had,  and 
the  differences  between  the  Narragansetts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present. 
And  about  half  an  hour  after,  he  cjune  to  the  governor,"  and  made  tk»e  follow- 
ing sjieech.     Laying  his  hand  ui)on  his  breast,  he  said, 

"  7'lns  heart  vi  not  mine,  but  jjoars.  I  have  no  men :  they  arc  all  yours.  Com- 
mand me  any  d\Dicull  thing,  I  will  do  it.  I  will  not  believe  any  Indian.s''  worils 
against  the  English.  If  any  man  sluill  kill  an  linglishnMn,  I  will  j)ut  him  to 
death,  were  fie  never  so  dear  to  me." 

"So  th(!  governor  gave  him  a  fair  red  coat,  and  defrayed  his  ami  his  men's 
diet,  and  gave  them  corn  to  relieve  them  homeward,  and  a  letter  ol  protection 
to  all  II'"!:,  »\:c.  and  he  departed  very  joyfui."§ 

For  the  gratification  of  the  etirious,  we  give,  from  Dr.  Edwnrds^s  "Observa- 
tions on  the  Muhkekaneew  [Mohegan]  Language,"  the  Lord's  j)rayer  in  that 
dialect.  ^^  .Vogh-nuh,  ne  spummuck  oi-e-on,  tutigk  mau-weh  wnth  wtu-ko-se-uuk 
ne-an-ne  an-nu-woi-e-on.  Taiigh  ne.  aun-chu-wut-am-mun  wu-weh-tii-sitk  ma- 
weh  noh  pum-mclu  JVe  ae-noi-hit-teeh  mau-weh  aiu-au-neek  noh  likey  oie-cheek, 
ne  aun-chu-untt-am-inun,  ne  au-noi-hit-teti  neck  sjmm-muk  oie-cheek.  Mcn-e, 
naii-nuh  noo-nooh  wuh-ham-auk  tptogh  nnh  uh-huy-u-tum-auk  ngum-mau-wih 
Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-mtu-nuh  au-neh  mu-ma-clwi-e-au-kch  he  anmh  ohq-u-ut-a- 
fnou-woi-e-atJ{  num-peh  neek  mu-ma-chih  an-neh-o-quau-kiet.  Cheen  hqu-nk- 
(piitu-cluh-si-u-kch  an-nth-c-henau-nuh.  Pun-nee-wih  htou-we-nau-nuh  neea 
maum-tth-keh.  Ke-ah  ng-weh-cheh  kwi-ou-wau-weh  mau-weh  noh  pum-meh;  kl- 
fin-woi ;  es-tah  aw-aun  tv-tin-noi-yu-wun  nt  au-noi-e-yon ;  han-wce-weh  ne  kl- 
in-noi-een." 

Sui'h  was  the  language  of  the  Moiiegans,  tlie  IVcpiots,  the  Narragansets  and 
Nipmueks;  or  so  near  did  they  ap|)roaeh  oik'  aiiotiier,  that  each  couI<l  under- 
stand  the  other  tlinnigh  the  iinited  extent  of  their  territories. 

Uncas  was  said  to  have  been  engage<l  in  all  the  wars  against  his  <'oiuitry- 
ineii,  on  tiie  part  of  the  English,  during  his  lif'e-tiine.j|  lie  shii'liled  souk^  of 
tin.  iidiuit  settlements  of  Connecticut  in  times  of  troubles,  especially  iNoruieh 


*  llisl.  (liiiljhnt,  ill  1  Coil.  Mass.  lJi.il.  Noc.  100. 

1    Ills  IlillllC  is  not  IIKMllldlK   I. 

if    M'i/(//i;(j;;,  Jour.  i.  i!lJ.>-(; 


{  Kcliilioii,  l!i. 

I[  AliS.  c'Dii.miiiiiiiMiDii  ol'  lli'v.  !Mr.  f'ly 


152 


UNCAS.— TREATMENT  OF  MIANTUNNOMOH. 


[Book  IL 


To  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  the  Mohegans  seemed  more  particularly 
attiiched,  probably  from  the  circumstance  of  some  of  its  settlers  liaving 
relieved  them  when  besieged  by  JVinigret,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the 
ensuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  ftlohegans,  in  1768,  was  settled  in  the 
north-east  corner  of  New  Loudon,  about  five  miles  south  of  Norwich ;  at 
which  place  they  had  a  reservation. 

The  Mohegans  had  a  burying-place  called  the  Royal  burying-gromid,  and 
this  was  set  apart  for  the  family  of  Uncas,  It  is  close  by  the  lails  of  the  stream 
called  Yantic  River,  in  Norwich  city ;  "  a  beautiful  and  romantic  spot."  The 
ground  containing  the  grave  of  Uncas  is  at  present  owned  by  C.  GocUlard,  Est|. 
of  Norwich.  This  gentleman  has,  very  laudably,  caused  an  inclosure  to  be 
set  about  it.* 

When  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  had  met  in  1643,  com- 
plaint was  made  to  them  by  Uncas,  that  Miantunnornoh  had  employed  a  Peqiint 
to  kill  him,  and  that  this  Pequot  was  one  of  his  own  subjects'.  He  shot  Uncas 
with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  that  he  had  accomplished  his  purpose, 
"  fled  to  tlie  Nanohiggansets,  or  their  confederates,"  and  proclaimed  that  ho 
had  killed  him.  "  But  when  it  was  known  Vncas  was  not  dead,  though 
wounded,  the  traitor  was  taught  to  say  that  Uncus  had  cut  through  his  own 
arm  with  a  flint,  and  hired  the  Pequot  to  say  he  bad  shot  and  killed  liiiii. 
.Myatdinomo  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  upou  another 
occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  with  bi;n :  b\it  when  this  disguise  would  not 
serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  his  [the  Pequot's]  own  mouth  found  him 
guilty,  and  would  liave  sent  him  to  tlnctis  his  sagamore  to  be  j)rocee(k'd 
against,  Mi/antinomo  desired  he  might  not  be  taken  out  of  bis  hands,  j)roniising 
[that]  he  would  send  [him]  liiiiisclf  to  Vncus  to  be  examined  and  punished ; 
but,  contrary  to  his  ])roinise,  and  fearing,  as  it  ap|)ears,  his  own  treachery 
might  be  discouered,  he  within  a  day  or  two  cut  off  the  Peacott's  head,  that 
he  might  tell  no  tales.  Alkr  this  some  attempts  were  made  to  poison  linens, 
and,  as  is  reported,  to  take  away  his  life  by  sorcery.  That  being  discovered, 
some  of  Sequasson^s  company,  an  Indian  sagamore  allied  to,  and  an  intimate 
confederate  with  Myantinomo,  shot  at  Uncus  as  be  was  going  down  Conectacatt 
River  with  a  arrow  or  two.  Vncus,  according  to  the  foresaid  agreement," 
which  was,  in  case  of  difficulty  between  them,  that  the  English  should  be 
applied  to  as  umpires,  com})lained  to  them.  They  endeavored  to  bring  about 
a  peace  between  Uncas  and  Seqtiasson ;  but  Sequasson  would  hear  to  no  over- 
tures of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he  should  be  borne  out  in  his  resolution 
by  Miantunnornoh.  The  result  was  the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an 
account  in  the  life  of  Miantunnornoh.  We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the 
agency  of  the  English  in  the  aftiiir  ol' Miantunnornoh^ s  death ;  but  that  no  light 
may  be  withheld  which  can  in  any  way  reflect  upon  that  important  as  well  as 
melancholy  event,  W(!  will  give  all  that  the  conuiiissioners  have  recorded  in 
their  records  concerning  it.  But  firstly,  we  should  notice,  that,  af\er  Miantun- 
nornoh was  taken  prisoner,  the  Indians  affirmed,  (the  adherents  of  Uncas 
doubtless,)  that  Miantunnornoh  bad  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his 
wars,  and  that  they  wisro  then  encamped  only  a  day's  journey  frxim  the  fron- 
tiers, v.aiting  for  him  to  attain  his  liberty.     The  record  then  proceeds: — 

"  These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered;  the  commissioners 
ajiparently  see  that  f^ncus  camiot  be  safe  whilr  Myantenomo  lives ;  but  that, 
either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  Irs  life  will  be  still  in  danger. 
Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  euemv 
to  death ;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English  i)lantat'ons.  And 
advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and  moderation  be  showed, 
contrary  to  the  j,  Hice  of  the  Indians  who  exercise  tortun-s  and  cruelty. 
And  Vncus  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a  friend  to  the  English,  and  in  this 
craving  their  advice ;  [thert.'lbre,]  if  the  Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others 
pliall  unjustly  assaidt  Vncus  lor  this  execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the 
Liiiglish  promise  to  assist  and  protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such 
violence." 

We  presume  not  to  commentate  upon  this  affair,  but  we  would  ask  vvhetlief 

*  3  Cull.  Mnss.  Ilisl.  Soo.  iii.  IJJ. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS. 


153 


it  does  not  appear  as  prolmble,  that  Uncos  had  concerted  the  plan  with  liis 
Peqiiot  suliject  for  tlie  destruction  of  Mianiunnomoh,  as  timt  the  latter  had 
plotted  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did  Mianiunnomoh  put 
the  Pe(|uot  to  death  ?  The  commissionci-s  do  not  say  that  the  Pe(]not  had  by 
his  confession  any  how  implicated  Mianiunnomoh.  Now,  if  this  Pequot  had 
been  employed  by  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  likely  that  he  would  have  put 
him  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  not  accused  him.  And,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  he  had  acknowledged  himself  guilty  of  attcuipting  the  life  of  Ids  own 
sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged  upon  oihei-s,  it  is  to  us  a  plain  re;.son  why 
Miantunnomah  should  put  him  to  death,  being  lully  satisfied  of  his  guilt  ufion 
his  own  confession.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  plot  against 
Uncos  was  of  his  own  or  his  Pequot  subject's  pin'ming.  The  Pefjuot's  going 
over  to  Mianiunnomoh  for  protection  is  no  evi<lence  of  that  chief's  participation 
in  his  ])lot.  And  it  is  highly  probable  that,  alter  they  had  left  the  English 
court,  ills  crime  was  aggravated,  in  Mianiunnomoh'' s  view,  by  some  new  con- 
fession or  discovery,  which  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  tiiough  well  assured  that  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
callt^d  in  question,  the  commissionei-s  shortly  after  added  another  clause  to 
their  records,  as  much  in  exoneration  of  their  conduct  as  they  could  find 
words  in  which  to  express  themselves.  They  argue  tiiat,  "whereas  Uncos 
was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Mianiunnomoh  whose  lawful 
captive  he  was,  they  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  undei-stand  that  this  is  with- 
out violation  of  any  coveiuiut  between  them  and  us;  for  Uncos  being  in  con- 
federation with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently  observed  Ids  covenants  before 
mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  retiuiring  advice  from  us,  upon  serious 
consideration  of  the  premises,  viz.  his  treacherous  and  murderous  disposition 
against  Uncas,  &c.  and  how  great  a  distmber  lie  hath  been  of  the  common 
j)cac  -  of  the  whole  country,  we  could  not  in  res])ect  of  the  justice  of  the  case, 
safety  of  tlie  country,  and  faithfulness  of  our  friend,  do  otherwise  than  approve 
of  the  lawfulness  of  his  death  ;  which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians'  own 
manners,  and  concurring  with  the  i)i-actice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we 
are  ac(|uaiuted  ;  we  persuaded  ourselves,  however  his  death  may  be  grievona 
at  present,  yet  the  peaceable  fruits  of  it  will  yield  not  oidy  matter  of  safety  to 
the  Indians,  btit  ])rofit  to  all  that  inhabit  this  continent." 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  put  in  {lossession  of  every  thing  that 
the  English  could  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  of  Mianiunnomoh. 
He  will  therefore  be  able  to  decide,  whether,  as  we  have  stated,  their  judg- 
ment was  made  up  of  one  kind  of  evidence  ;  and  whether  the  Narragansets 
had  any  lawyers  to  advocate  tiieir  cause  before  the  conunissioners. 

After  ^Waniimnoniofe  was  executed,  the  Narragansets  demanded  satisfaction 
of  Uncas  lor  the  money  they  had  raised  and  paid  for  the  redenqition  of  their 
chief.  Tills  demand  was  through  the  English  commissioner;  who,  when 
they  were  met,  in  Sept.  1(144,  deputed  Thomas  Slanton  to  notify  both  parties 
to  ai);)ear  before  them,  that  tiiey  might  decide  upon  the  case  according  to 
the  evidence  which  should  bo  produced. 

It  ai)pears  that  Kiencmo*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immediately  deputed 
Jfeetowisse,  a  sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummtimshe,  captains,  from  the  Narra- 
gans(!ts,  with  two  of  their  men,  to  maintain  their  action  before  the  commis- 
sioners, and  to  com|)l(iin  of  some  insolences  of  Uncas  besides.f  On  a  full 
hearing,  the  conunissioners  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated  by  them. 
"Tliongh,"  they  say,  "several  discoursi's  iiad  jtassed  from  Uncai  and  his 
men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  jjarcels  of  other  goods  to 
a  great  value,  there  might  have  beeu  some  probability  of  sparing  his  Iifi\" 
Hence  it  apjiears  that  Uncas  had  actually  entered  upon  a  negotiation  with 
the  Narragansets,  as  in  the  lift)  of  Mianiunnomoh  has  been  stated ;  and  it  does 
not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a  slight  ae(]uaintance  with  the  general  drift  of 
these  affairs,  to  discern,  that  Uncas  had  encouraged  the  Narragansets  to  send 

•  The  same  afterwards  called  Ninigret.  Juiiemn  was  doiilnless  die  pronunrialioii,  J  heiiijf 
nt  dial  lime  iironouiiced  ji ;  tliorelore  Jianrmo  iiii{|lil  liavo  hccii  sonielliiics  uiulerslood  Kiant' 
mo.      Whithi-o})  writes  tlie  name  Atjunemo  in  one  Ijislaiire. 

t  'rill-  anllior  ol'  Tales  of  tin'  Iiiiiiaiis  seems  dismally  confused  In  ntlempling  to  narrate 
lliese  all'airs,  but  see  Hazard,  ii,  2j  and  2G. 


1 


w 

^ 

1 

[ 

w 

''''.'  N 

■w 

r'  i 

:: 

1 

1 
1 

154 


UN(:.\S.— PESSACUS. 


[Hook  IL 


wampiim,  timt  is,  their  money,  giving  them  to  inulerstand  tliat  ho  wonhl  not 
be  hard  wiih  then. ;  in  so  far,  that  they  had  trusted  to  iiis  generosity,  and  sent 
him  (I  considerahle  amount.  Tlie  very  liice  of  it  shows  clearly,  that  it  was  a 
ti"ick  of  Uncos  to  leave  the  amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  the 
chance,  (that  a  knave  will  always  seize  ui)on,)  to  act  according  to  the  caprice 
of  his  own  mind  on  any  pretence  atlerwards. 

The  commissioners  say,  that  "'no  such  parcels  were  brought,"  though,  in 
a  few  lines  alter,  in  their  records,  we  read:  "And  for  that  wampums  and 
goods  sent,  [to  t77icas,]  as  they  were  but  small  parcels,  and  scarce  considerable 
for  such  a  purpose,"  namely,  tiie  redemption  of  their  chief:  and  still,  they 
udd ;  "  But  Uncos  denieth,  and  the  Narraganset  deputies  did  not  alhjdge, 
much  less  prove  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  much  as  any  tieaty 
begun  to  redeem  their  imjirisoned  sachem."  Therefore  it  appears  quite 
clear  that  Uncas  had  all  the  English  in  his  favor,  who,  to  preserve  his  fiiend- 
ehip,  cai-essed  and  called  him  their  friend ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
agents  from  the  Narragansets  were  iiowned  upon,  and  no  doubt  labored  under 
the  disadvantage  of  not  being  personally  known  to  tiie  English. 

As  to  tlie  goods  wliicli  Uncas  liad  received,  the  commissioners  say,  "A 
part  of  them  [were]  disposed  [of]  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  to  Uncas^  coun- 
sellors and  captains,  for  some  favor,  either  past  or  hoped  lor,  and  i)art  were 
given  and  sent  to  Uncas,  and  to  his  squaw  for  preserving  liis  life  so  long,  and 
using  him  courteously  during  his  imprisonment." 

Here  ended  this  matter ;  but  before  the  Narraganset  deputies  left  the  court, 
the  English  made  them  sign  an  agreement,  that  they  would  not  make  war 
upon  Uncas,  "  vntill  after  the  next  planting  of  corn."  And  even  then,  that 
they  should  give  30  days'  notice  to  the  English  before  commencing  hostili- 
ties. Also  that  if  "any  of  the  Nayantick  Pecotts  should  make  any  assault 
upon  Uncas  or  any  of  his,  they  would  deliver  them  up  to  the  English  to  be 
punished  according  lo  their  demerits.  And  that  they  would  not  use  any 
means  to  procure  the  Mawhakes  to  come  against  Uncas  during  this  truce." 
At  the  same  time  the  English  took  due  care  to  notily  the  Narraganset  com- 
missioners, by  way  of  awing  them  into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the 
Mohegans,  all  the  English  would  be  u[ton  them. 

The  date  of  this  agreement,  if  so  we  may  call  it,  is,  "  Hartford,  the  xviijth 
of  September,  1644,"  and  was  signed  by  lour  Indiai  ^ ;  one  besides  those 
named  above,  called  Chimough, 

That  no  passage  migiit  be  left  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  was  also 
mentioned,  that  "  proof  of  the  ransom  charged  "  must  be  made  satisfactory 
to  the  English  before  war  was  begun. 

The  power  of  Pessactis  and  JVinigret  at  this  time  was  much  feared  by  the 
English,  and  they  were  ready  to  believe  any  reports  of  the  hostile  doings  of 
the  Narragansets,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Pequots,  had  made  tliv^ni- 
selves  master.!  of  all  their  neighbors,  excejU  the  English,  as  the  Pequots  had 
done  before  them.  The  Mohegans  were  also  in  great  fear  of  tlu'm,  as  well 
after  as  before  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh  ;  but  for  whose  misfortune  in 
being  made  a  prisoner  by  a  stratagem  of  Uncas,  or  his  captains,  the  English 
might  have  seen  far  greater  troubles  from  them  than  they  did,  judging  lioni 
tlie  known  abilities  of  that  great  chief. 

There  was  "a  meeting  extraordinary"  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  in  July,  1G45,  at  Boston,  "  concerning  the  French  business,  and  the 
wars  between  Pissicus  and  Vncus  being  begun."  Their  first  business  was  to 
despatch  away  iiiossengers  to  recjuest  the  a|»pearance  of  the  head  men  of  the 
belligerents  to  appear  ti.  Mnselves  at  Boston,  or  to  send  some  of  their  chief 
men,  that  the  dilHculties  hotween  them  might  be  settled. 

These  messengere,  Sergea.>t  Jo'tn  Dames,  [Davis  ?]  Benedict  Arnold,  and 
Francis  Smyth,  on  their  first  aj'-'.val  at  Narraganset,  were  welcomed  by  the 
sachems,  w)io  offered  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncas;  but,  eithcv 
having  understood  their  intentions,  or  judging  from  their  appearance  '.hat 
the  English  messengers  meant  them  no  good,  changed  their  de])ortnient 
altogether,  and  in  the  mean  timt;  secretly  despatched  messengers  to  the 
Nianticks  before  them,  giving  them  to  miderstand  what  was  going  forward. 
After  this,  say  the  messengers,  "  there  was  nothing  but  proud  and  insolent 


Chap,  v.] 


UNCAS.— DKFENUEn  15Y  THE  ENGLISH, 


155 


passages  [from  JVirdsp^e.t.]  The  Indian  f^iiidea  which  iJiey  liad  hroufriit  witli 
fhoni  (Vom  PHmhamtnu\  Sokakanoco  were,  hy  frowns  and  threateniii!^  speochoii, 
discoiiniired,  and  returned;  no  other  s^uides  conhl  l»e  obtained."  Tiie 
sachems  said  they  knew,  hy  what  was  done  at  Hartfbitl  last  year,  that  tiio 
English  would  tn-ge  peace,  "6i(t  thty  were  resolved,  tfiey  said,  to  have  no  peace 
wUhoul  Uncas  his  head."  As  to  who  began  the  war,  they  cared  tiot,  hut  they 
were  resolved  to  continue  It ;  that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their 
soldiers  from  Uncos,  they  should  consider  '-■<:.  a  breach  of  former  covenants, 
and  would  j)rocure  as  many  Mohawks  as  the  English  had  soldiers  to  bring 
against  tiiem.  They  reviled  Uncos  for  having  wounded  himself,  and  then 
charging  it  upon  tliem,  and  said  he  waa  no  fi-iend  of  the  English,  but  would 
now,  if  he  durst,  kill  the  Englisii  messengers,  and  lay  that  to  them.  There- 
fore, not  being  able  to  proceed,  the  English  messengers  returned  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  and  acquainted  Pessocus  of  what  had  passed,  desiring  he  would 
furnisli  them  with  guides;  "he,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)  offered 
them  an  old  Pracott  sqnaw." 

The  messengere  iiow  thought  themselves  in  danger  of  being  mas- 
sacred;  "thr«!e  Indians  with  l-  tciiets  standing  behind  the  interpret.^r  in  a 
suspicious  manner,  while  lie  wass  s|)eaking  witii  Pessocus,  and  the  rest,  frowning 
and  ex])ressing  nnich  distemper  in  their  countenance  and  carriage."  So, 
witiiout  nuicli  loss  of  time,  they  began  to  retrace  their  steps.  On  leaving 
Pessacus,  they  told  him  they  should  lodge  at  an  Etgiish  trading  house  not  far 
off  that  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English,  he  might  send 
to  them.  In  the  morning,  he  invited  them  to  return,  and  said  he  would  furnish 
them  with  guides  to  visit  Uncos,  but  he  would  not  suspend  hostilities.  Not  daring 
to  risk  the  journey,  the  messengera  returned  home.  Arnold,  the  interpreter, 
testifitMl  that  this  was  a  true  relation  of  what  had  passed,  wiiich  is  necessai-y  to 
be  bo  "ne  in  mind,  as  something  may  appear,  as  we  proceed,  impeaching  the 
veracity  of  Jlrnold, 

Meanwhile  'le  commissioners  set  forth  an  armament  to  defend  Uncos,  at  all 
hazards.  To  justify  this  movement,  they  declare,  that,  "  considering  the  great 
provocations  offered,  and  the  necessity  we  should  be  put  unto  of  making  war 
upon  the  Narrohiggin,  &c.  and  being  also  careful  in  a  matter  of  so  great 
weight  and  general  concernment  to  see  the  way  cleared  and  to  give  satisfaction 
to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  fit  to  advise  with  such  of  tho  magistrates  and 
elders  of  the  Mast-achnsetts  as  were  then  at  hand,  and  also  with  some  of  tho 
ohi(>f  military  connnanders  there,  who  being  assembled,  it  was  then  agreed : 
Fii-st,  that  our  engagement  bound  us  to  aid  and  defend  the  Mohegan  sachenu 
Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not  be  intended  only  to  defend  him  and  his,  in 
his  fort  or  habitation,  but,  (according  to  the  common  acce|)tation  of  such 
covenants  or  engagements  considered  with  the  ground  or  occiision  thereof,)  so 
to  aid  him  as  liei^  mii^rht  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thndly,  that 
this  aid  nni.st  be  speedy,  least  he  might  be  swallowed  up  in  tho  mean  time, 
and  so  come  too  late." 

"  According  to  the  counsel  and  determination  aforesaid,  the  commissioners, 
considering  tlie  present  danger  of  Uncas  the  Mohegan  sachem,  (his  fort  havin" 
been  divcre  times  assaulted  by  a  great  army  of  the  Narrohi^gansets,  &c.) 
aj^reed  to  have  40  soldiere  sent  with  all  expedition  for  his  defense."  Lieu- 
tenant Athcrton  and  Sergeant  John  Davis  led  this  company,  conducted  by  two  of 
"  Culchomakin^s"  Indians  as  guides.  JUherton  was  oniered  not  to  make  an 
"attempt  upon  the  town  otherwise  than  in  Uncos'  defence."  Captain  Mason 
of  Connecticut  was  to  join  him,  and  take  the  chief  command.  Foi'ty  men 
were  ordered  also  from  Comiecticut,  and  80  from  New  Haven  under  Lieu- 
tenai.t  Seahj.  In  their  instructions  to  Mason,  the  commissioners  say,  "We  so 
now  aim  at  the  protection  of  the  Mohegans,  that  we  would  have  no  opportimity 
neglected  to  weaken  the  Narragansets  and  their  confederates,  in  thei„' number 
of  iiicp,  their  cane  canoes,  wigwams,  wampum  and  goods.  We  look  uj)on 
the  Manticks  as  the  chief  incendiaries  and  causes  of  the  war,  and  s'lonhl  be 
glad  tl  ley  might  first  feel  the  smart  of  it."  The  Niantieks,  therefore,  were 
particularly  to  be  had  in  view  hy  Mason^  and  he  was  informed  at  the  same 
time  that  Massachusetts  and  Plimouth  were  forthwith  to  send  "another  array 
to  invadt;  the  Narragansets." 


■ ;    ;,:i 


156 


UNCAS— BESEIGED  IN  HIS  FORT. 


[Book  tl. 


The  commissioners  now  proceeded  to  mnke  choice  of  a  commander  in 
chief  of  the  two  armies.  Major  Edward  Gibbons  was  unanimously  elected. 
In  his  instructions  is  this  passajrc:  "Wlieioas  tlie  scope  and  cause  of  tiiis 
expedition  is  not  only  to  aid  tiie  Mohejjans,  but  to  offend  the  Narrngunsety, 
Nianticks,  and  otiier  their  confederates."  He  was  directed  also  to  conclude  a 
peace  with  them,  if  they  desired  it,  provided  it  were  made  with  special 
reference  to  damages,  &c.  And  they  say,  "But  withal,  according  to  oin* 
engagements,  you  are  to  provide  for  Uncos'  future  safety,  that  his  plantations 
be  not  invaded,  that  his  men  and  squaws  may  attend  their  planting  and  fishing 
and  other  occasions  without  fear  or  injury,  and  Vssamequine,  Pomham, 
Sokakonoco,  Cutchaniakin,  and  other  Indians,  friends  or  subjects  to  the  English, 
b'    lot  molested,"  &c. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  which  was  in  September,  1G43,  his 
brother  Pessacits,  "the  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  then  "a  yoimg  man 
about  20,"  sent  to  Governor  fVinthrop  of  Massachusetts,  as  a  present,  an  otter 
coat,  a  girdle  of  wampum,  and  some  of  that  article  besides,  in  value  about 
£15.  The  messenger,  named  JFashose,*  also  a  sachem,  told  the  governor  that 
his  chief  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  the  English;  but  that  he  was 
about  to  make  war  upon  Uncas,  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  and  liojied 
they  would  not  interfere,  nor  aid  Uncas.  The  governor  said  they  wished  to 
be  ut  peace  with  all  Indians,  and  that  all  Indians  woidd  be  at  peace  among 
themselves,  and  that  they  must  agree  to  this,  or  they  could  not  accept  their 
present.  IVaskose  said  he  was  instructed  no  further  than  to  make  known  his 
mission  and  leave  the  j)resent,  which  he  did,  and  return<?d  to  his  own  country. 
This  was  in  February,  1(J44,  N.  S.  Within  the  same  month,  the  same  messenger 
appeared  again  at  Boston ;  and  "  his  errand  was,  (says  Govc-nor  Wirdhrop,)  that, 
seeing  they,  at  our  requi^st,  had  set  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  w« 
would  grant  their  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with  Onkns,  with  many 
arguments."  But  he  was  answered,  that  the  English  would  not  allow  such  a 
proceeding,  and  if  they  persisted  all  the  English  would  fall  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  30  days  besides,  had  j)asse(l  before  the  English  sent  an 
army  to  invade  the  Narragansets.  Pessacits  and  the  other  chiefs  had  done  all 
they  could  do  to  cause  the  English  to  remain  neutral,  but  now  determined  to 
wait  no  longer,  and  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both  sides. 

The  traditionary  account  of  Uncas's  being  besieged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Narragansets  will  very  properly  be  looked  for  in  this  connection,  as  it  has 
not  only  adorned  some  Arties  of  the  Indians,  hut  has  been  seriously  urged  as 
truth  in  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  about  to  give  is  contained  in 
a  letter,  datcul  at  New  Haven,  19  September,  1796,  by  Wm.  Lejfingicell,  and  di- 
rected Dr.  Trumbull. 

"At  the  time  the  Mohegan  trilie  of  Indians  were  besieged  by  the  Narragan- 
set tribe,  in  a  fort  near  the  River  Thames,  bet\*'een  Norwich  and  New 
London,  the  provisions  of  the  besieged  being  nearly  exhausted,  Uncas,  their 
sachem,  found  means  to  inform  the  settlersat  Saybrookof  their  distress,  and  tl'j 
danger  they  woidd  be  in  from  the  Narragjinsets,  if  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  cut 
off.  Ensign  Thonuts  Leffingwell,  one  of  the  first  settlers  there,  loaded  a  canoe 
with  beef,  com  and  peas,  and  in  the  night  time  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the 
Thames,  and  had  the  address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  besieged ; — 
received  a  deed  from  Unras  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  made  his  escape 
that  very  night.  In  consequence  of  which,  the  besiegers,  finding  Uncas  had 
procured  relief,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  saved,  and  have 
ever  proved  strict  friends  to  the  N.  England  settlers."  f 

Tlie  above  agrees  very  wcjU  with  Mr.  i/i/rfe's  account.  "  When  Uncas  and 
tril)e  were  attacked  by  a  j)otent  enemy,  nn(i  blocked  up  in  their  fort  on  a  hill, 
by  the  side  of  the  great  river,  and  almost  starved  to  death,  Lieut.  Thos. 
Leffingwell,  Ci\\n.  lienj.  Brewster,  of  said  Norwich,  and  others,  secretly  carried 

*  I'orlmps  the  saivio  ns  Airaslicrs. 

t  Copied  (Vom  (lie  origin:)!,  for  llie  aiKlior,  by  Rev.  H  w.  Ely,  who  thus  remarks  upon  it  : 
"This  Iriidilioii.  I'rom  a  hifihiy  respcclalile  source,  Tnimhutl  stales  ns  history;  yet,  in  some 
minor  jioiiils,  Hi  least,  i(  woiilil  seem  i>l)viuus  that  (he  tradition  could  not  have  l)eeu  strictly 
preseivod  (or  130  years."     i1/^'.  latter. 


Chap.  V] 


INTF.RFERENCE  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


157 


their  provision,  in  tiie  niglit  srnsons,  upon  wliicli  the  enemy  raised  the  siege."  • 
111  consideration  of  wliich,  "  Uncas  gave  sundry  donations  of  hind,"  &e.t 

At  tiie  congress  of  the  counnissioners  at  Boston,  in  KMS,  ahove  mentioned, 
it  was  ascertained  tliat  tiie  jnesent  from  Pessacus  still  remained  among  them, 
and  therefore  lie  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  English  had  complied 
with  their  desires,  as  they  had  not  returned  it.  Lest  this  should  be  so  under- 
stood, Cajitain  Harding,  Mr.  IVelbome,  and  Benedict  Jimold,  were  ordered  and 
commissioned  to  repair  to  the  Narraganset  country,  and  to  see,  if  possible, 
"  Piscus,  Canownacus,  Janemo,"  and  other  sachems,  and  to  return  the  pres(;nt 
before  mentioned,  and  to  inform  them  that  the  English  were  well  aware  of 
their  beginning:  and  prosecuting  a  Avar  upon  Uncas,  and  tlieir  "having 
wounded  and  slain  divers  of  his  men,  seized  many  of  his  canoes,  taken  some 
prisoners,  sjioiled  much  of  his  corn,"  refused  to  treat  with  him,  and  threaten- 
ed the  English.  Nevertheless,  if  they  would  come  themselves  forthwith  to 
Boston,  they  should  be  heard  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none 
«xce|it  tli(>msclves  would  be  treated  with,  and  if  they  refused  to  come,  the 
English  were  prepared  for  war,  and  would  proceed  immediately  against 
them. 

Harding  and  Welhorne  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  Arnold  was  to  join 
them.  But  he  was  not  there,  and  they  were  inlbrmed  that  he  dared  not 
venture  among  the  Narragansets.  Wliether  he  had  been  acting  the  traitor 
with  them,  or  soinuthing  (piite  as  much  to  merit  condemnation,  we  will  leave 
the  reader  to  judge  from  the  relation.  Tlie  two  former,  therefore,  made  use  of 
Reverend  Mr.  If'illiams  as  interpreter  in  their  business,  but  were  reprimanded 
by  the  commissioners  for  it  on  their  return.  On  going  to  the  Narraganset 
sachems,  and  opening  their  business,  it  ap|)eared  that  all  they  were  ordered 
to  charg*  them  with  was  not  true;  or,  at  least,  denied  by  them.  These 
charges,  it  appeai-s,  had  been  jireferred  by  Arnold,  and  sworn  to  u])on  oath. 
The  chiefs  said  "that  lanemo,  the  Nyantick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divera  days, 
liiit  had  now  sent  six  men  to  present  his  respects  to  the  English, and  to  declare 
his  assent  and  submission  to  what  the  Narroliiggenset  sachems  and  the  Eng- 
lish should  agree  upon." 

It  ivas  in  the  end  agreed,  that  the  chiefs,  Pessacus,  Mexam,  and  divers 
others,  should  proceed  to  Boston,  agreeably  to  the  desire  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Harding  and  Welhome,  who  brought  back 
the  old  jnesent,  and  for  which  they  also  received  the  censure  of  the  congi-ess. 
They  arrived  at  Boston  just  as  the  second  levy  of  troops  were  marching  out 
for  their  country,  and  thus  the  expedition  was  stayed  until  the  result  of  a 
treaty  should  be  made  known. 

It  ajipcarcd,  on  a  conference  with  the  commissionei*s,  that  the  sachems  did 
not  fully  understand  the  nature  of  all  the  charges  against  them  before  leaving 
their  country,  and  in  justice  to  them  it  should  be  observed,  that,  so  far  as  the 
record  goes,  their  case  ajipears  to  us  the  easiest  to  be  defended  of  the  three 
parties  concerned.  They  told  the  commissioners  of  sundry  charges  they  Lad 
against  Uncas,  but  they  said  they  could  not  hear  them,  for  Uncas  was  not 

*  Some  very  bcamiful  verses  appeared  several  years  since  iii  llio  Connecticut  ftlirror,  to 
which  it  seems  the  above  had  g'iveu  rise.  'I'liey  were  prefaced  with  the  following  among 
other  observalions  :  "  In  the  neighborhood  of  iVlohpgan  is  a  rude  recess,  environed  by  roiks, 
which  still  retains  tlie  name  of  iTie  '  clinir  of  Uncus;'  and  tliat  the  people  of  Uiicas  were 
pensliiiig  with  hunger  wiien  LeJ/bigwell  brouglit  him  relief.  We  give  the  following  stauzaj 
i'roiii  it:  — 

"  The  monarch  sat  on  his  rocky  throne, 
Before  him  the  waters  lay  ; 
His  guards  were  shapeless  columns  of  stone, 
Their  lot^y  helmets  with  moss  o'ergrown, 
And  their  spears  of  the  bracken  gray. 

"  His  lamps  were  tl:e  fickle  stars,  that  beamed 

Tlirongl)  the  veil  of  their  midnight  shroud, 
And  the  reddening  flashes  that  fitfully  gleamed 
When  the  distant  (ires  of  the  war-dance  streamed 
Where  his  foes  in  frantic  rtvel  screamed 
'Neath  their  canopy  of  cloud,"  &.c. 
t  MS  letter  to  Dr.  Trumbull,  before  oiled,  and  life  of  Miantunnomoh, 

14 


\i 


158 


UNTAS— TREATY  MADE  AT  BOj^TON. 


[Rook  II. 


till  re  to  s|'C!ik  for  liiiiiself ;  and  that  they  liud  hindered  his  being  notified  of 
tilt  if  CDii  mg.  As  to  a  hreacii  of  covenant,  tiiey  maintained,  for  some  time, 
tii(  y  hu('  coiiiiniited  none,  and  tliat  their  treatment  of  tlie  Enj?ii»li  had  been 
uiisrc  prcaented.  "Hut,  (says  our  record,)  alter  a  long  deijatu  and  sonio 
priuate  coMfenencc,  tliey  liad  witli  Serjeant  Cullicutt,  they  acknowledged 
they  had  brooken  jjroniise  or  couenant  in  the  afore  nieneoned  warns, 
luid  od'eired  to  make  another  truce  with  Vncas,  ehher  till  next  planting 
tyrne,  as  tiiey  had  done  last  yeare  nt  Hartford,  or  lor  a  yeare,  or  a  yeare  and 
a  quarter." 

They  had  been  induced  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  persua- 
sion oi'  CtdUcnt,  who,  jirobabiy,  was  instructed  to  inform  them  that  the  safety 
of  their  country  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  tlie  wishes  of  the  Eng- 
hsh  at  this  time.  Ar  nrmy  of  soldiers  was  at  tiiat  moment  parading  tho 
streets,  in  all  the  po-up'-  ity  of  a  modern  training,  which  nnist  have  reminded 
them  of  the  •  jIi^  destruction  of  their  kindred  at  Mystic  eight  years 
before. 

The  proposit  of  a  ti  'ce  being  objected  to  by  tlie  English,  "one  of  the 
sachems  offered  .  •,  ick  or  '.und  to  the  commissi  mcrs,  expressing  himself^ 
that  therewith  they  jiut  the  ;  :  er  and  disposition  cf  the  war  into  their  hands, 
and  desired  to  know  tvhal  the  English  would  require  of  them."  They  were 
answered  that  the  exjienscs  and  trouble  they  had  caused  the  Englisli  were 
very  great,  "besides  the  damage  Fncas  had  sustained;  yet  to  show  their 
vwderacon,  they  would  require  of  them  hut  twoo  Vwiisanil  fathome  of  wliite 
wampon  for  their  owne  satislU'-'con,"  but  tliat  they  should  restore  to  Uncas  all 
the  captives  and  canoes  taken  from  him,  and  make  restitution  for  all  the  cl  rn 
they  had  spoiled.  As  for  the  last-mentioned  offence,  the  sachems  asserted 
there  had  been  none  such ;  for  it  was  not  the  manner  of  the  Indians  to  de- 
stroy/ com. 

I'^his  most  excellent  and  indirect  reproof  must  have  had  no  small  effect  on 
those  who  heard  it,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  actors  as  well  as  the  advisers  of 
the  destruction  of  the  Indians'  corn,  previous  to  and  during  the  Pequot  war, 
were  now  present:  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  upon  the  shores  of  tlio 
Connecticut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imaginations. 

Considering,  therefore,  that  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary',  and  that 
Uncas  had  taken  and  killed  some  of  their  people,  the  English  consented  that 
Uncas  "might"  restore  such  captives  and  canoes  as  he  had  taken  from  them. 
Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  wampum,  "  t.  auing  onely  some  case  in  the 
mauiier  and  tymes  of  payment,"  and  on  the  evening  of  "  the  xxvVjth  of  tite  6 
month,  (August,)  1G45,"  articles  to  the  following  effect  were  signed  by  the 
principal  Indians  present: — 

1.  That  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Mohegans 
contrary  to  former  treaties;  that  the  English  liad  sent  messengers  to  them 
without  success,  which  had  made  them  prepare  for  war. 

2.  That  chiefs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  acknowl- 
edged their  breach  of  treaties,  having  "  thereby  not  only  endamaged  Vncas, 
but  had  brought  much  charge  and  trouble  vpon  all  the  English  colonies, 
which  they  confest  were  just  they  should  satisfy." 

3.  That  the  sachems  agree  for  their  nations  to  pay  to  the  English  2000 
fathom  "of  good  white  wampum,  or  a  third  i)art  of  good  black  wanipem- 
peago,  in  four  payments,  namely,"  500  fatiiom  in  20  days,  500  in  four  montlis, 
500  at  or  before  next  jilaiiting  time,  and  500  in  two  years,  which  the  English 
agree  to  accept  as  full  "  satistiiccoii." 

4.  That  each  party  of  the  Indians  was  to  restore  to  the  other  all  thinga 
taken,  and  where  caiiois  were  destroyed,  others  "in  the  roome  of  them,  full 
as  good,"  were  to  be  given  in  return.  The  Englisli  obligated  themselves  tor 
Uncas. 

5.  That  as  many  matters  cannot  be  treated  of  on  account  of  the  iibsence  of 
Uncas,  tiiey  are  to  be  dclerred  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  eoiiiinis^'ioners 
Ht  Hartford,  in  Sept.  1()4(),  where  both  parties  should  be  iieanl. 

G.  The  Narragansct  and  Niantic;  saclieins  bind  themselves  to  keep  peace 
with  the  English  and  their  successors,  "and  with  Fncas  the  Mohegaii  sache/n 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS— MEXAM. 


159 


le  charge  of 


and  liis  men,  with  Vsaamequin,*  Pomham,  Sokaknooco,  Cxdchamakin,  Sltoanan,^ 
Pussaconnway,  and  all  otliurs.  And  that,  in  case  diilicuitiea  occur,  they  am 
to  apiily  to  the  English. 

7.  Tlioy  promise  to  deliver  np  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at  any 
time  he  found  among  them  ;  to  pay  a  yearly  tribute,  "  a  month  before  Indian 
harvest,  every  year  after  tliis,  at  Boston,"  "  I'or  all  such  Pecotta  as  live  amongst 
them,"  according  to  the  treaty  of  l(i.'l8;t  "namely,  one  fathom  of  white 
wampum  for  each  Pequot  man,  and  half  a  fathom  for  each  Peacott  youth, 
and  one  hand  length  of  wampum  for  each  Peacott  man-child;  and  if  H'cek' 
wash  Cake§  refuse  to  pay  this  tribute  for  any  Peacotts  with  him,  tiie  Narro- 
higganset  sagamores  promise  to  assist  the  English  against  him ;"  and  to  yield 
up  to  the  English  the  wiiole  Pequot  counti-y. 

8.  The  sachems  promise  to  deliver  four  of  their  children  into  the  hands  of 
the  English,  "viz".  Pissaais  his  eldest  sonn,  the  sonn  of  Tas.iwpiannwitt, 
brother  to  Piisacits,  .^wtt,ihanoe  his  soiui,  and  Ewanf^eso^s  sonn,  a  Nyantick,  to 
be  ke|>t  as  j)ledgesor  hostages,"  until  the  wampum  should  he  all  ])aid,  and  they 
had  met  ifncas  at  nartt()rd,  and  Janemo  and  Ih/pdockn  had  signed  the-.e  arti- 
cles. As  the  children  were  to  he  sent  for,  fyUowash,  Pomam.ie,  Jawa^soe,  and 
iraus^hivamino  offered  their  i)ersons  as  security  lor  their  iivery,  who  were 
accej)ted. 

9.  Hoth  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supportea  at 
tho  Enjilish. 

.  10.  Tiiat  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  before  its  provisions  were  known,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a  viola- 
tion  thereof, 

11.  They  agree  not  to  sell  any  of  their  lands  without  aie  consent  of  tho 
commissioners. 

12.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  found  among  them  o  had  murdered  Eng- 
lish, they  were  to  he  delivered  to  the  English.  Here  Ibllow  the  names,  with 
a  mark  to  each. 

Pessecus, 

AUMSAAQUEN,  H  ikpiltjf 

for  the  JVianlicla, 
Abdas, 

POMMCSH, 

Cutchamakins, 

Weekesanno, 

Wittowash. 

We  do  not  see  Mexam^s  or  Mixanno's  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  being  present,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied  to 
him.  Tiiere  were  four  interpreters  em))loyed  upon  the  occasion,  namely, 
Sergeant  CuUicut  and  his  Indian  man,  Cidchamakin  and  Josias.** 

From  this  time  to  tho  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  counti-y 
seems  not  to  have  been  much  disturbed.  In  tlie  mean  time,  however,  Uncos, 
without  any  regard  to  the  promise  and  obligations  the  English  had  laid  them- 
selves under  for  him,  undertook  to  chastise  a  Narraganset  sachem  for  some 
alleged  offence.  On  opening  their  congi'ess,  at  New  Haven,  letters  fiom  Mr. 
Morton  and  Mr.  Peters,  at  Pequot,  were  read  by  the  commissioners,  giving 
accounts  of  Uncases  perfidy.  The  complainants  were  sent  to,  and  informed 
that  Uncas  was  shortly  to  be  there,  and  that  they  should  bring  their  proof  in 
order  to  a  trial. 

Rleanwhile  Uncas  came,  who,  after  waiting  a  few  days,  and  his  accusers 
not  appearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  appears  that  the  English  at 
Nameoke,  since  Saybrook,  were  tlio  suffering  party,  as  their  ncMghhorhood 
was  tlie  scene  of  Uncases  depredations.  Of  some  of  the  charges  he  acknowl- 
edged himself  guilty,  especially  of  fighting  JVeckwash  [Weciiiasli]  Cooke  so 
near  te  the  [ilantation  at  Pequot ;  although  he  allegcnl  that  some  of  tlie  Fjitf- 
lisli  there  had  encouraged  fVequash  to  hrnt  upon  his  lands.     He  was  intoi  nied 


IT  Aii.asrijuiil. 


t  I'prlmps  t^hri'hdmin,  or  Sholini. 

^    i\'eiiuasli  Cook.  ||  iVi'jnleamnrk. 

**  Son  of  ChikatauliHl ,  prdlni! 


ii: 


ly. 


m 


' » 


160 


UNCAS— NUMKROU.S  "IIARGCS  AGAINST  IIIM. 


[MooK  n 


Jliat  liis  brother  Imd  nlso  licnn  Kiiilty  of  some  oirciiro,  hut  ncithi-r  the  accuser 
nor  the  nccuwcrl  were  |)r('seiit,  iiiid,  llicrcforf,  it  could  not  he  iictcd  upon.  So, 
nth'r  a  kind  of  reprimand,  Unraa  was  diHinixscd,  a.s  vvc  have  Jn«t  mentioned. 
Hut  iH.'foru  he  had  iell  tlie  town,  Rlr.  fVm.  Morion  arrived  at  court,  wilii  lluee 
Indians,  to  maintain  the  action  nf;ainst  liim;  he  was,  tlierel'ore,  calli-d  in,  and  ;i 
hearing  wa.s  iiad,  "hut  the  commissiont-rs  founde  noe  caune  to  alter  the  CoriiK  r 
writinge  giuen  him."  This  was  as  reganled  the  afliiir  with  It'eijuash.  Air. 
Morton  tlnii  produced  a  I'equot  powwow,  named  WitmpuKlut,  who,  he  s.iid, 
had  charged  Uncus  witii  having  hired  Inm  to  do  violence  to  another  Indiiui,  or 
to  procure  it  to  he  done,  which  accordingly  was  eflected,  tlu;  Indian  heing 
wounded  with  n  lintchet.  Tliis  crime  was  at  fiint  laid  to  the  charge  of"  Iti- 
(juash,  as  Uncus  had  intended.  "IJut  after  [wards,]  tlu;  l*er|uat's  powwow, 
troubled  in  conscience,  could  have  no  rest  till  h»!  had  fliscoured  /';iri(»  to  he 
the  author."  lit;  fii-st  related  his  guilt  to  Roinn,*  an  Indian  servant  of  Mr. 
H'inthrop ;  hut,  to  the  8ur])risc  of  the  whole  court,  jyampiishit,  t\H\  only  wit- 
ness, on  being  <juestioned  through  Mr.  Stanton,  Ihi^  interpreter,  told  a  story 
diametrically  the  reverse  of  what  he  had  iM'fbre  state<l.  "lie  cleared  Unnis, 
and  cast  the  plot  and  guilt  vpon  AVcAii'ewA  CooA^e  and  Jiolrin;"  "and  though 
the  other  two  I'eciuats,  whereof  the  one  was  Rohin''s  brother,  seemed  much 
offended,"  and  said  Uncas  had  hired  him  to  alter  hi-i  charge,  "yet  he  persisted, 
and  said  J^'tckwnsh  Cooke  and  Robin  had  giuen  him  a  payre  of  breeches,  and 
promised  him  125  thdomcof  wampum,  to  cast  tlit;  plot  upon  Vnciis,iiiui  that  the 
English  plantacon  and  I'efjuats  knew  it.  The  conunissioners  abhorring  this 
diuilish  talshoode,  and  advisinge  Vncus,  if  he  exjM'cted  any  favoiue  and  respect 
from  the  English,  to  haue  no  hand  in  any  such  desigu(!s  or  vniust  wayes." 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  court  did  not  dr)ubt  much  of  the  villany  of  Uncns, 
but,  for  reasons  not  required  here  to  he  named,  he  was  treated  as  a  fond 
parent  often  treats  a  disobedient  child  ;  rt'minded  of  the  end  to  which  such 
crimes  lead;  and  seem  to  threaten  chastisentent  in  ilieir  words,  while  their 
deportment  holds  out  quiNi  difterent  language. 

At  the  congress  of  the  United  Colonies,  at  IJoston,  in  July,  lf!47,  Mr.  John 
/rj«//iro/)of  Connectictit  presentetl  a  petition,  "in  the  name  of  many  Petpiatts," 
in  tlie  ])reamble  of  which  Casmamon  and  bbcchi(ji'»il  are  named,  recpu'sting 
that  they  might  have  liberty  to  dwell  somewhere  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  which  they  might  appoint.  They  acknowledged  that  their  saciiems 
and  peojile  had  done  vt  ry  ill  against  the  English  formerly,  for  which  they  had 
justly  suflered  and  been  rightfully  concpiered  by  the  English  ;  hut  that  they  had 
had  no  hand,  by  consent  or  otherwise,  in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English, 
and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of  JMecquashj  that  they  fled  from  their  country, 
being  promised  by  liim  that  the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not 
join  against  them.  The  names  of  62  craving  pardon  and  protection  were  at 
the  same  time  conuTumicated. 

In  answer  the  conunissioners  say,  that  while  Wequash  lived  he  had  made  no 
mention  of  "such  innocent  Pequats,  or  from  any  other  person  since ;"  and  on 
"  enquiry  from  Tliomas  Stanton,  from  Foxon,  one  of  Uncus  his  men,  and  at  lai<t 
by  confession  of  the  Pequats  jiresent,  found  tiiat  some  of  the  petitioners  were 
in  Mistick  fort  in  light  against  the  Englisli,  and  flcnl  away  in  the  smoke,"  and 
that  others  were  at  other  times  in  arms  against  the  English  and  Mohegans, 
and,  therefore,  the  ground  of  their  petition  was  false  and  deceitful. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  imder  Uncas,  who  had  promised  them 
good  usage,  which  was  probably  on  condition  that  they  shoidd  pay  him  a 
tribute.    They  resided  at  this  time  at  Namyok. 

At  the  same  court,  Obechiqiiod  complainetl  that  Uncas  had  forciblj'  taken 
away  liis  wife,  and  crimhmlly  obliged  her  to  live  with  him.  "Foxon  being 
present,  as  Uncases  deputy,  was  questioned  about  tliis  base  and  unsuft'erable 
outrage  ;  lie  denied  tliat  Uncas  either  took  or  k(!pt  away  Obechuiuod's  wife  by 
force,  and  affirmed  that  [on]  Ohechiquod's  withdrawing,  with  other  P(!quot?, 

*  His  bidiaii  name  was  Casmainon,  perliaps  the  same  as  ( 'assasshinarnon,  or  Casaitiiemon, 
fi.c. 

t  Wequash,  liie  traitor.  He  bcrame  a  noted  praying  Imlian,  aflor  the  Poqnot  war,  and 
was  supposed  to  have  died  by  poi  on.  Frequent  mention  will  be  liiund  of  Ijiia  elsewlicre  in 
OUT  work. 


Chap.  V] 


UNCAS  ACCUSRD  OF  PKRFIDY. 


161 


from  IJnrns,  \m  wifo  refiisod  to  go  witli  liiin  ;  nnd  timt,  nriinng  tlie  Indiniis,  it  is 
iiwiinl  when  (I  wife  so  dcMTtH  licr  liiislmiid,  iiiiotlifr  mny  tiiki?  her,  Ohirhii/iKul 
ntHrincd  timt  Uncaa  hnd  dealt  criiniiiully  biifurc,  uud  Htill  kcjit  licr  aguiiiat 
her  will." 

TIkmii,'1i  not  8nti«fi»'d  in  point  of  proof,  the  roiiuTiissioiirrs  said,  "  Y«'t  nh- 
lioriiig  tliiit  luHtfid  ndiilteroiiH  cnrrinjii!  of  Unca.i,  iis  it  is  arknowli-d^rcd  and 
niittigatcd  l»y  Foxon,"  nnd  ordt-n'd  that  he  Hlionid  restore  the  wife,  and  that 
Ohechi(piod  have  liberty  to  settle  under  the  proteetion  of  tli(!  J']nglisli,  where 
they  Hhoidd  direct.* 

Complaints  at  this  time  were  as  thirk  upon  the  head  of  f'nrnx  a.s  enn  wel 
bo  eonceived  of,  and  still  we  do  not  imagine  that  half  th(!  eriineH  he  was  gnilty 
of,  !ire  on  reeord.  Another  Indian  named  Sana/i.i,  at  the  same  time,  complain- 
ed that  he  had  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wife  of  another  chief,  since  dead  ; 
that  he  had  tak(;n  away  his  corn  and  beans,  and  attem|)ted  his  lite  also.  'I'lie 
court  say  they  found  no  proof,  "  first  or  last,  of  these  charges,"  still,  as  to  the 
corn  and  beans,  "  Foxon  conceives  Unrits  seized  it  b<'cause  Simnop,  with  a 
Peqnot,  in  a  disorderly  maimer  withdrew  himself  from  Uncus "  Hence  it 
seems  not  much  evidence  was  required,  as  Unm.i^s  de|iuty  uniformly  jilended 
guilty ;  and  tbi!  court  could  do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investigation,  he 
should  tiiake  restitution.  As  to  Sannop,  who  was  "no  I'ecpiot,"  l)nt  a  "Con- 
necticut Indian,"  he  had  liberty  to  live  under  the  protection  of  the  English 
nlso. 

To  tl)e  cliargps  of  the  Pequots  against  Uncas,  of  "his  vnjustice  and  tyranny, 
<lrawing(!  wampnm  from  them  vpon  new  [)retences,"  "they  say  they  liaue 
giuen  him  wampam  40  times  since  they  came  voder  him,  and  that  they  haue 
Bent  wainpam  by  liim  to  the  Engl,  'h  2Ii  times,"  and  had  no  account  that  he 
ever  delivered  it ;  it  was  answered  by  Foxon,  that  Uncus  had  received  wam- 
pum divers  times  as  tribute,  but  denied  that,  in  particular,  atiy  had  been  given 
iiim  for  the  English,  and  that  "he  thinks  the  nomber  of  25  times  to  be 
altogether  false." 

There  were  a  long  train  of  charges  against  Uncus  for  his  oppression  of  tlie 
Pequots,  which  when  the  coimnissionera  had  heard  through,  they  "ordered 
that  Vncm  be  duly  reproved,  and  seriously  enform(;d  that  the  English  cannot 
owne  or  protect  him  in  any  vnlawful,  much  lesse  trecherous  and  outrageous 
courses."  And  notwithstanding  the  commissioners  seem  not  to  doubt  of  the 
rascality  of  their  ally,  yet  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  to  relieve  the 
distressed  Pequots,  because  that  "after  the  [Peqnot]  warre  they  s|)ared  the 
Hues  of  such  as  had  noc  hand  in  the  blonde  of  the  English."  To  say  the  least 
of  which,  it  is  a  most  extraordinary  consideration,  that  because  some  innocent 
people  had  not  been  destroyed  in  war,  they  might  be  harassed  according  as 
the  caprice  of  abandoned  minds  might  dictate. 

Mr.  John  Winlhrop  next  prefers  a  complaint  against  Uncus  from  another 
quarter:  the  NipmuKs  had  been  attacked,  in  1G4(},  by  130  Mohegans,  under 
JVoioequu,  a  brother  of  Uncus.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  killed  any  of  them, 
but  robbed  them  of  effects  to  a  great  amount ;  among  which  are  eimmerated 
35  fathom  of  wampum,  10  copper  kettles,  10  "great  hempen  baskets,"  many 
bear  skins,  deer  skins,  &c.  Of  this  charge  Foxon  said  Uncas  was  not  guilty, 
for  that  he  knew  nothing  of  JVoivequn's  proceedings  in  it ;  that  at  the  time  of 
it  [September]  Uncas,  with  his  chief  counsellors,  was  at  New  Haven  with  the 
comndssioners  of  the  United  Colonics ;  and  that  A'owequa  had  at  the  same 
time  robbed  some  of  Uncases  own  people. 

It  was  also  urged  by  Winthrop,  that  not  long  before  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners in  September,  1047,  this  same  JVotvequa  had  been  with  40  or  50  men 
to  Fisher's  Island,  where  lie  had  broken  up  a  canoe  belonging  to  him,  and  greatly 
alarmed  his  man  and  an  Indian  who  were  there  at  that  time.  That  JVowcqiin 
next  "hovered  against  the  English  plantation,  in  a  suspicious  manner,  with  40 
or  50  of  his  men,  many  of  them  armed  with  gunns,  to  the  anVightment  not 
onely  of  the  Indians  on  the  shore  (soe  that  some  of  them  bt-gau  to  bring  their 
goods  to  the  English  houses)  but  divers  of  the  English  themsclues." 

*  This  cliipf  is  the  same,  we  bolicve,  callud  in  a  later  part  of  tlm  records  (Hazard,  ii.  413) 
Ablmchivkivond .  Ho  was  fined,  with  seven  otiiers,  ten  fathom  of  wampum  for  going  to  fight 
tiie  I'ocomptuck  Indians  with  Uncas,  ia  the  summer  of  1659. 

14*  L 


n 


1G2 


UNCAS.— WAR  WITH  THE  NIPMUKS. 


[nooK  II. 


These  clmrgcs  being  ndmitted  by  Foxon,  the  comrnisBioners  "ordered  tlmt 
Vncus  from  them  be  fully  iuformecl,  that  he  iiiiist  either  regulate  and  continue 
bis  brother  in  a  righteous  and  |ieaceuble  frame  for  the  future  vnderstandinge, 
and  providing  that  vpon  due  proof  due  restitution  to  be  made  to  Buch  a»  liaut! 
lM,M;n  wronged  by  him,  or  else  wholy  disert  and  leaue  him,  that  the  Narragen- 
sett  atid  others  may  requere  and  recouer  Batisfaetion  as  they  can." 

We  pass  now  to  the  year  1G51,  omitting  to  notice  some  few  events  more  or 
less  connected  with  our  subject,  which,  in  another  chapter,  moy  properly  pass 
under  review. 

Last  year,  Thomas  Stanton  liad  been  ordered  "to  get  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber and  names  of  the  several  Pequots  living  among  the  Narraganscts,  Nianticks, 
or  Mohegan  Indians,  &c. ;  who,  by  an  agreement  made  after  the  Pequot  war,  are 
justly  tributaries  to  the  English  colonics,  and  to  receive  the  tribute  due  for  this 
lust  year."  Stanton  now  appeared  as  interpreter,  and  with  liitn  came  also 
Uncas  and  several  of  his  men,  Wequash  Cook  and  some  of  "ATnnacrq/?'s"  men, 
^Robert,  a  Pequot,  sometimes  a  servant  to  Mr.  IVinthrop,  and  some  with  him, 
and  some  Pctjuots  living  on  Long  Island."  Tiiey  at  this  time  delivered  312 
fathom  of  wampmn.    Of  this  Uncas  brought  7t),  J^inxfrrcVs  men  91,  &c. 

"This  wam|)um  being  laid  down,  Uncas  and  others  of  the  Pequots 
(lenmnde<l  why  this  tribute  was  required,  how  long  it  was  to  continue,  and 
»'iiether  the  children  to  be  born  hereallcr  were  to  pay  it."  They  wore 
answered  that  tiie  tribute  had  been  due  yearly  from  the  Pequots  since  1038, 
on  account  of  their  murders,  wars,  &c.  upon  the  English.  "  Wherefore  the 
commissioners  might  have  required  both  account  and  payment,  as  of  a  just 
doi)t,  iijr  time  j)ast,  but  are  contented,  if  it  be  thankfully  accepted,  to  remit 
what  is  past,  accounting  only  from  1(550,  when  Thomas  Statiton^s  employment 
and  salary  began."  Also  that  the  ti'ibute  should  end  in  ten  years  more,  and 
tlmt  children  hereafter  born  should  be  eM'n)pt.  Hitherto  all  male  children 
were  taxed. 

The  next  matter  with  which  we  shall  proceed,  has,  in  the  life  of  Ousame- 
quin,  been  merely  glanced  at,  and  rcsened  for  this  place,  to  which  it  more 
oroperly  belongs. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  year  1G61,  and  it  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year 
that  a  war  broke  out  between  Uncas  and  the  old  sachem  before  named.  It 
seems  very  clear  that  the  Wampanoags  had  been  friendly  to  the  Narraganscts, 
for  a  long  time  previous;  being  separated  from  them,  were  not  often 
involved  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how  Uncas  was  favored  by  the  English, 
and  were,  therefore,  careful  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  fllohegans,  from 
whom  they  were  still  farther  removed.  Of  the  rise,  progress  and  termination 
of  their  war  upon  the  Quabaogs,  a  tribe  of  Nipmuks  belonging  to  JVasamagin, 
the  render  may  gather  tlie  most  impoitant  facts  from  some  documents,*  which 
we  shall  in  the  next  place  lay  before  him. 

"Mercurius  de  Quabaconk,  or  a  declaration  of  tlie  dealings  of  Uncas 
and  the  Mohegin  Indians,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Quabaconk, 
21,3d  mo.  IGGl. 

"  About  ten  weeks  since  Uncas'  son,  accompanied  with  70  Indians,  set  upon 
the  Indians  at  Quabaconk,  and  slew  three  pei*sons,  and  carried  away  six  pris- 
oners; among  which  were  one  squaw  and  her  two  children,  whom  when  he 
had  brought  to  the  fort,  Uncas  dismissed  tlie  squaw,  on  conditions  that  she 
would  go  home  and  bring  him  £23  in  peag,  two  guns  and  two  blankets,  for 
the  release  of  hci-self  and  her  children,  which  as  yet  she  hath  not  done,  being 
retained  by  the  sagamore  of  Weshakeun,  in  hopes  that  their  league  with  the 
English  will  free  them. 

"  At  the  same  time  he  carried  away  also,  in  stuffs  and  money,  to  the  value 
of  £37,  and  at  such  time  as  Uncas  received  notice  of  the  displeasure  of  the 
English  in  the  Massachusetts  by  the  woi-shipful  Mr.  Winlhrop,  he  in!*olontly 
liuighed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  he  would  still  go  on  as  he  had 
begun,  and  assay  who  dares  to  controll  him.  Moreover,  four  flays  since 
lliere  came  home  a  prisoner  that  escaped ;  two  j'et  remaining,  whom  Uncas 

*  III  manuscript,  and  never  before  published. 


Ciur.  v.] 


lU'.Fl.F.CTIONS— MKSSAGE  TO  IJNCAS. 


163 


threati;n!s  tlin  one  ri'  tlicm  to  kill,  and  the  other  to  8cll  away  tm  a  slave,  and 
still  tliiratcns  to  crntiinu)  liia  war  againut  them,  iiotwiilistaiiilinif  any  |)roliil)i- 
lion  wiiats<)(!vi;r;  wliosf;  very  threats  are  ho  t(;n*il)lt',  that  our  Indians  dare  not 
wander  far  from  the  towns  about  the  Indians  for  fear  of  snrjirise. 

From  the  relation  of 

1'ambassua, 
and  testimony  of 

Wasamaoi.v, 

QUAQl/r.QUUNSET, 

and  others." 

From  this  narrative  it  is  very  plain  that  Uncas  cared  very  little  for  the  dis- 

Eleasure  of  the  English :  it  is  plain,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they  what 
ept  them  from  dealing  as  severely  with  him  as  with  the  Narraganscts,  his 
neighlHirs.  They  must  succumb  to  him,  to  keep  him  in  a  temper  to  aid  in 
fighting  their  battles  when  called  U!>on.  Hence,  when  he  had  committed  the 
grossest  insnifs  on  other  Indians,  the  wheels  of  justice  oflen  moved  so  slow, 
that  they  arrived  not  at  their  object  until  it  had  become  quite  another  matter. 
It  must,  however,  be  considered,  that  the  English  were  very  peculiarly  sit- 
uated— ujion  the  very  margin  of  an  unknown  wilderness,  inclosed  but  on  one 
side  by  Indians,  whose  chief  business  was  war.  They  had  destroyed  the 
Perpiots,  but  tiiis  only  added  to  their  fears,  for  they  knew  that  reven^'e  lurked 
still  in  the  breasts  of  many,  who  only  were  waiting  for  an  opportiuiify  to 
gratify  it;  therefore,  so  long  as  one  of  the  most  numerous  tribes  could  possi- 
bly be  kept  on  their  side,  the  English  considered  themselves  in  safety.  They 
had  madt)  many  missteps  in  their  proceedings  with  the  Indians,  owing  some- 
times to  one  cause  and  sometimes  to  another,  for -which  now  there  was  no 
remedy;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  set  of  men  were 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  settle  among  wild  men,  that  they  would 
get  along  with  them  so  much  better  than  our  fathers  did  with  the  Indians 
here,  as  some  may  have  imagined.  These  are  considerations  which  nnist  be 
taken  into  account  in  estimating  the  "  wrongs  of  the  Indians."  They  seem 
the  mon  necessary  in  this  place;  for,  in  the  biography  of  Uncas,  there  is  as 
much,  I'vrhaps,  to  censure  regarding  the  acts  of  the  English,  as  in  any  other 
article  "i  Indian  hietory. 

The  narrative  just  recited,  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  was 
referred  to  a  select  committee,  who,  on  the  1  Jime,  reported. 

That  letters  should  be  sent  to  Uncas,  signifying  how  sensible  the  court  was 
of  the  injuries  he  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  upon  the  Indians  of  Quaba- 
conk,  who  lived  imder  their  sagamore,  fVassamagin,  as  set  forth  in  the 
narrative.  That,  therefore,  they  now  desired  him  to  give  up  the  captives  and 
make  restitution  for  all  the  goods  taken  from  them,  and  to  forbear  lor  time  to 
come  all  such  unlawfid  acts.  That,  if  Wassamagin  or  his  sidyects  had  or 
should  do  him  or  his  subjects  any  wrong,  the  English  would,  upon  <hie 
proof,  cause  recompense  to  be  made.  Also  that  Uncas  be  given  to  und(!r- 
stand  and  assured,  that  if  he  refuse  to  comply  with  the  request,  they  were 
then  resolved  to  right  the  injuries  upon  him  and  his,  and  for  all  costs  they 
might  be  put  to  in  tlio  ser\'ice.  "That  for  the  encouragement  and  safety  of 
itie  sayd  Wassamagin  and  his  subjects,  there  be  by  orcler  of  INIajor  ff'illanl 
ttn-ee  or  four  armed  men,  well  accomodate  in  all  respects,  with  a  proporcon 
of  powder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  from  Lancaster  to  Quabaconk  vnto  the 
sayd  Wassamagin,  there  to  stay  a  night  or  two,  and  to  shoote  of  their  miis- 
quets  so  otleii,  and  in  such  wise,  as  the  major  shall  direct,  to  terrific  the 
enemies  of  Wnssamngin,  and  so  to  return  home  again."  To  inform  Wassama- 
gin and  his  subjects,  that  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  would  esteem  it  an 
acknowledgment  of  their  regard,  if  they  would  permit  them  to  have  the 
eajnives  to  be  recovered  from  Uncas,  to  bring  them  up  in  a  pro[)er  manner, 
that  Uicy  might  bo  serviceable  to  their  friends,  &c.  Also,  "aduice  and  re- 
fjuire  Wassamas;in  and  his  men  to  be  verie  carefnll  of  iniin'ing  or  any  ways 
prouoking  of  Vncas,  or  any  of  his  men,  as  he  will  answer  our  displeasure 


I-, 


'.« 


164 


UNCAS  WAR  WITH  ALEXANDER. 


[Book  II. 


therein,  and  inciirr  due  punishment  for  the  same."  That  if  Uncos  committed 
any  otiier  hostile  act.«,  ho  must  complain  to  them,  &c.*  Tlius  IVassamegin 
was  as  nnich  tiu-jatened  as  Uncas. 

ISIatters  seem  to  have  remained  thus  until  the  meeting  of  the  commission- 
ers ill  September  following;  when,  in  due  course,  the  business  was  called  up, 
and  aete<l  upon  as  follows : — 

"  Vpon  complaint  made  to  the  coniissionai*s  of  the  3Iassachusetts  against 
I'nkas,  this  following  message  wa.s  sent  to  him: — 

"  Vncas,  wee  liaue  receiued  information  and  comi)laint  from  the  generall 
court  of  tlie  Massachusetts  of  youer  hostile  invading  of  Ifosamcquin  and  the 
Indians  of  Quabakutt,  whoe  ai"e  and  longe  liaue  bine  subjects  to  the  English, 
killing  some  and  carrying  away  others  ;  Pjjoyling  tlunre  goods  to  the  valine  of 
{\A\h.  as  they  allege."  Tnat  he  had  done  this  contrary  to  his  covenants,  and 
had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Mas.saehusetts,  though  some  time 
since  they  had  ordered  him  to  deliver  up  the  captives,  make  rennineralion, 
&c.  And  to  all  he  had  returned  no  answer  ;  "  which,"  continues  the  letter, 
"seemes  to  bee  an  insolent  and  ])roud  carriage  of  youers.  We  cannot  but 
wonder  att  it,  and  nuist  beare  witness  against  it."  He  was,  as  before,  required 
to  return  the  captives,  &c.  and  give  reasons  for  his  oj)erations;  and  if  he 
neglected  to  do  so,  the  Miissachusetts  were  at  liberty  to  right  themselves. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  we  apjjrehend,  a  letter  from  Uncas  was  received,  writ- 
ten by  Captain  Mason,  which  was  as  follows : — 

"Whereas  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the  court  of  Boston,  dated  in  my 
last  to  Vncas,  sachem  of  Mohegen,  whcrin  it  was  declared  vpon  the  com- 
l)laint  of  Jfesamequenfj  a  sachem  subject  to  the  Massachusetts,  that  the  said 
Fncas  liad  ofiined  gieat  violence  to  theire  subjects  at  Quabauk,  killing  some  aad 
taking  others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  Uncas,  not  aboue  20  daiea 
before  these  presents,  who,  being  summoned  by  Major  John  Mason,  in  full 
scope  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  he  was  deeply  charged  if  he  did  not  retiU'n 
the  captiues,  and  £33  damage,  then  the  Massachusetts  would  recouer  it  by 
force  of  amies,  which  to  him  was  ucTy  grieuous  :  jirofessing  he  was  altogether 
ignor.ait  that  they  were  subjects  belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  ;  and  liirther 
sai<l  that  they  were  none  of  H'esamequeii's  men,  but  belonging  to  Onopeqnin,  his 
deadly  onemic,  whoe  was  there  borne ;  one  of  the  men  then  taken  was  his 
own  c(iiisii),  wlio  had  formerly  fought  against  him  in  his  owii  person  ;  and  yett 
sett  him  att  libertie;  and  iVirther  saith  that  all  the  cajitiues  were  sent  home. 
Alsoe  that  tyesamequin[\3]  son|  and  diners  of  his  men  had  fought  agai/ist  him 
diners  limes.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  as  his  answare  to  the 
comissioners. 

^^MlexanJer  allis  Wamsalta,  sachem  of  Sowamsett,  being  now  att  Plymouth, 
hee  challenged  Quitbauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him  ;  and  further  said  that  liee 
did  warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on  that  account.  § 

Signed  by 

John  Mason." 


*  Here  end  our  RioS.  relating  to  this  atTair. 

t  l?y  this  it  would  seem  lliai  M  ssasmt  iiad,  for  some  time,  resided  among  the  Nipmucks. 
He  liad,  probably,  given  up  Pokanoket  to  liis  sons. 

t  Tliero  can  scarce  lie  a  doubt  that  this  refers  to  Alexander,  and  that  the  next  paragraph 
coiifirnis  it ;  hence  jl/«,vs(i«)i7  was  ali.e  in  May,  KiCl,  as  we  have  before  stated.  And  the 
above  letter  of  Mason  was  probably  written  in"  September,  or  while  the  commissioners  wera 
ill  session. 

ij  It  seems  always  to  have  been  uncertain  to  whom  the  Nipmucks  belonged.  Rnirer 
Williams  says,  in  Itififi,  "That  all  the  Nceptnucks  were  unqueflioiinbly  subject  to  the  Nan- 
liigonset  sachems,  and,  in  a  s|iecial  nu-iiier,  to  Mejksah,  the  son  of  Caniwimiciis,  and  late 
husband  to  this  old  Squaw- Sarliem,  now  oidy  survivin,<5.  I  have  abundant  and  daily  proof  of 
il."  &.e.     MS.  Iftfer.     .See  life  Massasoit,  b.  ii.  ch.  ii. 

At  one  time,  Kul.iliamakiii  claimed  some  of  dm  Nipmucks,  or  consented  to  be  made  n  tool 
of  by  some  of  them,  for  some  private  end.  But  rtlr.  I'yiiclion  said  they  would  not  own  him  as 
a  sachein  any  Ioniser  "  fhan  the  .sun  shined  upon  him."  Had  Uiey  belonged  to  him.  IVlassa. 
chusells  must  have  owned  lliem,  which  would  have  involved  them  n  much  dillicnlty  in  16i8 
by  reason  of  several  murders  among  them. 


Chap.  VI.] 


UNCAS SASSACUS. 


165 


The  particulars  of  flie  issue  of  these  troubles  were  not  recorded,  and  the 
presuiiiption  is,  that  Uncaa  complied  witli  the  reas^  lable  requests  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  tlie  old,  peaceable  Ousamequin,  being  unwilling  to  get  into  ilifHculty, 
put  up  with  the  result  without  avenging  his  wrongs.  His  son,  tVanisuUa,  as 
will  be  seen,  ab  .  it  this  time  found  himself  involved  in  difficulties  nearer 
home,  which  probably  prevented  lum  from  continuing  the  war  against  Uncas, 
had  he  been  otherwise  disposed. 


9ii§e 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  the  Pei/uot  natiim — Geography  of  their  country — Sassacus,  their  first  chief,  known 
to  the  English — Tassaquanoit — War — llie  cause  of  it — We^uasii — Canonicus  and 
MiaiUunnomnh  accused  of  harboring  fugitive  Pequots — Sassamon — Mononotto — 
Otas/i — Cassassinnamow. 

**  Bui.  since  IVe  mentioned  Sussactut^  great  name, 
'rimt  'tiy  so  niucji  a  terror  wliere  it  cumo  ; 
Let :   .!,  in  proseoulion  of  my  story, 
!»ay  sonielliing  of  his  [iriilu  and  kingdom's  glory." — VVolcott. 


]  ^nid  by  Mr,  Hubbard,*  that  the  Pequots,f  "being  a  more  fierce,  cruel, 
aiKt  <  'ike  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of  the  more 
inlanu  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest 
places  near  the  sea,  and  became  a  ten'or  to  all  their  neighbors."  The  time  of 
their  emigration  is  unknown.  They  made  all  the  other  tribes  "  stand  in  awe, 
though  fewer  in  number  than  the  Narragansets,  that  bordered  next  upon 
them."t 

Their  country,  according:  to  Mr.  Gookin,^  "the  English  of  Connecticut 
jurisdiction,  doth  nov. ,  [1()74,]  for  the  most  part,  possess."  Their  dominion, 
or  that  of  their  chief  sachem,  was,  according  to  the  same  author,  "over  divers 
petty  sagamores ;  as  over  part  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Mohegans,  and  over 
the  sagamores  of  Qtiinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,]  yea,  over  all  the  ])eople  that 
dwelt  upon  Connecticut  Iliver,  and  over  some  ot  the  most  southerly  inhabit- 
ants of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag."  The  principal  scat  of  the 
sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pe(|uot  Kiver,  now  called  the  Thames, 
where  New  London  stands.  "These  Pequot.s,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in 
ftn-mer  times,  raise  4000  men  fit  for  war."  jj  The  first  great  chief  of  this 
nation,  known  to  the  English,  wiis 

Sassacus,  who.se  name  was  a  terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians. 
From  the  fruitfid  letters  of  tlie  Reverend  Rof^er  IVUliams,  we  learn  that  he  had 
a  brother  by  the  name  of  Puppom pages,  whose  residence  was  at  Monahiganick, 
probably  Mohegan.  Although  S(tssacus\'i  princi|)al  residence  was  upon  the 
Thames,  yet,  in  his  liiglu  st  prosperity,  he  had  under  him  no  less  than  2(J 
sachems,  and  his  dominir>iis  were  from  Narraganset  Ray  to  Hudson's  River, 
in  the  direction  of  the  .jca-coast.  Long  Island  was  also  under  him,  and  Ids 
authority  was  tmdispiitcd  fiir  into  the  roimtrj'. 

A  brother  of  Sass'icus,  named  Tassaqiianott,  survived  the  Pequot  war,  and 
was  one  of  those  eoi.ijilained  of  by  Uncas  in  1(547,  for  giving  his  countrymen 
"crooked  counsell"  about  a  present  of  wampum,  which  he  had  advised  to  be 
given  to  the  English  instt-iid  of  him.  It  appears  that  on  the  death  of  a  child 
of  Uncas,  the  Pequots  had  presented  him  with  100  fathom  of  wampum,1[ 
which,  when  Tassaquanott  knew,  he  disajiprcved  of  it,  politicly  urging,  that 
if  the  English  were  conciliated  by  any  means  towards  them,  it  mattered  not 
much  about  Uncas. 

*  Narrative,  i.  IIC. 

t  We  bolicve  lliis  iminc  meant  Gray  foxes,  hence  Gray-fox  Indians,  or  Pcqiiots. 

i  Misl.  New  KiiRlnmljSa. 

\  See  his  Collections  in  I  Coll.  Muss.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  147.  ||  Ibid. 

1J  Hazard,  Hisl.  Col.  ii.  90. 


V:- 


166 


SASSACUS.— PEQUOT   WARS. 


[OooK  11 


We  are  informed,*  that  Connecticut  was  claimed  by  right  of  conquest  at 
s»nc  time  by  the  first  white  setth;rs,  who  found  much  of  it  cultivated  and  set- 
ti;;d  by  its  Indian  inhabitants,  altliough  tiiey  endeavored  that  it  slioiiid  be 
understood  otherwise.  The  numbers  of  the  natives  in  that  region  were 
"  tliousands,  wlio  liad  three  kings,  viz.  Connedicote,  Qtdnniviog,  and  Sassa- 
cus."  Connedicote  was  "emperor,"  or  chief  of  cliiefs,  an  elevation  in  wliieh 
lie  and  his  ancestors  had  stood  for  about  400  years,  according  to  their  ta-a- 
ditions. 

About  tlie  time  the  English  bad  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Pe- 
quots,  Roger  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  IVIassachusctta,  giving 
him  important  directions  how  they  should  proceed  to  advantage,  and  what 
was  very  important  then,  gave  the  Ibllowhig  rude  draft  of  their  country : — 

River  Qiinnihticiit,)' 

O  a  fort  of  Uio  Niantaquitj:  men,  confederate  \\'i\\\  the  IVquts. 
Moliiganic  River. 


Oliorn-  I  I  I  I  owaiiko,^  the 
O  VVeinslinukn,  wliero  swiiinp  |  |  |  |  y  or  4  miles  from 

Sasacous,  the  chief  aacliim,  ia. 

Mis-  0  tick,  where  is  Mainoho,\\  another  chief  sachim. 

River. 

Najnri-  O  laqiiit,t  where  is  H'rpileammok  and  our  friends 

River. 

In  the  same  letter,  Mr.  Williams  urges  the  neces&ity  of  employing  faitliful 
guides  for  the  English  forces;  "as  shall  be  best  liked  of  [to]  be  taken  along 
to  direct,  especially  two  Pequts;  viz.  Wequash^  [wliose  name  signified  a  swan, 
and  Widtackquiackommin,  valiant  men,  especially  the  latter,  who  have  livec 
these  three  or  four  years  with  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  know  every  pass  anc 
passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to  enter  their  houses." 

In  1(534,  as  lias  been  before  incidentally  mentioned,  one  Captain  Stone  was 
killed  by  the  Pequots,  while  upon  a  trading  exjiedition  in  Connecticut  River. 
Without  knowing  the  reason  of  their  killing  Stone,  the  English  demanded  the 
murderers  soon  after,  and  as  Sassacus  was  involved  in  troubles  with  the  Nar- 
ragansets  and  all  iiis  neighbors,  he  thought  it  not  best  entirely  to  slight  the 
demand  of  the  English  ;  he  therefore  sent  mosw-ngers  to  Boston,  where  they 
arrived  (i  November,  with  ofl«;rs  of  peace,  which,  after  considerable  delibera- 
tion on  the  i)art  of  the  English,  were  accepted,  and  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
on  the  !Hh  following. 

A  messenger  had  been  sent,  in  October,  upon  the  same  errand,  but  was 
dismissed  with  orders  to  inform  Sassacus,  that  he  must  send  persons  of  greater 
quality,  and  then  the  English  would  treat  with  him.  "He  brought,"  says 
Wintlirop,  "  two  bundles  of  sticks,  whereby  he  signified  how  many  beaver  and 
otter  skins  he  would  give  us  for  that  end,  and  great  store  of  wampompenge, 
(about  two  bushels,  liy  his  descrii)tiou.)"  He  had  a  small  present  with  him, 
which  was  accepted  by  the  English,  who  gave  him  in  return,  "a  moose  coat 
of  as  good  value." 

The  treaty  entered  into  on  the  9  Noveinber,  1(534,  between  the  Pequots  and 
English,  stipulated  that  the  murderers  of  Cajjfain  Stone  should  be  given  up  to 
the  English,  of  whom  there  were  at  that  time  left  but  two,  as  attested  by  the 
ambassadors  of  5as.?rtctM,  who  fiirther  observed  in  ex[)lanation,  that  the  sachem 
in  whose  time  the  act  was  committed,  was  dead,  having  been  slain  in  a  war 
with  the  Diiteli,  and  that  all  the  men  conci^rned  in  it,  except  two,  Imd  also 
died  of  the  small-pox.  This,  together  with  the  facts  giv^n  in  concerning  the 
death  of  Stone,  inclin(>d  the  English  to  b«!li(>ve  the  account  altogether;  and, 
but  lor  what  liajipened  idlerwanls,  it  is  probable  that  the  hiatoriiins  of  tlial 


*  Bill  willi  whnt  Irulh  I  know  iidi,  for  it  ro^ls  iipoii  llic  niilhorily  of  I'rters. 

t  ('oiiiu'clicut.  X  Ni'uilicli.  ^  A  iiiiuK;  si!jiiil\  iiifj  an  Oii7',v  itcsl.     Sidiif  Utter 

II  Pfoliulily  Mmionolto. 


Chap.  VI.] 


SASS.VCUS.— TIIK.\TY. 


1G7 


period  would  Imvc  relied  more  ui)on  the  Pecjiiot.s'  own  nccou.it  tliaii  tlie  gen- 
erul  rmiior  Sin'li  ure  tlie  events  ot'  time — a  oircunistanre  may  cliiuigo  tlio 
(hte,  nay,  tlie  ciiaracter  of  a  nation,  for  a  period,  in  the  (^yes  of  many  genera 
tions!     iiut 

"  O  Time  !  tlic  beaiilifier  of  llic  dead  ! 
Adorncr  of  llu;  riiiu  1 — lomforirr, 
Ami  only  healer,  wlieii  llio  heart  hath  bled! 
Time,  tlic  corroeler  where  our  judj^meiits  err." 

In  the  progress  of  the  treaty,  the  Peqtiot  ambas.sador.s  said,  that  if  the  two 
men  then  hving  who  had  been  eonc(!rned  in  Stone^s  death,  "  were  worthy  of 
death,  they  would  move  their  sachem  to  deliver  them"  to  the  I'higlish,  luit  thtit 
fis  to  themselves,  they  had  no  ])ower  to  do  so,  and  at  once  urgeti  the  jtistn(!.s.s 
of  their  act  without  qualification.  Stone,  they  said,  came  into  their  river  tiiid 
seized  u|»on  two  of  their  men,  tmd  hotmd  them  hanil  and  foot,  and,  in  tlitit 
situation,  obliged  them  to  pilot  him  up  the  river.  Wht'ii  he  had  gone  ti|)  as 
far  as  he  desired,  himself  and  two  other  white  men,  and  the  two  manacled 
Indianr,,  went  on  shore,  RIeanwIiile  they  had  been  watcher!  by  nint;  Indians, 
who,  when  they  found  the  Englishmen  asleep  on  the  following  night.  Cell  upon 
them  and  massacred  them. 

Considering  the  state  of  the  Indians,  no  blame  cotdd  be  attached  to  them  for 
this  act ;  two  of  their  countrymen  were  in  the  hands  of  an  tntknown  jxiople, 
who,  from  every  ap[)earance,  were  about  to  put  them  to  death,  iiiid  it  wiis  by 
an  act  of  pure  benevolence  and  heroism  that  they  delivered  them  out  of  the 
hands  of  an  invjiding  foe. 

Therefore,  being  siitisfied  with  the  accoimt,  the  English  agr(ed  to  iiave 
peace  witii  them,i(rovided  they  wotild  give  up  the  two  men  when  they  should 
send  for  them;  "to  yeld  up  Connecticut ;"  to  give  400  liithom  of  Wiunitom, 
and  40  beaver  and  30  otter  skins ;  and  that  the  English  should  immediiitely 
send  a  vessel  with  a  cargo  of  cloth  to  trade  with  them 

The  names  of  these  ambassadors  an;  not  recorded  ;  but  one  signed  the  treaty 
with  the  mark  of  a  bow  and  arrow,  and  the  other  with  that  of  a  hand. 

The  .«ame  day  about  2  or  800  Narragansets  were  discovered  at  Neponset, 
who  had  nitirched  out  for  the  ptirpose  of  killing  these  ambassiulor.*".  This 
discovery  being  made  befon;  the  treaty  was  concluded,  the  lOnglish  met  them 
ut  Koxbury,  and  there  negotiated  a  treaty  between  the  I'eqiiots  and  them.  l''or 
the  fm-therancc  of  which,  the  Peqtiots  instructed  the  l''ngli'h  to  present  them 
with  a  portion  of  the  wampom  which  they  vere  to  give  to  them  ;  btir  not  its 
coining  from  them,  because  tliey  disdained  to  ])>irchiis<^  jietice  of  that  iitition 
The  Narragansets  readily  conceding  to  the  wishes  of  the  English,  all  |)iiitieu 
retired  satisfied. 

Distrttst  soon  grew  again  into  antipathy ;  it  having  been  reported  that  St>ne 
and  tlios'^  with  him  were  treacherotisly  sin-prised  by  the  i'eiittots  who  liiid 
gone  on  noard  his  vessel  in  a  fiMendly  niiuiner  to  trade  ;  inid  seeing  (Jiiptiiiii 
Slone  asleep  in  his  cabin,  they  killed  him,  and  the  other  men  one  atler  the  other, 
except  t;a|)tain  JVorton,  who,  it  seems,  was  with  him  ;  he  being  a  resolute  man, 
d(;fended  himself  for  .some  time  in  the  cook-room,  but  at  length,  some  powder, 
which  for  the  more  ready  use  he  had  placed  in  an  o[)en  ves.sel,  took  fire  and 
exploded,  by  which  he  was  so  seriously  injured,  especittlly  in  his  eyes,  that  ho 
cotiid  hold  out  no  longer,  and  he  was  fbilhwith  despatched  by  them. 

This  matter  at  length  having  become  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  English 
according  to  the  latter  relation,  they  were  the  more  retidy  to  charge  other 
circumstmices  of  a  like  nature  u]ion  the  Petiuots.  On  tht!  20  .Inly,  KilU!,  as 
l\Ir.  John  Olilham  was  on  his  |)assage  passing  neiu*  iManisses,  that  is,  IJlock 
Island,  in  a  small  pinntice,  14  Narritganset  Indians  attacked  :ind  kilii'd  him,  and 
mad(;  his  crew  prisoners,  which  consisted  only  of  cwo  boys  luid  two  Narraga.i.-ict 
Indians.  The  same  ihiy,  as  John  llallop  was  on  his  passage  from  Coimectictii, 
in  a  bark  of  20  ton.s,  an  adverse  wind  drove  him  neiu*  the  same  island.  On 
seeing  a  vessel  in  possession  of  Indians,  he  bore  down  upon  her,  and  im 
mediittely  kninv  her  to  be  Captain  Olilhamlt.  He  hiiiled  those  on  boani,  but 
receiv 'd  no  answer,  and  soon  saw  n  boat  pii.ss  from  the  v(>ssel  to  the  shore 
full  of  men  and  goods.  As  Gallop  neanid  the  siispiciotis  vessel,  she  slipped 
her  fasti'iiing,  and  the  wind  being  ofi'  the  land  drilled  h(;r  towarils  Nurnigan- 


^r-f 


,'C8 


EEA-FIGIIT.— JOHN  GALLOP. 


[Book  fi 


Bou  Not\vit}istan(1ing  some  of  tlic  Indians  were  armed  witli  giws  nnd  sv.cjrds 
Gallop,  l)i'iiij5  ill  a  stouter  vessel,  resolved  on  rniming  tlieiii  down;  lie  tlicre- 
fijrt!  made  all  sail,  and  iiiiiiiediately  stemmed  the  pirate  vessel  on  the  quarter 
with  such  foree  as  nearly  to  ovei-set  her,  and  in  their  fright  six  Indians  jumped 
overhoard  and  were  drowned.  The  rest  standing  upon  the  defensive,  nnd 
being  yet  (iu- superior  in  niimi)ers  to  Gallop^s  crev/,  which  consisted  of  two  little 
boys  ui.l  one  n.au,  to  board  them  was  thought  too  hazardous  ;  Gallop  therefore 
stood  off  to  repeat  his  broadside  method  of  attack.  Meanwhile  he  contrived 
to  lash  his  anelior  to  his  bows  in  such  a  manner,  that  when  he  come  down 
upon  the  Indians  a  second  time,  the  force  was  sulHcient  to  drive  the  fluke  cf 
the  anchor  through  their  quarter ;  which,  holding  there,  l)oth  vessels  flouted 
along  (xgether.  The  Indians  had  now  become  so  territied,  that  they  stood  not 
to  the  fight,  but  kept  m  the  hold  of  the  ])iimace.  Gallop  tired  in  upon  them 
sundry  times,  but  without  much  execution,  and  meaiitiine  the  vessels  got  loose 
Trom  one  another,  and  Gallop  stood  ofl" again  for  a  third  attack.  As  soon  as  ho 
was  clear  of  them,  four  more  of  the  Indians  jumped  overboard,  and  were  also 
drowned.  Gallop  now  ventured  to  board  his  prize.  One  of  the  remaining 
Indians  came  up  and  surrendered,  and  was  bound  ;  another  came  up  and 
subniitled,  whom  they  also  bound,  but  fearing  to  have  both  on  lioard,  this  last 
was  cast  into  the  sea.  Two  out  of  the  14  now  remained,  who  had  got  posses- 
sion of  the  hold  of  the  pinnace,  and  tnere  successtiilly  del'cnded  themselves 
with  their  swords  against  tiu'ir  enemy.  Captain  Oldham  was  Ibund  dead  in 
the  vessel,  concealed  under  an  old  s(Mne,  and  as  his  body  was  not  entirely  cold, 
it  was  evident  that  lie  had  been  killed  about  the  time  his  pinnace  was  discov- 
ered by  Gallop. 

From  the  condition  in  which  Ohlhaui's  body  was  found,  it  was  quite  uncer 
tain  whether  he  had  fallen  in  an  affray,  or  been  murdered  deliberately  ;  but  it 
is  very  jirobable  that  the  former  was  the  fact,  because  it  was  uncommon  for 
the  Indians  to  disfigure  the  slain,  unless  killed  as  enemies,  and  Ol(lhan.\'i  body 
was  shockingly  •'angled.  IJut  Cajitain  Oldham  had  been  killed  by  the  Imvians, 
nnd  the  cry  of  vengi-aiice  was  up,  and  cool  investigation  must  not  be  lOoked 
for.  The  murder  had  been  committed  by  the  Inilians  of  ^lanisses,  but  JMa- 
iiisses  was  under  the  Narragansets  ;  t'lerefore  it  was  believed  that  the  Narra- 
gansets  had  contrived  his  death  becau  o  he  was  carrying  into  efti3ct  the  articles 
of  the  late  treaty  between  the  Peqnot:.  and  English. 

Tlie  U\o  boys  who  were  with  INl  r.  Oldham  were  not  injured,  and  wen; 
immediately  gi"en  up  nnd  sent  to  Bo  ton,  where  they  arrived  the  30th  of  the 
same  month.  As  soon  as  Miantunnomtii  lieard  ol  ihe  affair  of  Captain  Oldham, 
lie  ordered  JVinifi;rH  to  send  for  the  boy«  .■■  l  ,.,  -ods  to  Block  Island.  The 
l)oys  he  caused  to  lie  deliverei'  io  iMr.  Iftllhi.ur,  u  ,d  the  goods  he  held  subject 
lo  the  order  of  the  English  of  iMassachusetts. 

Meanwhile,  2t).Iiily,  the  two  Indians  who  were  in  Mr.  Oldham^s  pinimce 
when  she  was  taken,  were  sent  by  Cavonicus  to  Governor  J'ane.  They 
hro;'ght  a  letter  from  Roger  tf'Uliams,  which  gave  uii  account  of  the  whole 
afliiir,  and  some  circumstances  led  the  I'higlish  to  believe  these  messengers 
were  accessory  to  tin;  death  of  Oldham  ;  but  we  know  not  if  any  thing  further 
were  ever  done  nbout  it.  The  saiiK-  letter  infbrund  the  governor  'hat  jMian- 
iunnomoh  had  gone,  with  200  men  in  17  canoi's,  "to  take  revenge,  &c." 

These  events  and  transactions  soon  caused  the  convening  of  the  governor 
nnd  council  of  Massachusetts,  who  forthwith  declared  war  against  the  Indians 
of  Maniss(^s.  Accordingly  J)0  men  were  raised  and  jiut  uiuler  the  commaia' 
of  Captain  John  fhvlerolt,  who  was  general  of  the  expedition.  John  UnderhUl 
iuid  JVathamel  Turner  were  captains,  and  Jenysi  n  and  Davenport  ensigns. 
Endccott^s  iiistrnclions  were  to  put  to  tieatli  the  men  of  Block  Island,  but  to 
make  captives  of  tlie  women  nnd  childri>n.  This  armament  set  forth  in  three 
pinnacf  s  with  two  Jndians  as  gnidi's,  2.5  September,  l().'J(i. 

On  li.'i  ving  at  Manisses  they  saw  many  Indians,  but  could  not  get  near 
them.  At  Pequot  harbor,  a  part  of  the;  armament  seized  a  quantity  of  corn 
I'  'longing  to  tin;  Peqnols,  ai  d  were  attack-d  and  obliged  to  fly  However,  the 
rSaria^nn.'^ets  reported  fhuf  .Here  were  1.'}  J'tMjnots  killed  durina  -he  exjiedition. 
T'lf  iMiglisI  were  satisfied  ihattlny  had  li.irbored  the  nnirdi  rers  of  Oldham, 
w  iii'li  oecasiuncd  ilieir  sailing  to  l'e(|uot  harbor.  It  I'l'lng  now  late  in  th»3 
gt'USOJi,  the  expedition  wm  given  up,  to  be  resumed  early  in  the  s|)ring. 


£ 


m<^ 


"H"'*" 


Chap.  VI.] 


PEQTIOr  DEPREDATIONS. 


169 


The  Pcquots,  being  now  left  to  themselves,  commenced  depredations  wher- 
ever they  tlured  a|)[)enr.  About  the  beginning  of  C)ctol)er,  as  five  men  from 
Saybrook  were  collecting  bay  at  a  meadow  four  miles  above  that  j)laee,  they 
were  attacked,  and  one  of  them,  named  BiiHcrfidd,  was  taken  ai.d  killed  ;  frc.ni 
which  circinnstance  the  meadow  still  bears  bis  name.  About  14  days  alter, 
two  men  were  taken  in  a  cornfield  two  miles  from  Saybrook  fort.  There  wero 
eix  of  the  whites,  and  they  were  surrounded  by  2  or  300  Indians,  yet  all  escaped 
but  two.  Thus  imboldened  by  success,  they  carried  their  depredations  within 
bowshot  of  Saybrook  fort,  killing  one  cow  and  shooting  arrows  into  sundry 
others. 

On  the  21  October,  Miantminovioh,  fearing  ft)r  the  safety  of  bis  English  friends, 
came  to  Boston,  accompanic  d  by  two  of  Canonic I's's  sons,  another  sachem,  and 
about  20  men.  Kiitshaniakin  had  given  notice  of  his  coming,  and  a  company 
of  soldiei-s  met  him  at  Roxbnry  and  escorted  him  into  the  town.  Here  he  entered 
into  a  treaty  with  the  Ijiiglish,  by  which  it  was  nnitually  agreed  that  neither 
should  make  peaces  with  the  I'ecpiots  without  the  consent  of  the  other ;  and  to 
put  to  death  or  deliver  up  nnu'derers. 

About  the  same  time,  John  Tillci/  was  taken  and  killetl,  and  tortured  in  a 
most  barbarous  manner.  As  he  was  sailing  down  Coimecticut  River  in  his 
bark,  he  landed  about  throe  miles  above  Saybrook  fort,  a;>d  having  shot  at  some 
fowl,  tb(!  report  of  bis  guii  directed  the  Indians  to  the  spot.  They  took  him 
prisoiK-r  at  first,  and  then  cut  off  bis  hands  and  feet.  He  lived  three  days  after 
his  hands  were  cut  off,  and  bore  this  torture  without  comjilaint,  which  gained 
him  the  reputation  of  being  "a  stout  !nan"  among  his  tormentors.  These 
fiicts  were  rejjorted  by  the  Indians  th(!mselves.  Another  man  who  was  with 
Tillcij  was  at  the  same  time  killed. 

On  tlu^  22  February,  Lieutenant  Gardner  and  nine  men  went  out  of  Saybrook 
fort,  and  wt>r(!  drawn  into  an  ambush,  where  lour  of  them  were  killt.'d,  and  the  rest 
escaped  with  great  difKculty. 

On  April  12,  six  men  and  three  women  were  killed  atWeathei-sfield.  They  nt 
the  same  time  kdled  20  cows  and  a  boi-se,  and  carried  away  two  young  women. 

Alarm  was  now  general  throughout  the  English  plantations.  Miantunnonwh 
having  sent  a  messenger  to  Boston  to  notify  the  English  that  tbt;  Pecpiots  had 
sent  away  their  women  and  children  to  an  islami,  40  men  were  immediately 
sent  to  Nari'aganset  to  join  others  raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  with  the  mtention 
of  falling  upon  them  by  sur|)rise. 

In  the  mean  tinie,  Captain  Mason,  with  a  company  of  90  men,  had  been 
raised  by  Connecticut  and  sent  into  the  Pequot  country.  He  was  accoin- 
j)anied  by  Uncas  and  a  largo  body  of  bis  warriors,  who,  in  their  march  to 
Saybrook,  1.1  May,  fell  upon  about  30  Pequots  antl  killed  7  of  them.  One 
being  taken  alive,  to  their  i^verlasting  disgrace  it  will  bo  rcmendiered,  liiat  the 
English  caused  him  to  be  tortuied  ;  and  the  heads  of  uU  the  slain  were  cut  off", 
and  set  up  on  the  walls  of  the  l()rt.* 

Innnediatoly  after  Captains  M/uson  and  UntlcrhiU  set  out  t"  attack  one  of  the 
forts  (if  Sa.isacun,  This  fort  was  situated  upon  an  eminence  in  the  present 
town  of  Groton,  Connecticut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the  25th 
of  May  ;  and  on  the  2()lh,  bofon;  day,  with  about  .500  Indians,  encompassed  it, 
and  began  a  furious  attack.  The  jNlohi'gans  and  Narragansets  discover"d  greit 
far  on  a|>proacbing  the  fort,  and  could  not  believe  that  the  English  would 
dare  to  attack  it,  When  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  v/iis 
situated,  Captain  Mason  wt\s  ai)prehensive  of  being  abandoned  by  them,  and, 
making  a  halt,  sent  for  Uncas,  v/lio  led  the  Mohegans,  and  fVeqxuish,  their  pilot, 
who  was  a  fiigitive  I'equot  chief,+  and  urged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to 
follow  liiin  at  any  distance  they  ploiised.  These  Indians  had  all  along  told  the 
English  they  dared  not  fight  the  Pocpiots,  but  boasted  how  they  themselves 
Mason  told  them  now  they  should  see  whether  Englishmen 


woidd  fight. 


*  ]yiiithrop's  .louriinl,  mid  Mitsuti's  Ili.sl.  l'ec|uol  War. — Dr.  Mather's  account  of  lliU  alliiir 
lias  t.i'cii  given  in  llio  life  of  I 'urns. 

t  'I'lio  same,  il  is  bclicvod,  olsowiicro  called  TI'i^mks/i  Cnok  ;  "  wtiirh  Wpz/miIs/i  (says  Dr 
i.  M'ltlii'r)  was  lir  liirlii  a  sachiMii  of  llial  place  [wlicre  Sitssnnis  lived),  hut  upon  some  dispisl 
rer<  '.veil,  lie  weiil  Iroin  llic  I'ecimils  to  ilk-  Nair.igaiisols,  and  bucaiue  a  cliief  cajilaiii  under 
Mi  .ntHitiioiHok."-^lielatwii,  n. 


15 


%  1 

1l 

1'" 

' 

170 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[HnoK  n 


would  (l<rlit  or  not.  Notwitlisfniuling  tlicir  boiistiiifrs,  tliey  could  not  ovoicojne 
the  terror  wliicli  ilie  name  of  Sdsmicus  liad  inspired  in  them,  and  tiiey  kept  at 
a  safe  distance  until  tli(;  fij^lit  was  over;  l)nt  assisted  considerably  in  rf  peliini^ 
the  attacks  of  the  I'ecpiots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — for  their  warriors,  on 
recovering  fioni  tlu.'ir  consternation,  collected  in  u  considerable  bod}',  anti 
fought  the  confederates  for  many  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  whic':  were  divided  into  two  companies!,  one 
led  by  Mason,  and  the  other  by  Underhill.  The  Indians  were  nil  within  their 
fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  a  dog  was  the  first  notice 
they  had  of  the  a|)proach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few  knew  the  cause  of  the 
alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foe.  The  fort  had  two  entrances 
at  opposite  points,  into  which  each  [)ai-ty  of  English  were  led,  sword  in  hand. 
"JVanux!  IVanux !''''*  was  the  crv  oi  Sassacus's  invw;  and  such  was  their 
surprise,  that  they  made  very  feeble  resistance.  Having  only  their  own 
missile  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing  at  hand  to  hand  with  the  I'.nglish 
rapiers.  They  were  pm-sued  li'om  wiguam  to  wigwam,  and  slaughtered  in 
every  secret  ]»lace.  W(..nen  and  children  were  cut  to  pieces,  while?  endeavor- 
ing to  hide  themselves  in  and  under  their  beds.  At  length  fire  was  set  in  the 
mats  that  covered  the  wigwams,  which  furiously  S])read  over  the  whole  fort, 
and  the  dead  and  dying  were  together  consumed.  A  i)art  of  the  English  bail 
formed  a  circutnferenee  upon  the  outside,  and  shot  such  as  attempted  to  flv. 
Many  ascended  I'le  pickets  to  cscajw!  the  flames,  but  were  shot  down  by  those 
stationed  for  that  purpose.  About  (JOO  jicrsons  were  sup])osed  to  have  perish- 
ed \v.  this  tight;  or,  perhaj)s  I  should  say,  massacre. f  There  were  but  two 
E'lglisli  K'lh'd,  and  out  one  of  those  by  tlie  enemy,  and  about  20  womided. 
Sassacus  hii.iself  was  in  another  fort;  and,  being  informed  of  the  ravages  of 
the  English,  destroyed  his  habitations,  and,  with  about  80  others,  fled  to  the 
Mohnv  1.'^,  who  treacherously  beheaded  him,  and  sent  his  scalp  to  the  English. 

The  author  of  the  following  lines  in  "  Yamoyden,"  alludes  to  this  melan- 
choly event  hajjpily,  though  not  truly  : — 


"  And  •   isnacOns,  ;)o\v  no  nioro, 
Lord  ol'  ii  llioiKiind  l)nwini;ii,  lli;<l ; 
And  all  llu'  riii.ls,  Ills  boii^t  l)oror(', 
Were  minffli?.!  'viili  the  inilioiinrod  dead, 
yaunnp  and  Sagamore  uer;  slain, 


On      ystic's  banks,  in  one  red  nij;lit: 
The  onco  far-tlreadi-d  kinff  in  vain 
iSonj;lit  sal'cly  in  inijiorioiis  flijflil ; 
And  reft  of  all  his  rojfal  pride, 
Vt\  (he  liorrc  Maqua's  lianti  ho  died." 


One  of  the  most  unfeeling  passages  flows  from  the  pen  of  Hubbard,  in  his 
account  of  this  war;  which,  together  with  the  llict  he  records,  forms  a  riiost 
distressinir  pit  tiu-e  of  depravity.  We  would  gladly  tiu'n  from  it,  but  justice 
to  the  Indians  deiia.ids  it,  and  %ve  give  it  in  his  own  words: — 

The  Narraganseta  had  surrounded  "some  hiuidreds"  of  the  Pequots,  and 
kept  them  until  some  of  Captain  Slongldon\i  soldiers  "aia<lo  an  e.-isy  con- 
quest of  them."  "The  men  among  them  to  the  number  of  30,  were  |)rescntly 
turned  into  Cliciron''s  ferry-boat,  under  the  connnand  of  Skipper  Gallop,  who 
dispatched  tlien   .i  little  wilhont  the  harbor!" 

Thus  w(>i  "  30  Indians  taken  intt)  a  vessel,  carried  out  to  sea,  murdered,  and, 
in  the  agonu's  of  death,  tin  own  overboard,  to  be  bin-ied  luider  the  silent 
wave." I  \Vhei«- ibouts  they  were  ca]ilured,  or  "without"  what  "harbor"  they 
periwic:'  we  ar.'  twu  infi)rmed  ;  but,  (rom  the  nature  of  the  circumstances,  it 
woui.i  boe.-ii  tl  a'  il.ey  were  taken  on  the  borders  of  the  Narraganset  country, 
and  'lunleini  ;it  liie  MOUth  of  some  of  the  adjacent  harbors. 

That  ini'se  yow  \\retches  were  thus  revengefidly  sacrificed,  should  have 
been  enough  i  >  allay  the  hatred  in  the  human  breast  of  all  who  knew  it, 
especially  the 'uXoiiV? /I.'  Iiut  he  must  imagine  that,  in  their  |)assage  to  their 
grave,  they  did  not  go  in  a  vessel  of  human  contrivance,  but  in  a  boat  belong- 
ing to  u  river  of  ln^ll!  thereby  forestalling  his  reader's  mind  that  they  had 
been  sent  to  tha!  "bode. 


*  Allen's  History  of  the  Peqiiot  War.  It  siffnifiod,  lhi::lislimen.'  Englishmen!  hi  Mason's 
hi  itory,  it  is  \  T'ltun  Oicminx      Allen  nicrcly  oo|>ied   (Vi.ni   I/ouk,  with  a  linv  such  variations. 

t  "  II  was  supposed."  savs  Mitthvr.  '■  that  no  loss  than  .')()()  or  (illO  I'cqnol  souls  wore  hrougSil 
down  to  hell  that  day."  Jlelulinn,  1-7.  ^Vc  in  charily  suppose,  that  by  hell  the  doctcr  ouly 
uieuut  death. 


Chap.  VI.] 


LETTER  OF  CAPTAIN  STOUGHTOX. 


171 


Notwitiistanding  tlii!  irrent  sltuiglitcr  at  Mi^tick,  tlicn"  were  jrrfat  niimlx-rs 
of  Pcqiiots  ill  the  coii'itry,  who  wt-re  hmitt'il  from  s\vaMi|)  to  swuinj),  ami  their 
iiiinilteis  thinned  coiitimially,  until  a  remnant  promised  to  ajipear  no  more  as 
a  nation. 

The  Enf^lisii,  under  Captain  Slovs^hton,  cnine  into  Peqiiot  River  aI)OHt  a 
foilnigiit  alter  tiie  Mistieit  figiit,  and  a.-'sisted  in  the  woriv  of  tiieir  e.xtermina- 
lion.  After  his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  country,  he  wrote  to  the  governor  of 
IMa.ssaehusetts,  as  follows:  "  lly  tiiis  piinince,  you  shall  receive  48  or  50 
women  and  ehildren,  unless  there  st;iy  any  hen^  to  he  helpful,  &c.  Concern- 
ing which,  there  is  one,  I  formerly  mentioned,  that  is  the  iliire.st  and  largest 
that  I  saw  amongst  them,  to  whom  I  have  given  a  coate  to  cloatho  her.  Jt  is 
my  desire  to  have  lier  for  a  servant,  if  it  may  stand  with  your  good  liking,  else 
not.  Then;  is  a  little  squaw  that  steward  Culacul  desiretli,  to  whom  he  hath 
given  a  coalc.  Lieut.  Davenport  also  desireth  one,  to  wit,  a  small  one,  that 
hath  three  strokes  upon  her  stomach,  thus:  —  |||  -|-.  II(!  desireth  her,  if  it 
will  stand  with  your  good  liking.  Sosomon,  the  Indian,  desin^th  a  young  little 
B(|uaw,  which  I  know  not. 

"  At  present,  Mr.  Haijnes,  Mr.  Ltullo,  Captain  Mason,  and  30  men  are  with 
us  in  Pecjuot  River,  and  wo  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what  we  can 
do  against  i^iassacus,  and  another  great  sagamore,  Monoivaltuck,  [Mononotto.] 
Here  is  yet  good  work  to  he  done,  and  how  dear  it  will  cost  is  unknown. 
Sassacus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  life,  and  so  the  other  with  their  company,  as 
dear  as  they  can."  * 

Perhaps  it  will  be  judged  that  Stoiighlon  was  looking  more  after  the  j)rofit 
arising  from  the  sale  of  captives,  than  li)r  warrioi-s  to  fight  .ith.  Indeed, 
Mason^s  accoimt  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

Speaking  of  the  English  employed  in  this  expedition,  Jf'olcott  thus  im- 
mortalizes tliem : — 

"  These  were  tlie  men,  this  was  the  little  l);in(1, 
That  (Uirsl  the  forrc  ol"  llie  new  worhl  wiihstniul. 
These  were  the  iiioii  that  liy  iheir  swords  iiiadu  way 
For  peace  and  safety  in  America." 

Vacant  Hours,  4-1-. 

There  was  a  manifest  disposition  on  the  pait  of  Tineas,  Canonicus, 
Miaiitunnnmoh  and  jYiniE^et,  and  [)erhaps  other  chiefs,  to  screen  the  ])oor, 
denounced,  tmd  flying  Pequots,  who  had  escaped  the  flames  and  swords 
of  the  English  in  their  war  with  them.  Pait  of  a  correspondence  about 
these  sachems'  harboring  them,  between  R.  fViUiams  and  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  is  preserved  in  tin;  Collections  of  tin;  3Iassachusetts  Historical 
pDciety ;  from  which  it  a|)pears,  that  Massachusetts  had  re(juestt!d  Mr. 
ff'illinma  to  e.\])lain  to  the  chiefs  the  cons(;quences  tc  b(!  depended  iq)on,  if 
they  did  not  strictly  observe  their  agreement  in  regard  to  the  fugitive  Pecpiots. 
Ofashj  earned  io  Mr.  Jf'illiams  a  letter  from  the  ftliissachnsctts  governor  itpon 
this  siibjeci.  After  he  had  obeytul  its  contents,  as  far  as  lie  was  able;,  he 
aiiswereil,  that  he  went  with  0/as/i"  to  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  having  got 
( iinounicm  and  MiaiUunnomn,  with  their  council,  together,  I  acquainted  them 
fiiith fully  with  the  contents  of  your  letter,  W/i  f^ievances  and  threateninns ; 
and  to  demonstrate,  I  jiroduced  the  copy  of  the  league,  (which  Mr.  [Sir 
Henry]  Vane  sent  me,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a  straw  in  two  t  iiree  places,  I 
eliowed  them  what  ihey  liad  done." 

These  chiefs  gave  Mr.  fVillianiS  to  undei-stand,  that,  when  Mr.  Govenior 
understood  what  they  hail  to  say,  he  would  be  satisfied  with  their  conduct; 
that  they  did  not  v/isli  to  make  ti()iibl(>,  but  they  "cuuhl  relate  many  particulars 
wlicrcin  the  EnsrliKh  had  broken  their  promises"  sinc(!  the  war. 

In  regiu'd  to  some  squaws  that  had  escaped  from  the  English,  Canonicus 
said  h«!  iiad  not  seen  any,  but  hetud  of  some,  and  immediately  ordered  them  to 
be  carried  back  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  them,  but  would  now  have 
the  country  searched  for  them,  to  satisly  the  governor. 

Miatitunnomoh  said  he  had  never  heard  of  but  si.x;,  nor  saw  l)ut  four  of  them 


'  Mni"'.  >  npl  letter  of  Cnplain  Sftmighton,  on  tile  among  our  stale  papers. 
'totuash,  Mr.  Williitms  writes  his  name. 


.  if 


172 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  NATION. 


[Book  II. 


which  being  brought  to  hitn,  lie  wa.s  angry,  and  asked  those  who  brouglit  thciii 
why  they  did  not  carry  them  to  Mr.  Williams,  tiiat  he  might  convey  them  to 
the  English.  They  told  him  the  sqnaws  wore  lame,  and  could  not  go ;  upon 
'.vliich  Mianlunnomoh  sent  to  Mr.  fyilliams  to  come  and  take  them.  Mr.  }f'il- 
liams  could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  his  turn  ordered  Miantunnomoh  to  do  it, 
who  said  he  was  busy  and  could  not;  "as  indeed  he  was  (says  Williams)  in  a 
strange  kiii('  uf  solemnity,  wherein  tlie  sachims  eat  nothing  but  at  night,  and 
all  th(!  natives  round  about  the  country  were  feasted  "  In  the  mean  time  the 
squaws  escaped. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  was  sorry  that  the  governor  shoidd  think  he  wanted 
these  squaws,  for  he  did  not.  Mr.  Williams  told  him  he  knew  of  his  sending 
for  one.  Of  this  charge  he  fairly  cleared  himself,  saying,  the  one  sent  for  was 
not  for  himself,  but  for  Sassamun*  who  ^^^s  lying  lame  at  his  house;  that 
Sassamun  fell  in  there  in  his  way  to  Pequt,  whither  he  had  been  sent  by  the 
governor.  The  s(piaw  he  wanted  was  a  sachem's  daugiiter,  who  had  been  a 
[)articidar  friend  of  Miantunnomoh  during  his  lifetime  ;  therefore,  in  kindness 
to  his  dead  friend,  he  wished  to  ransom  her. 

Moreover,  Miantunnomoh  said,  he  and  his  people  were  true  "to  the  English 
in  life  or  death,"  and  but  for  which,  he  said,  Okase  [Unkus]  and  his  Mohiga- 
noucks  had  long  since  proved  false,  as  he  still  feared  they  would.  For,  he 
said,  they  had  never  foimd  a  Peqtiot,  and  added,  "  Chenock  ejuse  wdompali- 
mucks?"  that  is,  "Diil  ever  friends  deal  so  with  friends?"  Mr.  Williams 
requiring  more  |)articular  explanation,  Miantunnomoh  proceeded  :— • 

"  My  brother,  Yotaash,  had  seized  uj)on  Puttaquppuunck,  (^uame,  and  20 
Pequots,  and  (iO  squaws ;  they  killed  three  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watched  all  night.  Then  they  sent  for  the  English,  and  delivered  them  in 
the  morning  to  ihem.  I  came  by  land,  according  to  \)romise,  with  200  men, 
killing  10  Pequots  by  the  way.  I  desired  to  see  the  great  sachem  Puttaquppu- 
xinck,  whom  my  brother  had  taken,  wlio  was  now  in  the  English  houses,  but 
the  ICnglish  thrust  at  me  with  a  pike  many  times,  that  I  diu'st  not  come  near 
tlie  door." 

Mr.  Williams  told  him  they  did  not  know  him,  else  they  would  not ;  but 
Miantunnomoh  answered,  "All  my  company  were  disheartened,  and  they  all, 
and  Cutshamoquene,  desired  to  be  gone."  Iksides,  he  said,  "two  of  ?ny  men, 
Wagonckwhut]  and  Maunamoh  [Meihamoh]  were  their  guides  to  Sesquankit, 
fron»  the  river's  mouth."  Upon  which,  Mr.  Williams  adds  to  the  governor: 
"  Sr',  T  dare  not  stir  coals,  but  I  saw  them  too  much  disregarded  by  many." 

Mr  Williams  told  the  sachems  "they  received  Pequts  and  wampom  without 
Mr.  Governor's  consent.  Cannounicus  re})lied,  that  although  he  and  Miantun- 
no7nu  had  paid  many  hundred  fathom  of  wampum  to  their  soldiers,  as  Mr. 
Governor  did,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads  nor  a  Petpit.  Nor, 
saith  Miantunnomu,  did  I,  but  one  small  present  froiii  four  women  of  Long 
Island,  which  were  no  Pequts,  but  of  that  isle,  being  afraid,  desired  to  pul 
themselves  under  my  protection." 

The  PiMjuot  war  has  generally  been  looked  upon  with  regret,  by  all  good 
men,  since.  To  exterminate  a  ])eoplo  before  they  had  any  opportunity  to 
become  enlightened,  that  is,  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  reason  of  other 
usag(>s  towards  their  fellow  beings  than  those  in  which  they  had  been  brought 
up,  is  a  gnat  cause  of  lamentation ;  and  if  it  proves  any  thing,  it  proves  that 
great  ignovance  and  barbarism  lurked  in  the  hearts  of  their  exterminators. 
We  do  not  mean  to  exclude  by  this  remark  the  great  body  of  the  j)resent 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  from  the  charge  of  such  barbarism. 

In  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  the  year  1G47,  it  is  mentioned  that 
"  IMr.  John  Winthrop  making  claim  to  a  great  quantity  of  land  at  Niantic  by 
|)urchjise  from  the  Indians,  gave  in  to  the  conunis.sionei-s  a  petition  in  those 
woi'ds : — '  Whereas  I  had  the  land  of  Niantick  by  a  deed  of  gill  and  purchase 
from  the  Mchem  [Sassacus]  before  the  [Pequot]  wai*s,  I  desire  the  conunis- 
Bioiiers  will  be  i)leased  to  confirm  it  unto  me,  and  clear  it  from  any  claim  of 


•  Prnhalily  ilic  s;iiiii'  nu'.auincd  afterwards.     He  might  have  been  the  fainous  John  Sassa- 
mon,  or  his  liriilhcr  liaii  lend. 
t  J'L'rliii|)S   \\'ulijfiimii(i/l,  or  ]\'aligiitiiiicut. 


Chap.  VI.) 


MONONOTTO. 


173 


Englii^h  and  Indians,  according  to  the  equity  of  llio  case.' "  Jfinihrop  liad  no 
writing  from  Sitssnciui,  niid  full  ten  years  liad  tla|)scd  .since  tlic  transaction,  but 
FrouuUush,  fVamberqmtske,  iiiu\  JhUitppo  tesiificd  some  time  aller,  that  "ii[>()n 
their  knowledge  before  the  wars  W(^re  against  the  I'diiiot.",  Sasmriin  iheii 
Bacliein  of  Niantic  did  call  them  and  all  lii.s  men  together,  and  told  that  In;  was 
resolved  to  give  his  country  to  the  governor's  son  of  the  Mas.sa(^husetts,  who 
lived  then  at  Pattuquassat  alias  Connecticnt  Uiver'.M  month,  and  all  his  men 
declared  themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereupon  he  went  to  him  to  I'atta- 
quasset.«,  and  when  lie  came  back  he  told  them  In;  had  granted  all  his  country 
to  him  the  said  governor's  son,  and  said  lu;  was  his  gooci  friend,  and  he  hoi)e(l 
be  would  send  some  Engli.sh  thitlu'r  some  tina;  hereafter.  Moreover,  he  told 
bim  he  had  received  coats  from  him  for  it,  which  they  saw  him  bring  home." 
This  was  not  said  by  those  Indians  themselves,  but  several  English  siwl  theij 
heard  them  say  so.  The  commissioners,  however,  set  aside  his  claim  willi 
considerabl(!  n]i|)(;arance  of  independence. 

Dr.  Dwight  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  tlie  destruction  of  the  Pequots : — 

"  Undaunted,  on  their  foes  tliey  fierrcly  flew  ; 
As  fiort'e  the  dusky  warriors  crowd  the  fijjlit ; 
Despair  inspires  ;  lo  ooinhal's  lace  they  ^Uir  ; 
With  f^roans  and  shouts,  Ihey  rage,  uiikno\MU!j  fli;^ht. 
And  close  their  sullen  eyes,  in  shades  of  endless  iii-rlit. 

liulnli^e,  my  native  land,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassioned,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  mo,  each  Iwi^  from  Adam's  stock  is  near, 

And  sorrows  fall  upon  an  Indian's  tomb." 

And,  O  ye  chiefs  !  in  yonder  starry  home, 

Accept  the  humlile  Irihule  of  this  rhyme. 

Your  ffallant  deeds,  in  Greece,  or  hauglily  Rome, 

i>V  .Maro  suns,  or  Homer's  harp  suliliine, 

Had  charmed  the  world's  wide  round,  and  triumphed  over  I'me.'' 

Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  conseqtience  to  Sassaciut,  wag 
Mo.\o.\oTTO.  Hubbard  caWs  him  a  "noted  Indian,"  whose  wife  and  children 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  as  "it  was  ktiown  to  be  by  her  media- 
tion th;'t  two  I'^nglish  maids  (that  were  taken  away  from  Wetithersfield,  upon 
Connectictit  River)  were  saved  from  death,  in  requiltal  of  whose  pity  and 
humanity,  the  life  of  herself  and  children  was  not  only  granted  her,  but  she 
was  in  spcicial  recommended  to  the  care  of  Gov.  fFinthrop,  of  Massachusetts." 
fllononntlo  iled  with  Sassaais  to  the  Mohawks,  fo,"  protection,  with  stiveral 
more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed  by  them,  its  Sassacu-  was,  but  escaped  from 
thcin  wotnided,  tind  pro  lably  (hed  by  tiie  hands  of  his  English  enemies.  He 
is  thtis  mentioned  by  Governor  JVolcott,  in  his  poem  upon  Winlhrop's  agen- 
cy, &c. 

"  Prince  Mnnonotto  sees  his  squadrons  fly, 

And  on  our  general  having  fixed  his  eye, 

Rage  and  revenge  his  spirits  quickening. 

He  set  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  siring." 

On  the  5  August,  WyJ?,  Governor  JVinlhrop  makes  *he  following  entry  in  hia 
journal : — "  Mr.  Ludlow,  i\Ir.  Pinchcon,  and  about  12  more,  catne  by  land  from 
Connecticut,  atid  liioiight  with  them  a  i)art  of  the  skin  and  lock  of  hair  of 
Sasacus  and  his  broiher  and  5  other  Pequod  sachems,  who  being  fled  to  the 
Mohawks  for  shelter,  with  their  watnpom  (being  to  the  value  of  £500)  were 
by  them  surpiis(;d  and  slain,  with  20  of  their  best  irien.  Mononottoh  was  also 
taken,  but  escapi'd  wounded.  Thej*  brotight  news  also  of  divers  other  Pequods 
which  had  been  slain  by  other  Indians,  ai\d  their  heads  brought  to  the  English  ; 
so  that  now  then;  had  been  slain  and  taken  between  8  and  900." 

The  first  trouliles  with  the  Peqtiots  have  already  been  noticed.  It  waa 
among  the  people;  of  Monnnnttn,  that  the  English  caused  the;  blood  of  a  Pequot 
to  flow.  Some  English  had  beisn  killed,  bu*  there  is  no  more  to  excuse  the 
murder  of  a  Peqitot  than  an  I'^nglishtnan.  The  English  had  injured  the 
Indians  of  Hlock  Island  ail  in  their  power,  which,  it  seems,  did  not  .satisfy 
them,  and  tiiey  next  undertook  to  make  spoil  upon  them  in  theii-  own  country 
15  * 


J' 


174 


mONONOTTO.-CASSASSlNNAMOX. 


[no<K  II 


iijKHi  (oiinrctirut  River.  "As  tliry  wcro  wiiliin<  np  tlin  rivrr,  wiys  Dr.  /. 
Mather,  iimiiy  ol'tlic  l'(M|iiot»  on  liotli  h'kIch  oftlie  river  callcii  to  tlieiii,  desirous 
to  i\iio\v  wliaf  was  tlii'ir  end  in  eorniii);  tliitli»!r."  *  'I'liey  answeriMl,  tliat  tliey 
desired  to  H|ieiii<  with  Sit.isdnin  ;  \)t\n^'  fold  that  Sasmtnis  lind  ^onc  to  Loiif' 
Island,  tiiey  tiien  demanded  that  Minwiwlltt  shotdd  aopeiir,  and  ihey  |)i('lende(| 
he  was  from  home  also.  However,  they  went  on  «liore  and  demanded  thtj 
inurderei-s  of  Cajitain  Stone,  and  were  told  that  iflhey  would  wait  lliey  would 
send  for  them,  anil  that  Mmutnolt'}  would  come  immediately.  Hut  very  wisely 
the  l'e<|uots,  in  tin;  mean  time,  " traus|)()rt(!<l  their  goods,  women  and  coildreii 
to  another  |tiare."  f  (.)ne  ol"  tiiem  then  told  th(!  I'^ifrlifli  that  MiiutniiUo  would 
not  come.  Then  tin;  Knfjrlisli  hegan  to  do  what  iniMcliief  tiiey  could  to  tiieui, 
and  a  skirmish  tbilowcd,  wherein  one  iuiliuii  wuh  killed,  and  an  i'.tigliHhmai) 
w.'is  wounded."  { 

Tiie  name  of  Mimonotld's  wife  appears  to  hnve  been  Wincumikoe.  She 
shoidd  not  he  overlooked  in  Hjieaking  of  J\f(monotto,  a.s  she  was  instrmneiital  in 
s;iviiig  the  lili-  of  an  Englishman,  aw  disinterestedly  «h  Pocahontns  Haved  that 
of  Captain  Smitli.  Home  Knglish  l)ad  gont!  to  trade  with  tiie  l'e(|uots,  and  to 
recover  some  horses  which  tliey  had  stohMi,  or  picked  np  on  their  lands.  Two 
of  the  I'.ngiisii  went  on  slioro,  and  one  went  into  the  sachem's  wigwam  and 
demanded  tlic  horses.  The  Indians  within  slyly  ahseiited  theniselvcH,  and 
H  iiinniilione,  knowing  tlieir  intention,  told  him  to  tiy,  for  the  Indians  were 
making  prejiaravions  to  kill  iiim.  He  barely  escaped  to  the  boat,  being  follow- 
ed by  a  crowd  to  the  shore. 

Cahsassi.^.namo.v  was  a  noted  Peipiot  rliief,  of  whom  we  have  8ome  account 
as  early  as  Kio'J.  In  that  year  a  dilKi'ulty  arose  about  the  limits  of  Southcrton, 
since  called  Stonington,  in  ("oniiecticnt,  and  sevi'ral  Knglish  were  8ont  to  settle 
the  difficulty,  which  was  concerning  the  location  of  VW^kapnuge.  "For  to 
help  us  (they  say)  to  imderstand  where  Wekapange  is,  we  desired  some  Po- 
(]natu('k(^  Indians  to  go  with  us."  Cansun.iinnmnon  was  one  who  assisted. 
They  told  the  I'.nglisii  that  "  Ccushnwftssvt  (the  governor  of  Wekapaugi;)  did 
charge  them  that  they  should  not  go  any  fuither  than  the  east  side  of  a  little 
svvam|),  near  the  east  end  of  the  first  great  pond,  where  they  did  pitch  down  a 
stake,  and  told  ns  [the  English]  that  Cashdwasset  said  that  that  very  place  waa 
\Vekai)ange ;  said  that  he  said  it  and  not  them  ;  and  if  they  shoidd  say  that 
VVekapauge  did  go  any  further,  Cashawa^set  would  be  angry."  Cashawas.tet 
after  tliis  liad  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  liim,  8000  acres  of  land  in  the 
l'e(|uot  country,  with  the  provision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  INIassachu- 
setts,  and  should  "not  sell  or  alienate  tli*  said  lands,  or  any  part  thereof,  to  any 
English  man  or  men,  without  the  court's  ap])robation." 

The  neck  of  land  called  Quinicuntiiuire  was  claimed  by  both  parties ;  but 
Cassassinnamon  said  that  when  i  whak;  was  some  time  before  ciist  ashoro 
there,  no  one  disputed  Cashnwus  :eVs  claim  to  it,  which,  it  is  believed,  settled 
the  question:  Cashawasset  was  known  generally  by  the  name  of  llarmon 
Garrett.  § 

We  next  meet  ^vith  Cassassinnamon  m  Philip's  war,  in  which  he  command- 
ed a  company  of  Pequots,  and  accompanied  Captain  Denison  in  his  successful 
career,  and  was  present  at  the  caj)tin*e  of  Canonchel.  \\ 

In  November,  1G51,  Cassassinnamon  and  (3iglit  others  executed  a  sort  of  an 
agreement  "with  the  townsmen  of  Peijiiot,"  allerward  called  J\'ew  London. 
What  kind  of  flgreemeni  it  was  we  are  not  told.  His  name  was  subscribed 
Casesjjmamon.  Among  the  otiuu"  n.-mics  we'  -ee  Ohhachickwood,  .Yecsnuwee'gun 
alias  Daniel,  Cutchdmaqviti  ami  JMalunawamham,  Cassassinnamon,  it  is  said, 
sigm'd   "in  his  own  behalf  and  the  behalf  of  the  rest  of  Nameeag  Indians." U 

*  I'voliUioM,  44.  t  Il'id. 

t  lliiil.  I'aplain  Lion  Hardener,  who  liad  son;e  men  in  lliis  afl'nir,  gives  qiitc  a  ililTcrent 
Bcc'oiinl.     See  life  of  Kvtshomnqiiiii,  alias  Kulshainakin, 

>5  Several  niaimsrript  tlociinieiils.  11  Hubbard. 

U  1  Coll.  Mass.  nut.  Sue.  X.  101. 


Chap.  VII] 


PllAVING  INDIANS. 


175 


CHAPTKR  VII. 

Df  tlir.  Prni/lng  or  Christian  Indians  in.  A'rw  F,n<j;lnnd — Difficult  to  Chrlstiiiniza 
llirm — l.dhors  of  Joliii  Kliot — VVai'Han  the  Jiral  Chrisliiin  snguinorr.  —  Initinn  laws 
— UiicaM  protects  iigiiiiist  the  allcmpt  to  riinrirt  iiis  itiojilf — Niiiiifri'l  rij'iises  to 
rirrirc  niissionariis — Tlie,  Indian  liihir. — Piambouiiou — Spf.kn — I'knnaiiannit— 

Tl  KAI'K.WII.I.I.N — OdNA.MOO AllATAWANCE VV ATTASSACOMPONUM HiACOOMES 

MlDllllSUO OUCIJM — TlTUBA. 

It  must  be  exceedingly  (litfioiilt,  ns  all  experience  ha.s  shown,  to  cnn.se  any 
p<'()])li'  to  aiiarulon  a  iH'liet' or  f'aitli  in  a  Miatter,  unless  it  he  one  on  wliicli  tlie 
rciLOiuinj;  |)owcrs  of  the  niind  can  he  hroii<f|it  to  act.     The  most  i^rnorant 


hi 


which  th 


J.i 


iinced,  tliat  many  ellicts  which  they  witness  aii 
iiy  ohvious  catisi's;  hut  there  are  so  many  others  for  which  they  eanuot  dis- 
cover a  (•■•luse,  th;it  th(\v  liesitat(!  not  to  deny  any  ludural  cause  for  them  at 
once.  And  uotwith.^taudin^'  that,  from  d.iy  to  day,  causes  arc;  developinff 
themsclv(!s,  and  showiii;,'  tlusm,  that  many  results  wliicih  they  had  vii-wed  as 
pn>eeediii<r  li'om  a  super  natural  ctuise  hitherto,  was  nothing  hut  a  iiatunil 
one,  and  winch,  when  discovered,  appeared  perl"ectly  simple,  too,  yet,  (or  the 
want  of  the  means  of  investi!,'ation,  they  woidd  he  looked  upon  as  miracidous. 
Tli(!se  fiicts  have  heeu  more  than  enou^di,  amoiiij;  the  scientili(;  world,  to 
ctnisc  them  to  look  upon  the  most  latent  causes,  with  a  hope  that,  in  due 
tiuK!,  they  woidd  unfold  themsidves  also;  imd,  tinnlly,  leave  nothiiif.'  litr  any 
agent  to  p('rfi)rm  hut  n;itnre  itself.  AV'heii  the  Indian,  theref(>re,  is  driven  hy 
reason,  or  the  light  of  sc-ience,  from  his  stronii-hold  of  ifrnonmce,  or,  in 
other  words,  superstition,  he  is  cxtrenady  lialile  to  tidl  into  the;  ojiposite 
extreme,  to  whicli  rdlusion  luis  just  heen  made,  hecans*;  he  will  unhesitatingly 
Fay,  what  once  ajjpeared  past  all  discovery  has  been  shown  to  be  most  |)laih, 
niid  thereti)re  it  is  not  only  possible,  but  even  probable,  that  others  will  be 
disclosed  of  a  like  charact<;r. 

It  so  happeiKS,  that  in  altem|)ting  to  substitute  one  faith  for  another,  in  the 
minds  of  India. is,  that  the  one  jiroposed  admits  of  no  better  demonstration 
than  the  one  already  jiossessed  by  them;  for  their  manner  of  transmitting 
things  to  he  remembered,  is  the  most  impressive  fuid  sacred,  as  will  he  else- 
where observed  in  our  work.  That  any  thing  lidse  should  be  handed  down 
from  tlieir  a;;ed  matrons  and  sires,  conid  not  be  for  a  moment  believe<l ;  and 
hence,  that  the  stories  of  a  strange  people  should  be  credited,  instead  of  what 
they  had  heard  from  day  to  day  from  their  youth  up,  liom  those  who  covdd 
have  no  possible  motive  to  (h-ceive  them,  could  not  be  expected  ;  and  there- 
lore  no  one  will  wonder  for  a  moment  that  the  gosjiel  has  met  with  so  few 
believers  among  the  Indians.  All  this,  aside  Iroiii  their  dealers  in  mysteries, 
the  jiowwows,  conjurers  or  ])riests,  as  they  arc  -  .vjusly  denominated,  whose 
office  is  healing  the  sick,  ajipeasing  the  wratii  of  the  invisible  spirits  by 
charms  and  unintelligible  mummery.  These  characters  took  ujion  them- 
selves, also,  the  important  atliiir  of  determining  the  liap|)iness  each  was  to 
enjoy  after  death;  assuring  the  brave  and  the  virtuous  tlait  they  should  go  to 
a  place  of  perjietual  sjiring,  wli(!re  game  in  the  greatest  plenty  abounded,  and 
every  thing  that  the  most  perfect  :,.'ippiness  recpiired.  Now,  as  a  belief  in 
any  other  religion  jiromised  no  more,  is  it  strange  that  a  new  one  should  be 
■  slow  in  gaining  credence? 

Considerations  of  this  nature  inevitably  press  in  upon  ns,  and  cause  us  not 
to  wonder,  as  many  have  done,  that,  ibr  the  lirst  thirty  years  after  the  settle- 
ment of  New  England,  so  little  was  effected  by  thegosiiel  among  the  Indians. 
The  great  difficulty  of  communicating  with  them  by  interpreters  must  have 
been  slow  in  the  extreme;  and  it  must  be  considered,  also,  that  a  great  length 
of  time  must  have  been  consumed  bcHbre  any  of  these  could  jierfoini  their 
office  with  any  degree  of  accuracy;  the  Indian  language  being  unlike  ev(M'y 
other,  and  bearing  no  analogy  to  any  known  tongue  whatever;  and  then,  the 
peculiar  custom  of  the  Indians  must  be;  considered ;  their  long  delays  bi'tbre 
they  would  answer  to  any  proposition  ;  hut  more  than  all,  \\c  ha\e  to  con 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

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r-**V'^ 


176 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— NESUTAN. 


[Hook  II. 


I  ■ 


sider  the  natural  distrust  that  must  necessarily  arise  in  tlie  minds  of  every 
|)copie,  at  the  sudden  influx  of  strangers  among  them.  When  any  new 
theory  was  presented  to  their  minds,  the  tirst  rpiestions  that  would  present 
themselves,  would  most  unquestionably  he.  What  are  the  real  motives  of  tiiiH 
new  ])eoi)le  ? — Do  they  really  love  us,  as  they  pretend  ? — Uo  they  really  love 
one  another?  or  do  they  not  live,  many  of  them,  upon  one  another? — Is  not 
this  new  8tate  of  things,  which  they  desire,  to  enable  them  to  subsist  by  us, 
and  in  time  to  enslave  us,  or  de|>rive  us  of  our  possessions? — Does  it  nut 
oppear  that  these  strangers  arc  full  of  nclfishness,  and,  therefore,  have  every 
motive  wirch  that  passion  gives  rise  to  for  deceiving  us? — Hence,  we  rcj)eat, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  thought  strMUge  that  Chriutiauity  has  made  bo  slow 
progress  aniong  the  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  one  of  the  ostensible  objects  of  nearly  all  the  royal  char- 
ters and  patents  issued  for  liritish  North  America  was  tlic  Christianizing  of 
the  Indians,  few  coidd  be  found  c(]ual  to  the  task  on  arriving  here ;  where 
wants  of  every  kind  required  nearly  all  their  labors,  few  could  be  found 
willing  to  forego  every  comfort  to  engage  in  a  work  which  presented  so 
many  difliculties.  Adventurers  were  those,  genendly,  who  emigrated  with  a 
view  to  bettering  their  own  condition,  insteai)  of  that  of  others. 

At  length  Mr.  John  Eliot,  seeing  that  little  or  nothing  coold  lie  effected 
through  the  medium  of  his  own  language,  resolved  to  make  himself  mastei 
of  the  Indian,  and  then  to  devote  himself  to  their  service.  Accordingly  he 
hired  *  an  oldf  Indian,  named  Job  JVe»utan,\  to  live  in  his  family,  and  to  teach 
him  his  language.  When  he  had  accomplished  this  arduous  task,  which  he 
did  in  "a  few  months,"^  he  set  out  upon  his  first  attempt;  having  given 
notice  to  some  Indians  at  JVonantum,\\  since  Newton,!!  of  his  intention.  With 
three  others  he  met  the  Indians  for  the  first  time,  '.J8  October,  lG4(i.  Jf'uau- 
bon,**  whose  nai»  'j  signified  toind,\\  "a  wise  and  grave  man,  though  no 
Sachem,  with  five  or  six  Indians  met  them  at  some  distiuice  from  their  wig- 
wam.s,  and  bidding  them  welcome,  conducted  tliem  into  a  large  apartment, 
where  a  great  inunlwr  of  tlie  natives  were  gathered  together,  to  hear  this  new 
doctrine."  \l  Afler  jjrayers,  and  an  explanation  of  the  ten  conuuandments,  Mr. 
Eliot  informed  them  "of  the  dreadful  ciuse  of  (io<l  that  would  full  iqion  all 
those  that  brake  them :  He  then  told  them  who  Jenns  Christ  was,  where  he 
was  now  gone,  and  liow  he  would  one  day  come  again  to  judge  the  world  in 
flaming  fire." 

AAer  oboiit  an  hour  spent  in  this  manner,  the  Indians  had  lilxTty  to  ask 
any  questions  in  relation  to  what  had  been  said.  Whereupon  one  stood  up 
and  asked,  How  he  could  knoto  Jciua  Christ? — Another,  ff'hether  Enf^lishmen 
were  ever  so  ifrnorant  of  him  as  the  Indians") — A  third,  ft'helher  Jestts  Vhiist 
could  understand  prayers  in  Indian  ? — Another,  How  there  cotdd  be  an  ima/re  of 
God,  since  it  was  forbidden  in  the  second  commaiulment  ? — Another,  Whethtr, 
according  to  the  second  commandment,  the  child  must  suffer,  though  he  be  good, 
for  the  sins  of  its  parents  ? — And  lastly,  How  all  the  world  became  full  of  people, 
\f  they  were  all  once  drowned  in  the  flood  ? 

The  second  meeting  was  upon  11  November,  following.  Rlr.  Eliot  met  the 
Indians  again,  and  after  catechising  the  children,  and  preaching  an  hour  to 
the  congregation,  heard  and  answered,  oinong  others,  the  following  (|ues- 
lions. — How  the  English  came  to  differ  so  much  from  the  Indians  in  their  knowl- 
edge of  God  and  Jesus  Christ,  since  they  had  all  at  first  hut  one  Father  ) — An- 
other desired  to  know,  Hoio  it  canw  to  pass  that  sea-water  ivas  salt  and  river 
water  fresh  ? — And  another,  Thai  if  the  water  was  higher  than  the  earth,  how  it 
happened  that  it  did  not  overflow  it  ? 

The  third  meeting  took  place  soon  after,  namely,  on  20  of  the  same  month, 


•  Nml,  Hisl.  N.  I'',iii;.  i.  2i!2.  t  N.  I'lilf.  Hioif.  Diflioiiiirv,  art.  Vaaot. 

t  Sco  p.  51  of  (liis  hook,  miie.  ^  Nrot.  Ilisl.  N.  Ii^iifr.  i,  1','3. 

II  "  Nenr  Wiilerlov  ii  mill,  upon  the  south  side  o(  Cliarles  Rivrr,  hIioiiI  lour  or  five  milei 
Irom  his  own  Iioiihi<,  [in  Koxiniry,]  where  lived  ai  llint  (inin  n'tiAun,  one  of  their  principal 
men,  and  some  Iixliiiiis  with  him."     iionkin,  (Ilisl.  Col.)  1(')ll, 

IT  Noniuilum,  or  Noonntoinen,  sij^nified  a  place  of  rfjvking,  or  rejoicing.    Neal,  I.  2lfi. 

••  Waiiban,  Magnalia,  lii.  llXi.  ft  VmA. 

tl  Oa}--brcaking  of  the  Gospel  in  N.  Eng.,  In  Neal,  i.  223. 


CitAP.  Vll] 


PRAYING  INDIANS— THEIR  LAWS. 


177 


but  was  not  so  well  attended.  The  powwows  and  sachems  had  dissuadcvl 
some,  and  by  threats  deterred  others  from  meeting  upon  such  orcasionH. 
Still  Uiere  were  considerable  numbers  that  got  attacli<>d  tu  Air.  Eliot,  and  in  a 
few  days  after,  tVampas,  "a  wise  and  sage  Indian,"  and  two  others,  with  some 
of  hia  children,  came  to  the  English.  lie  desired  that  these  might  be  edu- 
cated in  the  Christian  faith.  At  the  next  meeting  all  the  Indians  prt^sent 
"  offered  their  children  to  be  catechised  and  instructed  by  the  English,  who 
upon  this  motion  resolved  to  set  up  a  school  among  them." 

Mr.  Eliot,  notwithstanding  his  zeal,  seems,  well  to  have  understood,  that 
something  beside  preaching  was  necessary  to  reform  the  lives  of  the  Indians ; 
and  ttiat  was,  tlieir  civilization  bv  education.  It  is  said  that  one  of  his  noted 
sayings  was,  Thf.  Indians  must  oe  civilized  as  well  as,  if  not  in  order  to  their 
being.  Christianized.*  Therefore,  the  request  of  the  Indians  at  Nonantum 
was  not  carried  into  effect  until  a  place  could  lie  fixed  upon  where  a  regular 
settlement  should  be  made,  and  the  catechumens  had  shown  their  zei*.  for 
the  cause  by  assembling  themselves  there,  and  conforming  to  the  English 
mode  of  living.  In  the  end  this  was  agnu'd  upon,  and  Natiok  was  fi\eii  a.s 
the  place  for  a  town,  and  the  following  short  code  of  laws  was  set  ui)  and 
agreed  to: — I.  If  any  man  be  idle  a  week,  or  at  most  a  fortnight,  he  sh'ill  pay 
five  shillings. — II.  If  any  unmarried  man  shall  lie  with  a  young  woman 
unmarried,  he  shall  pay  twenty  shillings. — III.  If  any  man  shall  beat  his  wife, 
his  hands  shall  be  tied  behind  him,  and  he  shall  be  carried  to  the  place  of 
justice  to  be  severely  punished. — IV.  Every  young  man,  if  not  another's 
servant,  and  if  unmarried,  shall  be  compelled  to  set  up  a  wigwnm,  and  plant 
for  hnnself,  and  not  shifl  up  and  down  in  other  wigwams. — V.  If  any  woman 
shall  not  have  her  hair  tied  up,  hut  hang  loose,  or  be  cut  as  men's  hair,  she 
shall  pay  five  shillings. — VI.  If  any  woman  shall  go  with  naked  breasts,  she 
shall  pay  two  shillings. — VII.  All  men  that  wear  long  locks  shall  pay  five 
shilling, — Vin.  If  any  shall  kill  their  lice  between  their  teeth,  they  shall  pay 
five  shillings. 

In  January  following  another  company  of  praying  Indians  was  established 
at  Concord  ;  and  there  were  soon  several  other  places  whore  meetings  were 
held  throughout  the  country,  from  Cape  Cod  to  Narragansetf  Of  these,  Sir. 
Eliot  visited  as  many  and  as  oflcn  as  he  was  able.  From  the  following  pas- 
sage in  a  letter  which  he  ^vroto  to  Mr.  Winslow  of  Pliinouth,  some  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  hardships  he  under^vent  in  his  pious  labors.  lie  says,  "  I 
have  not  been  dry  night  nor  day,  from  the  third  day  of  the  week  unto  the 
sixth,  but  so  travelled,  and  at  nigiit  pull  off  my  Imots,  wring  my  stockings, 
aiid  on  with  them  again,  and  so  continue.     But  iim\  steps  in  iind  helps." }^ 

The  chiefs  and  powwows  would  not  have  suffered  even  so  much  groimd 
to  have  been  gained  by  the  gospel,  but  for  the  awe  they  were  in  of  the  Eng- 
lish power.  "Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,"  says  the  very  good  liistor-in, 
Mr.  N'eal,  "for  if  it  be  very  difficult  to  civilize  barbarous  nations,  'tis  m  eli 
more  so  to  make  them  Christians:  All  men  have  naturally  a  venerntior  for 
the  religion  of  their  ancestors,  and  the  prejudices  of  education  ^  are  insupera- 
ble without  the  extraordinary  grace  of  God." 

"  Tlie  Monhcgin  Indians  were  so  jealous  of  the  general  court's  obliging 
them  to  pray  to  God,  that  Uncas,  their  sachem,  went  to  the  court  at  Ilartt<)rd 
to  protest  against  it.  Cutshamoquin^  another  sache>n,  came  to  the  Indian 
lecture,  and  openly  protested  against  their  building  a  town,  telling  the  Eng- 
lish, that  all  the  sachems  in  the  country  were  against  it.  Ho  was  so  lioneMl 
as  to  tell  Mr.  Eliot  the  reason  of  it;  for  (says  he)  the  Lidians  that  pray  to  (Jod 
do  not  pay  mo  tribute,  as  formerly  they  iJid ;  which  was  in  part  true,  for 
when>as  before  the  sachem  was  absolute  moster  of  his  subjects ;  their  lives 
and  fortunes  being  at  his  disposal ;  they  gave  him  now  no  more  than  they 
thought  reasonable ;  but  to  wipe  off  the  reproach  that  Cvtshamonuin  had  laid 
u|)on  them,  those  few  praying  Lidians  present,  told  Mr.  Eliot  wliut  they  liad 

•  Hiilrhimon,  Hist.  Mass.  i.  lfi.3.  f  Neal,  i.  220— ^.TO.  t  Miisni'tli",  iii.  I'Jfi. 

^  This  word,  when  applied  to  Iho  education  of  Iho  Indians  uninnf^  ihein.st'lvos,  is  lo  hi;  uii 
dentmid  in  an  opposite  sense  from  its  conimon  acceptation  :  llius,  to  instruct  in  siipeislitiuua 
Mid  idolatry,  ii  wlial  is  not  meant  by  education  among  us. 


*y 


i  .[li 


178 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— INDIAN  BIBLE. 


[Book  II. 


1     ; 


done  for  their  sachem  the  two  last  years,  leaving  him  to  judge  whether  their 

ttrince  had  any  reason  to  complain."  They  said  they  had  given  him  26 
tushels  of  corn  at  one  time,  and  six  at  another ;  that,  ui  hunting  for  him  two 
days  they  htt<l  killed  him  15  deers ;  broke  up  for  him  two  acres  of  land ; 
made  him  a  great  wigwam;  "made  him  20  rods  of  fence  with  a  ditch  and 
two  rails  about  it ;"  paid  a  debt  for  him  of  £3,  lOs.  "  One  of  them  ^ave  him 
a  skin  of  beaver  of  two  pounds,  besides  manv  days  works  in  piantmg  com 
altogether;  yea,  they  said  they  would  willingly  do  more  if  he  would  govern 
them  justly  by  the  word  of  God.  But  the  sachem  swelling  with  indignation, 
at  this  unmannerly  discourse  of  his  vassals,  turned  his  back  upon  the  com- 
pany and  went  away  in  the  greatest  rage  imaginable ;  though  upon  better 
r-,onsideration,  himself  turned  Christian  not  long  after." 

Mr.  Experience  Mavheio  met  with  similar  occurrcnccg  many  years  after. 
Upon  a  visit  to  the  Nurragansets,  ho  sent  for  JVinig'et,  the  sachem,  and 
desired  of  him  leave  to  preach  to  his  people ;  but  the  sachem  told  him  to  go 
and  make  the  English  good  first ;  and  observed,  further,  that  some  of  the 
English  ke|>t  Saturday,  others  Sunday,  and  others  no  day  at  all  for  worship ; 
so  that  if  his  people  should  have  a  mind  to  turn  Christians,  they  could  not 
tell  what  religion  to  be  of.  JVinigret  fiirther  added,  that  Mr.  Maykew  might 
try  his  skill  first  with  tlic  Pequots  and  Mohcgans,  and  if  they  subniittcd  to  the 
Christian  religion,  possibly  he  and  his  pcojue  might,  but  they  would  not  be 
the  first.* 

In  the  meanwhile,  Mr.  Eliot  had  translated  the  whole  Bible  into  Indian,  f 
also  Baxter's  Call,  Mr.  ShephereTs  Sincere  Convert,  and  his  Sound  Be- 
liever, I  besides  some  other  performances,  as  a  Grammar,  Psalter,  Primci-s, 
Catechisms,  the  Practice  of  Pietv,  &c.  § 

It  is  amusing  to  hear  what  our  old  valued  friend,  Dr.  C.  Mather,  says  of 
ElioPs  Bible.  "This  Bible;,"  he  says,  "was  printed  here  at  our  Cambridge; 
and  it  is  the  only  Bible  tiiat  ever  wua  printed  in  all  America,  from  the  very 
foundation  of  the  world."  ||  The  same  author  obsei-ves,  thut  "  the  whole 
translation  was  ^vrit  with  but  one  pen,  which  pen  had  it  not  been  lost,  would 
have  certainly  deserved  a  richer  case  than  was  bestowed  upon  that  pen,  with 
which  Holland^  writ  his  translation  of  PliUarch" 

It  was  long  since  inquired,  "  What  benefit  has  all  this  toil  and  suffering 

Croduced  ?— .s  there  a  vestige  of  it  remaining  ? — Were  the  Indians  in  reality 
ettcred  by  the  great  eflbrts  of  their  friends  ?  "  "  Mr.  Eliot,"  says  Dr.  Doug- 
lass, "  with  innnense  labor  translated  and  printed  our  Bible  into  Indian.  It 
was  done  with  a  good,  pious  design,  but  it  must  be  reconed  among  the  Otto- 
torum  hominum  negotia:  It  was  done  in  the  Natick  [Nipinuk]  language.  Of 
the  Naticks,  at  present,  there  are  not  20  families  subsisting,  and  scarce  any 
of  these  can  read. — Cut  boni!"** 

By  the  accounts  left  us,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  for  many  years  after  the 
exertions  of  Eliot,  Gookin,  Mayhem  and  others,  had  been  put  in  operation, 
there  was  no  inconsiderable  progress  made  in  the  great  undertakuig  of 
Christianizing  the  Indians.  Nutick,  the  oldest  praying  town,  contained,  in 
1G74,  29  fiiniilies,  in  which  perhaps  were  about  145  persons.  The  name 
Mdick  signified  a  place  of  hills.  iVabcn  was  the  chief  muu  here,  "  who," 
says  Mr.  Gookin,  "  is  now  about  70  yeare  of  age.  He  is  a  person  of  great 
prudence  and  piety  :  I  do  not  know  any  Indian  that  excels  him." 

Pakemitt,  or  Pimkapuog,  ("  which  takes  its  name  from  a  s])ring,  that  riseth 
out  of  red  earth,")  is  the  next  town  in  order,  and  contained  12  families,  or 


•  Neat's  N.  England,  i.  257.  f  See  book  ii.  chap.  iii.  p.  67,  ante. 

\  Moore's  LifeKlidt,  141.  $  Ma^nalia,  b.  iii.  l'J7.  ||  Ibid. 

IT  Philemon  Ilollnml  was  railed  the  translator-general  of  liis  age  ;  he  wrote  several  of  hit 
IranslntioDS  with  one  pen,  uiinn  wliirli  l.c  made  the  following  verses : 
With  one  solo  pen  I  writ  this  book, 

Made  of  a  grey  goose  quill  j 
A  pen  it  WHS,  when  I  it  took, 
And  a  pen  I  leave  it  still. 

Fuller's  Worthies  of  England. 
••  Douglass,  Hist.  America,  i.  172,  note.    See  also  IlaUcel,  Hist.  Notes,  "JW,  iStc.    Doug*^ 
lati  wrote  aSout  17'1<>. 


Chap.     M] 


PRAYING   INDIANS— WAUBAN. 


179 


about  60  persons.  It  was  14  miles  south  of  Boston,  and  is  now  included  in 
Stoughton.  The  Indians  here  removed  troni  the  Neponsct.  llasHaiDiincsit 
is  tlie  third  town,  and  is  now  includetl  in  Cirnllon,  mid  rontninoil,  like  the 
second,  00  souls.  Okommakamesit,  now  in  Alarlhorou^h,  contained  about 
50  people,  and  was  the  fourth  town.  VVamesit,  since  included  in  Towks- 
bury,  the  fifth  town,  was  upon  a  neck  of  land  in  Merrimack  Kivcr,  and 
contained  about  75  souls,  of  five  to  a  family.  Nasiiohah,  now  Littleton,  wa.s 
the  sixth, and  contained  but  about  50  inhabitants.  Magunkaqiio;,',  now  Ilop- 
kinton,  signified  a  place  of  great  trees.  Here  were  about~  55  |>ei>>ons,  and 
this  was  the  seventh  town. 

There  were,  besides  these,  seven  other  towns,  which  were  called  the  new 
praying  towns.  These  were  among  the  Nipmuks.  The  first  vva.s  Maiiclia^re, 
since  Oxford,  and  contained  aliout  60  inhabitants.  The  second  was  nhoiil 
six  miles  from  the  first,  and  its  name  was  Chabanakongkomiin,  since  Dudley, 
and  contained  about  45  persons.  The  third  was  Maancxit,  in  the  north-cak 
part  of  Woodstock,  and  contained  about  100  souU  The  fourth  was  l^uan- 
tisset,  also  in  Woodstock,  and  containing  100  persons  likewise.  Wab<|uissit, 
the  fifth  town,  also  in  Woodstock,  (hut  now  included  in  Connecticut,)  con- 
tained 150  souls.  Pakachoog,  a  sixth  town,  partly  in  Worcester  and  (tartly 
in  Ward,  also  contained  100  people.  Weshakim,  or  Nashaway,  a  seventh, 
contained  alwut  75  persons.  Wacuntug  was  also  a  praying  town,  included 
now  by  Uxbridge ;  but  the  number  of  jjeople  there  is  not  set  down  by  Mr. 
Gookin,  our  chief  authority. 

Hence  it  seems  there  were  now  supposed  to  be  al»out  1150  praying  Iiulians 
in  the  places  enumerated  alxive.  There  is,  however,  not  the  Iciist  probability, 
that  even  one  fourth  of  these  were  ever  sincere  believers  in  (.'liristiiinity. 
This  calculation,  or  rather  supposition,  was  made  the  year  beluie  Philip's 
war  l)egan;  and  how  many  do  we  find  who  adhered  to  their  profession 
through  that  war  ?  That  event  not  only  shook  the  fiiith  of  the  conmion  sort, 
f)Ut  many  that  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  praying  towns,  the  Indian  iiiinis- 
turs  themselves,  were  found  in  arms  against  their  white  Cliristian  neighbors. 

At  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  in  l(i77,  Mr.  Gookin  enumerates  ".seven 
places  where  they  met  to  worship  God  and  keep  the  sabltath,  viz.  at 
Nonatum,  at  Pakemit,  or  Pimkapog;  at  Cowate,  alias  the  Fidl  of  Charles 
River,  at  Natik  and  Aledficld,  at  Concord,  at  Namekeake,  near  Chelmsford." 
There  were,  at  each  of  these  places,  he  says,  "a  teacher,  and  schools  for  the 
youtli."  But,  not\vithstanding  they  had  occupied  seven  towns  in  the  spring 
of  ](i7G,  on  tlieir  return  from  imprisonment  upon  the  bleak  islands  in  Bo.-slon 
harbor,  they  were  too  feeble  long  to  maintain  so  many.  The  ajtpearance  of 
some  straggling  Mohawks  greatly  alarmed  these  Indians,  and  they  were  glad 
to  come  '.vithin  the  protection  of  the  English ;  and  so  the  remote  towns  soon 
became  abandoned. 

We  have  seen  that  1150  praying  Indians  were  claimed  before  the  war,  in 
the  end  of  the  year  1074,  but  not  half  this  number  could  be  found  when  it 
was  [iroclaimed  that  all  such  must  come  out  of  their  towns,  and  go  ity 
themselves  to  a  place  of  safety.  Mr.  Gookin  says,  at  one  time  there  were 
about  500  upon  the  islands ;  but  when  some  had  been  employed  in  tiic  army, 
and  other  ways,  (generally  such  as  were  indifterent  to  religion,)  there  were 
but  about  300  remaining.  Six  years  after  that  disastrous  wai-,  Mr.  Eliot 
could  claim  but  four  towns!  \'u.  "Natick,  Punkapaog,  Wamcsit,  and 
Chachaubunkkakowok." 

Before  we  pass  to  notice  other  towns  in  Plimouth  colony,  we  will  give  an 
account  of  some  of  the  most  noted  of  the  praying  Indians. 

H'nulian  we  have  several  times  introduced,  and  will  now  close  our  account 
of  him.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  originally  of  Concord ;  hut,  at  the 
time  Mr.  lUiot  began  his  labors,  he  resided  at  Nonantum,  since  Nmvton. 
At  Natik,  or  Natick,  he  was  one  of  the  most  efhcieiit  oHicers  until  his 
dentil. 

Wlion  a  kind  of  civi'  community  was  established  at  Natik,  frituban  was 
tn.'ide  a  ruler  of  fifty,  and  subsequently  a  justice  of  the  peace.  The  lollow- 
iii^  is  said  to  b«  a  copy  of  a  warrant  which  he  issued  against  some  of  tlio 


180 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— PIAMBO.—TUKAPEWILLIrt.        [Book  11 


iraiiflgrcssora.  "  You,  you  big  constable,  quick  you  catch  urn  Jereinia]i  Offscow 
ttrojig  you  hold  um,  safe  you  bring  um,  afore  me,  Wahan,  justice  peace,"  * 

A  young  justice  uhkou  IVauban  what  ho  wouhl  do  when  Iniliuns  got  dnink 
und  quiirrelled ;  he  replied,  "  3Ve  um  all  up,  and  lohip  um  plaintiff,  and  whip 
umfendant,  and  whip  um  viilnesa" 

We  liuve  not  loarned  tlie  precise  time  of  Wauban^s  death,  f  but  ho  was 
certainly  alive  in  tlie  end  of  the  year  1()7(),  and,  we  think,  in  1677.  For  he- 
was  among  those  sent  to  Deer  Island,  HO  Ortoh(;r,  1()7.),  and  was  among  the 
sick  that  returned  in  May,  1U7U;  and  it  is  particularly  mentioned  that  he  waH 
one  that  recovered. 

PiambouhouX  wnn  the  next  man  to  fVauhan,M\A  the  next  after  him  that 
received  the  gospel.  At  tlie  second  meeting  at  Nonantiun,  he  brought  a 
great  many  of  his  pcoi>lo.  At  Nalik  ho  was  made  ruler  of  ten.  When 
the  church  at  Ilas-sanamesit  was  gathered,  he  was  called  to  be  a  ruler  in  it. 
When  that  town  was  broken  up  in  Philip'a  war,  he  returned  again  to  Natik. 
where  he  died.  He  was  one  ot  those  also  confined  to  Deer  Ishmd ;  hemu;, 
he  lived  until  ailer  the  war.  The  ruling  elder  of  llassananiesit,  called  by 
some  Pinmbmo,  was  the  same  persttn. 

John  Speen  was  another  teacher,  contem,»orary  with  Piambo,  and,  like  him, 
WJLS  a  "grave  and  pious  man."  In  IGGl,  'limothy  Dwighl,  of  Dedham,  sued 
John  Specn  and  his  brother,  Thomas,  lor  the  recovery  of  a  debt  of  sixty 
])Ounds,  and  Mr.  Eliot  bailed  them.  This  he  probably  did  with  safety,  as 
John  Speen  and"  liiH  kindred"  owned  nearly  all  the  Natik  lands,  when  the 
Christian  commonwealth  was  established  there.  This  valuable  possession 
he  gave  up  freely,  to  bo  used  in  common,  in  1650.  Notwithstanding  "he 
was  among  the  first  that  prayed  to  God"  ut  Nonantum,  and  "  was  a  diligent 
reader,"  y»!t  he  died  a  drunkard ;  having  been  some  time  before  discarded 
from  the  church  at  Natik. 

Pennahannil,  called  Captain  Josiah,  was  "  Marshal  General "  over  all  the 
praying  towns.  He  used  to  attend  the  courts  at  Natik;  but  his  residence 
was  at  Nashobah. 

Tukapewillin  was  teacher  at  ITassanamesit,  and  his  bruth(!r,  Anaiceakin, 
ruler,  lie  was,  according  to  Major  Gookin,  "a  pious  and  able  man,  und  ai>t 
to  teach.'*  He  Buffered  exceedingly  in  Philip's  war;  himself  and  his 
congregation,  together  with  those  of  the  two  praying  toAviis,  "  Magtuikog 
n'ld  Cholionekonhonom,"  having  l)een  enticed  uvvuy  by  Philip's  fbllower.s. 
His  fiither,  JVaoas,  was  deacon  of  his  church,  and  among  the  number. 
They,  however,  tried  to  make  their  escape  to  the  English  foon  af\er,  agree- 
ttl)ly  to  a  i)lan  concerted  with  Job  Kaltenanit,  when  he  was  among  Philip's 

Iteople  as  a  spy ;  but,  as  it  happened,  in  the  attempt,  they  fell  in  with  an 
•jiiglish  scout,  mider  Captain  Glhbs,  who  treated  them  as  prisoners,  and  witli 
not  a  little  barbarity;  robbing  them  of  every  thing  they  had,  even  the  minis 
ter  of  a  pewter  cup  which  he  used  at  sacraments.  At  Marlborough,  though 
under  the  protection  of  oflicers,  they  were  so  insulted  and  abused,  "  e8|i(!- 
cittlly  by  women,"  that  7\ikapetinllin's  wife,  from  fear  of  being  murdertid, 
escaped  into  the  woods,  leaving  a  sucking  child  to  be  taken  care  of  by  its 
father.  With  her  went  also  her  son,  12  years  old,  and  two  others.  The 
others,  JVaoas  and  TukapewUlin,  with  six  or  roven  children,  were,  soon 
atler,  sent  to  Deer  Island.    JVaoas  was,  at  this  time,  about  80  years  old. 

Oonamog  was  ruler  at  Marlborough,  and  a  sachem,  who  died  in  the 
summer  of  1674.  His  death  "was  a  great  blow  to  the  place.  He  was  a 
pious  and  discreet  man,  and  the  very  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  place."  TIic 
troubles  of  the  war  fell  very  heavily  upon  his  family.  A  burn  containing 
corn  and  hay  was  burnt  at  Chel.msford,  by  some  of  the  war  party,  as  it 
jiroved  afterwards;  but  some  of  the  violent  English  of  that  place  determined 
to  make  the  Wamcsits  suffer  for  it.    Accordingly,  about   14  men  armed 


•  Allen's  Biojj.  Diet.  art.  Waban. 

t  Dr.  I/omer,  Hisl.  Newton,  says  ho  died  in  1674,  but  gives  no  niithorily. 
several  aulhontics,  slinwing  that  he  wos  alive  a  voar  la(or,  (see  I.,  iii.  pp.  10  and  7!'.) 
X  Piam  Boolum,  GookMs  Hisl.  Coll.  IftJ..— /*i«;/iAou!,  his  liisl.  Praying  ludiaus. 


We  have  cilcJ 


Chap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— WANNA  LANCET. 


181 


themselves,  and,  under  a  pretence  of  scouting,  went  to  the  wigwams  of  the 
VVatiicsifs,  and  ordered  tiiem  to  come  out.  1  liey  olh  yed  witliont  hi-Hitation, 
being  chiefly  helpless  women  and  children,  and  not  conceiving  any  harm 
could  be  intended  them;  but  they  were  no  sooner  out  than  fired  upon,  when 
five  were  wounded  and  one  killed.  Whether  the  courage  of  the  brave  Eng- 
lish now  failed  them,  or  whether  they  were  satisfied  with  what  blood  wiis 
already  shed,  is  not  clear;  but  they  did  no  more  at  this  time.  The  one  sluiii 
was  a  little  son  of  Tahatooner ;  and  Oonamog'i  widow  was  severely  wounded, 
whose  name  was  Sarak,  "a  wo.iian  of  good  rejiort  for  religion.  Sha  wua 
Juiigluer  of  Saeamore-John,  who  lived  and  died  at  the  same  place,  before  the 
Wfir,  "  a  great  friend  to  the  English."  Sarah  hod  had  two  huslMinds :  the  first 
was  Oonamog,  the  second  Tahatooner,  who  was  son  of  Tahallatoan,  sachem  of 
Musketaqui(L    This  affair  took  place  on  the  15  Novemlier,  l(i75. 

JVumphotc  was  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  at  Wamesit,  and  Samuel,  his  son, 
was  teacher,  "a  young  man  of  good  parts,"  says  Mr.  Gookin,  "and  con  speak, 
read  and  write  flnglisii  and  Indian  com|)etently ; "  being  one  of  thosi;  tiinghtat 
the  expense  of  the  corporation.  jYumphow  exfierieneed  wretched  trials  in  the 
time  of  the  war;  he  with  his  people  having  fled  away  from  their  homes 
immediately  after  the  horrid  liarimrity  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  feoruig 
to  Ite  murdered  if  they  should  continue  there.  However,  after  wandering  n 
while  up  and  down  in  the  woods,  in  the  dismal  month  of  Decemlier,  tlie^ 
returned  to  Wumcsit,  in  a  forlorn  condition,  and  hoped  the  carriage  of  their 
neighl)ors  would  be  such  that  they  might  continue  there.  It  did  not  turn  out 
so,  for  in  February  they  again  quitted  their  habitations,  and  went  oft'  towards 
Canada.  Six  or  seven  old  jiersons  remained  Ijehind,  who  were  hindered  from 
going  by  infirmity.  These  poor  blind  and  lame  Indians  were  all  burnt  to 
death  in  their  wigwams.  Tiiis  act,  had  it  occurn'd  by  accident,  would  have 
called  forth  the  deepest  pity  from  the  breast  of  every  human  creature  to  whose 
knowledge  it  should  come.      Hut  horror,  anguish  and  indignation  take  the 

Clace  of  |)ity,  at  being  told  that  the  flames  which  consumed  them  were  lighted 
y  the  savage  hands  of  white  men ! !  It  was  so — and  whites  are  oidy  left  to 
remember  in  sorrow  this  act  of  those  of  their  own  color !    But  to  return — 

During  the  wanderings  of  JVumphxno  and  his  friends,  famine  and  sickness 
destroyed  many  of  them.  Himself  and  Mislic  Geor/re,  or  George  JMistic,  a 
teacher,  were  nmnbered  with  the  dead.  The  others,  having  joined  IVanmdan- 
cet  to  avoid  fulling  in  with  war  jmrties  on  lioth  sides,  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
surrendered  themselves  to  the  English,  at  Dover,  in  August,  1076.  New 
troubles  now  came  upon  them.  Some  English  captives  testified  that  some  of 
tliem  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  and  such  were  either  sold  into  slavery, 
cr  executed  at  Koston.  Sevend  sharcMl  the  latter  fate.  JVumpkow^a  son  Samtiel 
barely  escaped,  and  another  son,  named  Jonathan  George,  was  pardoned ;  also 
Symon  Betokam. 

JVumphow  was  in  some  public  business  as  early  as  1G56.  On  8  June  that 
vear,  he,  John  Line  and  George  Mitlic,  were,  upon  the  part  of  thr  "  Indian 
court,"  employed  to  nm  the  line  from  Chelmsford  to  Wamesit.*  And  23 
years  after  he  accompanied  Captain  Jonathan  Danforth  of  Billcrica  in  renew- 
ing the  iKtimds  of  Brenlon''s  Farm,  now  Litchfield,  N.  H.f 

fVannalancet,  whose  history  will  lie  fbund  spoken  U[)on  at  large  in  our  next 
book,  countenunced  religion,  and  it  was  at  his  wigwam  that  Mr.  Elioi  and  Mr. 
Gookin  tield  a  meetit^g  on  the  5  May,  I(]74.  His  house  was  near  Pawtucket 
Falls,  on  the  Merrimack.  "  He  is,"  said  Major  Gookin,  "  a  sober  and  grave 
person,  and  of  years,  between  50  and  (JO." 

John  Ahatawunce  was  ruler  of  Nashobah,  a  pious  man,  who  died  previous  to 
1674.  After  his  decease,  Pennahannit  was  chief.  John  Thomas  was  their 
teacher.  "  His  father  was  munlered  by  the  Maquos  in  a  secret  manncT,  as  he 
was  fishing  for  eels  at  his  wear,  some  years  since,  during  the  war"  with  them. 

fVattatacompnnum,  called  also  Captain  Tom,  is  thus  s|)oken  of  by  Mr.  Gookin, 
who  was  with  him  at  Pakochoog,  17  September,  1674.  "  My  chief  os-sistant 
was  Waitaaacompanum,  ruler  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  a  grave  and  jjious  man, 
of  the  chief  sacliem's  blood  of  the  Nipmuk  country.    lie  resides  at  Hassana- 


li_  ■      » 


Allen's  llist.  Chelmsford. 

10 


t  MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— IIIACOOMES. 


rnooK  IL 


::i' 


I-?;- 


1^ 


iii<'!-Il  ;  Ijiit  liy  foriiuT  u|i|iointincnt,  cnllctli  here,  tog(!thor  with  some  othrrs." 
Captain  Tom  wuh  among  TukapcwiUhCa  cutripniiy,  tlitit  went  oil'  with  the 
cni'iiiy,  UH  in  H|M>uking  uf  liini  wu  liavc  inailo  nicntiim,  la  thiit  company  there 
were  alMint  5iOO,  men,  women  and  children.  The  enemy,  being  altoiit  yOO 
strong,  ohhgcd  tlie  pruying  Iniiians  to  gootl' with,  or  bo  killed  by  them.  There 
wore,  liowever,  many  who  donbtleas  preferred  their  company  to  '.hat  of  their 
friends  on  Deer  Island.  This  was  aiNiiit  the  beginning  of  Decfmlter,  1G75. 
CapUiin  Tom  aAerwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and,  Ijeing  tried 
and  condemned  as  a  relxd,  wa<«,  on  2()  Jnnc,  167(),  executed  at  lioston  ;  much 
to  the  grief  of  such  excellent  men  as  Gookin  and  Miot. 

Although  something  had  l>een  done  towards  Christiani/ing  the  Indians  in 
I'iinioiith  colony,  about  a  year  bttfore  Mr.  ElioVa  (in<'  visit  to  Nonaiitum,  yet 
for  .soine  years  after,  Massachusetts  was  considernbly  in  advance  in  this  re8|>cct. 
Si  mi;  of  the  principal  congregations  or  praying  towns  follow : — 

At  ."Meeshawn,  since  Provincetown  or  Truro,  and  Ptmoiiakanit,  since  Bil- 
[ingsgate,  were  72  i)er8ons ;  at  Potanumaquut,  or  Nau.^ut,  in  Eoiitiiam,  44  ;  at 
Monamoyik,  since  Chatham,  71 ;  at  Sawkattwkett,  in  Harwich ;  Nol)84]as8it,  in 
Yarmouth  ;  at  Mutakees,  in  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth ;  and  Weequakut,  in 
Banisudili.*,  1?2 ;  at  Satuit,  Paw|ioesit,  Coatuit,  in  Karnstablc,  Ma8h[)ee,  VVako> 
(juet,  near  Mash|)ce,  95 ;  at  Co<ltanmut,  in  AIa8h|)ce,  Ashimuit,  on  the  west 
hue  of  Mashpce,  VVeesquolw,  in  Sandwich,  5K! ;  Pispogutt,  Wawayoutat,  in 
Waioiiani,  Sokoncs,  in  Falmouth,  36.  In  all  thew  places  were  4GS2  souls;  142 
of  whom  could  n^uil,  and  72  write  Indian,  and  9  could  read  English.  This 
account  was  furni.shed  Major  Gookin  in  ]<>74,  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Bourne  of 
Sandwich.  Philip^s  war  broke  up  many  of  these  communities,  but  the  work 
coiitinueil  long  afti-r  it  dwindled  to  almost  nothing  in  Massachusetts.  In  lti85 
then;  were  1439  considered  as  Christian  Indians  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Mr.  Thomas  Mnuheio  Jr.  settled  in  Martha's  Vineyard,  called  by  the  Indians 
JSTopr,  in  1042.  lie  was  accom|)anicd  by  a  few  English  famili'is,  who  made 
liiiii  thrir  minister;  but  not  Iteing  satisfied  with  so  limited  usefulness,  he  learn- 
ed ilie  Indian  language,  and  lM*gan  to  preach  to  them.    His  first  convert  was 

Iliacoomes,  in  ir>43,  a  man  of  smnll  rei>ute  among  his  own  people,  whost) 
resilience  was  at  Gn-at  Harbor,  near  where  the  English  first  settled.  He  was 
regularly  ordained  22  August,  1670,  but  he  began  to  preach  in  1646.  John 
Tokinosh  was  at  the  same  time  ordained  tcaciier.  His  residence  was  at  Ninn- 
|mng,  on  the  east  end  of  the  island.  He  died  22  January,  1<>84,  and  Hiacoomea 
prtiaciied  his  funeral  sermon.  For  some  yearn  before  his  death  Hiacoomea  was 
ijiiahle  to  preach.  Ho  was  supposed  to  have  been  about  80  years  old  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  which  hap|)ened  al>out  1690. 

Pahkvhpunnassoo,  sachem  of  Chappequiddik,  was  a  great  opposcr  of  the 
gospel,  and  at  one  time  lieat  Hiacoomea  for  professing  a  belief  of  it.  Not  long 
alter,  us  hii  iself  and  another  wi-re  at  work  upon  a  chimney  of  their  cabin,  they 
were  both  knocked  down  by  lightnin.',  and  the  latter  killed.  Pahkehjnmnaaaro 
fell  |)artly  <n  the  fire,  and  but  for  his  friends  would  have  |tcrished,  Wheth.  r 
this  e.'ii-a^ie  awakened  him,  is  not  mentioned;  but  he  soon  after  became  n 
Cliri.'itia.i,  and  Mr.  Mayhew  aptly  observes  that  "at  lost  he  was  a  brand pliuked 
out  of  the  fire." 

Miohqanj,  or  Myoxeo,  was  another  noted  Indian  of  Nope.  He  was  a  convert 
of  Hiacoomea,  whom  he  had  wjnt  for  to  inquire  of  him  about  his  Go<l.  He 
asked  IHiuoomea  how  many  gods  he  had,  and  on  being  told  but  ONE,  imme- 
«l lately  reckoned  up  37  of  his,  and  disired  to  know  whether  he  should  throw 
them  all  away  for  one.  On  being  told  by  Hiacoomea  that  he  had  thrown  away  all 
tiiose  and  many  mon>,  end  was  better  oft' by  so  doing,  Miohqaoo  said,  he  would 
forthwith  throw  away  his,  which  he  did,  and  became  one  of  the  most  eminent 
of  tiiu  Indian  converts.  One  of  his  children,  a  son,  sailed  for  England  in 
|i)57,  with  Mr.  Thomaa  Mayhew  Jr.,  in  a  ship  commanded  by  Cnptam  Jamea 
Garrdt,  and  was  never  heard  of  after.  The  time  of  the  death  of  Miohqaoo  is 
nnkniiwn,  but  he  lived  to  a  great  age. 

Among  the  Mohegans  and  Nurragansets  nothing  of  any  accoimt  was  efl'ect- 
ed,  in  the  way  of  Christianizing  them,  for  a  long  time.  The  chief  sachems  of 
those  nations  were  determined  and  fixed  airaiiit-t  it,  and  though  it  was  from 
time  to  time  urged  upon  them,  yet  very  liuji;  was  ever  done. 


Chav.  VII  1 


PRAYING   INDIANS.— OCCUM. 


183 


Sami'som  Occi'M,  or,  ns  his  nniiio  is  HjM^It  in  a  scnnon  *  of  lii^i,  Ocron,  was  a 
M()li<-piii,  (if  tilt!  fiimily  of  Btmni  Occum,  who  rtwidcd  near  IS'ew  IjoikIoii,  in 
('onnertic-nt.  Hi!  was  tlic  first  of  llmt  tril)c  who  was  conHpionons  in  r«>lif;ioii, 
if  not  tlie  only  one.  lie  wna  horn  in  172!i,  and  lM>roming  itttuclitHl  to  the  Ri'V. 
Eleazar  U'heelotk,  the  niiniHtcr  of  Lvbiinon  in  Connecticut,  in  1741  he  li(>t*nino 
a  CliriHtian.f  PoascHaing  talcnta  and  great  pioty,  Mr.  ffluelock  enti-it»ini>(l 
snnguliie  ho(>e8  that  he  would  be  able  to  effect  much  among  his  coniitrY'iicti 
08  a  preacher  of  the  gospel.  Me  went  to  England  in  17()5  to  procure  nid  for 
the  keening  up  of  a  school  for  tlie  instruction  of  Indian  children,  which  was 
l)egun  ny  Mr.  fftieelock,  and  furthered  by  a  Mr.  Moor:,  by  a  donation  of  a 
Mrhool  house  and  land,  about  1763.  While  in  England  he  was  introductMl  to 
Lord  Dartmouth,  and  other  eminent  pfrsons.  He  preached  there  to  crowds 
of  people,  and  returned  to  America  in  Septcnilicr,  17(>8,  having  landed  iit 
BoHton  on  his  return,  t  It  is  said  he  was  tho  first  Indian  that  ]treuniied 
in  England.  He  was  ordained,  in  1751),  a  preacher  to  the  Montauks  on  L. 
Island.  About  'iiis  time  he  visited  the  Cherokees.  He  finally  settled  among 
the  Oneida  Indians,  with  many  of  his  Mohegan  brethren,  altout  1768;  they 
liaving  been  invited  by  tlie  Otieidas.  He  died  in  July,  1792,  at  N.  Stock- 
bridge,  N.  York,  aged  &). 

Titulia  is  noticed  in  the  annals  of  New  England,  from  her  participation  in 
the  witch  tragedies  acted  here  in  1()!)1.  In  a  valuable  work  giving  a  history  of 
that  horrible  delusion,  §  mention  is  thus  made  of  her.  "  It  was  the  latter  end  of 
Februaiy,  169'.,  wheii  divers  young  persons  lielonging  to  [Rev.]  Mr.  Parria'  \ 
family,  and  one  more  of  the  nei^rhlmrhood,  began  to  act  afler  a  strange  uiu 
unusual  manner,  viz.,  as  by  getting  into  holes,  and  creeping  under  chairs  ant 
stools,  and  to  use  other  sundry  othi  pcafures,  and  antic  gestures,  uttering  fool- 
ish, ridiculous  speeches,  which  neitiier  they  themselves  nor  any  others  could 
make  sense  of."  "  March  the  11th,  Mr.  Parria  invited  seven'il  neighlioring 
ministers  to  ioin  with  him  in  keeping  a  solemn  day  of  prayer  at  liis  own 
house  ;  the  time  of  the  exercise  those  pcraons  were,  for  tho  most  part,  silent, 
out  afler  any  one  prayer  was  ended,  they  would  act  and  8|K3ak  strangely,  aiul 
ridiculously,  ye'  were  such  as  had  l)ecn  well  educated  and  of  good  lM;huvior, 
the  one  a  girl  of  11  or  12  years  old,  would  sometimes  seem  to  lie  in  a  convul- 
sion fit,  her  liiiibs  being  twisted  several  ways,  and  very  stif!^  but  pn>s(>ntly  her 
fit  would  Imj  over.  A  few  days  l)cfore  ibis  solemn  day  of  prayer,  Mr.  Parria' 
Indian  man  and  woman,  made  a  cake  of  rye  meal,  with  the  children's  water, 
and  Imkcd  it  in  the  ashes,  and,  as  it  is  said,  gave  to  the  dog ;  this  wnf  done  as 
a  means  to  discover  vatchcrail.  Soon  afler  which  those  ill-affected  or  afflicted 
persons  nimed  several  that  tney  said  they  saw,  when  in  their  fits,  afflicting  of 
them.  The  first  compluhied  of,  was  the  said  Indian  woman,  named  TUuba. 
She  confessed  that  the  devil  urged  her  to  sign  a  book,  which  he  presented  to 
her,  and  also  to  work  mischief  to  the  children,  &c.  She  was  afterwards  com- 
mitted to  iirison,  and  lay  there  till  sold  for  her  fees.  The  account  she  sinco 
gives  of  it  is,  that  her  master  did  beat  her,  and  otherwise  abuse  her,  to  make 
her  confess  and  accuse  (such  as  he  called)  her  sister  witches ;  and  that  what- 
soever she  said  by  way  of  confessing  or  accusing  others,  was  the  effect  of 
such  usage ;  her  master  refused  to  pay  her  fees,  urdess  she  would  stand  to 
what  she  hod  said." 

We  are  able  to  add  to  our  information  of  T^uba  from  another  old  and 
curious  work,ir  as  follows: — ^That  when  she  was  examined  she  "confessed 
the  making  a  cake,  as  is  alrave  mentioned,  and  said  her  mistress  in  her  own 
country  was  a  witch,  and  had  taught  her  some  means  to  be  used  for  the 
discovery  of  a  witch  and  for  the  prevention  of  being  l>ewitched,  &c.,  but  said 
"that  she  herself  was  not  a  witch."  The  children  wfio  accused  her  said  "that 
she  did  pinch,  prick,  and  grievously  torment  them ;  and  tliat  they  saw  her  here 

•  At  ilic  execution  of  Moses  Paul,  for  murder,  at  New  Haven,  2  September,  1772.  To  liis 
letter  (o  Mr.  Keen,  his  name  is  Occum. 

t  Life  Dr.  Wheelock,  Ifi.  t  His  Letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  in  Life  Wlieelock,  175. 

&  Wonders  of  the  Invisil)le  World,  by  R.  Calef,  90,  91.  4to.  London,  1700. 

11  "  Samuel  Paris,  pnslor  of  the  church  in  Salem- village."  Modest  Enquiry  into  the  Naturt 
tf  Wilclicra/l,  by  John  Hale,  pastor  of  tlie  church  in  Beverly,  p.  23,  IGmo.  Uoston,  1703. 

IF  Modest  Enquiry,  Si.c.  25. 


:4^ 


t  !'i 


I 


n 


^1 


11 


1^:    •' 


184 


TITL'BA  .—WITCHCRAFT. 


[BooilL 


niul  there,  where  nobody  else  could.  Yea,  they  could  tell  where  she  was,  and 
what  shft  (lid,  when  out  of  tlieir  human  sight."  Whether  the  author  was  a 
witness  to  this  he  does  not  say ;  but  probably  he  wait  not.  Go  throush  the 
tvhole  of  our  early  writers,  and  you  will  scarce  find  one  who  witneasecl  such 
matters :  (Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  neorcst  to  an  cxcrption.^  But  they  generally 
preface  such  marvellous  accounts  by  observing,  "  I  am  slow  to  believe  rumors 
of  this  nature,  nevertheless,  some  thmgs  I  have  had  certain  infonnation  of."  * 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Felt  f  gives  the  following  extinct  from  the  "  Quarterly  Court 
Papers."  **  March  1st  Sarah  Otbom,  Smvh  and  Dorothy  Good,  Tituba,  servant 
of  Mr.  Parrit,  Martha  Cory,  Rebecca  JVUrse,  Sarah  Clowe,  John  Proctor  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  all  of  Salem  village,  are  committed  to  Boston  jail  on  charge  of 
witchcraft." 

The  other  ser/ant  of  Mr.  Parria  was  the  husband  of  Tihiha,  whose  name 
was  John.  It  was  a  charge  against  tliem  that  they  had  tried  rnnans  to  discover 
witches.  But  there  is  little  probability  that  these  ignorant  and  siiiiple  Indians 
would  ever  have  thought  of  "trying  a  project"  for  the  detection  of  witches, 
had  they  not  learned  it  from  some  more  miserably  superstitious  white  per^ns. 
We  have  the  very  record  to  justify  this  stricture.  %  Take  the  words.  "  Mary 
Sibly  having  confessed,  that  she  innocently  coimselled  John,  the  Indian,  to 
attempt  a  discovery  of  witches,  is  permitted  to  commune  with  Mr.  Parrwl' 
church.  She  had  been  previously  disciplined  for  such  counsel  and  appeared 
well."  We  are  not  told  who  diaciplintd  her  for  the  examination.  Was  it  Mr. 
Parria  9 

This  is  the  only  instance  I  have  met  with  of  Indians  being  implicated  in 
tMte  witchcraft. 

•  /.  Mather's  Brief  Hisl.  Philip'i  War.  34. 

t  In  his  valuable  Annals  of  Salem,  303. 

I  Danvers  Records,  published  by  the  author  last  cited. 


li 


KMD  or   BOOE  BBCOND. 


'■■'-* 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


oy  THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  III. 


10' 


!i 


■!l 


1  .  ;. 


BOOK    III. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND    HISTORY   OF  THE   NEW  ENG- 
LAND  INDIANS  CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ufe  of  AtzxANnen  aliag  Wamsutta — Events  which  led  to  the  war  teith  Philip— 
Wketamoo  his  wife — Early  events  in  hrr  Ufe — Pf.tanasubt,  her  second  Ititshand 
—  Weetamoo's  latter  career  and  death — •Jfini^el — Death  of  Alexander — John  S.is- 
8AM0N — His  country  and  connections — Becomes  a  christian — Schoolmaster — jMin- 
ister — Settles  at  Assawomset — Felix  marries  his  daughter — Sassamon  di.irorers 
Uit  plots  of  Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  the  murderers — Thej/  are 
condemned  and  executtd, 

Alexander  was  the  English  name  of  the  citlcr  son  of  Maaaaaoxl.  His  real 
name  appears  at  first  to  have  l)ocn  Mooanam,  and  afterwards  fVamsutta,  and 
\aBt\y  Jllexander.  The  name  of  jt/ooanam  lie  bore  us  early  as  lG:ji) ;  in  l(i41 
we  find  him  noticed  under  tlie  name  IVamatUla.  About  the  yeai'  105*!,  lie  and 
his  younger  brotlier,  Metacomet,  or  rather  Pometacom,  were  brougiit  to  the 
court  of  Piimouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive  English  namoM,  the  gov- 
ernor culled  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the  younger  Philip,  proliahly  from  the 
two  Macedonian  heroes,  which,  on  being  explained  to  them,  might  have  flut- 
tered their  vanities  ;  and  which  was  probably  the  intention  of  the  governor. 

JUexander  appears  r>i-etty  early  to  have  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  course  of  this  chapter ;  occasioned,  perhaps,  by  his  marrying  a  female 
sachem  of  very  considerable  authority,  and  in  great  esteem  among  her 
neighbors. 

Namumpum,  afterwards  called  Weetamoo,  squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset,  was 
the  wife  of  Alexander ;  and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was  more 
willing  to  join  Philip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being  persuaded 
by  him  that  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author  calls  her  "  as  potent 
a  prince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much  com,  land,  and  men,  at 
her  command." 

Alexander  having,  in  1653,  sold  a  tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his  wife, 
OS  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  MaaaaaoU,  about  six  years  after,  H'eetam.oo 
came  to  Piimouth,  and  tlie  following  account  of  her  business  is  contained  ui 
the  records. 

"  I,  J^amumpum,  of  Pokeesett,  hauing,  in  open  court,  June  lost,  fifty-nine, 
[1G59,1  before  the  govcrnour  and  majestrutcs,  surrendered  up  all  that  right  and 
title  of^  such  lands  as  IVooaamequin  and  Wamaetia  sould  to  the  purchasers ;  as 
appeeres  by  deeds  giuen  vnder  theire  hands,  as  alsoe  the  said  JVamumpum 
promise  to  remoue  the  Indians  of  from  those  lands ;  and  alsoe  att  the  same 
court  the  said  Wamautla  promised  J^amumpum  the  third  part  of  tlie  pay,  as  ia 

*  Old  Indian  Cliroiiicle,  p.  6 


W- 


188 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


[Book  III 


expressed  in  the  deed  of  which  payment  Mamumpum  haue  receiued  of  John 
Cooke,  tliis  6  of  Oct  1G59 :  these  particulars  as  folioweth :  item  ;  20  yards  blew 
trading  cloth,  2  yards  red  cotton,  2  paire  of  shooes,  2  pairt  stockings,  Q  broade 
hoes  and  1  axe ;  And  doe  acknowledge  receiued  by  me,  Namumpum." 
Witnessed  by  Squabsen,  fValuUunchquatt,  and  two  Englisli. 

Thus  this  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  setded  ;  but  the  same 
ycju"  o(  Alexander's  death,  whether  Iwfore  or  after  we  are  not  assured,  J^amum- 

imm  api)eared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  tliat  Wamsutta  had  sold  some  of 
icr  land  without  her  consent  "  The  court  agreed  to  doe  what  tliey  could 
in  conuenient  time  for  her  relief." 

We  apprehend  there  was  some  little  difficulty  between  Alexander  and  his 
wife  airaut  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death,  and 
we  arc  rather  of  the  opinion  tliat  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her  com|>laint 
was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a  little  later  date  for  the  death  of  her  husbauvl ; 
and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

On  the  8  April,  16G1,  Wamsutta  deeded  the  tract  of  countiy  since  called 
Rcholwth  to  Thomas  tViUet  "  for  a  valuable  consideration."*  What  that  was 
the  deed  iloes  net  inform  us ;  but  we  may  venture  to  question  tlie  fact,  for  if 
the  coiitii'icration  had  in  truth  l)een  valuable,  it  would  have  appeared  in  the 
dee^!,  and  not  have  been  kept  out  of  sight 

What  time  JVamum/Jum  deeded  hind  to /oftn  S'ari/br'/ and  John  Archer,  wo 
are  not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  IGG2.  It  was  a 
dee«I  of  gift,  and  appears  to  have  l)een  only  deeded  to  them  to  prevent  her 
huslunul's  selling  it;  but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the  land  in 
violation  of  their  promise  ;  however,  lieing  a  woman  of  perseverance,  she  so 
managed  the  matter,  that,  in  the  year  ItJUri,  she  found  witnesses  who  de|K>sed 
to  the  true  meaning  of  tlie  deed,  and  thus  was,  we  presmue,  restored  to  her 
rightful  [wssessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particidar  in  acquainting  tlie  reader  with  the  wife 
of  fVamsutia,  we  will,  before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the  husband. 
Bay  all  tliat  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  fVeetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  we  find  JSTamumpum,  or  Jfeetamoo,  asso- 
ciat«!d  with  another  husband,  named  Petonowowet.  He  was  well  known  to 
the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now,  unless  Ptto-now- 
owet,  or  Pe-tan-a-nuet  has  been  corrupted  into  Peter  Ndnndit,  we  must 
allow  her  to  have  had  a  third  husband  in  Ki75.  We,  however,  are  well  satis- 
fied that  tliese  two  names  are,  us  they  appear  to  l>e,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  fVeetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much  impor- 
tance as  her  first,  fVamsvita;  and  as  he  only  appears  occasionally  in  the 
crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  good  care  in  taking  a  second  husbtmd, 
and  fixed  upon  one  that  sh>  I'as  better  able  to  manage  than  she  was  tiie  de- 
tennitied  fVamsuitcu 

On  the  8  May,  1673.  Tatamomoek,  Petonotoowett,  and  William  alias  ^asocke, 
sold  to  JValhaniel  Paine  of  Rehoboth,  and  Hugh  Cole  of  Swansey,  a  lot  of 
land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoisot,  and  Sliowamet  neck,  for  £ii5  5s.  Weelamoo, 
Philip  alias  Wagusoke,  and  Steven  alias  JSfucano,  were  the  Indian  witnesst-s. 

About  the  same  time,  one  Piowant  was  intruded  upon  by  some  others 
rlaiming  his  lands,  or  otherwise  molesting  him,  and  the  business  seems  to 
have  undergone  a  legal  scrutiny ;  in  this  affair  both  Weelamoo  and  her  hus- 
band appear  upon  our  records.  They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land  Ixxnided 
!iy  a  small  river  or  brook  cuWed  Mastucksett,  yvh'xch  compasseth  said  tnict  to 
Assoiu'tt  River,  and  so  to  Taunton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath  for  many  vcars 
bwn  ill  the  pousession  of  Piowant.  The  place  of  the  bounds  on  Taunton  River 
was  called  Chippascuitt,  which  was  a  little  south  of  Mastucksett  Pantauset, 
(^uanotcin,  JSTescanoo,  and  Panowwin,  testified  the  same. 

It  (Iocs  not  appear  that  Pela-nan-u-et  was  at  all  concerned  in  Philip's  war 
ngaiiiNt  the  Kiiglish,  but,  on  tiie  contrary,  forsook  his  wife  and  joined  them 
ngaii'st  her.  Under  such  a  leader  as  Church,  he  must  have  been  eiiii)loyed 
n^jaiiiHt  his  couiitiymen  with  great  advantage.     At  the  time  he  came  over  to 


•  Si'o  the  Hist,  of  Atlleboroiii'li,  by  John  Daggett,  Esq.,  p  G,  uiicro  the  clued  is  prcsvrved. 


Chap.  I.] 


ALEXANDER— WEETAMO. 


189 


the  EiigliiUi,  lie  no  doubt  expected  his  wife  would  do  the  same,  as  slie  gave 
Church  to  undcretniid  as  much.  A  tier  the  war  he  was  honored  with  a  coiu- 
mand  over  the  jtriHoners,  who  wore  jiennittod  to  remde  In  the  country  Imj- 
'Wiicn  Sc|)ecari  and  Dartmouth.  JVum/nu,  or  JVomp<ish,  and  Isaac  were  u\m 
.u  the  Hame  oiHce. 

Atlcr  Mr.  Church  left  Jlwashonka'  council,  a  few  days  l)efore  the  war  broke 
out,  he  met  with  lK>th  fFee^amoo  and  hor  huslmnd  at  I'ocasset.  He  first  met 
with  the  husband,  Petananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a  canoe  from  Philip''$ 
nead  (|U(u1er8  at  Mount  Hofie.  He  told  Church  there  wouhl  cerbiinly  l>e  war, 
for  that  Philip  had  held  a  war  dance  of  several  weeits,  and  liad  entertaine(l 
tlie  young  men  from  ail  parts  of  tlie  coinitry.  He  said,  also,  that  Philip  ex- 
pected to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  aliout  Sassamoti's  deatii,  knowing  hiinsel<* 
guilty  of  contriving  that  nmrder.  Petananuet  further  said,  that  be  saw  Mr. 
James  Broum  of  Swanscy,  and  Mr.  Samttel  Oorton,  wlio  was  an  interpreter, 
and  two  otiier  men  that  brought  a  letter  from  the  govt^nior  of  I'hmouth  to 
Philip.  Philip's  young  warriors,  he  said,  would  liave  killed  Mr.  liroton,  but 
Philip  told  them  they  must  not,  for  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kind- 
ness to  him ;  but  to  satisfy  them,  toUl  them,  that  on  the  next  Simday,  when 
the  English  had  gone  to  meeting,  tliey  might  plunder  their  houses,  and  aller- 
^vards  kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  fVeetamoo  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasset  shore,  on 
tlip  high  hill  a  little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland's  ferry,  and  Petana- 
nuet requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  see  her.  He  did  so,  and  found  her  in 
rather  a  melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and  gone  to  Phllip'a 
war  dance,  mucli,  she  said,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  his  success  at  Jlwaahonks'  camp,  and  thinking  Imth 
"queens"  secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  I'limouth  to  give  the 
governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries. — This  was  a  day  big  to  Philip ;  he 
immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  ffeetamoo,  and  had  nearly  drawn  off 
Jlwashonks  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  l)ooty. 

IVeelnmoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ;  the  idea  still  harrowed  upon  her 
mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plimouth  had  |)oisoned  her  former  husband,*  and 
was  now  sure  that  they  had  seduced  her  present  one ;  therefore,  from  tho 
power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip,  there  was  no 
esca|H;  or  irsistan^-c  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own,  and  she  moved 
with  him  from  jilace  to  ])lace  al)out  her  dominions,  in  ihe  country  of  Pocasset, 
until  the  MU  July,  wIkmi  all  the  Wampanoags  escaped  out  of  a  swamp,  and 
retired  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  From  this  time  U'eelamoit's  o|M'ra- 
tions  become  so  blended  with  those  of  her  allies,  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes 
up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  Philip  was  destroved  arv  <>ri;-  the 
Nipmueks,  H'eetamno  seems  to  have  been  deserted  oy  almost  alf  her  ;  :  .  ers, 
anil,  like  Philin,  she  eoughr  refuge  again  in  her  own  country.  It  was  ^/m  the 
(>  August,  lt>7(>,  when  she  arrived  upon  the  western  bank  of  Tehticut  Iliver  in 
Mettapoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supjwsed,  she  was  drowned  by  accident,  in 
attempting  to  cross  the  river  to  Pocasstit,  at  the  same  |)oint  she  had  crossed 
the  vear  iMiforo  in  her  flight  with  Philip. 

ifer  company  consisted  now  of  no  more  than  2G  men,  whereas,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  they  amounted  to  300 ;  and  she  was  considered  by  the 
I'-nulish  "next  unto  Philip  in  'cspect  of  the  mischief  that  hath  been  d(>ne."f 
The  English  at  Taunton  were  notified  by  a  deserttT  of  her  situation,  who 
olli-red  to  lead  any  tliat  would  go,  in  a  way  that  they  might  easily  surprise  her 
ami  her  company.  Acconlingly,  20  men  volunteered  u|M)n  this  enterprise, 
and  siieceede»l  in  cajituring  all  but  /r«ffrtmoo,  "  who,"  according  to  Mr.  Hub- 
barril  "  intending  to  make  an  escape  fi-om  the  danger,  attemptefl  to  get  over  a 
river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by,  upon  a  raft,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood; 
but  whether  tired  and  s)H>iit  with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger 
she  was  found  stark  naked  in  Mebqioiset,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  which 
iimdt'  HoiiK!  tiiink  she  was  first  half  drowne<l,  and  so  ended  her  wretched  life." 
"  Her  head  being  (;ut  off  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  Taunton,  was  knov/n  liy  some 


!r,.  'tv8 


'j..:  I  ' 


*  Ol.II  I.SDIAN  CUKUNICLK,  p.  U. 


1 1.  Mather. 


t  Niirralivc,  103  and  WJ. 


1     < 


too 


ALEXANDER. 


[Book  III 


>■-: 


Indinns  then  prisoners  [there,]  which  set  them  into  a  horrible  lamentation." 
Mr.  Mather  ini|)roves  upon  this  passage,  giving  it  in  a  style  more  to  suit  the 
ta«te  of  the  times:  "They  made  a  most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
crying  out  that  it  was  tlieir  queen's  head." 

Tlie  authors  of  Yamoyden  thus  represent  Philip  escaping  fi-oni  the  colil 
gi-Bsp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  fVeetamoo  ;— 


'  As  from  the  water's  depth  she  Ctime, 
With  dripping^  locks  and  bloated  frame, 
Wild  her  discolored  arms  she  threw 
To  grasp  him ;  and,  as  swill  he  flew. 


Her  hollow  scream  he  heard  behind 
('omj  mingling  with  the  iiowling  wind  : 
'Why  fly  from  Welumot?  she  died 
Bearing  the  war-axe  on  thy  side.' " 


Although  Wtetamoo  doubtless  escaped  from  Pocasset  with  Philip,  yet  it 
tppcars  that  instead  of  flying  to  the  Nipmuks  sli'  soon  went  down  into  the 
Niaiitic  coimtry,  and  the  English  immediately  had  news  of  it,  which  occa- 
sioned their  sending  for  JS/tnigret  to  answer  for  harboring  their  enemy,  as  in 
his  life  has  been  related. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted,  that  the  tune  had  expired,  ir  which 
.Mnignt  by  his  dcptities  agreed  to  deliver  U|)  fVeetamoo,  some  time  previous  to 
the  great  fight  m  Narraganset,  and  hence  this  was  seized  upon,  as  one  pretext 
for  invading  the  Nariiigansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  saitl,  tliat  if  she  were 
taken  by  that  formidable  army  of  a  1000  men,  "  her  lands  would  more  than 
pay  all  the  charge  "  the  English  had  been  at  in  the  whole  war.* 

fVeetamoo,  it  is  presumed,  left  J^nigret  and  joined  the  hostile  NarragansetH 
and  the  Wampanoags  in  their  trong  Ibrt,  some  time  previous  to  the  English 
e?{pcdition  against  it,  in  December.  And  it  was  about  tliis  time  that  she 
connected  herself  with  the  Narraganset  chief  Qtdnnapin,  as  will  be  found 
related  in  his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  writers  as  Philip^s  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  a  two-fold  manner;  first  from  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife, and  secondly  from  her  marrying  Alexander,h\s  brother. 
To  return  to  fVamsutta. 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt,  and  peculiar  feelin<rs 
associated  with  the  name  of  this  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career  of  battles, 
devastations  or  murders,  for  there  were  few  of  tliese,t  but  tliere  is  left  for  us 
to  relate  t)"j  melancholy  account  of  his  death.  Mr.  HuhbariPs  account  of  this 
event  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader,  and  cited  by  every  writer  upon 
our  eiuly  historj',  and  hence  is  too  extensively  known  to  be  repeated  here. 
Dr.  /.  Mather  agrees  very  nearly  in  his  account  with  Mr.  Hubbard,  but  being 
more  minute,  and  rarely  to  be  met  with,  we  give  it  entire : — 

"  In  A.  D.  166%  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved  in 
trouble  by  the  Wampanoag  Indians.  After  Maasasoit  was  dead,  his  two  sons, 
called  WamavMa  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the  court  at  Plimouth,  pretending 
high  respect  for  the  English,  antl,  therefore,  desired  English  names  might  be 
imposed  on  them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named  Wamsuita,  the  elder 
brother,  Mexander,  and  Metacomet,  the  younger  brother,  Philip.  This  Alexan- 
der, Philip's  immediate  predecessor,  was  not  so  faithful  ana  friendly  to  the 
English  as  his  father  had  been.  For  some  of  Boston,  having  been  occasionally 
at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr.  Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that 
JUexamkr  was  contriving  mischief  against  the  English,  and  that  he  had  solicit- 
ed the  Narragnnsets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.  Hereupon, 
Capt.  Willet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  )ilace  where  Jilexaruler  did 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him,  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the  next 
court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication.  He 
seomcd  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professing  that  the  Narraganspts, 
wiiom,  he  said,  were  his  enemies,  had  ptit  an  abuse  upon  him,  and  he  readily 
promised  to  attontl  at  the  next  court.  IJut  when  the  day  for  his  appearance 
was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  very  time  went  over  to  the  Narrngausets, 
Ins  piTtiMided  oneinios,  whitrli,  compared  with  other  circmnstanccs,  caiistHi 
the  gemlt!nu'n  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  iiifor- 

•Oid  IiidianCllironiclo.p.  ;!1,32. 

t  111  l()(il,  lie  wi\s  forcod  into  a  war  wiih  Uncus,  the  account  of  which,  properly  belonging 
lo  ilio  iil'u  of  Ihal  cliiuf,  will  be  loiiiui  there  related. 


CHAP  I.] 


ALEXANDER. 


191 


mntinn  given,  than  at  first  they  were  aware  of.  Wlierefore  the  govertn)r  nnd 
iimgistrutcH  tliere  ordered  Major  Htrulow,(wUo  is  since,  and  at  this  day  [I(i77] 
governor  of  that  colony,)  to  take  a  party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Mexander. 
The  major  conHidering  tnat  stmptrnocuit  deferre  paratis,  he  took  hut  10  armed 
men  wiili  him  from  Alarshfield,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  tlie  towns 
that  lay  nearer  Mount  Hope.  But  Divine  Providence  so  ordered,  as  tiiatwiien 
they  were  about  the  midwoy  between  Plitnouth  ond  Bridgewater,*  observing 
on  hunting  house,  thejyr  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find  Alexander  and 
many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  togetlier  without  the 
house.  The  major,  with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  tlie  Indians' 
unns,  and  l)eset  the  hous.. ,  then  diu  he  go  in  amongst  them,  acquainting  tlie 
sachem  with  tlie  reason  of  his  coming  in  such  a  woy ;  desiring  Alexaiuler 
with  his  interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  so  a  little  distance  from  the 
house,  and  then  understood  what  connnission  the  major  had  received  con- 
cerning him.  The  proud  sachem  fell  into  a  raging  {Mission  at  this  suqirise 
saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to  credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  him  in 
such  a  way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Plimouth,  but  when  he  saw  cause.  It  was 
replied  to  him,  that  his  breach  of  word  touching  a]i|)earance  at  Plimouth 
court,  and,  instead  thereof,  going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies, 
augmented  jealousies  concerning  him.  In  fine,  the  major  told  him,  that  his 
order  was  to  bring  him  to  Plimouth,  and  that,  ()y  the  help  of  God,  he  would 
do  it,  or  else  he  would  die  on  the  place ;  also  declaring  to  him  that  if  he  would 
submit,  he  might  expect  respective  usage,  but  if  he  once  more  denied  to  go, 
he  should  never  stir  from  the  ground  whereon  he  stood  ;  and  with  a  pistol  at 
the  sachem's  breast,  required  that  his  next  words  should  he  a  positive  and 
clear  answer  to  what  was  demanded.  Hereupon  his  interpreter,  a  discreet 
Indian,  brother  to  John  Sausaman,X  being  sensible  of  Alexajider'a  passionate 
disposition,  entreated  that  he  might  speak  a  few"  words  to  the  sachem  before 
he  gave  his  answer.  The  prudent  discourse  of  this  Indian  prevailed  so  far  us 
that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that  he  might  go  like  a  sachem, 
with  his  men  attending  him,  which,  although  there  was  some  hazai'd  in  it, 
they  being  many,  and  the  Eiin;lish  but  a  few,  was  granted  to  him.  The 
weather  being  ho^  the  major  offered  him  an  horse  to  ride  on,  but  his  squaw 
raid  divers  Indian  women  being  in  company,  he  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on 
:''oot  as  well  as  they,  entreathig  only  that  there  might  be  a  complying  with 
their  pace,  which  was  done.  And  resting  several  tunes  by  the  way,  Alexan- 
der and  his  Indians  were  refreshed  by  the  English.  No  other  discourse  hap- 
pening while  they  were  upon  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  amicable. 
The  major  sent  a  man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of 
that  colony  as  could  would  meet  at  Duxbury.  Wherefore  having  there  had 
some  treaty  with  Alexander,  not  willhig  to  commit  him  to  prison,  they  en- 
treated Mojor  Winslow  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who 
then  lived  at  Eastham,  could  come  up.  Accordingly,  he  and  his  train  were 
courteously  entertained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an  angry 
word  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Morshfield ;  yet  proud  Alexander,  vexing 
and  fretting  in  his  spirit,  that  such  a  check  was  given  him,  ho  suddenly  fell 
sick  of  a  fever.  He  was  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend.  Mr.  Fidler,  the 
physician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  time,  the  sachem  and  his  men 
earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  him,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
do,  but  by  their  importunity  was  prevailed  with  to  do  the  best  he  could  to 
help  him,  and  therefore  gave  him  a  portion  of  working  physic,  which  the 
Indians  thought  did  him  good.  But  his  distemper  afterwards  jirevailing,  they 
entreated^  to  dismiss  him,  in  order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement 


*  Witliir.  six  miles  of  the  English  towns.  Hubbard,  10,  (Edition,  1GT7.)  Massasoit,  nnd 
/iUcwise  Philip,  used  to  have  temporary  residences  in  eligible  plnccs  for  fishing,  at  various 
sites  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  nnd  Massaehnsotls,  as  at  Kaynham,  Nnmasket,  Tili- 
rul.  [in  Middloborough,]  and  Miinponset  Pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of  these  places  lie  uix, 
we  cniniot,  with  certainty,  decide  ;  that  at  Ilalifiix  would,  perhaps,  agfte  best  with  Mr.  //«/'• 
hard's  account. 

t  Lishly,  says  IIiibbaM.  fi. 

t  Ite  had  a  lirother  by  the  name  of  Roland. 

^  "  Entreating  those  that  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  return  home. 


4 


ill 


ALEXANDER 


LBOOK  III- 


of  appcnmncn  at  the  next  couit  was  granted  to  liiiu.  Soon  after  his  being 
returned  liome  he  died."  * 

Thus  ends  Dr.  Mather'a  "  relation  "  of  the  uhort  reign  of  Alexander.  And 
althougii  a  docutnent  lately  published  by  Judge  Davis  of  Boston  sets  the  con- 
duct of  the  English  hi  a  very  favorable  light,  yet  it  is  very  difficult  to  con- 
ceive how  Mather  and  Huhhard  could  have  been  altogether  deceived  in  theu 
information.  We  mean  in  respect  to  the  treatment  Alexander  received  at  the 
hands  of  his  cnjjtors.  They  both  wrote  at  the  same  time,  and  at  different 
plo'^js,  and  neither  knew  what  the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confi- 
dent, if,  as  we  are  assured,  there  was,  at  this  time,  rather  a  misunderstanding 
between  these  two  reverend  authors. 

This  affair  caused  much  excitement,  and,  judging  from  the  writers  of  that 
time,  particularly  Hubbardj  some  recrimination  upon  the  conduct  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Plimouth,  by  some  of  the  English,  who  were  more  in  the  habit  of 
using  or  recommending  mild  measures  towards  Indians  than  the  Plimouth 
people  appear  to  have  been,  seems  to  have  been  indulged  iu.  Ailer  thus 
premising,  we  will  offer  the  document,  which  is  a  letter  written  by  the  Rev. 
John  Cotton,  of  Plimouth,  to  Dr.  /.  Mather,  and  now  printed  by  Judge  Davis, 
in  his  edition  of  Morton^s  MemoriaL  There  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the  editor 
pives  none ;  but  if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one  from  Mr.  Mather  to 
him,  desiruig  information  on  that  heaa,  dated  21st  April,  1677,1  we  may 
conclude  it  was  about  this  time ;  but  Mr.  Mather's  "  Relation  "  would  not  lead 
us  to  suppose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  such  information,  and,  there- 
fore, he  either  was  not  in  possession  of  it  when  he  published  his  account,  or 
that  he  had  other  testimony  which  invalidated  it. 

The  letter  begins,  "Major  Bradford,  [who  was  with  Mr.  Winslow  when 
Alexander  was  suqirised,]  confidently  assures  me,  that  in  the  narrative  de 
Alexandra  i  there  are  many  mistakes,  and,  fearing  lest  you  should,  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject,  from  his  mouth  I  this 
\wit3.  Kt^ports  being  here  that  Alexander  was  plotting  or  privy  to  plots, 
against  the  English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  come  down.  He  came  not. 
Whereupon  Major  ffinslow  was  sent  to  fetch  him.  Major  Bradford,  with 
some  others,  went  with  him.  At  Munponsct  River,  a  place  not  many  miles 
hence,  they  found  Alexander  with  about  eight  men  and  sundry  squaws.  He 
was  there  about  getting  canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at  breakfast  under 
their  shelter,  their  guns  being  without.  They  saw  tlie  English  coming,  but 
continued  eating ;  and  Mr.  tVinslow  telling  their  business,  Alexander,  freely 
and  readily,  without  tlie  least  hesitancy,  consented  to  go,  giving  his  reason 
why  he  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz.,  because  he  waited  for  Captain 
WulePs  return  from  the  Dutch,  being  desirous  to  speak  with  him  first.  Tliey 
brought  him  to  Mr.  Collier's  that  day,  and  Governor  Prince  living  remote  at 
Eastham,  those  few  magistrates  who  were  at  hand  issued  the  matter  peace- 
ably, and  immediately  dismissed  Alexander  to  return  home,  which  ho  did 
part  of  the  way ;  but,  in  two  or  three  days  after,  he  returned  and  went  to 
Major  JVinslows  house,  intending  thence  to  travel  into  the  bay  and  so  home ; 
but,  at  the  major's  house,  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and  was,  by  water,  con- 
veyed to  Major  Bradford's,  and  thence  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  men 
to  Tethquet  River,  and  thence  in  canoes  home,  and,  about  two  or  three  days 
uftin*,  died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  error  somewhere,  and  it  would  be  very  sat- 
isfactory if  we  could  erase  it  from  our  histoiy ;  but,  at  present,  we  are  able 
only  to  agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  of  documents  before 
Alexander's  tiue  history  can  be  given ;  and  to  suspend  judgment,  although 


promising  to  return  again  if  he  recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  hostage  till  he  could  so  do. 
On  'hat  consideration,  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before  he  got  half  way  home."— « 
Ifnbbard. 

*  It  is  a  pity  that  such  an  able  historian  as  Grahame  should  not  have  been  in  possession  of 
other  authorities  upon  this  matter  than  those  who  have  copied  from  the  above.  See  his  Hist. 
iV.  Anw.rica,  I.  401. 

t  See  his  Memorial,  288. 

i  A  paper  drawn  up  by  the  authorities  of  Plimouth,  and  now,  I  believe,  among  the  MSS. 
in  the  library  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Mas).    This  was,  probably,  Mr.  Hubbard's  authority. 


Chap.  I.] 


SASSAMOiN 


103 


some  may  readily  decide  that  the  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  old  printed 
accounts.  It  is  the  business  of  a  historian,  where  a  point  is  in  dispute,  to 
exiiibit  existing  evidence,  and  let  the  reader  make  up  his  o\vii  judgment. 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  upon  tins  head,  to  limit  the  timo 
of  his  sachemship  to  a  portion  of  the  year  1(JU2. 

It  will  have  appeared  already,  that  enough  had  transpired  to  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  Indians,  and  especially  that  of  the  sachem  Philip,  if,  indeed, 
the  evidence  adduced  be  considered  valid,  regardui^  the  blamubleness  of  the 
English.  Nevertheless,  our  next  step  onward  will  more  fully  develop  the 
causes  of  Philip''s  deep-rooted  animosities. 

We  come  now  to  speak  of  John  Sajsamo."*,  who  deserves  a  particidar 
notice ;  more  especially  as,  from  several  manuscripts,  we  are  able  not  only  to 
correct  some  important  errors  in  former  histories,  but  to  give  a  more  minute 
account  of  a  character  which  must  always  be  noticed  in  entering  upon  the 
study  of  this  part  of  our  history.  Net  that  he  would  otherwise  demand 
more  notice  than  many  of  his  bretliren  almost  silently  passed  over,  but  for  his 
agency  in  bringing  about  a  war,  the  interest  of  which  increases  in  proportion 
as  time  carries  us  Gmm  its  period. 

John  Sassamon  was  a  subject  of  Philip,  an  unstable-minded  fellow  ;  and, 
living  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the  English,  became  a  convert  to  Christianity, 
learned  their  language,  and  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had  translated 
some  of  tlie  Bible  into  Indian.  Being  rather  insinuating  and  ai-tful,  he  was 
employed  to  teach  his  countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  capacity  of  a  school- 
master. How  long  before  the  war  this  was,  is  not  mentioned,  but  must  have 
l)een  about  1660,  as  he  was  Philip's  secretary,  or  interpreter,  in  1662,  and  this 
was  after  he  had  become  a  Christian.  He  left  the  English,  from  some  dislike, 
and  went  to  reside  with  Mexandtr,  and  after>vards  with  Philip,  who,  it  ap- 
pears, employed  him  on  account  of  his  learning.  Always  restless,  Sassamon 
did  not  remam  long  with  Philip  before  he  returned  again  to  the  English  ;  "  and 
he  manifested  such  evident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his  re- 
turn from  pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians  and  baptized,  and 
received,  as  a  member,  into  one  of  tlie  Indian  churches ;  yea,  and  employed 
as  an  instructor  amongst  them  every  Lord's  day."t 

Previous  to  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1672,  Sassamon  was  sent 
to  preach  to  the  Namaskets,):  and  other  Indians  of  Middleborough,  who,  nt 
this  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  Waluspaquin  was  then  the 
chief  of  this  region  and  who  appcara  to  have  been  disposed  to  encounijre 
the  new  religion  taught  by  Sassamon.  For,  in  1674,  he  gave  him  a  ti»  ct  of 
land  near  his  own  residence,  to  induce  him  to  remain  among  his  jieople.  The 
deed  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doubt,  drawn  by  Sassamon,  and  is  in  these 
words : — 


Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Old  Watuspaquin,  doe  graunt 
vnto  John  Sassamon,  allies  fVassasoman,  27  acrees  of  land  for  a  home  lott  nt 
Assowomsett  necke.  This  is  my  gift,  giuen  to  him  the  said  John  Sassamon, 
by  me  the  sold  Watuspaquin,  m  Anno  1673,  [or  1674,  if  between  1  Jan.  an»l 
2o  March.] 

Old  Wai'OSPAQUIN  (D         his  mar/ce. 

WiLLiARi  TusPAQUiN      dV       his  morke. 
Witness,  alsoe,  Nanehecnt  §    -|-    fcis  markeJ* 

As  a  further  inducement  for  Sassamor^  to  settle  here.  Old  Tuspa<iuin  and 
his  son  deeded  to  Felix,  an  Indian  whc  arried  Sassamon's  daughter,  .58  und 
an  half  acres  of  land ;  as  "  a  home  lott,"  also.  This  deed  was  dated  1 1 
March,  1673, 0.  S.,  which  doubtless  was  done  at  the  same  time  witli  the  other. 


i  X 


r  »■  i-' 


*  "This  Siusamon  was  i>^  birth  a  Massachusett,  his  father  and  mother  living  in  Dorchester, 
ui(l  thev  both  died  Christians."—/.  Matlter. 


t  Mather's  Relation,  74. 
\.  The  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Nemasket. 
Namiiisakelt. 
^  Spelt  also  MemthnUt. 

17 


In  the  records,  it  is  almost  always  written 


N 


•■•1. 


Ivi 

1 


194 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III 


This  daughter  of  Sasaamon  wa8  called  by  the  English  name  Betty,*  but  her  orig- 
inal name  w  us  Assowetouoh.  To  his  son-iu-'aw,  Snssamon  gnve  his  land,  by  h 
kiud  of  will,  which  he  wrote  himself,  not  long  before  his  death ;  probau'y 
about  tlie  time  he  became  tired  of  his  new  situation,  which  we  suppose  was  al^o 
about  the  time  that  he  discovered  tiie  design  uf  Philip  and  his  captains  to 
bring  about  tlieir  war  of  extermination. 

Old  Tuspaquin,  as  he  called  himself,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed  Sassa- 
mon^s  will,  out  about  the  same  time  made  a  bequest  themcelves  to  his  daugh- 
ter, whicli,  .  ,•  say,  was  "with  the  consent  of  all  the  chieffe  men  of  Asso- 
wamsett."  This  deed  of  gift  from  them  waa  dated  23  Dec.  1G73.  It  was  of 
a  neck  of  land  at  Assowoinsett,  called  Nuhtcawr.met.  The  names  of  ^ome 
of  the  places  which  bounded  this  tract  were  Mashquomuh,  a  swamp,  Suaon- 
kususett,  a  pond,  and  another  lar^e  pond  called  Chup-poggui.  Tobias,  Old 
7Ti)mas,  Pohonoho,  and  Kankunuki,  were  upon  this  dc«?d  as  witnesses. 

iTei-ix  served  the  English  in  Philip's  war,  and  was  living  in  1G79,  in  which 
year  Governor  Wi»:«Zou' ordered,  "  tliat  all  such  lands  os  were  formerly  JoAre 
Sassamon's  in  our  colonic,  shall  be  settled  on  Felix  his  son-in-law,"  and  to  re- 
main his  and  his  heirs  "  foreuer."  Felix's  wife  survived  him,  and  willed  her 
land  to  a  daughter,  named  Mercy.  This  was  in  169G,  ond  Isacke  Wanno  wit- 
nessed said  will.  Thcire  was  at  a  later  period  an  Indian  preacher  at  Titicutf 
named  Thomas  Felix,  perhaps  a  son  of  the  former.^  But  to  return  to  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  our  discourse. 

There  was  a  Sassaman,  or,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Soifomon,  hnown  to  the 
English  as  early  as  1(>37 ;  but  us  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  old  John 
Sassamon  was  when  he  was  murdered,  it  cannot  be  decided  with  probability, 
whether  or  not  it  were  he.  This  Sosomon,  as  will  be  seen  in  tlie  life  of  Sassa- 
ats,  went  with  the  English  to  fight  the  Pequots. 

Sassamon  acteJ  os  inter|)reter,  witness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required,  on 
many  occasions.  \V}<en  Philip  and  fVootonekantiske  his  wife,  sold,  in  1664, 
Mattapoisett  to  William  Brenlon,  Sassamon  was  a  witness  and  interpreter. 
The  Bumc  year  he  was  Philip's  agent  "  in  settling  the  bounds  of  Acushenok, 
Couksett,  and  places  adjacent."  Again,  in  1665,  he  witnessed  the  receipt  of 
£10  paid  to  Philip  on  account  of  settling  the  bounds  the  year  before. 

There  was  a  Roioland  Sassamon,  who  I  suppose  was  the  brother  of  John. 
His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I  have  met  with,  and 
then  only  as  a  witness,  with  his  brother,  to  Philip's  deed  of  Mattajjoisett, 
ubo'e  mcniioned. 

The  name  Sassamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but  tlie 
way  it  here  appears  is  nearest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years,  judging 
from  the  records.  But  it  was  not  so  originally.  Woosansaman  was  among 
the  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  the  general  reader,  but  we  must  occasion- 
ally srrntify  our  antiquarian  friends.    We  now  proceed  in  our  narrative. 

vVhiio  living  among  the  Namaskets,  Sassamon  learned  what  was  going 
forward  among  his  countrymen,  and,  when  he  wae  convinced  that  their 
design  was  war,  went  immediately  to  Plimouth,  and  communicated  his  dis- 
covery to  the  governor.  "  Nevertheless,  his  information,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mathtr,^ 
"  (because  it  had  an  Lidian  original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when 
they  do  speak  the  truth,)  wns  not  at  fii'st  much  regarded." 

It  may  be  noticed  here,  that  at  this  time  if  anj  Indian  appeared  friendly, 
all  Indians  were  so  declaimed  against,  that  scarcely  any  one  among  the  Eng- 
lish could  be  found  that  would  allow  that  an  Indian  could  be  faithful  or 
honest  in  any  afiiiir.  And  although  some  others  besides  Sassamon  had  inti- 
mated, and  that  rather  strongly,  that  a  "rising  of  the  Indians"  was  at  hand, 
still,  as  Dr.  Jlfa//ter  observes,  because  Indians  said  so,  little  or  no  attention 

*  The  English  somcliincs  added  her  suriuime,  and  hence,  in  tlic  account  of  Mr.  lifimet,  (1 
(^ol.  Mass.  Jlist.  Soc.  iii,  1.)  Jiellij  Sn.ietnore,  The  iioled  phice  now  called  JJelli/'s  Nick, 
ill  Middleborough,  was  named  from  her.     In  17!)3,  ihere  were  eis;ht  families  ol  Indians  there, 

t  Cotuhliait,  Kclchiqiiut,  Tehticut,  Keketliciit,  Keliciit,  Teightaqitid,  Tdvliquel,  urc  spell- 
ings of  this  name  in  the  various  books  and  records  I  have  consulleil. 

t  liiidcHs's  Middlclioro\igh,  in  1  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Hoc.  iii.  150. 

•i  Relation  o/llic  Tioulilcs,  &c..  l-i. 


r.HKr.  I]     SASSAMON.— rAUSF.S  OF  THE  WAR  WITH   PIIII.IP. 


195 


t    '  .".  il 


was  paid  to  tlieir  ndvicc.  Notwitlistniidinjr,  Mr.  Gookin,  in  liis  MS.  liiston,* 
says,  that,  jtroviona  to  tlie  war,  none  of  tin;  (Jhristian  Indians  had  "  Iwcn 
jitsthf  iiliarfTPd,  either  witli  untiiithtuliMss  or  trenchery towards  the  Enj.'lisli." 
"  Bill,  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them  liad  «lisrovcred  the  treachery,  particu- 
larly ffjlcut  the  ri'ler,  of  Philip  Ijcfore  he  hegan  any  act  of  hostility."  In 
another  place  the  same  author  says,  that,  in  April,  1(>75,  fVatiban  "cairie  to 
one  of  the  magistrates  on  purpose,  and  informed  him  that  he  had  ground  to 
fear  that  sachem  Philip,  and  other  Indians  his  confederates,  intended  some 
iDischief  shortly."  Again  in  Mav,  ahout  six  weeks  l)efore  the  war,  he  came 
and  said  the  same,  adding  that  Philip's  men  were  oidy  waiting  for  the  trees 
to  get  leaved  out,  that  they  might  prosecute  their  design  with  more  ettl'ct. 
To  return  to  Stusamon: 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  happened  that  gave  further  grounds 
of  suspicion,  that  war  wa8  meditated,  and  it  was  intended  that  messengers 
shoidd  he  sent  to  Philip,  to  gain,  if  possible,  the  real  state  of  the  case.  But 
before  this  was  etl'ected,  much  of  the  winter  of  1(574  had  passed  away,  and 
the  Rev.  Smsamon  still  resided  with  the  Namaskets,  and  others  of  his 
countrymen  in  that  neighborhood.  And  notwithstanding  he  had  enjoined 
the  strictest  secrecy  upon  his  English  friends  at  I'limouth,  of  what  he  had 
revrialed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Philip's  knowledge,  he  should  he 
immediately  murdered  by  him,  yet  it  by  some  means  got  to  the  chief's 
knowledge,  and  Sasmmon  was  considered  a  traitor  and  an  outlaw ;  and,  by 
the  laws  of  the  Indians,  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  s"'»cr' 
death.  The  manner  of  effecting  it  was  of  no  consecpience  with  their,  so 
Jong  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is  probable  that  Philip  had  ordered  any 
of  ins  subjects  who  might  meet  with  him,  to  kill  him. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1(575,  Sassamon  was  missing,  and,  on  search  being 
made,  his  body  was  foimd  in  Assawomset  Pond,  in  Middlehorough.t  Those 
that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  letl  his  hat  and  gun 
upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  sup|)osed  that  he  had  drowned  himself;  but 
from  several  marks  upon  his  bo<ly,  and  the  fact  that  bis  neck  was  broken, 
it  was  evident  he  had  been  nmrdered.  J  Several  persons  were  suspected, 
and,  u|)on  the  information  of  one  called  Patuckson,  Tobias  §  one  of  Philip^s 
counsellors,  his  son,  and  Maltashinnamy,  were  apprehended,  tried  by  ii  jury, 
consisting  of  half  Indians,||  and  in  June,  1G75,  were  all  executed  at  Plimoiith ; 
"one  of  them  before  his  execution  confessing  the  murder,"  but  the  other 
two  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  act,  to  their  last  breath.  The  truth  of 
their  guilt  may  reasonably  be  called  in  question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the 
bleeding  of  the  dead  body  at  the  approach  of  the  murderer,  had  any  influence 
upon  the  jury.  And  we  are  fearfid  it  was  the  case,  lor,  if  the  most  learned  were 
misled  by  such  hallucinations  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose  tiiat  tlio 
more  ignorant  were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  wrote  within  two 
years  of  the  affair,  and  he  has  this  passage :  "  When  Tobias  (the  suspected 
miu'derer)  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresli,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  sliun ;  albeit,  it  was  buried  a  considerable  time  before  that."  If 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  u[»on  record  among  the  manuscripts, 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Mather, 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  first  that  printed  on  account  of  it.  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Plimouth  notice  Sassamon  until  some  time  afler  his  death.  The 
first  record  is  in  these  words:    "The  court  seeing  cause  to  require  tlie  per- 

*  Not  yet  published,  but  is  now,  (April,  1836,)  printing  with  notes  by  the  aiitlior  of  this 
work,  under  the  dircclioii  of  the  Aincricnii  Antiquarian  Society.  Ft  will  form  a  lasliTig; .  onu- 
moiil  of  one  of  the  best  mouoftho'ie  days.  The  author  was,  as  Mr.  Eliot  expresses  himself, 
'•  a  [illlar  in  our  bidi;  n  work."     lie  died  in  1(J87,  aged  75. 

t  Some  would  like  to  know,  perhaps,  on  what  authority  Mr.  Grahame  {Ilisl.  N.  Amer.  i. 
402.)  stales  that  Sasmvnon'.i  body  was  found  in  a  field. 

\  (rnnlcin'.i  MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author  says,  "  Siis-Mm/inrf  was  the  first 
Christian  martyr, "  and  that  "  it  is  evident  ho  suffered  death  upon  the  account  of  his  Christian 
profession,  and  fidelity  to  the  Kiifflish." 

4  His  Indian  name  was  I'onsupanofxno. 

N  ^hlhfr's  Rclalion,  7t.  Ju'l-^e  Ihivis  retains  the  same  account,  (Morton^i  Memorial, 
289.)  which  we  shall  presently  show  to  be  erroneous. 

II  Milliter's  llelatioii,  7J. 


n 


\     ; 


■1 


i 


W  h 


1% 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  IIL 


Konnl  appearance  of  an  Indian  railed  Tobiiig  licforc  the  conn,  to  make  fnr- 
tli<>r  answer  to  suoli  interrogatories  as  siiall  Itc  reipiired  ot'  iiini,  in  reference 
to  tlio  snddcn  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  culled  John  Sassamon,  late 
dfceased."    This  was  in  March,  1074,  O.  S. 

It  appears  that  Tobias  was  present,  altliongh  it  is  n»-t  so  stated,  from  the 
fact  tli'U  Tuspaquin  and  ids  son  ff'illiam  entered  into  bonds  of  £100  '"jr  the 
ap|>earance  of  Tobias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A  mortgage 
of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  linvin;^  arrived,  three  instead  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  nnirderers 
of  Sassamoiu  There  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  hnt  Tobias  being  guilty 
at  the  i)revion8  court.  Now,  Wampapaquan,  the  son  of  Tobias,  and  Malta- 
ihuminnamo  *  are  arraigned  with  hnn,  and  the  bill  of  indictment  runs  as  fol- 
lows: "  For  that  lieing  accused  that  they  did  with  jo\nt  consent  vpon  the 
52!>  of  Jamiary  ann"  lti74,  [or  167.5,  N.  S.l  att  a  i)laceci^led^Mojffl>n«f//  Pond, 
wilfully  and  of  sett  pur|)ose,  and  of  nmllice  fore  thought,  and  by  force  and 
amies,  murder  John  Saseamon,  an  othci-  Indian,  by  laying  violent  hands  on 
him,  and  striking  him,  or  twistting  his  necke  vntill  hee  wa j  dead ;  and  to  hytle 
and  conceale  this  theire  said  nnirder,  att  '.he  tynio  and  i)lace  aforesaid,  did 
cast  hi»  dead  body  through  a  hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond." 

To  this  they  pleaded  •'  not  guiltj',"  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say  the 
records.  The  jury,  however,  were  not  long  in  finding  them  guilty,  which 
they  express  in  these  words :  "Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both  Englinii 
anil  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a  verdict." 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  "  and  from  thence 
[taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the  head  f  vvitill 
theire  bodies  aie  death"  Accordingly,  Tobias  an<l  Matlashunannamo  'vere 
executed  on  the  8  June,  1(575.  "  But  the  said  Wampapaquan,  on  soinc  -on- 
8i<leratious  was  reprieued  until  a  month  be  e.\niied."  lie  was,  however,  shot 
within  the  month. 

It  is  an  error  that  the  jury  that  found  them  guilty  was  composed  of  half 
Indians;  there  were  bftt  four,  while  there  were  twelve  Englishmen.  We 
will  again  hear  the  record  : — 

"Itt  was  judged  very  expedicr.c  by  the  court,  that,  together  with  this 
English  jury  aboue  named,  some  of  the  most  indiflerentest,  graiiest  and 
sage  Indians  should  be  admitted  to  bo  with  the  said  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
consult  and  aduice  with,  of,  and  conceniiiig  the  premises:  there  names 
are  as  followeth,  viz.  one  called  by  an  Ei.Ldish  name  Hope,  and  Maskippagxit, 
JVannoo,  George  ff'ampye  and  Jlcaiwotiis  i  these  fully  concurred  witli  tiic 
jun'  in  theire  verdict." 

'f  he  names  of  the  jurymen  were  William  Sabine,  William  Crocker,  Edward 
Sturgis,  William  Brookes,  ,JVath'.  IFinslow,  John  Wadsworth,  Jindrew  Hinge, 
Robert  Fixon,  John  Done,  Jon".  Bavgs,  Jon".  Shaio  and  Benj".  Higgina. 

Thai  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  htiO  add,  from  a  hitherto  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  following 
particulars,  although  some  parts  of  them  arc  evidently  erroneous :  "About 
five  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  college 
at  Cambri(lge,  (Mass.)  an  Lidian,  named  Sosomon;  who,  after  some  time  he 
had  spent  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  Uncas,  a  sagamore  Christian  in  his  ter- 
ritories, was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimonth,  sent  to  preach  in  like  man- 
ner to  King  Philip,  and  his  Indians.  But  ICing  Philip,  (heathen-like,) 
instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  imme.  lately  have  killed  this  So iomon, 
but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it,  but  sent  him  by  the 
hands  of  three  men  to  prison;  who,  as  he  was  g<'ing  to  prison,  exhorted 
and  taught  them  in  the  Clirisiian  religion.  They,  not  liking  his  discourse, 
immediately  murthered  him  after  a  most  barbarous  manner.  They,  return- 
ing to  King  Philip,  acquain'ed  him  with  what  they  had  done.  About  two 
or  three  months  afler  this  niurther,  being  discovered  to  the  authority  of 

*  The  same  called  Mattashinnamy.    His  name  in  llie  rcr  eds  is  spell  four  ways. 

t  This  old  phraseology  reminds  us  of  the  P'ronoh  niotle  ol  expression,  couyer  te  cent,  ihal  is, 
to  cut  ofTthe  neck  ^nsu.ad  of  tlie  head  ;  'out  the  FreL<cli  say,  il  sera  pendu  par  son  con,  und  s« 
do  modern  hangmeu,  :iliaa  jurists,  of  our  times. 


OHAr.  11] 


LIFE  OF  KINO  PHILIP 


197 


New  Plimouth,  Josxah  Winaloio  being  then  governor  of  that  colony,  core  wan 
taken  to  find  out  the  murtherers,  who,  U|»on  search,  were  found  and  npnre- 
iipnded,  and,  after  a  fair  trial,  wore  all  hanged.  This  so  exa8|ieratcd  King 
Philip,  thntj  from  that  day  oiler,  he  studied  to  be  revenfjed  on  the  Enj^liHli — 

iiiiigaig  that  the  English  authority  had  nothing  to  do  to  hang  an  ludjuii  fur 
illing  another."  • 


^1 


CHAPTER  II. 

Life  of  KING  PHILIP — Hia  real  name — The  name  of  hi»  wife — Makes  frequent 
sales  of  his  lands — Recount  of  them — His  first  treaty  at  Plimouth — Ejprdition  to 
JVantucket — Events  of  l(i7i — Begins  the  WAR  of  l<>7d — First  acts  of  hostUilij — 
Sioiimp  Fight  at  Pocasset — JVarrotelij  escapes  out  of  his  ovm  country — is  pursued 
by  Oneko — Fight  at  Rehoboth  Plain — Cuts  off  a  company  of  English  under  Captain 
Beers — Incidents — Fight  at  Sugar-loaf  Hill,  and  destruction  of  Captain  Lalhrop's 
company — Fights  the  English  under  Mosehj — English  raise  15(10  men — Philip 
retires  to  Mirraganset — Strongly  fortifies  himself  in  a  great  swamp — Description 
of  his  fortress — English  march  to  attack  him — The  great  Fight  at  Jfarragansrt — 
^gain  flies  hiscounlry — Visits  the  Mohawks — lll-demsed stratagem — Eventsof  l(w(i 
— Returns  again  to  his  country — Reduced  to  a  wretcheA  condition — Is  hunted  by  Church 
— His  chief  counsellor,  Mkompoin,  killed,  and  hissister  captured — His  wfe  and  sun 
fall  into  the  hands  of  Church — fVie*  to  Pokanoket — Is  surprised  and  slain. — Speci- 
men of  the  Wampanoag  Language — Oth'r  curious  matter. 

In  rrgard  to  the  native  or  Indian  nornc  of  Philip,  it  seems  a  mistake  has  al- 
ways prevailed,  in  printed  accounts.  Pometacom  gives  as  near  its  Indian  sound 
as  can  be  approached  by  our  letters.  The  first  syllable  wus  drop|»ed  in  familiar 
discourse,  and  hence,  in  a  short  time,  no  one  imagined  but  what  it  had  always 
been  so ;  i  i  neatly  every  original  deed  executed  by  him,  which  we  hove  seen, 
and  they  are  many,  his  name  so  appears.  It  is  tnie  that,  in  those  of  different 
years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  variation,  all  which,  however,  conveyed  very 
nearly  the  same  sound.  The  variations  are  Pumnlacom,  Pamatacom,  Pometa- 
come,  and  Pomttacom ;  the  lust  of  which  prevails  in  the  reconls. 

Wc  have  another  impoilant  discovery  to  communicate :  f  it  is  no  other  than 
tiie  name  of  the  wife  of  Pometacom — the  innocent  VVoovonekanuske  !  This 
was  the  name  of  her  who,  with  her  little  son,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Church.  No  wonder  that  Philip  was  "now  ready  to  die,"  os  some  of  his  trai- 
torous men  told  Chuixh,  and  that  "iiis  heart  was  now  ready  to  break  !  "  AH 
rhut  was  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  the  vortex !  But  they  still 
liv«'(l,  and  this  most  harrowed  his  soul — lived  for  what  ?  to  serve  as  slaves  in 
an  unknown  land !  could  it  be  otherwise  tlian  that  mtidness  should  seize  u[>on 
hitn,  and  despair  torment  him  in  every  place  ?  that  in  his  sleep  he  should  hear 
the  anguishing  cries  and  lamentations  of  H^ootonekanuske  and  his  son  ?  But 
we  must  change  the  scene. 

It  seems  as  tliougli,  for  many  years  before  the  war  of  1075,  Pometacom,  and 
nearly  all  of  his  people  sold  oft  their  lands  as  fiist  as  purchasers  presented  them- 
selves. They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  English,  and  they  were  just  such  phi- 
losophers as  ore  easily  captivated  by  any  show  of  ostentation.  They  were  forsa- 
Ving  their  manner  of  life,  to  which  the  proximity  of  the  whites  was  a  deadly 
poison,  and  were  eager  to  obtain  such  things  as  their  neighbors  possessed  ;  these 
were  only  to  be  obtained  by  parting  with  their  lands.  That  the  reader  may 
form  some  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indians'  lands  in  Plitnouth 
colony  were  disposed  ofj  we  add  the  following  items : — 

•  Present  Slate  of  New  England,  by  a  mcrcliant  of  Bo9..iii,  in  respect  to  the  present 
Bloody  Indian  Wars,  pag'o  3,  folio,  London,  1676.  This,  with  four  olher  trarts  upon 
Philip's  War,  (covering  liie  whole  period  of  it,  With  nolcs  by  myself,  accompanied  by  a 
Phronolooy  of  all  Indian  events  in  America  from  its  discovery  to  the  present  lime,  (March 
7th,  1836,)  has  jasl  been  pulilished  under  the  title  of  the  Old  Indian  Chhonici.e. 

t  The  author  fuels  a  pciiliar  satisfaction  that  it  has  fallen  to  his  lot  to  be  the  first  to  publish 
the  real  name  of  the  jrreat  sachem  of  the  Wumpanoags,  and  also  that  of  the  sharer  of  hit 
perils,  Wootoiiekanuski:, 


h: 


17 


7» 


fl 


% 


.(J^, 


'1'  • 


ii':  ^iil 


tw 


rillMP.— SAI.KS  OF  HIS   LANDS. 


[Rook  111 


III  n  (l(!(5(I  (lutt!(l  a."}  Jiiiin,  IfiThl,  «  fVillinm  lirrnton,  of  Newport,  K.  I.  ntcr- 
clwint,"  "  for  a  vuliiuhlc  coiiHidcnition  "  pnid  l>y  iiiin,  liiiyH  ]>luta|iois4!tt  of  Philip 
1'liw  (li'c<l  liflgiiiB,  "  I,  Punmtarom  alins  Philip,  cliicf  Michriii  of  Mount  Hope, 
('ou'Miiiii[>Hit  mid  of  all  ti-rritoricB  tlirrcuiito  hrioii^iiif;."  Philip  mu\  iim  wife 
Dtli  wigiicil  tliifl  dfcd,  und  Toekomock,  H'tcopauhim,*  JVetetwjunaon,  Pompa- 
itiitsr,  Jlpeminiate,  Taquankaicke,  Pfupionackf  Walnpulahut,  ^hntelatjuish,  John 
Stissnmon  liio  iiiter})rctor,  Rowland  Saaaainon,  and  two  EngliNlinii'ii,  ttigiicd  iih 

WitlK'HSCH. 

Ill  KM).'),  he  sold  the  country  nlioiit  Aciisiiena,  [now  New  Itodford,]  and 
Coaxct,  [now  in  Coinpton.]     Philip'a  father  havinir  previously  sold  Bonie  of 
the  Haiiic,  £10  was  now  given  him  to  prevent  any  cTaini  from  him,  and  to  pay 
for  his  marking  out  the  same.     John  h'ooaansman  [one  of  the  names  of  Sitssa 
moiil  witnessed  this  deed.* 

Tlie  same  year  the  court  of  Pliniouth  presented  Philip  with  a  horse,  hut  on 
what  account  we  are  not  infomiecl. 

Ill  U'AJii,  Wrentham  was  purchased  of  Philip  by  the  EngliKh  of  Dcdhain. 
It  was  then  called  tVollomonopoagf  and,  by  the  amount  ass?  .-««;d,  ap|N<ni-s  to  have 
cost  £24  ]0«.,  and  was  six  miles  square.  For  this  tract  of  land  the  English  had 
been  endeavoring  to  negotiate  five  years-t  "  In  Nov.  ICAii),  upon  notic<;  ol' Philip, 
Sagamore  of  Mount  Hope,  now  at  Wollomonoiioag,  ofTeriiig  a  treaty  of  his  lands 
therealiouts,  not  yet  purchased,"  the  selectmen  appoint  five  pei-sons  to  negotiate 
with  him  "for  his  remaining  right,  provided  he  can  show  that  he  has  aiiy."{ 
Whether  his  right  were  questionable  or  not,  it  seems  a  purchusu  was  made,  at 
tiiut  time,  of  tlie  tract  called  tVoollommonuppoffite, "  within  the  town  bounds  [of 
Diulhum]  not  yet  purchased."  What  the  full  consideration  was,  our  documents 
do  not  state,  hut  from  a  manuscript  order  which  he  drew  on  Dedham  afterwards, 
and  the  accompanying  receipt,  some  estimate  may  be  formed.  The  order  re- 
quests them  "  to  pay  to  this  bearer,  for  the  use  of  Kino  Philip,  £5,  5a.  in  money, 
aiul  £5  in  trucking  cloth  at  money  price."  In  a  receijit  signed  by  an  agent  of 
Philip,  named  Peter,  the  ibllowing  amount  is  named :  "  In  reference  to  the  payment 
of  Ki.No  Philip  of  VlounX  Hope,  the  full  and  just  sum  of  £5,  5*.  in  money,  and 
12  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  3  lbs.  of  powder,  and  as  much  lead  as  will  make  it  up  ; 
which  is  in  full  satisfaction  imlh  £10  th<U  he  is  to  receive  ofJVathanitl  Paine.   § 

We  next  meet  with  a  singular  record  of  Philip,  the  authoi-ship  of  which  we 
attribute  to  John  Sassnmon,  and  which,  I)esidc8  extending  our  knowledge  of 
Philip  into  his  earlier  times,  serves  to  make  us  acquainted  with  Sassamon^s  ac- 
quirements in  the  language  of  the  pilgrims. 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  Philip  haue  giuen  power  vnto  Wa- 
tuchpoo  |l  and  Sampson  and  tneire  brethren  to  hold  and  make  sale  of  to  whom 
they  will  by  my  consent,  and  they  shall  not  banc  itt  without  they  be  willing  to 
lett  it  goe  it  slial  be  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my  knowledge  they  cannot 
safely  to :  but  with  my  consent  there  is  none  that  can  lay  claime  to  that  land 
which  'iiey  haue  moi'ked  out,  it  is  theires  foreuer,  soe  therefore  none  can  safely 
piiiTliase  any  otherwise  but  by  Watachpoo  and  Sampson  and  their  brethen;n. 

Philip  IGtJG." 

Whether  the  following  letter  were  written  earlier  or  later  than  this  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing ;  it  is  plain,  however,  from  its  contents,  that  it  was  written 
at  a  time  when  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  selling  his  lands,  and  that  the  ])eo- 
ple  of  Plimouth  were  endeavoring  to  get  him  to  their  court,  where  they  had 
reason  to  believe  they  could  succeed  belter  in  getting  them  than  by  a  negotia- 
tion in  his  own  country.    The  letter  follows : — 

"  To  the  much  honored  Govemer,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  diDelling  at  Plimouth. 

"  King  Philip  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he  could  not  come  to  the 
coiiit,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter,  boa  a  pain  in  his  l)ack,  that  he  could  not  travil 

*  I't'rlinps  UiKompoin. 

t  Woithington's  Hist.  Dedham,  20— from  wliirh  work  it  would  seem  that  ihe  ncgotintioii  had 
bci'i)  carried  on  with  Philip,  but  I'hilip  was  not  sachem  until  this  year. 

t  Ibid. 

A  (jleneral  Court  Files. 

Il  Sometimes  Tukpoo  by  abbreviation.  A  further  account  of  him  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
Tatoton, 


Oraf.  11.1 


rillLir.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


199 


BO  far, 
and  ui 


',  nriil  Philip  HirtiT  in  very  sick.  Philip  would  iiitrrat  timt  favor  of  yoii, 
riy  of  the  iiinjt'MtmUi,  if  uiu-y  Kiiglmli  or  EiiKiaii.s  speak  alioiit  aiii-y  land,  lit! 
|iniy  you  tu  giuu  tUeui  no  aiiMewcr  ut  all.  TIiIh  la.st  Hnniiiii-r  lit;  maid  that 
{iroiniH  witli  you  that  liu  would  not  wll  no  land  in  7  years  titiir,  for  that  ho 
would  have  no  Enfflidli  trouble  him  before  that  time,  In;  ha.s  not  lor^rot  that 
you  proniis  hiiii.  lie  will  come  a  muio  ua  |>o8(M>ble  hu  can  to  speak  with  you, 
and  no  I  rest, 

your  very  loveing  friend 

I'hilip    P 
dwelling  at  mount  ho|m  nek."  * 

In  iri<17,  Philip  sells  to  CorutatU  Soulhicorth,  and  others,  nil  the  meadow 
lands  from  Dartmouth  to  lVlata|»oisett,  for  which  he  had  £15.  Particular 
bounds  to  all  tracts  are  mentioned  in  tlie  deeds,  but  as  they  were  generally  or 
otien  stakes,  trees,  and  hea|is  of  stones,  no  one  at  this  time  C!Ui  trace  many  of 
them. 

The  same  year,  for  "  £10  sterling,"  he  sells  to  T%o.i.  JFilki  and  others,  "  all 
that  tract  of  liuid  lying  between  the  Kiuer  Wanascottaqu(;tt  and  Cawatocpiissett, 
being  two  miles  long  and  one  broad."     Pau>sa(iuens,  one  of  Philip^s  counsel 
lors,  and  Tom  alias  Sawsuetl,  an  interpreter,  were  witnesses  to  the  miU: 

111  HH>8,^ Philip  Pometacom,tinii  Tatatnunuupie \ aVius  Cashewashe J,  miclwinfi," 
for  a  "  vtduahle  consideration,"  sell  to  sundry  English  a  tract  of  scuue  stpiare 
miles.  A  part  of  it  wa.s  adjacent  to  Pokanoket.  In  describing  it,  Memenuek- 
quage  and  Towansett  neck  are  mentioned,  which  we  conclude  to  be  in  8wau- 
sey.  liesides  two  Englishmen,  Sompointeen^  alias  Tom,  and  JVunanunlnew,  sun 
of  Thomas  PiatUs,  were  witnessi^s  to  this  sjile. 

The  next  year,  the  same  sachems  sell  500  acres  in  Swunsey  for  £20.  ffantieo, 
a  couns<!llor,  and  Tom  the  interpreter,  were  wilnessea 

In  I(J(i8,  Philip  and  Uncomvawen  laid  claim  to  a  part  of  New-meadows  neck, 
alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  \>e  conveyed  in  a  former  deed,  by  Ossame- 
quin  and  fFamauUa,  to  certain  English,  "  although  it  appears,  says  the  record, 
pretty  clearly  so  express«'d  in  siiid  deed,"  "yet  that  peace  and  friendship  may 
be  continued,"  "  Capt.  If  Hid,  Mr.  Broum  and  John  Mien,  in  the  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  th"  rest,"  agree  to  give  Philip  and  Uncompawen  the  sum  of  £11  in 
goods. 

Philip  Nanoskooke  t  A^s  tl  mark, 
Vncompawen  Am  X  mark. 

Tom  Sansuwest,  interpreter. 

And  N1.MR00. 

The  same  year,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  intere.sting, 
from  the  plan  with  which  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by  Philip  him- 
self. He  contracts  or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  under  his  hand,  m  these 
words :  "  this  may  inform  the  honoured  court  [of  Plimouth,]  that  I  Philip  ame 
willing  to  sell  the  land  within  this  draught ;  but  tlie  Indians  that  are  vpon  it 
may  liuc  vpon  it  still ;  but  the  land  that  is  [waste]§  may  be  sould,  and  H'atiach- 
jjoo  is  of  the  some  minde.  I  have  sed  downe  all  the  principall  names  of  thu 
lund  wee  are  willing  should  bee  sould." 

"  From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  p  Ma  marke." 

Uie24ofthel2mo.  1668." 


t^ 

nhli 

.y 

^ 

1 

I'S 


*  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  ii.  40.  The  original  was  owned  by  a  Mr.  While  of  I'liinouth, 
about  30  years  350.     It  is  probably  another  production  of  John  Sa-tsamon. 

t  Written  in  another  deed,  Aturiiaim>maif.  This  deed  was  in  the  next  year.  It  was  of 
600  acres  of  land,  "  more  or  lesse,"  in  Swansey ;  and  £20  the  consideration.  Ilii^h  Cole, 
Josias  WinsloWfJohn  Cogsreshall,  and  Constant  Soulhtoorthwete  the  purchasers,  and  Waiiueo, 
a  counsellor,  one  of  the  witnesses. 

X  I'his  double  name,  we  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  signature  of  himself  and  wife 

^  So  in  the  records. 


soo 

Wanaicohocliott. 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 

Weweniet. 


SooB  IIL 


Thxa  line  ia  a  path. 


Sepa- 
conetl. 


Ascopompsmocke. 


Panhanak 

Patantatonel. 

Aseoochames. 

Macliapquiike. 

AponeccU. 
This  ia  a  path. 

Ancqiicassctt. 

Cultoyowsekceselt. 


"  Osamequen^  havine,  "for  valuable  considerations,"  in  the  year  1641,  sold 
to  John  Brown  and  Edward  Winsloxo  a  tract  of  land  eight  miles  square,  situ- 
ated on  both  sides  of  Palmer's  River,  Philip,  on  the  30  Mar.  1068,  was  re- 
quired to  sign  a  quit-claim  of  the  same.  Inis  he  did  in  presence  of  Umpta- 
kvioke,  Phillip,  and  Peebe,*  counsellord,  Sonconewlitw,  Phillip'a  brother,  and 
Tom  the  interpreter.f    This  tract  includes  the  present  town  of  Rehoboth. 

Also  in  16C)9,  for  £10  "  and  another  valuable  and  sufficient  gratuity,"  he  sells 
to  John  Cook  of  Akusenag  in  Dartmouth,^  "  one  whole  island  uere  the  townc," 
called  Nokatay. 

Tlie  same  year,  Philip  and  Tuapaquin  sell  a  considerable  tract  of  land  in 
Middlcborough,  for  £13.  Thomas  the  interpreter,  ff'illiam,  tlie  son  of  7Si9- 
paquin,  and  Benjamin  Church,  were  witnesoes. 

In  1671,  Philip  and  "  Monjokam  of  Mattapoisett,"  for  £5,  sell  to  Hugh  Cole,  of 
Swansey,  ship\vright,  land  lying  near  a  i)lace  called  Jlcashewah,  in  Dartmoutlu 

In  16^2,  Philip  sold  to  William  Brenton  and  others,  of  Taunton,  a  tract  to 
the  southward  of  that  town,  containing  twelve  square  miles,  for  £143;  and, 
a  few  days  ailer,  adjoining  it,  four  square  miles  more,  to  Constant  Southworlh. 
Others  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  the  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  JVunkampahoonett,  Umnnihum,  alias  JVimrod,  Chee- 
maughton,  and  Captain  Annawam,  besides  one  Philip.  Thomas,  alias  Sank- 
suit,  Avas  among  the  witnesses.  The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed  by 
Munashum,  alius  JVimrod,  Woackompawhan,^  and  Captain  .^nnowan. 

These  are  but  a  part  of  the  sales  of  land  by  Pomelacom:  many  other  chiefs 
sold  very  largely,  particularly  Watttspaquin  and  Josiaa  Wampatuck. 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1673,  "Mr.  Peter  Talmon  of  Rhode  Hand  com 
plained  against  Philip  allies  Wewasowanuett,  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,  brother 
or  predecessor  of  Pakanawkett  as  heire  adminnostrator  or  successor  vnto  bis 
brother  or  predecessor  Wamsitta,  Sopaquitt,\\  or  Alexander  deceased,  in  an 
action  on  the  case,  to  the  damage  of  £800  forfeiture  of  a  bond  of  such  a  value, 
bearing  date,  June  the  28th,  1661,  giuen  to  the  said  Peter  Talman,  obliging 

*  Called,  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  history,  Ththe ;  he  was  afterwards  killed  at  Swansey,  in  the 
beg^inniiiff  of  ihe  war.    There  is  a  pond  in  Narraganset  of  the  same  name. 

\  JtU.iilUs,  in  his  HisToar  of  Rehoboth,  64,  65,  has  prinicd  this  deed  from  the 
original. 

X  'J'he  place  where  Cook  lived  is  now  included  in  New  Bedford. 

i  Probably  "  Philip's  old  uncle  Akkompoin." 

li  'I'hat  is,  nicknamed  Alexander,  according  to  Ihe  French  mode  of  expression  5  ow  par  sobri- 
qui't  Alexander,  as  I  imagine.  Mr.  Hubbard  says  of  Philip,  (Narrative,  10,)  that,  "  for  hil 
aiiiLiiiious  and  haughty  spirit,  [he  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


:J 


>li4 


Chap.  II]  PHILIP— MAKES  A  TREATY  AT  PLIMOUTII. 


901 


liim  tho  Mid  ff'amtitta  allirs  Jilexandtr  to  ninke  good  to  liim,  \\'w  licirPH  nn<l  a 
deed  of  ^itl  of  a  coiisidernltlu  track  of  land  ntt  Hapowett  mid  plun'siuljnccnt, 
a8  ill  tiiu  said  deed  iH  more  particiilurly  exjircHHcd ;  for  want  wiierof  tlie 
cotnpluinniit  is  greatly  daniriifyed." 

Wiietlicr  tlio  conduct  of  tlio  people  of  Plimoiitli  towards  If'iiTwnitla, 
Pomeiaconi'g  elder  brother,  and  other  neiffhlHtring  Indians,  made  them  always 
Biispiriotis  of  the  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighlmrs  l)eforo  in  the  case 
of  jlfiflti/unnomoA,  or  whether /'AiVip  were  in  reality  "contriving  mischief," 
the  same  year  of  liis  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a  question,  to  this  day, 
with  those  best  acquainted  with  the  history  of  those  times. 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  Mnssaaoil,  alias  H'oosamtquin,  having  died  in 
the  winter  of  l(iGl-2,  as  we  lielieve,  but  few  months  arter  died  also  ^Utxandet; 
Philip^a  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  when  Philip  himself,  by  the  order  of 
succession,  came  to  l»e  chief  of  the  Wampanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  court  of  Plimouth  of  some  in- 
jiiries,  at  their  October  term,  U'A'iS,  they  say,  "  In  answer  unto  a  letter  from 
Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pokaiiokett^  &c.,  by  way  of  petition  requesting  the 
court  ibr  justice  against  fVancis  IVaat,  [/>'«<,]  for  wrong  done  bv  liim  to  one 
of  his  men  about  a  ^un  taken  from  him  by  the  sai«l  il'aat;  as  also  for  %vrong 
done  unto  some  swme  of  the  said  Indian's.  The  court  have  ordered  th .. 
case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taunton  ;  and  in  '.^se 
it  be  not  by  them  ended,  that  it  be  referred  unto  the  next  March  coin  at 
Plinioutii  to  be  ended."  How  the  case  turned  we  have  not  ibund.  Bi'!  for 
an  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  an  English  court,  unless  his  case  were  an  ex- 
ceeding strong  one,  was,  we  apprehend,  a  rare  occurrence. 

"He  was  no  sooner  styled  sachem,"  says  Dr.  /.  .Mather,*  "but  immediately, 
in  the  year  16G2,  th^re  were  vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloody  treachery 
against  the  English."  This  author  wrote  at  the  close  of  Philip^s  war,  when 
very  few  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  great  bitterness.  Mr. 
Morton  f  is  the  first  who  mentions  JV/e/acome/  in  a  printed  work,  which,  being 
before  any  difliculty  with  him,  is  in  a  more  becoming  manner.     "This  year, 

11GG2,)  he  obser\'es, "  u])on  occasion  of  some  suspicion  of  some  plot  intended 
ly  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pokanoket,  other- 
wise called  Metacom,  made  his  appearance  at  the  court  held  at  Plimoutb| 
August  G,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that  amity  and  friendship 
that  hath  formerly  lieen  between  the  governor  of  Plirnouth  and  his  deceased 
father  ond  brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  lie  signed  the 
articles  prepared  by  them,  acknowledging  himself  a  subject  erf  the  king  of 
England,  thus : — 

"  The  mark  of  ^  Phillip,  sachem 
of  Pocanakett, 
The  mark  of  <]  Vncumpowett, 
vnkell  to  the  above  said  sachem," 

The  following  persons  were  present,  and  witnessed  tliis  act  of  Philip,  and 
his  great  captain  Uncompoin  : — 

"John  Sassamon, 
The  mark  m  q/" Francis,  sachem  ofJViittsetf 
The  mark  DI  o/*Nimrod  alias  Pumpasa, 
The  mark  ?j>  q/^PuNcxquANECK, 
The  mark  5  o/'A<jUETEquESH."J 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  the  English  at  this  period,  from  the 
hostile  movements  of  Philip,  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  presu.ne,  was  not  informed; 
or  so  important  an  event  would  not  have  lieen  omitted  in  his  minute  and 
valuable  history.  Mr.  Morton,  as  we  before  stated,  and  Mr.  Mather  mention 
it,  but  neither  of  these,  or  any  wiiter  since,  to  this  day,  has  made  the  matter 
apjiear  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce  the  names  of  tliose 
that  ap])eared  with  the  sachem. 

*  Relation,  72,        f  In  his  N.  England's  ftlcmoriH!.        {  From  llie  records  in  nuinuscnpt. 


"t 


K    i,': 


in; 


I 


p  ■■ ' 


202 


PHILIP.— PURSUIT  OF  GIDBS. 


[Book  III 


For  about  nine  years  succeeding  16GS,  very  little  is  recorded  concerning; 
Philip.  ]3iirin^'  tliis  time,  lie  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with  his 
Englisli  nci^lihorH,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own  stren^'th,  which 
rather  incrra!s(!d  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For,  dunn<^ 
this  period,  not  only  their  additional  numbers  gained  tliem  power,  but  their 
arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  English  instruments  ot'  war  put  into 
their  hands.  Ro^er  H'ilUnms  had  early  brought  the  Narragunseis  into  ii'ieiid- 
ship  with  Massasoit,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength  on  the  acces- 
sion of  the  young  Metaconut.  And  here  we  may  look  for  a  main  cause  ol'  that 
war,  although  the  deatli  of  Jllexarukr  is  generally  looked  upon  by  the  early 
historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  continual  broils  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Narrugansets,  (we  name  the  English  first,  as  they  were  generally 
tlie  aggres'<ors,)  could  not  be  iniknown  to  Philip ;  and  it  his  countrymen 
were  wrongetl  he  knew  it.  And  what  li'iend  will  see  another  abused,  with- 
out feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in  his  breast?  And  who  will  wonder,  if, 
when  these  abuses  had  ibilowed  each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for 
a  series  of  years,  that  they  should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war.'  The 
Narraganset  chiefs  were  not  conspicuous  at  tlie  period  of  which  we  speak  ; 
tliere  were  several  of  them,  but  no  one  appears  to  have  had  a  general  com- 
mand or  ascendency  over  the  rest ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  tha* 
they  unanimously  reposed  their  cause  in  the  hands  of  Philip.  JVini^et  was 
at  this  time  grown  old,  and  though,  for  many  years  allcr  the  nuirder  of 
Miantimnomolu,  he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  authority,  yet  pusillanimity 
was  always  rather  a  predominant  trait  in  his  character.  His  age  had  ])rob- 
ably  caused  his  withdrawal  fiom  the  others,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  this  period  the  most  conspicuous ;  Pumham  next ; 
Potokf  Mitfrnus,  the  squaw-sachem,  whose  husband,  Mrikaah,  had  been  dead 
several  years ;  and  lastly  Mattatoag. 

Before  proceeding  with  later  events,  the  following  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a  peculiar  custom,  may  not  bo  improperly  introduced.  Philip,  as 
tradition  reports,  made  au  expedition  to  Nantucket  in  1GG5,  to  punish  an 
Indian  who  had  profaned  the  name  of  Massasoit,  his  father ;  and,  as  it  was 
an  observance  or  law  among  them,  that  whoever  should  s])eak  evil  of  the 
dead  should  be  put  to  death,  Philip  went  there  witli  an  armed  force  to  exe- 
cute this  law  upon  Gibbs.  lie  was,  however,  defeated  in  his  design,  for  one 
of  Gtifcs'a  friends,  understanding  Philip's  intention,  ran  to  him  and  gave  him 
notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  escape  ;  not,  however,  without  great  ex- 
ertions, for  Philip  came  once  in  sight  of  him,  ailer  pursuing  him  some  time 
among  the  English  from  house  to  house  ;  but  Gibbs,  by  leaping  a  bank,  got 
out  ot  sight,  and  so  esca])ed.  Philip  would  not  leave  the  island  until  the 
English  had  ransomed  John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  all  the  money 
upon  the  island.*  Gibbs  was  a  Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  was 
Jissasavwngh.  He  was  a  jireuclier  to  his  countrymen  in  1C74,  at  which  time 
there  were  belonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  hud,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1671,  for  suspect- 
ing that  a  jilot  was  going  forward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satisfactorily 
be  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  evident  there  were  some  warlike  preparations  made 
by  the  great  chief,  which  very  much  alarmed  the  English,  as  in  the  life  of 
Awashonks  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice.  Their  suspicions  were 
further  confirmed  when  they  sent  ibr  him  to  come  to  Taunton  and  n\i\ke 
known  tiic-  causes  lor  his  ojierations  ;  as  he  discovered  "shyness,"  and  a  re- 
luctance to  coiMiily.  At  length,  on  the  10th  of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a 
place  about  four  iniles  from  Taunton,  accomjianied  with  a  band  of  his  war- 
riors, attired,  armed  and  painted  as  for  a  warlike  exnedition.  From  this 
place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton,  to  invite  the  English  to  come  and 
treat  with  him.  The  governor  either  was  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  thought 
it  beneath  his  dignity  to  coiujily  with  his  request,  and  therefore  sent  several 

•  For  some  111'  wliiii  \\v  liiwc  g  veil  above,  see  1  Co//.  Muss.  Hint.  Soc.  iii.  \,VJ,  liiriiisliud 
for  llmt  wiirk  l>y  .Mr.  Xiicrlifiis  Mucij,  whoso  niiceslor,  il  is  said,  a.>»i>le(l  in  (.t'creliiig 
Assasiiiiiii(ii:h, 

111  il  laii'  work.  IIi<t.  NaiiiiiokuU  l\v  OtieJ  Macy,  an  account  of  ilio  nnair  ii  given,  but  witb 
lumu  vuiiniliMi  li'iiiii  iiie  aliove. 


Chap.  11] 


PHILIP.— TREATY   AT  TAUNTON. 


203 


persons,  aiiionir  whom  Avns  Rogtr  Hllllams,  to  inform  liim  of  their  (letcrmi- 
natiun,  uiui  their  good  dispositiun  towards  him,  and  to  (U'go  his  uttendanci-  at 
Tainiton.  lie  agreed  to  go,  and  hostages  were  ietl  in  the  iiands  of  iiis 
warriors  to  warrant  his  safe  return.  On  eoniing  near  the  village  witli  a  H  w 
of  liis  warriors,  he  made  a  stop,  wiiicli  a])p(!ars  to  liave  been  occasioned  Uy 
tlie  warlike  parade  of  Uio  English,  many  of  whom  were  for  imme«iiately  at- 
tacking him.  These  were  the  Plimoiith  people  that  recommeniled  this  rash- 
uess,  but  th(>y  were  prevented  by  the  conuuissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  here  with  the  governor  of  Plimoutli  to  confi-r  with  Philip. 

In  the  end  it  was  agreed  that  a  council  should  be  held  hi  the  meeting- 
house, one  side  of  which  should  be  occujiied  by  the  Indians,  and  the  other  by 
the  English.  Philip  had  alleged  that  the  English  injured  the  planted  limds 
of  his  peoph  biit  this,  the  English  say,  was  in  no  wis«!  sustained,  lie  said 
his  warlike  tin  parations  wtTe  not  against  the  Englisii,  but  the  Nurnigansets, 
which  the  English  also  say  was  proved  to  his  fitce  to  be  false ;  and  that  this 
so  confbunde<l  him.  that  he  confessed  the  whole  plot,  and  "tliat  it  was  the 
naughtiness  of  his  own  heart  that  put  him  u]>on  that  relx'llion,  and  nothing 
of  any  provocation  from  the  English."*  Therefore,  with  four  of  his  counsel- 
lors, whose  names  wert!  Titvoser,  Captain  H'ispoke,  fyoonkapunehunl,  [Unkom- 
voin,]  and  jYlmrod,  lu;  signed  a  submission,  and  an  engagement  of  frienuship, 
whicli  also  sti[)ulated  that  he  should  give  up  all  the  arms  among  his  people, 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor  of  I'limouth,  to  be  ke]it  as  long  us  the  govern- 
ment should  "see  reason." f 

The  English  of  lMassachus(!tt.s,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  afTnir,  were 
looked  to,  by  both  parties,  on  the  next  cause  of  complaint.  Philip  having 
delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  hud  with  them  at  'launton,| 
promised  to  deliver  the  rest  at  Plimouth  by  a  certain  time.  13ut  they  not 
being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  and  some  other  differences  occurring, 
a  messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  fi'oin  Plimouth,  to  make  complaint ;  but 
Philip,  perliaps,  imderstanding  what  was  intended,  was  (^uite  as  early  ut  IJos- 
ton  in  person  ;  §  and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fail  to  be  well  received,  and  a 
favorable  rejtort  of  liim  was  returned  to  Plimouth ;  und,  at  the  simw  time, 
proposals  tiiat  commissioners  from  all  the  United  Colonies  should  meet 
Phili  at  Plimouth,  where  all  difhculties  might  be  settled.  This  meeting  took 
j)lace  the  same  year,  September,  1G71,  and  the  issue  of  the  meeting  wus  very 
nearly  the  same  as  that  at  Taunton.  "The  conclusion  was,"  says  Mr. 
Mitther,\\  "  Philip  acknowledged  his  otfence,  und  was  appointed  to  give  u  sum 
of  monev  to  defray  the  chiu'ges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  colo- 
ny unto.'' 

As  usual,  si>veral  articles  were  drawn  nj)  by  the  English,  of  what  Philip 
was  to  submit  to,  to  which  we  find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his  captains  or 
counsellors,  Uncompmn,  who  was  his  uncle,1I  h'ctokom,  and  Samkmna. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submitting  themselves 
as  "8id)jects  to  his  majesty  the  king  of  England."  This  they  did  only  to  get 
rid  of  the  importunity  of  the  English,  as  their  course  irmnediutely  aflerwurdH 
invariably  showed. 

Tiie  articles  whicli  tlie  government  of  Plimoutli  drew  up  at  this  time,  for 
Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  illilM-rul  as  might  be  imagined,  were  we  not  to 
produce  some  of  them.    Article  second  reads, — 

"  I  [PhUip]  am  willing,  and  do  jironiise  to  pay  unto  the  government  of  Plim- 
outh £100,  in  such  things  as  1  have;  but  I  would  entreat  the  favor  that  I 
might  have  three  years  to  i>ay  it  in,  fbrasmiieh  us  I  cannot  do  it  at  present." 
And  in  article  thinf,  he  promises  "  to  send  unto  the  governor,  or  whom  he  shall 
a|)point,  live  wolves'  heads,  if  lie  can  get  them;  or  as  many  us  ho  can  procure, 


i     "  (-,  • 


*  Ifiihliaid,  l''''iuii  Wbi's,  11,  1st  cclitinn, 

t  Tlie  !irtioli^»  ol  tills  treaty  may  be  seen  in  IliMard,  Miitlter,  and  Ilutchiiuct's  histohci 
thev  iiiiioiiiit  In  lilllr,  uiid  wu  lliuielbro  uinit  tlioin. 

t  Miitlier's  Relation,  73. 

^  P»rliii|)s  this  wus  the  lime  Mr.  Josselyn  srw  him  lhor«  rirhly  caparisoned,  as  will  hera 
aHir  tie  meiitiuiiod.  "||  Mittlier't  RelHlion,  73. 

11  Called  by  Church,  Akkompoin.    Hist.  King  I'hxiip't  War,  110  of  my  edition. 


H'' 

1; 

i; 

w' 

W"  ■) 

1 1 

204 


PHILIP^PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


[Book  III. 


until  they  come  to  five  wolves'  heads  yearly."    These  articles  were  dated  * 
2U  S  jpt  1G71,  and  were  signed  by 

ITie  mark  P  q/" Phillip; 

The  mark  T  q/"  Wohkowpahemtt  ; 

TTie  mark  V  o/'Wuttakooseeim; 

5n^e  mark  T  of  Sonkanuhoo  ; 

Tlie  mark  2  o/'Woonashum, 
alias  NiMROD ; 

TTumark  Y  o/'V/oospascck, 
alias  Captain. 

On  the  3  Nov.  following,  Philip  accompanied  Takanumma  to  Plimouth,  to 
make  his  submission,  which  he  did,  and  acknowledged,  by  a  writing,  tliat  he 
would  adhere  to  the  articles  signed  by  Philip  and  the  others,  the  29  Sept. 
l)efore.  Tokamona  was  brother  to  Awashonks,  and,  at  this  time,  was  sachem 
of  Seconet,  or  Saconett.    He  was  afterwards  killed  by  the  Narragansets.f 

A  general  disarming  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was  undertaken  during  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1G71,  and  nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been  expect- 
ed to  follow. 

That  nothing  may  be  omitted  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important 
era  in  the  biography  of  Philip,  we  will  lay  before  the  reader  all  the  unpub- 
lished information  furnished  by  the  records.|  Having  met  in  June,  1671, 
"The  court  [of  Plimouth]  detcrmins  all  the  guns  in  our  hands,  that  did  be- 
long to  Philip,  are  justly  forfeit ;  and  do  at  the  present  order  the  dividing  of 
them,  to  be  kept  at  the  several  towns,  according  to  their  equal  proportions, 
until  October  court  next,  and  then  to  be  at  the  court's  disjiose,  as  reason  may 
appear  to  them,  and  then  to  belong  unto  the  towns,  if  not  otherwise  disposed 
of  by  the  court 

"  That  which  the  court  groum  s  their  judgment  upon  is, — For  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Taunton,  Philip  and  his  council  did  acknowledge  that  they  had  beeii 
in  a  preparation  for  war  against  us ;  and  that  not  grounded  upon  any  injury 
sustained  from  us,  nor  provocation  given  by  us,  but  from  their  naughty  heai'ts, 
and  because  he  had  formerly  violated  and  broken  solenm  covenants  made 
and  renewed  to  us;  he  then  freely  tendered,  (not  being  in  a  capacity  to  be 
kept  faithful  by  any  other  bonds,)  to  resign  up  all  his  English  arms,  for  our 
future  security  in  that  respect,  lie  fiiiled  greatly  in  tlie  performance  thereof^ 
by  secret[ly]  conveying  away,  and  carrying  home  several  guns,  that  migiit  and 
should  have  been  then  di-livered,  and  not  giving  them  up  since,  according  to 
his  engagement;  nor  so  fiir  as  is  in  his  power;  as  appears  in  that  many  guns 
are  known  still  to  be  amongst  the  Lidians  that  live  by  him,  and  [he]  not  so 
much  as  giving  order  to  some  of  his  men,  that  are  under  his  immediate  com- 
mand, about  the  bringing  in  of  their  arms. 

"  In  his  endeavoring,  since  the  treaty  [at  Taimton,]  to  render  us  odious  to 
our  neighbor  colony  by  false  reports,  complaints  and  suggestions ;  and  hia 
refusing  or  avoiding  a  treaty  with  us  concerning  those  and  other  matters  that 
are  justly  offensive  to  us,  notwithstanding  his  late  engogeinent,  as  well  us  for- 
mer, to  submit  to  the  king's  autiiority,  and  the  authority  of  this  colony. 

"  It  was  also  ordered  by  the  court  tliat  the  arm  3  of  the  Indians  of  Namaa- 
sakett  and  Assowamsett,  that  were  fetched  in  by  Major  Winslow,  m\d  tiiose  that 
were  with  him,  are  confiscated,  and  forfeit,  from  the  said  Indians,  for  the 
grounds  above  expressed ;  they  being  in  a  compliiuice  with  Phillipe  in  his 
liite  plot :  And  yet  would  neither  by  .ur  governor's  order,  nor  by  Phillipe's 
desire,  bring  in  their  arms,  as  was  engaged  by  the  treaty ;  and  the  said  guns 
are  ordered  by  the  court  to  the  major  nd  his  company  for  their  satisfiiction, 
in  that  expedition. 

"  Tliis  court  have  agreed  and  voted  to  send  "some"  forces  to  "  Saconett  to 
fetch  in  "  the  arms  among  the  Indians  there. 


*  There  is  no  tlnle,  biii:  llie  year,  set  to  any  printed  copy  of  tiiis  treaty.  Mr.  Ifiibhard  by 
mistake  oiniKud  it,  an<l  tlinse  wlio  have  since  wrillen,  have  not  given  themselves  llie  pleasurs 
of  rrcurriii^''  lo  llio  nicorils. 

♦  ^L'c  CliHirli,  ii"J.  t  I'limoutli  Colony  Records,  in  inaiiuscripl. 


Chap.  II] 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


205 


If  then,  therefore,  these  Indians  had  not  already  become  hostile,  no  one  would 
marvel  had  it  now  become  the  case.  Bows  and  arrows  were  almost  entiix'ly 
out  of  use.  (luns  had  so  far  superseded  them,  that  un(louhte<lly  many  licaroe 
could  use  tliem  with  effect,  in  procuring  theu'.st'lvea  giune :  Nor  could  it  Imj 
expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  had,  by  nearly  40  years'  intercourse,  n.-n- 
dered  llteir  arms  far  more  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Indians  than  to  their 
own:  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part  with  them.  Philip,  it  is  said,  <lirected 
the  MiddlelH)rough  Indians  to  give  uj)  their  guns.  His  object  in  this  was  to 
pacify  the  English,  judging  that  if  wai*  should  begin,  these  Indians  would  join 
the  Lngiish,  or  at  least  many  of  them  ;  and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  but 
little  which  party  possessed  them  ;  but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as 
we  have  just  s<;en  in  the  record. 

A  council  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  August,  1671,  the  follow- 
ing, besides  the  mattera  ah-eady  expressed,  they  took  into  consideration :  Philip's 
"  entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  which  might  portend  danger  towards 
us.  In  special  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Saconett  Indians,  professed  ene- 
mies to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel  given  him  by  his  friends. 
The  premises  considered  [the  council]  do  unanimously  agree  and  conclude, 
that  the  said  Phillip  hath  violated  [the]  covenant  plighted  with  this  colony  at 
Taunton  in  Ai)ril  last. 

"2.  It  is  imanimously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that  we  are 
necessarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sfichem  to  make  his  personal  appearance  to 
make  his  purgation,  in  reference  to  the  premises ;  which,  in  case  of  his  refusal, 
tlie  council,  according  to  what  at  present  appears,  do  dctermin  it  necessary  to 
endeavor  his  rcducement  by  force  ;  inasmuch  as  the  controversy  which  hath 
seemed  to  lie  more  immediately  between  him  an(l  us,  doth  concern  all  the  Eng- 
lish plantations.  It  is,  therefore,  determined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neighbor 
colonic*^  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island ;  and  if,  by  their  weighty  ad- 
vice to  the  contrary,  we  are  not  diverted  from  our  present  determinations,  to 
signify  unto  them,  that  if  they  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the 
case  with  us  against  a  common  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a  neigh- 
borly kindness,  which  we  shall  hold  ouraelves  obliged  to  repay,  when  Provi- 
dence may  so  dispose  that  we  have  opportunity. 

"  Accordingly,  tetters  were  despatched  and  sent  from  the  council,  one  unto 
the  said  Philhp  tiic  said  sachem,  to  require  his  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth, 
on  the  ISth  day  of  September  next,  in  reference  to  the  particulars  above  men- 
tioned against  him.  This  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  James  Walktr,  one  of  the 
council,  and  he  was  ordered  to  request  the  company  of  Mr.  Roger  IVilliams 
and  Mr.  James  Brown,  to  go  with  him  at  the  delivery  of  the  said  letter.  And 
another  letter  was  sent  to  the  governor  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts  by  the 
hands  of  Mr.  John  Freeman,  one  of  our  magistrates,  and  a  tliird  was  directed  to 
the  govenior  and  council  of  Ilhode  island,  and  sent  by  Mr.  Thomas  Hinckley 
and  Mr.  Constant  Sovihioorth,  two  other  of  our  magistrates,  who  are  ordered  by 
our  council  with  the  letter,  to  unfold  our  present  state  of  matters  relating  to  the 
premises,  and  to  certify  them,  also,  more  certaiidy  of  the  time  of  the  meeting 
together,  in  reference  to  engagement  with  the  Indians,  if  there  be  a  going  forth, 
which  will  be  on  the  20  of  September  next. 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  those  formerly  pressed  shall 
remain  under  the  same  impressment,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, on  the  13  day  of  Sept.  next^  and  so  also  until  the  intended  expedition  is 
issued,  unless  they  shall  see  cause  to  alter  them,  or  add  or  detract  from  them, 
OS  occasion  may  require :  And  that  al;  ■.  tlier  matters  remain  as  they  were, 
in  way  of  preparation  to  the  said  exped.  )n,  until  we  shall  see  the  mind  of 
Cod  further  by  ine  particulars  forenamed,  improved  for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  tiie  council,  that  all  the  towns  within  this  jurisdic- 
tion shall,  in  the  interim,  be  solicitously  careful  to  provide  for  their  safety,  by 
convenient  watches  and  wardings,  and  carrying  their  arms  to  the  meetings  on 
the  Lord's  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  witli  their  paiticulars,  and 
the  conmion  safety. 

"  And  in  particular  they  order,  that  a  guard  shall  be  provided  for  the  safety 
of  the  governor's  pereon,  during  the  time  of  the  above-named  troubler  and  ex- 
peditions. 

18 


f 

m 

It 

■■i 

'4 


2C6 


PHIL1P..-PL1M0UTH  ACCUSATION^  OF  1C71. 


[Book  til. 


"  And  the  council  were  summoned  by  the  president,  [tlie  governor  of  Plim- 
outh,]  to  make  liicir  personal  apj)earance  at  Plymouth,  on  the  13th  day  of 
Sept.  next,  to  attend  such  further  business  as  shall  be  then  presented  by  Provi- 
dence, in  reference  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intermediate  entry,  the 
records  proceed :] 

"On  the  13  Sept.  1G71,  the  council  of  war  appeared,  according  to  their  sum- 
mons, but  Phillip  the  sachem  apj)eared  not ;  but  instead  thereof  repaired  to  the 
Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  against  us  to  divers  of  the  gentlemen  in 
place  there  ;  who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  persuasion,  to  advise  the 
council  to  a  compliance  with  the  said  sachem,  "nd  tendered  their  help  in  the 
achieving  thereof;  declaring,  in  sum,  that  they  resented  not  lus  offonce  so 
deeply  as  we  did,  and  that  they  doubted  whether  the  covenants  and  ongage- 
nients  that  Phillip  and  his  predecessors  had  plighted  with  us,  would  plairdy 
import  that  he  had  subjected  himself,  and  people,  and  country  to  us  any  further 
than  as  in  a  neighborly  and  friendly  correspondency." 

Thus,  whether  Philip  had  been  able  by  misrepresentation  to  lead  tlie  court 
of  Massachusetts  into  a  conviction  that  his  designs  had  not  been  fairly  set  forth 
by  Pliinouth,  or  whether  it  be  more  reasonable  to  conclude  that  that  body  were 
thorougldy  acijuainted  with  the  whole  grounds  of  complaint,  and,  tlierefore, 
considered  Pliniouth  nearly  as  much  in  error  as  Philip,  by  assuming  authority 
not  l)eionging  to  them,  is  a  case,  we  ap])rehend,  not  dillicult  to  be  settled  by  the 
reader.    The  record  continues : — 

"  The  council  having  deliberated  upon  the  premises,  despatched  away  letters, 
declaring  their  thankful  acceptance  of  their  kind  pn>iier,  and  invited  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  they  [the  latter]  then  being 
there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  gentlemen  to  come  to  Plymouth  and 
afford  us  their  help:  And,  accordingly,  on  the  24  of  Sept.  1671,  Mr.  John  Win- 
throp,  Gov.  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Gen.  Levtretl,  Mr.  That.  Danfoiih,  Capt.  fFnu, 
Davis,  with  divers  othere,  came  to  Plimouth,  and  had  a  fair  and  deliberate 
liearing  of  the  controversy  between  our  colony  and  the  said  sachem  Phillip,  he 
being  personally  present ;  there  being  also  competent  interpreters,  both  English 
and  Indians.  At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  sufficient  testimony  to  the 
conviction  of  the  said  Phillip,  and  satisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  the 
said  gentlemen  and  others,  that  he  had  broken  his  covenant  made  with  our 
colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last,  in  divers  particulars :  as  also  carried  very  un- 
kuidly  unto  us  divers  ways. 

"l.In  that  he  "had  neglected  to  bring  in  his  arms,  although  "  competent 
time,  yea  his  time  enlarged  "  to  do  it  in,  as  before  stated.  "  2.  That  he  had 
caiTied  insolently  and  proudly  towards  us  on  several  occasions,  in  refusing  to 
come  down  to  our  court  (when  sent  for)  to  have  speech  with  him,  to  procure 
a  right  understanding  of  matters  in  difference  betwixt  us." 

This,  to  say  the  least,  was  a  wretchedly  sorry  complaint.  That  an  independ- 
ent chief  should  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbors  whenever  they  had  a  mind  to 
command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  he  was  not  to  inquire,  surely 
calls  for  no  comment  of  ours.  Besides,  did  Philip  not  do  as  he  agreed  at 
Taunton  ? — which  was,  tlmt  in  case  of  future  troubles,  both  parties  should  lay 
their  complaints  befr-ie  Massachusetts,  and  abide  by  their  decision? 

The  3d  charge  is  only  a  repetition  of  what  was  stated  by  the  council  of  war, 
namely,  harboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  not  his  own  men,  but  "  vaga- 
bonds, our  profev>)sed  enemies,  who  "'saving  their  own  sachem  were  hai-bored 
by  him." 

The  4th  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  comi)laint  of  his  going 
to  Massachusetts,  "  with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to  insinuate  him- 
self into  the  magistrates,  and  to  misrepresent  mattcre  unto  them,"  which  amounts 
to  little  else  but  an  accusalion  against  Massachusetts,  as,  from  what  has  been 
b('l()re  stated,  it  seems  tlmt  the  "gentlemen  in  jjlace  there"  had,  at  least  in  part, 
been  convinced  that  Philip  was  not  so  much  in  fault  as  their  friends  of  Plim- 
outh had  pretended. 

".').  That  he  hud  shewed  great  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several  times;  in 
special  unto  Mr.  James  Brown,  who  was  sent  by  the  court  on  special  occasion, 
us  a  messenger  unto  him  ;aiid  unto  Hugh  Cole  at  another  time,  &c. 

"The  gent'emen  fbrenumed  takuig  notice  uf  the  premises,  havhig  fully  heard 


CHvr.  ir.] 


PHILIP. 


207 


wliat  the  said  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so  to  do  without 
interruption,  adjudged  tii&t  he  hud  done  us  a  great  deal  of  >vrong  and  injury, 
(respecting  the  preniiaes,)  and  also  unused  them  by  carrying  lies  and  false 
stories  to  them,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto  them ;  and  they  persuaded 
him  to  make  au  acknowledgment  of  his  fault,  and  to  seek  for  recuiiciliatiun, 
expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a  great  difference  between  what  he  asserted 
to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and  what  he  could  now  make  out  concerning 
his  pretended  wrongs ;  and  such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  IuhI 
done  and  procured  unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  be  borne  without  comj)e- 
tent  reparation  and  satisfaction  ;  yea,  that  lie,  by  his  insolencies,  had  (in  Droba- 
bility)  occasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  them,  tl  had 
fallen  out  in  many  years  before ;  they  persuaded  him,  therefore,  to  humlh  liim- 
eelf  unto  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he  expected  peace  ;  and 
tliat,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to  smart  for  it." 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  tlie  treaty  of  which  we  have  before  sjo- 
ken,  and  Philip  and  his  counsellors  subscribed  it ;  and  thus  ended  the  chief 
events  of  1G71. 

A  very  short  time  before  the  war  of  1G75  commenced,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  sent  an  ambassador  to  Philip,  to  demand  of  him  why  lie  would 
make  war  upon  the  English,  and  requested  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  enter  into 
a  treaty.    The  sachem  made  him  this  answer: — 

"  Your  governor  w  but  a  subject  of  King  Charles  *  of  England.  I  shall  not 
treat  with  a  subject.  I  shall  treat  of  peace  only  unth  the  king,  my  brotlier.  fVhen 
he  conies,  I  am  ready."  f 

This  is  literal,  although  we  have  changed  th-  >rder  of  the  words  a  little,  and 
is  worthy  of  a  |)lace  upon  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of  the  famous  Porus, 
when  taken  cajrtive  by  Alexander,  % 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  imtil  the  death  of  Sassamon,  in  1G74, 
the  occasion  of  which  was  charged  upon  Philip,  and  was  the  cause  of  l)ringing 
about  the  war  with  him  a  year  sooner  than  he  had  expected.  This  event  pre- 
maturely discovered  Ids  intentions,  which  occasioned  i\.e  part'al  recantation  of 
the  NaiTagansets,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  furnish  4000  men,  to  be  ready  to 
fall  upon  the  English  in  1676.  Concert,  therefore,  was  wanting ;  and  although 
nearly  all  the  Narragansets  idtimately  joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  pow- 
erful effect  of  a  general  simultaneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians. 
Philip^s  own  peopii,,  many  of  whom  were  so  disconcerted  at  the  imexpected 
beginning  of  the  war,  continued  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  wluch  side  to 
show  themselves  in  favor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  thteir  beaig  without  the 
vicinity  of  the  English,  or  unprotected  by  them,  that  determined  their  course, 
which  was,  in  almost  all  cases,  in  favor  of  Philip.  Even  the  praying  Indians, 
had  they  been  lefl  to  themselves,  woidd,  no  dorjt,manyof  them,  have  declared 
in  his  tlivor  also,  as  a  great  many  really  did. 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed  to  be  the  murderers  of 
Sassamon,  uo  hostility  was  committed  by  Philip  or  his  warriors.  AI)out  the 
tune  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  bw  marching  his  men  "  up  and  down  the 
country  in  arms,"  but  when  it  was  known  that  they  were  executed,  he  could 
no  longer  restrain  many  of  his  young  men,  who,  having  sent  their  wives  and 
children  to  Narraganset,  upon  the  24th  of  June,  nrovoked  the  people  of  Swan- 
sey,  by  killing  their  cattle,  and  other  injuries,^  u.itil  they  fired  upon  them  and 

*  Chiir  :i  II.,  whose  rciffii  was  from  1660  to  1676. 

t  Old  Iiidiiiii  Cliroiiiclo,()!). 

t  The  (•ouqiieror  askod  hiin  how  he  would  bo  treated,  who,  in  two  words,  replied, "  Like  a 
kill!?."  IJeiiig'  asked  if  he  had  no  other  request  to  make,  he  said,  "  No.  Every  thiiipf  is 
coiiiprehciuhMl  in  that."  (Pliilarck's  Life  of  Alexander.)  We  couM  wish,  thiil  tlfe  English 
conquerors  had  acted  with  as  much  magnaiiiiiiitv  towards  the  Imhans,  as  Alexander  did 
towards  those  he  overcame.     Poms  was  treated  as  he  had  desired. 

vS  "  III  the  mean  time  King  Philip  muslerc-d  up  ahout  .^)00  of  his  men,  and  arms  them  com- 
pU-at  ;  and  had  gotten  about  8  or  DtX)  of  his  neiy  ihoring  Indiit/if,  ami  likewise  arms  iheiii  com- 
pli-al ;  (i.  e.  guns,  powder  and  bullets;)  but  how  many  he  hiilh  engaged  to  he  of  his  |)iirlv, 
IS  uiikiiown  to  any  among  us.  The  last  spring,  several  Iiniintis  were  seen  in  small  parties, 
about  liilinholh  and  fiivanseij,  which  not  a  liltle  all'riglited  the  inhabitanls.  Who  demiindiiig 
the  reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so  ?  Answer  was  made.  That  the}' were  op'v  on  tlici'r 
•wn  defence,  for  they  uiidcr-lood  tliat  ihc  liiiglisli  intended  to  cut  them  off.     .AKoiu  tin-  '.JOth 


208 


PHILIP— BEGINS  THE  WAR  OF  1676. 


[Book  III. 


killed  one,  wliich  was  a  signal  to  commence  the  war,  and  what  they  had  de- 
sired ;  for  the  Hiipcrstitious  notion  prevailed  among  the  Indians,  that  the  party 
who  fired  tlie  first  gun  would  be  conquered.*  They  had  probably  been  made 
to  believe  tliis  by  the  English  themselves. 

It  wus  upon  a  fast  day  that  this  great  drama  was  opened.  As  the  pco])le 
were  returning  from  meeting,  they  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians,  when  one 
was  killed  and  two  wounded.  Two  others,  going  f  r  a  surgeon,  were  killed 
on  their  wuj'.  In  another  jiart  of  the  town,  six  others  were  killed  the  same 
day.  Swansey  was  in  the  midst  of  Philip's  country,  and  his  men  were  as  well 
acquainted  with  all  the  walks  of  the  English  as  they  were  themselves. 

It  is  not  su])posed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
has  been  said  that  it  was  ogainst  his  wishes.  Hut  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his 
hostility  and  great  desire  to  rid  his  country  of  the  white  intruders ;  for  had  he 
not  reason  to  say, 

"  Exarsere  ignes  animo :  subit  ira,  cadcntem 
Ulcisci  patriain,  et  sccleratas  sumero  |>oeiias  ? " 

The  die  was  cast.  No  other  alternative  appeared,  but  to  ravage,  bum  and 
destroy  as  fast  as  was  in  his  power.  There  had  been  no  considerable  war  for 
a  long  time,  eidier  among  themselves  or  with  the  English,  and,  therefore,  nu- 
merous young  wan'iors  from  the  neighboring  tribes,  entered  into  his  cause 
with  great  ardor ;  eager  to  perform  exploits,  such  as  had  been  recounted  to 
them  by  their  sires,  and  such  as  they  had  long  waited  an  opportunity  to  achieve. 
The  time,  they  conceived,  had  now  arrived,  and  their  soids  expanded  in  pro- 
portion to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking.  To  conquer  the  English !  to  lend 
captive  their  haughty  lords !  must  have  been  to  them  thoughts  of  vast  magni- 
tude, and  exhilarating  in  the  highest  degree. 

Town  after  town  fell  before  them,  and  when  the  English  forces  marched  in 
one  direction,  they  were  burning  and  laying  waste  in  another.  A  part  of 
Taunton,  3Ii(ldleborough,  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pocosset,  upon 
Narraganset  Bay,  soon  followed  the  destruction  of  Swansoy,  which  was  burnt 
immediately  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the  inhabitant.^. 

Though  now  in  great  consternation,  the  people  of  Swansey  and  its  vicinity 
did  not  lorg<!t  to  make  known  their  distressed  situation  by  sending  runnere  with 
the  utmost  despatch  to  Boston  and  Plimouth  for  assistance.  "But,"  says  our 
chronicler  of  that  day,  "  before  any  came  to  them,  they  of  both  towns,  Kcho- 
both  and  Swansey,  were  gathered  together  into  three  houses,  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  there  had  all  provisions  in  common,  so  that  they  who  had  nothing 
wanted  nothing.  Immediately  after  notice  hereof  came  to  Boston,  dnmis  beat 
up  for  volunteers,  and  in  3  hours  time  were  mustered  up  about  110  men,  Capt. 
Samuel  Mostly  being  their  commander.  This  Capt.  Mosehf  hath  been  an 
old  privateer  at  Jamaica,  an  excellent  soldier,  and  an  undaunted  spirit,  one 
whose  memory  will  be  honorable  in  New  England  for  his  many  eminent  ser- 
vices he  hath  done  the  public. 

"  There  were  also  among  these  men,  about  10  or  12  privateers,  that  had  been 
there  some  time  before.  They  carried  with  them  several  dogs,  tliot  proved 
serviceable  to  them,  in  finding  out  the  enemy  in  their  awamjjs ;  one  whereof 
%vould,  for  several  days  together,  go  out  and  bring  to  them  G,  8  or  10  yoimg 
pigs  of  King  Philip's  herds.  There  went  out  also  amongst  these  men,  one 
Cornelius,  a.  Dutchman,  who  had  lately  been  condemned  to  die  for  piracy,  but 
afterwards  received  a  pardon ;  he,  willing  to  show  his  gratitude  therefor,  went 
out  and  did  several  good  services  abroad  against  the  enemy." 

All  who  have  sought  after  truth  in  matters  of  this  kind,  are  well  aware  of  tho 

of  June  last,  seven  or  eight  of  King  Philip's  men  came  to  Sirnnsey  on  the  Lord's  day,  and 
would  grind  a  lialclii't  at  an  inhabitant's  iiousc  there;  the  master  told  them,  it  was  the  sab- 
bath day,  and  their  God  would  be  very  angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it.  Tiiey  returned 
this  answer :  They  knew  not  who  his  God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it,  for  all  him,  or  his 
God  either.  From  thence  they  went  to  another  house,  and  took  away  some  victuals,  but  hurl 
no  man.  Immediately  they  met  a  man  travelling  on  the  road,  kept  him  in  custody  a  short 
time,  tiien  dismisi  him  quietly  ;  giving  iiim  this  caution,  that  lie  should  not  work  on  his  God's 
day,  and  that  he  should  tell  no  lies."  Clirofiicle,  8,  9. 
*  <\Uiendar's  Discourse  ou  the  Hist,  of  R.  Island. 


'■v^=V-fc| 


Crai.  II] 


PHILIP— HIS  WAR  OF  1673. 


2oy 


extreme  cliffirulty  of  investigation.  Twenty  persons  may  writo  an  nccD.iiit  nf 
an  afttiir,  to  tlie  passage  of  which  all  may  have  been  witneswcs,  niid  no  two  of 
tiiem  agree  in  many  of  its  particulars.  The  author  of  the  tmcts  wliicli  we  i-itis 
under  the  name  of  The  Old  Indian  Chroniclk,  wrote  his  accounts  ii.  iJostoii, 
and  we  have  no  doubt  of  his  intention  to  record  evi  v  event  witli  tli(!  strict!  st 
regard  to  truth ;  if  he  had  erred,  it  is  doubtless  from  his  recc  ling  the  first  dim.s 
of  an  event,  which  often  varies  in  point  of  fact  afterwards.  Huhbard  iiiid  Mit- 
iher,  two  contemporary  historians,  had  the  advantage  of  a  cofn|mri.son  of  re- 
ports, and  of  revising  their  works  in  their  passage  through  the,  |)res,s;  whereas 
the  author  of  tlie  tracts  wrote  them  as  letters  to  a  friend  in  London,  wliere  tliey 
were  immediately  printed.  With  allowances  for  these  cireunistanees,  as  full 
credit  should  be  given  to  his  relation,  as  to  either  of  the  others.  His  aceoinit.s 
of  the  first  events  at  Swanscy  are  detailed  in  his  own  words  in  a  previous  note, 
and  we  here  proceed  with  another  portion  of  his  narrative. 

"  By  this  time  the  Indians  hav.)  killed  several  of  Oiir  men,  but  the  first  flint 
was  killed  was  June  23,  a  man  at  Swansey ;  that  he  and  his  family  had  left  his 
house  amongst  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  and  adventuring  with  his  wife  tiiul 
son  (about  twenty  years  old)  to  go  to  his  house  to  fetch  them  com,  and  such 
like  things:  (he  having  just  before  sent  his  wife  and  son  away)  as  ho  was  going 
out  of  the  house,  was  set  on  and  shot  by  Indians.  His  wile  being  not  liir  ollj 
heard  the  guns  go  off,  went  back,"  and  fell  into  their  hands.  Dishonored,  and 
afterwards  scalped  by  them,  she  immediately  died,  and  her  son  was  at  the  sanje 
time  scalped.  "They  also  the  next  day  [24  June]  killed  six  or  seven  tnen  at 
Swanscy,  and  two  more  at  one  of  the  garrisons;  and  as  two  men  went  out  of 
one  of  the  gaiTisons  to  draw  a  bucket  of  water,  they  were  shot  and  carried 
away,  and  aftenvards  were  found  with  their  fingers  and  feet  cut  oif,  and  the 
skin  of  their  heads  flayed  off,"  that  is,  scalped. 

"  About  14  days  after  that  they  sent  for  more  help  ;  wliereupon  the  authority 
of  Boston  made  Capt.  T^mo*  Savage  the  major  general  in  that  expedition, 
wno,  with  GO  horse,  and  as  many  foot,  went  out  of  Boston ;  having  pressed  horses 
for  the  footmen,  and  six  carts  to  carry  provisions  with  them."  "  They  traveled 
day  and  night  till  they  came  to  tlieir  garrisons,  and  within  three  clays  after 
marched,  horse  and  foot,  leaving  guards  in  the  garrisons,  towards  INIount  Hope, 
where  King  Philip  and  his  wife  was.  They  came  on  him  at  unawares,  so  that 
he  was  forced  to  rise  from  dinner,  unrt  he  and  all  with  him  fled  out  of  that  land 
called  Mount  Hope,  up  further  into  the  country.  They  pui-sued  tiiem  as  far  as 
they  could  go  for  swamps,  and  killed  15  or  l(i  in  tiiat  expedition,  then  returned 
and  took  what  he  had  that  was  worth  taking,  and  spoiled  the  rest ;  taking  all  hi^ 
cattle  and  hogs  that  they  could  find,  and  also  took  possession  of  Mount  Hope, 
which  had  then  a  thousimd  acres  mider  com,  which  is  since  .-ut  down  by  the 
English,  and  disposed  of  according  to  their  discretion.  Cornelius  [before  men- 
tioned] was  in  this  exploit,  and  pursued  Philip  so  hard,  that  he  got  Jiis  cap  off 
his  head,  and  now  wears  it." 

It  was  June  26,  that  the  English  marched  out  of  Boston  for  Swansey ;  and 
they  arrived  there  two  days  after,  namely,  June  28,  a  little  before  night.* 
Twelve  men  immediately  marched  out  to  invade  Philip's  territories,  who  were 
attacked  by  about  the  same  number  of /'/ii7jy»  ni'-n.  The  invadere  were  re- 
pulsed, having  one  killed,  and  one  wounded,  and  his  horse  killed  under  him. 
Of  the  IndiaiiS  two  were  killed. 

The  next  day,  June  29,  the  Indians  appeared  boldly  in  view  of  iie  Englisli, 
anr^by  their  shouts,  it  would  seem,  dared  them  to  come  out  and  figlit.  Mosiljf 
sallied  out  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  volunteers,  and  rushefl  furiously  npoii 
them.  They  fled  to  their  coverts,  but  even  here  made  a  stand  only  for  a  mo- 
ment ;  for  alter  one  fire  they  all  fled.  One  of  the  English,  Ensign  Savaf^c,  was 
wounded,  the  hall  lodging  in  his  thigh,  and  another  passed  through  tlie  liriin 
of  his  hat.t  Moschj  pursued  the  Indians  above  a  mile,  and  killed  five  or  six  of 
them,  as  they  were  making  their  retreat  into  a  swamp.  It  was  in  this  pui-suit 
that  the  exploit  of  Cornelius  took  place,  just  related,  and  Philip  was  not  seen  at 


*  Ifuhlmnl,  Narrative,  18. 

t  Church,  wlio  was  in  this  action,  says   Savagrt  was  wounded  by  his  own  party  :  having 
Jivideil  theinstilvps  into  two  wings,  in  liicir  confusion  one  fired  upon  the  other. 
18»  0 


\ 


w 

■■  y  ■ 
■  <  ■  ■ 

!     • 

it. 

in 


U: 


210 


PHILIP— BATTLE  OF  PUNKATEESET. 


[Rook  HI 


Mount  Hope  turain  until  the  next  venr.    The  next  day  tlie  English  forces  trav 
ersed  Mount  iTope  Neck,  found  Philip's  wigwam,  but  himself  and  all  his  peo- 
ple liad  made  good  their  retreat    They  found  the  hcadsof  eight  of  tlie  English 
that  had  been  killed,  set  upon  poles,  at  Keekamuit,  which  they  took  down  and 
interred. 

On  the  morning  of  July  1,  as  Lieutenant  Oakts  was  returning  to  head-quar- 
ters at  Swanscy,  having  encamped  at  Rchoboth  tlie  preceding  night,  he  dis- 
covered a  company  of  Indiansj  and  attacked  them.  How  many  were  killed  is 
not  stated,  but  two  of  Philip's  chief  captains  were  among  the  number,  one  of 
whom  was  named  These,  "  a  sachem  of  Mount  Hope."  Of  the  English  one 
was  killed.  The  scalps  of  three  Indians  that  were  killed  were  taken  off  by  the 
English  and  sent  to  IJoston,  which  were  the  first  taken  by  them  in  this  war.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  Benjamin  Church,  a  company  of  36  men  were  put 
under  him  and  Captaui  Fuller,  who,  on  the  8  July,  marched  down  into  Pocas- 
set  Neck.  Church,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Indians,  had  urged  the 
officers  of  the  army  to  pursue  Philio  on  the  Pocasset  side,  being  fully  jjcrsua- 
dcd  that  there  were  no  Indians  in  ftlount  Hope  Neck,  the  part  of  the  country 
they  were  taking  so  much  pains  to  guard  and  fortify  ;  but  they  would  not  hear 
to  his  advice,  and  the  consequence  was,  Philip  burned  and  destroyed  the  towns 
towards  Plimouth. — But  to  return  to  the  force  under  Church  and  Fuller.  This, 
though  but  small  at  first,  was  divided  into  two.  Church  had  19  men,  and  Fuller 
the  remaining  17.  The  party  under  Church  proceeded  into  a  point  of  land 
called  Punkateeset,  now  the  southerly  extremity  of  Tiverton,  where  they 
were  attacked  by  a  great  body  of  Indians,  300,  as  Church  learned  afterwaids, 
who  nearly  encompassed  them  ;  but  after  a  few  muiutes  fight,  the  English  re- 
treated to  the  83a  shore,  and  thus  saved  themselves  from  immediate  destruc- 
tion. Church  gave  oiders  for  a  retreat  the  very  moment  he  discovered  that 
the  object  of  the  Indians  was  to  surround  them.  This  proved  their  safety, 
although,  as  they  were  now  situated,  they  coirid  expect  but  little  else  tl.  \u 
to  sell  their  lives  at  the  price  of  a  greater  number  of  their  enemies.  The.c 
Indians  were  well  armed, "  their  bright  guns  glittering  in  the  sun,"  which  gave 
them  a  formidable  appearance.  Thus  hemmed  in,  Church  had  a  double  duty 
to  perform  ;  that  of  preserving  the  spirits  of  his  famished  followers,  man^  of 
whom  were  ready  to  give  up  all  for  lost,  and  erecting  defences  of  stones  to 
defend  them.  Many  were  the  hair-breadth  escapes  of  individuals  in  this  little 
band  on  this  trying  occasion.  In  the  language  of  Church,  "  they  were  beset 
with  multitudes  of  Indians,  who  possessed  themselves  of  every  rock,  and 
stump,  tree  or  fence,  that  was  in  sight,"  from  which  they  fired  without  ceasing. 

Boats  had  been  appointed  to  attend  upon  the  English  in  this  expedition, 
hut  they  had  grounded  on  the  Rhode  Island  shore,  and  could  not  come  to  their 
assistance ;  at  length,  however,  one  got  off,  and  came  towards  them,  which  gave 
them  hopes  of  escape,  but  these  were  of  short  duration :  the  Indians  fired  into 
it,  and  prevented  their  landing.  Church  ordered  those  in  it  to  ride  off  beyond 
musket  shot,  and  to  send  a  canoe  ashore  ;  but  they  dared  not  even  to  do  this. 
When  Church  saw  that,  in  a  moment  of  vexation,  he  ordered  the  boat  to  be 
gone  in  an  instant  or  he  would  fire  upon  it ;  she  immediately  lefl,  and  the 
peril  of  the  English  was  greatly  increased ;  for  now  the  Indians  were  en- 
couraged, and  they  fired  "  thicker  and  faster  than  before." 

Night  was  now  almost  enshrouding  them,  their  ammunition  nearly  spent, 
and  the  Indians  had  possessed  themselves  of  a  stone  house  that  overlooked 
them,  but  as  though  preserved  by  a  miracle,  not  one  of  the  English  in  all  this 
time  was  wounded.  But  fortune's  sport  was  now  nearly  ended  :  a  sloop  was 
discovered  bearing  down  towards  them,  and  soon  afler.  Church  announced 
that  relief  was  coming,  for  that  the  vessel  was  commanded  by  "  Capt.  Gold- 
ING,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  man  for  business."  True,  it  was  Golding.  He 
sent  his  canoe  ashore,  but  it  was  so  small  that  it  would  take  but  two  at  a  time 
to  the  vessel.  The  embarkation  immediately  commenced,  and  meantime 
the  Indians  plied  their  shot  with  such  efi'ect  that  the  colors,  sails,  and  stern 
of  the  sloop  were  full  of  bullet-holes.     Church  was  the  last  man  to  embark, 

*  I   deduce   tlie   facts  in   tliis    sentence    from   a   comparison  of   Ilubhard,  20,  with   if 
Chrunu'LE,  13. 


it 


Chap.  11.] 


PHILIP.— POCASSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


211 


who,  as  he  was  retreating  backward  to  the  boat,  a  ball  grazed  the  liair  of 
his  iioad,  two  others  struck  the  canoe  as  he  enterrd  it,  and  a  fourth  lodged 
in  a  stake,  wliich  accidentally  stood  just  before  "  the  middle  of  his  brenst ! " 
Thus  this  little  baud,  after  a  fight  of  alwut  six  hours,  cscajjed.  The  party 
under  Captain  Fuller  met  with  similar  fortune ;  they  were  attacked  by  gieut 
numbers,  but  escaped  by  getting  possession  of  an  old  house  close  upon  the 
water's  edge  and  were  early  taken  off  by  boats.  But  two  of  the  party  were 
wounded.  Some  of  the  Indians  were  killed  and  wounded  this  d:iy,  but  how 
many  is  not  known. 

The  same  day  this  fight  took  place,  a  boat's  crew  went  from  Rhode  Island 
to  Pocasset  to  look  after  some  cattle,  and  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indian^:,  and 
one  of  their  number,  a  servant  of  Captain  Church,  was  severely  wounded. 
Some  of  the  acts  of  the  English,  in  retrospect,  do  not  di.scover  that  judg- 
ment the  circumstances  seem  to  have  elicited,  especinllv  that  in  relation  to 
the  Nurragansets.  They  had  now  driven  Philip  out  of  fdount  Hope  Neck, 
and,  not  knowing  exactly  where  to  find  him,  the  forces  in  that  quarter  re- 
mained doubting  what  next  to  do.  At  this  juncture  Captain  Hutchinson 
arrived  from  Boston  w4th  orders  from  the  government  there,  "  for  them  to 
[Miss  into  Narraganset,  to  treat  with  the  sachems,  and  if  it  might  be,  to  pre- 
vent their  joining  with  Philip."  Accordingly  they  marched  into  that  country, 
but  all  the  chief  men  and  warriors  fled  on  their  approach.  The  historical 
conclusion  is,  therefore,  that  this  act  was  vier'ed  by  them  as  a  declaration  of 
war,  and  it  is  rational  that  they  should  have  so  con.sidered  it;  beciiuse  the 
army  assumed  a  most  hostile  attitude,  "  resolving  they  would  go  to  make 
peace  with  a  sword  in  their  hands."  Having  arrived  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  three  or  four  days  were  spent  in  findiiig  Indians  with  whom  to 
treat ;  (for  they  could  find  none  to  fight ;)  at  length,  four  men  were  Ibund,  whom 
the  English  styled  sachems,  and  a  treaty  was  drawn  up  at  great  length  and 
signed  by  the  parties.  To  ensure  its  observance  the  following  hostages  were 
taken  into  custody  by  the  army :  John  Wobequob,  Weowthim,*  Pewkes, 
and  Weenew,  "  lour  of  the  sachems  near  kinsmen  and  choice  friends." 
Among  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  we  find  these : 

The  said  sachems  shall  carefidly  seize  all  and  every  of  Philip's  subjects, 
and  deliver  them  up  to  the  English,  ali'>  ^  or  dead ;  that  they  shall  use  all 
acts  of  hostility  against  Philip  and  his  subjects,  to  kill  them  wherever  they 
can  be  found;  that  if  they  seize  Phil.^  and  deliver  him  alive  to  the  English, 
they  shall  receive  40  trucking  cloth  coats ;  and  for  his  head  alone,  20  of 
said  coats ;  and  for  every  subject  of  said  sachem  2  coats,  if  alive,  and  one  if 
dead.    This  treaty  is  dated  Petaquanscot,  15  July,  1675 ; 

In  presence  of  and  signed  by  the  marks  of 

Daniel  Henchman,  Tawaoeson, 

Thomas  Prentice,  Taytson, 

JS/icholas  Paige,  Aoamaco, 

Joseph  Stanton,  Interpreter.  Wampsii,  alias 

Henry  Haiolaws,  i  [Indians,  Corman. 

Pecoe  Bucow,       (      probably.] 
Job  Mff. 

Philip  commanded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  where,  upon  the  18th  of  July, 
he  was  discovered  in  a  "dismal  swamp."  He  had  retired  to  this  place, 
which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  most  of  his  Wampanoags,  and 
such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the  English  army, 
which  was  now  pursuing  him.  From  their  numbers,  the  English  were 
nearly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fate  of  Philip  they  now  thought 
sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a  few  of  Philip's  warriors  showed  them- 
selves, and  the  English  rushed  in  upon  them  with  ardor,  and  by  this  feint 
were  drawn  far  into  an  ambush,  and  "about  15  were  sluiu."  The  leaves 
upon  tlie  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of  the  day  so  late,  that  a  friend 
could  not  be  distinguisiied  from  a  foe,  "  whereby  'tis  verily  feared,"  says  Dr. 
Mather,  "that  [the  English  themselves]  did  sometimes  unhapi)ily  shoot  Eng- 

*  Probably  ilie  same  railed  iii  another  pince  Nowequa. 


% 


m 


m 


PHILIP.— FIGHT  AT  REHOBOTH   PLAIiN. 


[Book  III. 


%\^ 


•1' 


lisliiiien  iiiNteml  of  Indians."  A  retreat  was  now  ordered,  and,  considering 
Philip's  escape  in)possible,  tlie  most  of  tiie  forces  leil  the  place,  a  few  ordy 
reinuiiiing,  "to  starve  out  the  enemy."  That  Philip's  force  was  great  at  this 
time  is  certain,  from  the  fact  tliut  a  hundred  wigwams  were  found  near  tlio 
•*(lge  of  tlie  swam]),  newly  constructed  of  green  burk.  In  one  of  those  the 
Enghsh  found  an  old  niun,  who  informed  them  that  Philip  was  there.  He 
lost  hut  few  men  in  the  encounter,  though,  it  is  said,  he  had  a  brother 
killed.* 

The  idle  notion  of  building  a  fort  here  to  starve  out  Philip,  was  suffi- 
ciently censured  by  the  historians  of  that  dny.  For,  as  Cantuin  Church  ex- 
presses It,  lo  build  a  fort/or  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nooodij,\  was  rather 
a  ridiculous  idea.  This  observation  he  made  U|)on  a  ibrt's  being  built  upon 
Mount  Hope  Neck,  some  time  aller  every  Indian  had  lell  that  side  of  the 
country,  oud  who,  in  fact,  were  hiying  waste  the  towns  before  mentioned. 

The  swamp  where  Philip  was  now  confined,  was  upon  a  piece  of  country 
which  projected  into  Taunton  River,  and  was  nearly  8«!vcn  milts  in  extent. 
Afier  being  guarded  here  13  days,  which,  in  the  end,  was  greatly  to  his  advan- 
tage, and  aflorded  him  sufiieient  time  to  provide  canot^s  in  which  to  make  his 
escape,  he  passed  the  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and  made  good  his  retreat 
into  the  country  u|)on  Connecticut  River.  In  efiecting  this  retreat,  an  acci- 
dent hap])cned  which  deprived  him  of  some  of  his  choicest  and  bravest  ca]>- 
tains,  as  wo  shall  proceed  to  relate. 

About  the  26  July,  1G75,  Oneko,  with  two  of  his  brothers,  and  about  50  men, 
came  to  Boston,  by  direction  of  tineas,  his  fatlier,  and  declared  their  desire  to 
assist  the  English  against  the  Wamponoags.  A  few  English  and  three  Nuticks 
were  added  to  their  company,  and  immediately  despatched,  by  way  of  Pli- 
mouth,  to  the  enemy's  country.  This  circuitous  route  was  taken,  perhaps, 
that  they  might  have  their  instructions  immediately  from  the  governor  of 
that  colony ;  Massachusetts,  at  that  time,  probably,  supposing  the  war  might 
be  ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This  measure,  as  it  proved, 
was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view ;  ibr  if  they  had  proceeded  directly 
to  Seekonk,  they  would  have  been  there  in  season  to  have  met  Philip  in  his 
retreat  from  Pocasset ;  and  this  force,  being  joined  with  the  other  English 
forces,  then  in  the  vicinity,  they  in  all  ])robabllity  might  have  Ihiislicd  tiie 
war  by  a  single  fight  with  him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escaj)e  would  have 
been  small,  as  he  had  to  cross  a  large  extent  of  clear  and  open  eoinitiy, 
where  many  of  his  men  must  have  been  cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man 
to  man  with  their  pursuers.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped  at  some  dis- 
lance,  having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some  time  was  lost  in  rally- 
ingt  after  Philip  was  discovered.  They  overtook  him,  however,  about  iO 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensi^od. 
Philip  having  brought  his  best  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slain  ; 
among  these  was  Nimrod,  alias  Woonashum,  a  great  captain  and  counsellor, 
who  hud  signed  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  four  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  fight  was  suspended  is  unknown,  though  it  woidd 
seem  from  some  relations,  that  it  was  owing  to  Oneko's  men,  who,  seeing 
themselves  in  pof^ession  of  considerable  plunder,  fell  to  loading  themselves 
with  it,  and  thus  gave  Philip  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  the  case, 
it  would  appear  that  the  Mohegans  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  offensive. 
It  is  said  that  the  Naticks  urged  immediate  and  further  pursuit,  which  did 
not  take  place,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather ;  and 
thus  the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape. 

Mr.  JVewwkin,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  afiair  in  a  letter,  in 
which  he  said  that  "14  of  the  enemy's  principal  men  were  slain."  He  also 
mentioned,  in  terms  of  great  praise,  the  Naticks  and  Mohegans  imder  Chwko, 

Philip  having  now  taken  a  position  to  annoy  the  back  settlements  of 

•  This  is  upon  the  aiitliority  of  llm  anonymous  author  of  tlie  "Present  Slate,"  &.c.,o( 
which  we  shall  eisewliere  have  occasion  to  take  notice.  That  author  seems  to  have  co» 
founded  the  fight  between  Thebe  and  Lieut.  Oukes  with  that  of  Rehoboth  Plain. 

t  Hist.  Philip's  War,  p.  6.  ed.  4to. 

;  Govkin'i  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


^  ( , 


Chap.  11] 


AMBUSH   AT  WlKABAUa. 


2i:J 


Mass^clmsotts,  his  warriors  fell  vigorounly  to  tlie  worit  On  14  Jiilv,  fivo 
people  arc  killed  ut  Meiuloii,  in  Muhs.,  which  ia  the  first  hlood  hIuhI  hi  tin; 
coio'iy  in  thij  wur.  Those  that  were  killed  were  about  their  work  in  ilie 
fielii,  and  knew  not  their  murderers ;  and  whether  they  were  killed  hy 
Phili|)*s  men  is  unknown. 

Soon  ufler  the  war  begun,  Maswichiisetts,  fearing  the  Niitmuks  might  join 
ivilh  Philip,  sent  messengers  to  treat  with  them.  The  yoimg  Indians  were 
found  "surly,"  but  the  old  men  were  for  a  renewal  of  friendship;  but  tho 
person  or  persons  sent  upon  this  business  did  not  acquit  themselves  in  a 
manner  that  gave  satisfaction  ;  (uid  Philip,  being  now  in  tho  country  of  the 
Nipmuks,  it  was  concluded  by  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  to  make  u 
further  test  of  their  intentions.  Accordingly,  on  tho  28  Jidy,  Captains 
Hutchinson  and  Whteltr,  with  a  company  of  20  mounted  men,  and  'A  Christian 
Indians  iw  pilots  and  interi»relers,  viz.  Memecho,  Joseph,  and  Sampson,  went 
with  Kotne  of  the  inhabitants  <)f  Drookfield,  agreeably  to  appointment,  to 
meet  tiio  Nipmuk  sacliems.  It  had  been  agreed  by  these  saehems  to 
meet  the  English  in  a  treaty  at  a  certain  tree  at  Quabaog  on  the  2  August, 
on  a  plain  8  miles  from  Brooktield  village.  Having  arrived  here  aeeording 
to  agreement,  the  English  found  no  Indians  to  treat  with.  It  was  now  a 
question  with  all  l)ut  the  Brookfield  men,  whether  or  not  they  should  pro- 
ceed to  a  c(!rtain  ;ilace  where  they  IM-Iieved  the  Indians  to  bt;;  at  hsngth  the 
confidence  of  the  Brooktield  people  in  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  Indians, 
prevailed,  and  tin  v  marched  on.  The  way  was  so  bad  that  they  cotild  march 
only  in  single  file,  an  they  approached  the  jtlace  where  they  expected  to  find 
the  Indians,  and  wlieu  they  came  near  Wikabang  Pond,  between  a  swamp 
on  the  lell  and  a  very  abrupt  and  high  hill  on  the  right,*  suddenly  2  or  liOO 
Indians  rose  ii|),  encompassed,  and  fired  ufton  them.  Eight  were  killed  out- 
riL'ht,  and  three  fell  mortally  woundiul.  Of  the  latter  nmnber  was  Captain 
Hutchinson,  who,  though  carried  otf  by  the  survivors,  died  on  the  19  August 
following.  Captain  fVheeler  had  his  hors(;  shot  under  him,  and  himself  was 
shot  tiirough  the  body  ;  but  his  life  was  saved  through  the  bravery  and  presence 
of  mind  of  a  son  then  with  him.  This  son,  though  his  own  arm  was  broken 
by  a  bullet,  seeing  the  peril  of  his  father,  dismoimten  from  his  horse,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  mounting  his  father  upon  it.  A  retreat  now  began,  and,  by  cutting 
their  way  through  the  Indians,  the  email  renmunt  of  English  got  back  tu 
Br()okfield.t 

The  tiiree  Christian  Indians  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  rendered  most 
eminent  service  on  this  day ;  for  had  they  not  been  there,  there  had  been  no 
possibility  of  one  Englishman's  escaping.  One  of  them,  George  Memecho, 
ii-il  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians:  the  other  two,  by  skill  and  l)ravery,  led 
the  English,  by  an  unknown  route,  in  safety  to  Brookfiehl.  Yet  these  In- 
dians were  afterwards  so  Iwdly  treated  by  the  English,  that  they  were  forced 
to  fly  to  Philip  for  protection.  Sampson  was  afterwards  killecl  in  a  fight  by 
the  English  Indians,  and  Joseph  was  taken  in  Pliinouth  colony,  and  sold  for 
a  slave,  and  sent  to  Jamaica.  lie  afterwards  was  suffered  to  return,  at  the 
iiit(Tcessioii  of  Mr.  Eliot.  Menucho  escaped  from  his  caj)tors,  nnd  brought 
beneficial  intelligence  to  the  English  of  the  state  of  Philip's  affai's.  | 

The  English  having  now  arrived  at  Brookfiehl,  as  just  relat3d,  the  In- 
dians pursued  them,  and  arrived  almost  as  soon ;  fortunately,  hov  over,  there 
was  barely  time  to  alarm  the  inhabitants,  who,  to  the  number  of  about  80, 
flocked  into  a  garrison  house,  where,  through  persevering  efforts,  tiiey  were 
enabled  to  maintain  tlumselves  until  a  force  under  Major  WUlard  cairie 
to  their  relief,  Augusf  4.  He  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Lancaster,  with  48  dra- 
goons and  lour  friendlv  Indians,  when  be  received  the  intelligence  of  the 
perilous  condition  of  Brookfield,  and  had^  ist  taken  up  his  line  of  march  to 
sm-prise  a  lodge  of  Indians  not   far  from  that    ])lacc.     He   now  (piiekly 

*  According  to  all  traililion  this  place  is  at  the  north  end  of  Wickahoajj  pond,  and  the  hill 
was  u  cemetery  for  the  Indians;  for  when  cultivated  allerwards  Ity  the  whiles,  numtTous  Ixniirs 
were  exhumed.     Fool's  Hist.  Urookficid,  30. 

t  Narrati.e  of  the  affair  by  Captain  Wheeler  himself,  p.  1  to  5. 

X  Gookin's  MS.   History  of  the  I'rayini;  Indians.— Joifp/i  and  Sampson  were  brothers 
*oiis  of  "old  KuBiN  Petuha.vit,  deceased,  a  good  man."  lb. 


4? 


% 


if' 


t 


914 


nrUMNO  OF  DRCMUvFIKLD 


[DuoK  III 


"hail).'*!!!  \m  roiirs*!  for  Krookfioltl,  distant  nimnt  30  miles,  which,  by  n  forced 
nmrch,  \w,  renclicd  in  snlUty  tlio  ni;5ht  followinj,'.  Tliat  h«  was  not  uttarkod 
OS  lit;  np|)rnachi;d  tho  distr(!SHe<l  •nrriaon,  is  most  extraordinary,  (or  the 
hostiin  Indians  arc  Haid  to  have  guarded  every  imssajje  to  it;  and  there  are 
riifVerent  reasons  stated  for  that  neglect:  one  is,  that  the  guard  through 
whicli  tho  English  padsed,  sufFered  them  to  proceed,  expecting  auotiier 
guard  stationed  still  nearer  the  garrison  would  attack  tliem  in  front  while 
they  should  fall  on  tliem  in  the  rear ;  another  is,  that  they  were  «leceived 
as  to  tlio  numbers  of  the  English,  tiiinking  them  many  more  than  they 
really  were,  and  dared  not  attack  them.  It  would  seem,  however,  more 
|)rohable,  that  the  Indians  liad  no  guard  at  all  at  the  point  in  which  they 
approached  at  the  time  they  arrived ;  for  a  drove  of  cattle,  which  had  In-eji 
frightened  from  Brookfield  into  the  woods,  followed  the  rear  of  H'illard'a 
company  to  tho  garrison,  and  were  not  attacked,  which  would  not  have  been 
tho  case,  in  all  probability,  had  the  Indians  been  aware  of  their  approach. 

No  rooner  was  it  known  to  the  besiegers  that  relief  was  come,  Imt  they 
fell  with  more  fury,  if  possible,  upon  the  devoted  garrison  than  before ; 
shooting  continually  from  all  quarters  upon  it,  which  shows  that  they  had 
accidentally  let  the  reinforcement  get  into  tho  garrison.  Thus  to  a  most 
fortunate  circumstance  did  this  assemblage  of  English  owe  their  safety. 

At  the  very  time  WiUard  arrived  at  lirookficld  the  Indians  were  con- 
triving some  machinery  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire;  and  this mav  account 
for  their  remissness  in  suffering  him  to  come  in  unmolested.  They  fust 
endeavored  by  fire  arrows,  and  rags  dipped  in  brimstone  tied  to  long  poles 
spliced  together,  to  fire  the  gtu  rison,  but  not  succeeding,  those  within  firing 
upon  them  often  with  such  deadly  effect,  they  next,  in  the  language  of  Mr 
Htihbard,  "  used  this  devilish  stratagem,  to  fill  a  cart  with  hemp,  flax,  and 
other  combustible  matter,  and  so  thrusting  it  backward  with  poles  together 
spliced  a  great  length,  after  they  had  kindled  it ;  but  as  soon  as  it  had  begun 
to  take  fire,  a  storm  of  rain,  unexpectedly  falling,  put  it  out."  * 

During  this  siege  several  of  tiio  whites  were  wounded,  though  but  one 
was  kiKcd.  Of  the  Indians  80  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed,t  but  this 
was  doubtless  setting  the  number  much  too  high,  although  they  exposed 
themselves  beyond  what  was  common  on  similar  occasions.  On  the  5 
August  they  quitted  tlie  place,  satisfied  they  could  not  take  it,  and  joined 
Philip,  who  was  now  about  6  miles  from  the  place  where  Hvtchinaon  was 
and)ushed. 

After  GeorfTf  Memecho's  return  to  the  English,  he  gave  the  following  in- 
formation: "  Ui)on  Friday,  August  5,  Philip  and  his  company  came  to  us  at 
a  swamp,  6  miles  from  the  swamp  where  they  killed  our  men.  Philip 
brought  with  him  about  46  men,  but  women  and  children  many  more. 
PLilip^s  men  were,  about  30  of  them,  armed  with  guns,  the  rest  had  bows 
and  arrows.  He  observed  there  were  about  10  of  Philip^s  men  wounded. 
Philip  was  conducted  to  the  swamp  by  two  Indians,  one  of  them  [was] 
Caleb  of  Tatumasket,  beyond  Mendon.  The  Indians  told  Philip,  at  his  first 
coming,  what  they  had  done  to  the  English  at  Quabaog ;  then  he  presented 
and  gave  to  three  Sagamores,  viz.  Joh.n,  aliaa  Apequinash,  Quanamsit,  and 
Mawtamps.  to  each  of  them  about  a  peck  of  unstrung  wompom,  which 
they  accepted.  Philip,  as  I  understood,  told  Quabaog  andNipmuck  Indians, 
that  when  he  first  came  towards  the  Nipmuck  country,  and  left  his  own,  he 
had  in  his  company  about  250  men,  besides  women  and  children,  including 
the  Stiiiaw-Sacheni  [Weelamoo]  and  her  company;  but  now  they  liad  lelt 
him,  and  some  of  them  were  killed  and  he  was  reduced  to  40  men.  ] 
heard  also  that  Philip  said  if  the  English  had  charged  upon  him  and  his 
people  at  the  swamp  in  his  own  country  [18  July]  one  or  two  days  more, 
they  had  been  all  taken,  for  their  powder  was  almost  spent.    He  also  said, 


*  Captain  Wlieeler  does  not  mention  liie  rain,  but  says  they  succeeded  in  setting  the  housa 
uii  tire,  wliich  was  extinguished  al  great  peril  by  those  within,  who  had  two  of  Uieir  men 
wouiirled. 

i  Hcyl's  Indian  Wars,  101. 


Chap.  11] 


FIOIIT  AT  SUGARLOAF  HILh. 


816 


that  if  the  English  hnd  pursued  him  close!;',"  ns  he  retreated  to  the  Nip« 
inucit  country,  "  ho  must  needs  have  been  taken."  • 

A  eonHi(h;rai)le  number  oC  partly  christianized  Indians  belonged  to  the 
nei!,'hlK)rhood  ofHadley,  near  which  they  had  a  wooden  fort  to  protect  them 
from  any  hostile  Indians.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  calamities  in  tiiat 
region,  these,  with  all  other  Indians,  were  watched,  and  suspected  of  con« 
niving  with  Philip,  ond  an  intention  of  joining  with  him.  To  test  their  pre- 
tensions. Captains  Lothrop  and  Burs,  who,  with  a  force  of  180  men,  were 
now  at  Hadley,  ordered  tnem  to  surrender  their  arms  to  tliem.  They  hes- 
itated to  do  so  then,  but  intimated  that  they  would  imme<liately ;  yet  on  the 
following  night,  25  August,  they  led  their  fort  and  Hed  up  the  river  to- 
wards Pecompluk,  since  Deerfield,  to  join  Philip.  The  next  day  Lolhrop 
and  Beers  pursued  and  overtook  them  near  a  swamp  a  short  distance  to  the 
south  of  Sugarloaf  Hill,  opposite  to  the  present  town  of  Sunderland.  'J'hc 
Indians  bravely  stood  their  ground,  and  a  sharp  and  bloody  contest  ensued. 
They  were  finally  routed,  having  2(i  of  their  number  slain,  while  the  whites 
are  reported  to  have  lost  but  10  iu  killed,  and  their  number  wounded  is  not 
mentioned,  f 

A  garrison  being  established  at  Northfield,  Captain  Richard  Beers,  of  Water- 
town,  t  with  36  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  it,  tsept. 
3,  and  20  of  the  86  were  killed.  iJofcert  Pc/>/>cr,  of  Roxbury,  was  taken  cap- 
tive, and  the  others  efVected  their  escape.  Philip's  men  had  the  advantage 
of  attacking  them  in  a  place  of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first  fire  was 
very  destructive.  Beers  retreated  with  his  men  to  a  small  eminence,  and 
maintained  the  unr(piul  fight  until  their  anmiunition  was  spent,  at  which 
time  a  cart  containing  annnunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and, 
the  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight.  The  hill  to  wiiich 
the  English  fled,  at  the  i)eginning  of  the  fight,  was  known  aflerwards  by  tiie 
name  of  Beers's  Mountain.  "Here,"  says  Mr. Hvhbard,  " the  barbarous  vil- 
lains showed  their  insolent  rage  and  cruelty,  more  than  ever  before ;  cutting 
off  the  heads  of  some  of  the  slain,  and  fixing  them  upon  poles  near  the 
highway,  and  not  only  so,  but  one,  if  not  more,  was  fcund  with  a  chain 
hooked  into  his  under-jaw,  and  so  hung  up  on  the  bough  of  a  tree,  ('tis  feared 
he  was  hung  up  alive,)  by  which  means  they  thought  to  daunt  and  discourage 
anv  that  might  come  to  their  relief!" 

'The  place  where  this  fight  occurred  was  within  about  two  miles  of  tlie  gar- 
rison at  Squakkeag,  (Northfield,)  and  the  plain  on  which  it  began  is  called 
Beers''s  Plain.  Meanwhile  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and, 
like  that  at  Brookfield,  was  saved  by  the  arrival  of  a  company  of  soldiers. 
Two  days  after  Captain  Beers  was  cut  off,  Major  Treat  arrived  there  with  100 
men,  and  conveyed  the  garrison  safe  to  Hadley. 

Philip  probably  conducted  both  aflTairs;  this  of  Cajitain  Beers,  and  that  of 
Captain  Thomas  Lothrop,  about  to  be  related,  although  it  is  not  positively 
known  to  be  the  fact. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  August,  "King  Philip^s  men  had  taken  a  young 
lad  alive,  about  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  tree  two  nights  and  two 
days,  intending  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  day,  and  that  they  would  roast 
him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him;  but  God,  over  night,  touched  the  heart  of 
one  Indian,  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and  bid  him  run  grande,  (i.  e.  run 
apace,)  and  by  that  means  he  escaped."  § 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a  single  Indian,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  information 
respecting  his  countrj^men,  or,  perhaps,  such  as  they  desired,  they  pro- 
nounced him  worthy  of  death  ;  so  "  they  laid  him  down,  Cornelius,  the  butch- 
man,  lifting  up  his  sword  to  cut  off  his  head,  the  Indian  lifted  up  his  hand  be- 
tween, so  that  his  hand  was  flrst  cut  off,  and  partly  his  head,  and  the  second 
blow  finished  the  execution."  {| 


*  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Mass.  I,  293 — ♦.  n. 

t  Hubbard,  Nar.36,  37.— Chronicle,  W.—Hoyt,  102,  103. 

)  Manuscript  documents. 

^  Chronicle,  25.  ||  Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


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216 


PHILIP.-.LOTHROP  CUT  OFF. 


[Book  III. 


It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  the  "  Present  State  "  relates,  tliat 
"  King  Philip,  now  beginning  to  want  money,  having  a  coat  made  all  of 
wunipunipeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  his  coat  to  pieces  and  distributes  it 
pItMititiilly  among  the  Nipmoog  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to  the  east- 
ward as  southward,  and  all  round  about"  * 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Lothrop,  of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Hadley  with 
about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuable  articles, 
ti-oni  Deerfield.  Having  loaded  their  teams  and  commenced  their  march 
homewaid,  they  were  attacked  at  a  place  called  Sugarloaf  Hill,  where  almost 
every  man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of  "  choice  young  men,  the 
very  flower  of  Essex  county, '  none  of  whom  were  ashamed  to  speak  with  the 
enemy  in  the  gate.'"t  Eighteen  of  the  men  belonged  to  Deerfield-J  Cap- 
tain Mosdy,  being  not  far  off,  upon  a  scout,  was  drawn  to  the  scene  of  action 
by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with  him  70  men,  chai^^^ed  the  Indians 
with  great  resolution,  although  he  computed  their  numbers  at  1000.  lie 
had  two  of  his  men  killed  and  eleven  wounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to 
begin  the  fight,  and  exultingly  said  to  him,  "  Come,  Mostly,  come,  you  seek  In- 
dians, you  want  Indians ;  here  is  Indians  enough  for  you.''^  §  On  tliis  occasion 
the  conduct  otMosely's  lieutenants,  Savage  and  Pickering,  are  mentioned  in 
high  terms  of  praise,  "as  deserving  no  little  pait  of  the  honor  of  that  day's 
senice."  After  continuing  a  fight  witli  them,  from  eleven  o'  clock  until 
almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  ||  The  Indians  cut  open  the  bags  of 
wheat  and  tlie  feather-beds,  and  scattered  their  contents  to  the  winds.  § 
After  Mosely  had  commenced  a  retreat.  Major  Treat,  with  100  Eiiglitjh  and 
(iO  Mohegans,  came  to  his  assistance.  Their  united  forces  obliged  the  Indians 
to  retreat  in  their  turn.H  The  Indians  were  said  to  have  lost,  in  the  varioii"* 
encounters,  96  men.  It  was  a  great  oversight,  that  Captain  Lothrop  should 
have  suftered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  while  passing  n  dangerous  defile. 
"Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been  so  foolish  and  secure,  as  to  put  their  arms 
in  the  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather  grapes,  which  proved  dear  and  deadly 
grapes  to  them."  **  The  same  author  observes,  "  This  was  a  black  and  fatal 
day,  wherein  there  were  eight  persons  made  widows,  and  six-and-twenty 
children  made  fatherless,  all  in  one  little  plantation  and  in  one  day ;  aud 
above  sixty  persons  buried  in  one  dreadful  grave ! " 

The  place  of  this  fight  and  ambush  is  in  the  southerly  part  of  Dcerfield,  on 
which  is  now  the  village  called  B1.00DT  Brook,  so  named  from  this  memora- 
ble tragedy.  A  brook  which  passes  through  the  village  is  crossed  by  the 
road  not  far  from  tlie  centre  of  it,  and  it  was  at  the  point  of  crossing  that  it 
happened,  ff 

Until  this  period  the  Indians  near  Springfield  remained  friendly,  and  re 
fused  the  solicitations  of  Philip,  to  undertake  in  his  cause.  But,  now  that 
Northfield  and  Deerfield  had  liillen  into  his  hands,  they  were  watched  closer 
by  the  whites,  whose  cause  tlirse  great  euccosscs  of  Philip  had  occasioned 
them  to  look  upon  as  rather  precarious.  They  therefore,  about  40  in  number, 
on  the  night  of  the  4  Oct.,  admitted  about  300  of  Philip's  men  into  their  fort, 
which  was  situated  at  a  place  called  Longhill,  about  a  mile  below  the  village 
of  Springfield,  and  a  plan  was  concerted  for  the  destruction  of  that  place. 
But,  as  in  many  cases  afterwards,  one  of  their  number  betrayed  tlieni.  ToTO,tt 


•  Old  Ind.  Chronicle.  If  this  were  ihe  case,  Philip  must  iiave  hnd  nn  immense  big  coat— 
vca,  even  bigger  than  Dr.  Johnson's  great  coal,  as  rc|>rcsenlcd  l>y  liosivell ;  the  side  pockets 
of  wliich,  he  said,  were  largo  enough  each  lo  cont{.in  ot;c  of  the  huge  volumes  of  his  Iblio 
dictionary  I 

t  lluhhard's  Narrative,  38.  X  These  were  the  teamsters. 

6  Slanuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 

II  "  Whereupon,  allor  having  killed  several  of  the  Indians,  he  was  forced  lo  retreat,  and  con- 
tinued fighting  for  all  the  lime  that  he  and  his  men  were  rcirealing  nine  miles.  Cnpl.  Mostly 
lost  out  of  his  company  9,  and  13  wounded."— Old.  Ind.  Chron.  29.  This  author  has 
nleixlod  the  two  accounts  of  Beers  and  Lothrop  together,  and  relates  ihcm  as  one. 

11  /.  Mather's  Ilisloryof  the  War,  12.  *»  Ibid. 

tt  Last  year,  (iy.J5),  a  splendid  celebration  was  held  at  Bi.oodv  niiooK,  in  commemoration 
•f  the  event,  and  an  oration  was  pronounced  by  our  Prince  of  Orntors,  the  present  governor 
if  this  commonwealth.  His  Kxcellency  Euwaud  I'.vkiiktt,  LI..  D. 

\^  Hubbard.— 'lor ,  Hutchinson. 


CHAr.  II.] 


PHILIP.— SURPRISE  OF  HATFIELD. 


217 


\'M 


an  Indian  at  Windsor,  revealed  the  plot,  and  the  peoj)le  of  Springfiehl  had 
time  otilj'  to  escape  into  tiieir  garrisons.  The  whole  force  of  ihe  IndianH 
came  like  a  torrent  upon  the  place  the  next  day,  and  burnt  the  deserted 
houses  and  bai*ns,  in  all  57  buildings.  In  this  business,  however,  some  of 
their  number  were  killed  *  i)y  tii  ■  puople  in  the  garrisons ;  but  it  is  not  known 
how  many.  They  would  have  succeeded  against  the  lives  of  the  English  as 
well  as  against  their  proj)erty,  had  not  u  force  arrived  about  the  same  time 
for  their  nlirf 

Animated  bv  his  successes,  Philip  aimed  his  next  blow  at  the  head  quar- 
ters of  the  wfiites  in  this  region.  With  7  or  800  of  his  men  he  fell  upon 
Hatfield  on  the  19  Oct.,  wliicli,  had  it  not  been  well  provided  with  men,  would 
have  shared  the  fate  of  Springfield ;  but  Captain  Mosely  and  Captain  Poole, 
with  their  companies,  were  in  the  place,  and  Ca|)tain  Samuel  Appkton  was  at 
Iladley  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river;  and  against  such  commanders  they 
could  hardly  have  expected  success.  Ilowever,  they  made  a  bold  attempt 
on  all  sides  at  once  ;  but  their  greatest  force  fell  on  the  |)oint  where  Captani 
Jlppleton  commanded.  His  sergeant  was  mortally  wounded  by  his  side,  and 
a  bullet  passed  through  the  hair  of  his  own  head;  "by  that  whisper  telling 
him,"  says  Hubbard,  "that  death  was  very  near,  but  did  bin  no  other  harm. 
Night  coming  on,  it  could  not  be  discerned  what  loss  the  enemy  sustained ; 
divers  were  seen  to  fall,  some  run  through  a  small  river,  [now  called  JMi/i 
River,]  others  cast  their  guns  into  the  water,  (it  being  their  manner  to  ven- 
ture as  nuich  to  recover  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  as  to  defend  them 
when  alive.)"  And  thus  they  were  driven  from  the  place,  after  killing  but 
three,  and  wounding  10  of  the  whites,  and  burning  a  small  number  of 
buildings.  They  had,  Ixifore  their  attack  on  the  town,  killed  three  belonging 
to  some  scouts,  and  seven  others  of  Captain  Mosely^s  men.  This  was  among 
their  last  iinportant  efforts  on  the  Connecticut  River  before  retiring  to  the 
country  of  the  Narragaiisets. 

The  Nipnmck  sachems  had  well  contrived  their  attack  on  Hatfield ;  having 
made  fires  in  the  woods  about  seven  miles  from  it,  to  draw  out  the  soldiers, 
lor  whom  they  had  jirepared  ambushes ;  but  only  ten  of  Moseli/s  men  were 
sent  out  to  learn  tlie  cause  of  the  fires.  These  were  all  cut  oA'  except  one, 
according  to  the  Chronicle,  but  according  to  Hubbard,  seven  only  were 
kille<l.  The  Lidians  probably  supposed  the  main  body  was  cut  off,  and 
therefore  proceeded  directly  to  the  assault  of  the  town,  where  a  new  force 
had  just  arrived ;  and  hence  they  met  with  a  brave  resistance  and  final  defeatf 

The  Narragansits  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in  the  war,  though  there  ia 
no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledged  so  to  do.  Tlierefore,  having  douo  all  that 
could  he  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  conclu- 
ding tliut  his  presence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansets,  was  necessary  to 
keep  them  Iroin  abandoning  his  cause,  Philip  was  next  known  to  be  in  their 
country. 

An  army  of  loOO  English  was  raised  by  the  three  colonies,  Massachusetts, 
riiinoulh,  and  Connecticut,  ior  the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the  power  of 
Philip  among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  upon  this  course,  as  they 
had  been  assured  that,  the  next  spring,  that  luition  would  come  with  all  their 
force  upon  them.  It  was  not  known  tliat  Philip  was  among  them  when  this 
resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor  that  they  had  taken  part  with 
him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  promise<l  to  deliver  up  all  the  Wampanoags, 
who  should  flee  to  them,  either  alive  or  dead  ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  those 
w!  t  made  this  liromise,  had  it  not  in  tluMr  power  to  do  it;  being  piTsons, 
chiefly  in  suborilinate  stations,  who  had  no  right  or  authority  to  hind  any  but 
themselves.  And,  then-fore,  us  doubtless  was  foreseen  by  many,  none  of 
y/iiYiy* i)eople  were  delivtred  up,  although  many  were  known  to  have  l)cen 
among  them.  Thus,  in  few  words,  have  we  exhibited  the  main  grounds  of 
the  mighty  expedition  against  the  Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  KiT.'j. 

*  \  powlcr  plaltpr  is  still  oxliiliilccl  in  Sprliijrlicld  with  u  liolo  lliroiii^li  the  midclli;  of  it,  made 
l>v  !i  l>all  Iroiii  tli(>  (rurrisoii  lit  lliis  time.  An  lii<liaii  liail  takoii  it  fiom  oiiu  of  (lie  drscrted 
limiscs,  uiid  wore  it  liclbre  liis  breast  ns  u  sliicld.  'I'liiis  sliiuldod,  l.e  ventured  luwardl  iho 
(arrisoii,  ami  was  sliot.     Iloyt,  IIU. 

t  Ol.D  l.NUIAl*  CUKONICLK,  M,  37. 

19 


I  '  1, 


i-  r.j 

■'ii 


218 


PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Boor  HI 


Upon  a  small  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode 
Island,  Philip  had  fortified  himself,  in  a  manner  superior  to  what  wis  com- 
mon among  his  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter,  with  the 
chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  500  wigwams  of  a  superio* 
construction,  in  which  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisions.  Baskets 
and  tubs  of  corn*  were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside  of  tlieni, 
which  rendered  them  bullet  proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about  3000  persons 
had  here  taken  up  tlieir  residence. 

But,  to  be  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  "  the  scene  of  tlie  destruc- 
tion of  the  Narragausets,"  wj.  will  add  as  follows  from  the  notes  of  a  gen- 
tleman lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  purpose  of  gaining  information. 
"  What  was  called  The  Island  is  now  an  upland  meadow,  a  few  feet  higher 
than  tlie  low  meadow  with  which  it  is  surrounded.  The  island,  by  my  esti- 
mate, contains  from  three  to  four  acres.  One  fourth  of  a  mile  west,  is  the 
Usquepaug ;  a  small  stream  also  at  a  short  distance  on  the  east."  The  cele- 
brated island  on  whicli  the  fort  was  built  is  now  in  the  farm  of  /.  G.  Clark, 
Esq.  a  descendant  of  John  Clark,  of  II.  I.  and  about  30  rods  west  of  the  line 
of  the  "  Pettyswamscot  Purchase."  Water  still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seasons. 
It  was  cleai-ed  by  the  father  of  tlie  present  possessor  about  1780,  and,  although 
improved  from  that  time  to  the  present,  charred  corn  and  Indian  implements 
are  yet  ploughed  up.f 

President  Stiles,  in  his  edition  of  Church's  History  of  Philip's  War, 
states  that  the  Narraganset  fort  is  seve  a  miles  nearly  due  west  from  the 
South  Ferry.  This  agrees  with  data  furnished  by  Mr.  Ely,  in  stating  the 
returning  march  of  the  English  army.  Pine  and  cedar  were  said  to  have 
been  the  former  growth.^  An  oak  300  years  old,  standing  upon  the  island, 
was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  feet  from  the  ground.  From 
another,  a  bullet  was  cut  out,  surrounded  by  about  100  annvli,  at  the  same 
time.  The  bullet  was  lodged  there,  uo  doubt,  at  the  time  of  the  fight.  We 
will  now  return  to  our  narrative  of  the  expedition  to  this  place  m  Decem- 
ber, 1675. 

After  nearly  a  month  from  their  setting  out,  the  English  army  arrived  in 
the  Narraganset  country,  and  made  their  head-quarters  about  18  miles  from 
Philip's  fort  They  had  been  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  the  Indians 
were  well  enough  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  had  made  the  best  ar- 
rangements in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  had  already  suf- 
fered much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  encamp  in  the 
open  field,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them ! 

The  19th  of  December,  1()75,  is  a  memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — the  air  filled  with  snow, — the  English 
were  obliged,  from  the  low  state  of  their  provisions,  to  mai'ch  to  attack 
Philip  in  his  fort.  Treachery  hastened  his  ruin.  One  of  his  men,  by  hope 
of  reward,  betrayed  his  country  into  their  hands.  This  man  had,  probably, 
lived  among  the  English,  as  he  had  an  English  name.  He  was  called  Peter,^ 
and  it  was  by  accident  that  himself,  with  thirty-five  others,  had  just  before 
fallen  into  the  hamls  of  the  fortunate  Captain  Moaely.  No  Englishman  was 
acquainted  with  'he  sitMation  of  Philip's  fort ;  and,  but  for  their  pilot,  Ptter, 
there  is  very  little  probability  that  they  could  have  even  found,  much  less 
effected  any  thing  against  it.  For  it  was  one  o'clock  on  that  short  day  of 
the  year,  before  they  arrived  within  the  vicinity  of  the  sv/amp.  There  was 
but  one  j)oint  where  it  could  be  assailed  with  the  least  probability  of  suc- 
cess; and  this  was  fortified  by  a  kind  of  block-house,  directly  in  front  of 
the  entrance,  and  imd  also  flankers  to  cover  a  cross  fire.  Besides  high  pal- 
isades, an  innnense  hedge  of  fallen  trees,  of  nearly  a  rod  in  thickness, 

*  500  l)iislicls,  says  Dr.  /.  Mather 
used  by  tliu  liullniis  for  tubs. 

t  MS 
sliapp  is 
one  35  ro.ls,  aiiollior  !20. 

X  Holiiics's  Aimiils,  i.  376. 

\  Till!  nnmo  of  Peter  uinoiijj  llic  Iiidi  iis  was  so  ooinnion,  llinl  it  is  |)orlia|)s  |>nsl  doterinina- 
lion  uilio  tills  ojif  was.    Mr.  liubburd  calls  lilni  a  I'ugilivu  Irom  llie  Narraguiisuts. 


A/  i.ii^iiiia,  IM.T-'  ■'■.  J.  lui.t.fc, .     Hollow  troes,  cut  ofl'  about  llie  length  of  a  barrel,  wor» 
)V  tlie  Indians  for  tubs.     In  such  (liey  secured  their  corn  and  other  {grains. 
a.  cominunicatioii  of  Reverend  .Mr.  Elij,  accouipanied  by  a  drawing  of  the  island.     Its 
is  very  similar  to  the  shell  of  an  oyster.     Average  rectanguicu  lines  ihrouffli  it  niei 


measure, 


.s'-^'t 


wJAP.   II.] 


PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


219 


surrounded  it,  encompassing  an  area  of  about  five  acres.  Between  tlie 
fort  aftd  tlie  main  land  was  a  body  of  water,  over  whicli  a  great  tree  bad 
been  felled,  on  which  all  must  pass  and  repass,  to  and  from  it.  On  coming 
to  this  place,  the  English  soldiers,  as  many  as  could  pass  upon  the  tree, 
which  would  not  admit  two  abreast,  rushed  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swept 
off  in  a  moment  by  the  fire  of  PhUip'a  men.  Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led 
by  their  captains,  supplied  the  places  of  the  slain.  But  again  and  again 
were  they  swept  from  the  fatal  avenue.  Six  captains  and  a  great  many  men 
had  fallen,  and  a  partial,  but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place. 

Meanwhile,  a  handful,  under  the  fortunate  Mosely,  had,  as  miraculous  as 
it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contending  hand  to  hand 
with  the  Indians,  and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  "  l^ey  run  !  they 
run ! "  brought  to  their  assistance  a  considerable  body  of  their  fellow-soldiers. 
They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Lidians  from  their  main  breastwork, 
and  their  slaughter  bncame  immense.  Flying  from  wigwam  to  wigwam — 
men,  women  and  children,  indiscriminately,  were  hewn  down,  and  lay  in 
heaps  upon  the  snow.  Being  now  masters  of  the  fort,  at  the  recommenda- 
tion of  Mr.  Church,  who  letl  the  second  party  that  entered  the  fort.  General 
Winslow  was  about  to  quarter  the  army  in  it  for  the  present,  which  offered 
comfortable  habitations  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  besides  a  plentiful  supply 
of  provisions.  But  one  of  the  captaius  *  and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  meas- 
ure ;  probably  fiom  the  apprehension  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Indians, 
who  would  continue  their  attacks  upon  them,  and  drive  them  out  in  their 
turn.  There  was,  doubtless,  some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened 
from  the  fact  that  many  English  were  killed  after  they  had  possessed 
themselves  of  the  fort,  by  those  whom  they  had  just  dispossessed  of  it. 
Notwithstantling,  had  Church's  advice  been  followed,  perhaps  many  of  the 
lives  of  the  wounded  would  have  been  saved  ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in  hia 
judgment,  as  his  continued  successes  proved  aflerwards. 

After  fighting  three  hours,  the  English  were  obliged  to  march  18  miles, 
before  the  wounded  could  be  dressed,  and  in  a  most  dismal  and  boisterous 
night.  Eighty  English  were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  150  wounded,  many  of 
whom  died  afterwards.  The  shattered  army  left  the  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  fort. 

Philip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  a  place  of 
safety,  until  the  enemy  had  retired  ;  when  they  returned  again  to  the  fort. 
The  English,  no  doubt,  apprehended  a  pursuit,  but  Philip,  not  knowing 
their  distressed  situation,  and,  perhaps,  judging  of  their  loss  from  the  few 
dead  which  they  left  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  harass  them  in  their 
retreat.  Before  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire. 
Into  these,  hundreds  of  innocent  women  and  childi'en  had  crowded  them- 
selves, and  perished  in  the  general  conflagration !  And,  as  a  writer  of  that 
day  expresses  himself,  "no  man  knoweth  how  many."  The  English  learned 
afterwards,  from  some  that  fell  into  their  bands,  that  in  all  about  700 
perishcd.f 

The  sufferings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  are  almost  without  a  par- 
allel in  history.  The  horrors  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remembered. 
The  myriads  of  modern  Europe,  assembled  there,  bear  but  small  ]iropor- 

*  Probably  Mostly,  who  seems  always  to  have  liad  a  large  share  in  the  dircciion  of  all  af- 
fairs when  present. 

t  There  li  printed  in  Hiitchinsoii's  Hist.  Mass.  i.  300.  a  letter  which  ^vcs  the  partirulars  of 
the  Narraganset  tight.  I  have  compared  it  widi  the  original,  and  lind  it  correct  in  the  mala 
particulars.  He  mistakes  in  ascribing  it  to  Major  Bradjord,  for  it  is  signed  by  James  Oliver, 
a  Massachusetts  captain.  Hutchinson  copied  from  a  copy,  whicli  was  without  signature. 
He  omils  a  passage  concerning  Tijl,  or  Tiffe,  who,  Oliver  says,  confirmed  his  narrative. 
That  man  had  "  married  an  Indian,  a  Wompanoug— and,  says  Oliver,  he  shot  ^)  times  at  us 
in  the  swamp—was  taken  at  Providence,  [by  Captain  Fenner,]  Jan.  14th— lirought  to  us  the 
Kilh — i^xccuted  the  l!Jlh  ;  a  sad  wretch.  He  never  heard  a  sermon  but  once  this  ll  years ;  he 
never  hoard  of  the  name  of  Jfsiis  Christ.  His  father  going  to  recall  him,  lost  his  head,  and 
lii's  unl)uried."  Hubbard  says,  (.Narrative,  b'i,)  that  "lie  was  condemned  to  die  the  death  of 
a  ir^titor,"  and  traitors  of  those  days  were  i|uarturcd.  *'  As  to  his  religion,  he  was  found  as 
giionuit  as  an  heailu'ii,  which,  no  doubt,  caused  the  fewer  tears  to  be  shed  a>  his  fui'eral." 
A  sorrowful  record ! 


!      'i* 


■V 


f  • 


220 


PHILTP. 


[Rook  III 


tloptothe  number  of  thtir  countrymen,  compared  with  that  of  the  army 
of  Now  Enfrliiiid  and  th'Mrs,  at  tlie  fight  in  Narruganset.  * 

Colonel  Church,  then  only  a  volunteer,  was  in  tliis  fight,  and  ue  will  hear 
a  few  of  his  observations,  "By  this  time,  the  English  people  in  the  fort  had 
begun  to  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  houses,  which  JMr.  Church  labored 
hard  to  prevent ;  they  told  him  they  had  orders  lioin  the  general  to  burn 
them;  he  begged  them  to  Ibrb.ar  until  he  hiid  disconrs;'d  the  general," 
Then,  hastening  to  him,  he  urged,  that  "the  wigwams  were  musket-jjroofj 
being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tubs  of  grain,  and  other  provisions,  sutfi- 
cient  to  8U])ply  the  whole  army  until  tlie  spring  of  the  year;  and  every 
wounded  man  might  have  a  good  warm  house  to  lodge  in ;  which,  other- 
wise, would  necessarily  j)erish  with  the  storms  and  cold.  And,  moreover, 
that  the  army  had  no  other  jjrovision  to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon ;  that  he 
knew  that  Plymouth  forces  had  not  so  much  as  one  biscuit  left,"  The  gen- 
eral was  for  acceding  to  Churches  proposition,  but  a  captain  and  a  doctor 
prevented  it,  as  we  have  before  observed  ;  the  former  tlireatening  to  shoot 
the  general's  horse  under  hiai,  if  he  attempted  to  march  in,  and  the  latter 
said.  Church  should  bleed  to  death  like  a  dog,  (he  having  been  badly  wounded 
on  entering  the  fort,)  before  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  such 
advice.  Church  then  proceeds :  "  And,  burning  up  all  the  houses  and  pro- 
visions in  the  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same  night  in  the  storm  and  cold. 
And,  I  sujtpose,  every  one  that  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  that 
night's  march,  deeply  laments  the  miseries  that  attended  them ;  especially 
the  wounded  and  dying  men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to  pass  that  Capt, 
Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  Mr,  Smithes,  [in  Narraganset,]  that  very  night  from 
Boston,  with  a  vessel  loaden  with  provisions  for  the  army,  who  must  other- 
wise have  perished  lor  want "  * 

After  the  English  army  had  gone  into  quarters  at  Wickford,  the  Connecticut 
troojjs  returned  home,  which  was  considered  very  detrimental  to  the  service 
by  the  other  colonies ;  and  soon  after  a  reinforcement  of  1000  men  was  as- 
sembled at  Boston  and  ordered  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen.  In 
their  march  to  Narraganset  in  the  beginning  of  Jan,  167G,  they  suffered  intol- 
erably from  the  cold ;  no  less  than  11  men  were  frozen  to  death,  and  many 
others  were  taken  sick  by  reason  of  their  exposure  in  that  severe  season. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  sent  deputies  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  treat 
of  peace ;  but  it  was  judged  that  they  were  insincere  in  their  overtures,  and  no 
terms  were  settled.  While  matters  were  thus  progressing,  Philip  removed  his 
provisions,  women  and  children  to  a  strong  place  j)rotected  ny  rocks,  in  a 
swamj),  about  20  miles  from  the  late  battle-ground  in  Narraganset,  into 
the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  At  length,  the  weatlier  having  become  mild,  and 
the  Connecticut  Ibrces  returned,  together  \  'ith  a  body  of  Mohegans  under 
Uncas,  it  was  resolved  to  su  prise  Philip  in  his  rocky  fortress.  Accordingly 
the  army,  consisting  now  of  lUOO  men,  marched  out  on  this  enterprise.  On 
its  approach,  the  Indians  abandoned  their  position  and  fled  farther  noi-thward. 
They  were  [)ursued  a  small  distance,  and  about  60  or  70  of  them  killed  and 
taken,  (probably  women  and  children.)  The  army  soon  after  returned  home, 
and  was  chiefly  disbanded. 

On  27  Jan.,  while  the  army  was  pursuing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians, 
a  i)arty  of  about  300  attacked  Mr.  JVilliam  Carpenteh^s  plantation,  and  attempted 
to  burn  his  house,  which  they  set  on  fire,  but  those  within  succeeded  in  put- 
ting it  out.  In  the  skirmish,  one  of  their  number  was  killed,  and  two  of  the 
whites  were  wounded.  The  assaulting  party  collected  and  drove  off  from 
this  place  180  shei  p,  50  large  cattle,  and  15  horses,  and  from  a  Mr.  Harris 
another  drove  of  cattle,  and  killed  his  negro  servant.f 

Soon  after  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  liis  followei-s,  left  that  part  of  the 


*  "  Our  woiiniled  men,  (in  iiuml)cr  alxinl  150,)  lioiiig  dressed,  were  sent  into  Rhode  Island, 
ns  die  liosl  place  for  llieir  arconuiiodiilion  ;  wlicre,  accordinnly,  diey  were  kindly  received 
l>y  llic  irovernor  and  olliors,  onlv  some  (Inirlisli  tiuukers  were  nol  free  to  enterlnin  llicin,  nnlij 
r(nn|><'llcd  liy  llie  {>ovrrn()r.  (>l  so  i;iliiiinaiie,  |ieevisli  and  inilowar<l  a  <lis|)ositii)n  arc  liiese 
Wihiits, as  nol  lo  vondisnle civiliiy  lo iIkim-  iIi;iI  had  Ncnlnred  iheir  lives, and  received dangeniui 
Wounds  hi  llic'ir  deli'nci'."  Oli/  lial.  ('!iriii>ich\  'i\. 
t>ld  liidiun  Chronicle,  M,  ii\).—lli,li!Mid,  JU. 


H.vr.  II. 


PHILIP.— MEDFlEI.n  ATTACKED. 


221 


coiiiiti-y,  uii'.l  rcsiiled  in  tlfforent  places  upon  Connecticut  River.  Some  report 
tiiar  lit;  fook  up  liis  residence  near  Albany,  and  that  lie  solicited  the  Mohawks 
to  iiid  iiiin  against  the  English,  but  without  success. 

Tiie  story  of  the  foul  stratagiin  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  hy  Philip 
(or  this  object,  is,  if  true,  tlie  deepest  stain  upon  his  character.  According 
to  one  oi'  tlie  historians*  of  the  war,  it  was  reported  at  Boston,  in  tiie  end  of 
June,  or  beginning  of  July,  1076,  that  "  those  Indians  who  are  known  by  the 
name  of  Muuquawogs,  (or  Mohawks,  i.  e.  man-eaters,)  had  lately  fallen  upon 
Philip,  and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  the  variance  between  Philip  and 
tlie  Mauquawogs  came  to  pass,  as  is  commonly  reported  and  appi-ehended, 
there  was  a  niai*vellous  finger  of  God  in  it.  For  we  hear  that  Philip,  being 
this  winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawks'  country,  made  it  his  design  to  breed 
a  quarrel  between  the  English  and  them ;  to  effect  which,  divers  of  our 
returned  captives  do  report,  that  he  resolved  to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks, 
ond  then  to  say  that  the  English  had  done  it ;  but  one  of  these,  whom  he 
tiiought  to  '  :ve  killed,  was  only  wounded,  and  got  uway'to  his  countrymen, 
giving  them  to  understand  that  not  the  English,  but  Philip,  had  killed  the 
laen  that  W(;re  murdered ;  so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mohawks  upon 
iJie  English,  he  brought  them  ujion  himself." 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  "  Letters  to  London"  has  this  passage f 
concerning  PhUip^a  visit  to  the  Mohawks.  "  King  Philip,  and  seme  of  these 
northern  Indians,  bchig  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the  Mohucks  marched 
out  very  strong,  in  a  warlike  posture,  upon  them,  putting  them  to  flight,  and 
|)ursuing  them  as  far  as  Hassicke  River,  which  is  about  two  days'  march 
iiom  the  cast  side  of  Hudson's  River  to  the  north-east,  killing  divers,  and 
bringing  away  some  prisoners  with  great  pride  and  triumph,  which  ill  suc- 
cess on  that  side,  where  they  did  not  expect  any  enemy,  having  lately  en- 
deavored to  make  u|)  the  ancient  animosities,  did  very  much  daunt  and  dis- 
courage the  said  northern  Indians,  so  that  some  hundreds  came  in  and  sub- 
mitted themselves  to  the  Enghsh  at  Phnioiith  colony,  and  Philip  himself  is 
run  skulking  away  into  some  swamp,  witli  not  above  ten  men  attending  him." 

Aldiough  Philip  was  sup[)Osed  to  be  beyond  the  frontier  by  some,  and  by 
others  to  be  "  snugly  stowed  away  in  some  swamp,"  yet  his  warriors,  whether 
directed  by  him  m  person  or  not,  is  immaterial,  as  every  thing  was  done 
against  the  English  that  could  well  he  under  such  broken  circumstances  aa 
he  now  labored.  On  the  10  Feb.  1676,  they  surjirised  Lancaster  w  ith  com- 
plete success,  thu  particulars  of  which  we  shall  fully  narrate  in  our  next 
chapter.  Eleven  days  after,  (21  Feb.)  about  300  Lidians  attacked  Medfield, 
and  in  spite  of  200  soldiers  stationed  there  to  guard  it,  burnt  about  50  houses, 
killed  18  of  its  inhabitants,  and  wounded  20  others.  Among  the  slain  were 
Lieutenant  Mams  and  his  wife :  the  latter  was  killed  accidentally  by  Cap- 
tain Jacob,  She  was  in  bed  in  a  chamber,  under  which  was  a  room  occupied 
by  the  soldiers ;  as  Cajjtain  Jacob  was  about  to  leave  the  house,  his  gun  went 
off,  the  ball  from  which  passed  through  the  chamber  floor  and  killed  her. 

The  Lidians  managed  this  attack  with  their  usual  skill ;  having  placed  some 
of  their  number  prepared  with  fire  imiilements  in  various  parts  of  the  town, 
they  set  the  houses  on  fire,  "  as  it  were,"  says  Major  Gookin,  "  in  one  instant 
of  lime."  And  as  the  people  issued  out  of  them,  jiarties  lay  ready  and  shot 
tliein  down.  As  soon  os  the  whites  were  mustered  to  oppose  them,  they 
retired  over  the  bridge  towards  Sherburne,  and  set  it  on  fire,  so  that  the  sol- 
diers could  not  pursue  them.  In  the  jiride  of  their  success,  they  now  wrote 
H  hitter  to  the  whites,  and  stuck  it  up  on  a  post  of  the  bridge.     It  readsi, 

"  Know  by  this  paper,  that  the  Indians  that  thou  hast  provoked  to  wrath  ami 
ansrer  will  war  this  21  years  if  you  ivill.  There  are  many  Indians  yet.  We  come 
1^00  at  this  time.  Yuu  mjist  consider  the  Indians  lose  nothing  but  their  life.  You 
must  lose  your  fair  hoitses  and  frt<//e."| 

On  the  13  March,  the  entire  town  of  Gioton,  consisting  of  4  >  houses, 
was  burnt,  except  one  gaiTisoii,§  by  shots  from  which  several  Indians  were 
said  to  have  l)een  killed. 

♦  Dr.  /.  Mallier,  nrief  Hisl.  38.  f  ("liroiiiclp,  '.•'.». 

t  (Jonkin's  MS.  Hisl.  Prnviiig  Iiulians.— The  above  letlor  wus  doublloss  written  l>y  soiii'   ■)! 
llie  Cliristian  Indians  wlio  liad  joined  Philip. 
(  In  our  Chronicle,  8'J,  ii  is  said  tiiat  Groion  vi&i  burnt  on  the  14th  ;  that  Major  WiUar<P» 

19* 


.•  i: 


K   ••i 


I  I 

II  ^ 


!:• 


222 


PH^ 


-SUDBURY  FIGHT. 


^BooK  III 


Philip  hod  for  some  time  directed  matters  with  such  address  that  his 
enemies  coiil<l  not  tell  where  or  how  to  meet  him,  or  whether  he  actually 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  frontiers  or  not.  But  there  can  he  little  doubt  of 
his  special  agency  and  direction  in  all  the  important  enterprises.  On  the  18 
March,  Northampton  was  assaulted,  but  not  with  quite  as  good  success  as 
was  anticipated  hy  the  bcBiegersi  for  they  lost  eleven  men,  while  the  whites 
had  but  three  killed  and  six  wounded. 

On  the  27  Mi\rch,  a  large  boily  of  300  Indians,  as  was  Bup])Oscd,  were 
discovered  encamped  not  far  from  Marlborough,  which  they  had  burnt  the 
day  before.  A  company  of  men  belonging  to  that  town,  attached  themselves 
to  a  number  of  soldiers  under  one  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  wlio,  falling  upon  them 
in  till  night  while  they  were  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  killed  and  wounded 
about  40  of  them,  without  any  loss  to  themselves. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  resolved  that  this  midnight  assassination  should 
not  go  long  unrequited,  and  events  so  determined,  as  what  we  are  about  to 
relate  will  fully  exemplify.  On  the  morning  of  the  20  April,  the  largest 
body  of  Indians  which  had  at  any  time  appeared,  attacked  Sudbury,  and 
before  resistance  could  be  made,  set  fire  to  several  buildings,  which  were 
consumed.  The  inhabitants,  however,  made  a  brave  stand,  and  were  soon 
.joined  by  some  soldiers  from  Watertown,  under  Captain  Hugh  Mason ;  and 
the  Indians  retreated  over  the  bridge,  and  were  prevented  from  doing  any 
further  mischief  during  the  day,  against  Sudbury. 

Some  of  the  people  of  Concord  hearing  of  the  distress  at  Sudbury,  sallied 
forth  tor  its  protection.  As  they  approached  a  garrison  house,  they  discovered 
a  few  Lidians,  and  pursued  them.  These,  as  it  proved,  were  a  decoy,  and 
they  soon  found  themselves  ambushed  on  every  side.  They  fought  with 
desperation,  but  were  all,  except  one,  cut  off,  being  eleven  in  number.  This 
affair  took  place  immediately  afler  Captain  fVadsioorth  had  marched  from 
Sudbury  with  70  men  to  strengthen  the  garrison  at  Marlborough  ;  and  the 
news  of  the  situation  of  the  place  he  had  just  left  reached  his  destination  as 
soon  as  he  did ;  and  although  he  had  marched  all  the  day  and  night  before,  and 
his  men  almost  exhausted  with  fatigue,  yet,  taking  Captain  Brocklebank  and 
about  ten  men  from  the  garrison  at  Marlborough,  he  marched  directly  back 
for  Sudijury.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  they  arrived  within  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  of  the  to>vn,  near  where  a  body  of  about  500  Indians  had  pre- 
pared an  ambush  behind  the  hills.  From  thence  they  sent  out  two  or  threo 
of  their  party,  who  crossed  the  march  of  the  English,  and,  being  discovered 
by  them,  affected  to  fly  through  fear,  to  decoy  them  intO'  a  pursuit.  This 
stratagem  succeeded,  and  with  great  boldness  the  Indians  began  the  attack. 
For  some  time  the  English  maintained  good  order,  and,  having  rrtreated  to 
an  adjacent  hill,  lost  but  five  men  for  near  four  hours.  Meantime  the  Indians 
had  lost  a  great  number,  which  so  increased  their  rage  that  they  resolved  to 
put  in  practice  another  stratagem,  which  it  seems  they  had  not  before  thought 
of!  They  immediately  set  the  woods  on  fire  to  windward  of  the  English, 
which  spread  with  great  rapidity,  owing  to  an  exceeding  high  wind  and 
the  dryness  of  the  grass  and  other  combustibles.  This  stratagem  likewise 
succeeded,  even  better  than  the  first ;  that,  although  it  served  to  bring  on  the 
attack,  was  near  proving  fatal  to  its  originators,  but  this  was  crowned  with 
complete  success.  The  fury  of  the  flames  soon  drove  the  English  from  their 
advantageous  position,  which  gave  the  Indians  an  opportunity  to  liiil  upon 
them  witii  their  tomahawks!  Many  were  now  able  to  fall  upon  one,  and 
resistance  fust  diminished.  All  but  about  twenty  were  killed  or  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors;  among  the  former  were  the  two  captains;  some 
of  tiiose  that  esca|)ed  took  shelter  in  a  mill  not  Ihr  off,  and  were  saved  bv 
the  iirrivul  of  a  few  men  under  Captain  Prentice,  and  a  company  under 
Cai)t!iiii  Crowell.  Both  of  these  officers  and  their  men  .'ery  narrowly  es- 
cai)0(l  tiie  liite  of  fVadsworth.*    As  the  former  was  about  to  fall  into  a  fatal 

lioiisi!  was  biiriil  first,  aixl  tlia    '•  afterwards  ihey  destroyed  66  more  there,  leaving  but  six 
houses  sliuidiiiir  iu  the  whole  town." 

*  "  So  insoli'iit  were  the  In.liniis  grown  upon  their  first  success  against  Coptain  IVatlsworth, 

"      od  cheer  j  for  they  intended  to  dmc  with  us  fal 


that  iliey  sent  us  word,  to  provide  store  of  good 
IJosloiiJ  on  the  election  day."     CItrcmicle,  95. 


Chap.  11] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHlLtP. 


223 


Biiare,  he  was  rescued  by  a  company  from  a  garrison  ;  und  as  tlie  Inttor  np- 
proiiclied  Sudbury,  he  saved  himself  by  pursuing  an  unexpected  routf  ;  and, 
though  attaci<ed,  he  succeeded  in  fighting  Ids  way  through  the  Indians  \yltU 
a  loss  only  of  six  or  seven  of  his  men.  Captain  CroioelCs  arrival  at  this  tiine 
was  accidental,  though  fortunate ;  being  on  his  return  from  Quabaog,  whither 
he  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  that  garrison.*  With  this  great  acliicvement 
ended  the  chief  operations  in  Massachusetts ;  and  we  have  now  to  return 
towards  Plimouth. 

When  success  no  longer  attended  Philip  in  Massachusetts,  those  of  hia 
allies  whom  he  had  seduced  into  the  war,  upbraided  and  accused  him  of 
bringing  all  their  misfortunes  upon  them ;  that  they  had  no  cause  of  war 
against  the  English,  and  had  not  engaged  in  it  but  for  hia  solicitations ;  an<i 
rnany  of  the  tribes  scattered  themselves  in  different  directions.  With  nil 
that  would  fbllow  him,  as  a  last  retreat,  Philip  returned  to  Pokanoket.  The 
Pecom[)tuck  or  Deerfield  Indians  were  among  the  first  \vho  abandoned  his 
cause,  and  many  of  the  other  Nipmucks  and  Narragansets  soon  followed 
their  example. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  he  attempted  to  surprise  Taunton,  but  was  repnlsedf. 
His  camp  was  now  at  Matapoiset.  The  English  came  upon  him  here,  under 
Captain  Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  he  escajjed  over 
Taunton  River,  as  he  had  done  a  year  before,  but  in  the  opposite  direction, 
and  screened  himself  once  more  m  the  woods  of  Pocasset.  He  used  rnany 
stratagems  to  cut  ofi"  Captain  Church,  and  seems  to  have  watclutl  and  fol- 
lowed him  from  place  to  place,  until  the  end  of  this  month ;  but  he  was 
continually  losing  one  cotnpany  of  his  men  after  another.  Some  scouts 
ascertained  that  he,  and  many  of  his  men,  were  at  a  certain  iiiacc  upon 
Taunton  River,  and,  from  appearances,  were  about  to  repass  it.  His  camp 
was  now  at  this  place,  and  the  chief  of  his  warriors  with  him.  Some  sol- 
diers from  Bridguwater  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July  30,  and  killed 
ten  warriors;  but  Philip,  having  disguised  himself,  escaped.^  His  uncle, 
Mkompoin,  was  among  the  slain,  and  his  own  sister  taken  prisoner. 

The  late  attempt  by  Philip  upon  Taunton  had  caused  the  people  of  Bridge- 
water  to  be  more  watchful,  and  some  were  continually  on  the  scout.  Some 
time  in  the  day,  Saturday,  29  July,  four  men,  as  they  were  ranging  the  woods, 
discovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  there  were  more  at  hand,  made 
all  haste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitants  of  Bridgewater  of  their  discovery 
ComfoH  IVUlis  and  Joseph  Edson  were  "  pressed  "  to  go  "  post "  to  the  govern- 
or of  Plimouth,  at  Marshfield,  who  "went  to  Plimouth  with  tiiem,  the 
next  day,  [30  July,]  to  send  Captain  Church  with  his  company.  And  Captain 
Church  came  with  them  to  Monponset  on  the  sabbath,  and  came  no  iin-ther 
that  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  the  next  dav."  Here  JVillis  and 
Edson  left  him,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the  evening.  Upon  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborhood,  21  men  "  went  out  on  Monday,  sup- 
posing to  meet  with  Captain  Church ;  but  they  came  upon  the  enemy  and 
ibught  with  them,  and  took  17  of  them  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And 
they  all  returned,  and  not  one  of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ;  and  received  no 
help  from  ChurcL"  This  account  is  given  from  an  old  manuscript,  but  who 
its  author  was  is  not  certain.^  ChurcKs  account  differs  considerably  from  it. 
He  says,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  and  his  company  marched 
from  Plimouth,  "  they  heard  a  smart  fii-ing  at  a  distance  from  them,  but  it 

•  Old  Indian  Chronicle  79,  92,  93.— Hubbard,  SO.— Gookin's  MS.  Hist.— A  son  of  Caplain 
Wadsioorth  caused  a  monumcal  to  be  eroded  upon  liie  place  of  this  liglit,  wiUi  an  inscriplicn 
upon  it,  which  time  has  discovered  to  be  erroneous  in  some  of  its  historical  particulars.  It 
was  recently  standin°f  to  the  west  of  Sudbury  causeway,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the 
afreat  road  that  leads  from  Boston  to  Worcester.     Iloyt,  122.  Holine.i,  i.  380. 

t  A  captive  ne^ro  made  his  escape  from  Philip's  men,  and  ^ave  notice  of  their  Intention  j 
"  wheroiipou  the  uihabitants  stood  upon  their  guard,  and  souldiers  were  timously  sent  in  to 
lliiMu  for  iluir  relief  and  defence."     Prei-alency  of  Pray.r,  JJ. 

X  "  'Tis  said  that  he  had  newly  cut  olV  his  hair,  that  he  might  not  be  known."  Hubbard, 
AW.  1(11.  ^  ' 

^  It  i^  published  by  Mr.  Mitchell,  in  his  valuable  account  of  Uridgewater,  and  supposed  to  hav« 
be.  a  wnlien  by  Comfort  Willis,  named  above.     See  2  Coll.  iMass.  Hi<t.  Soc.  Vii.  1,";7. 


'X^' ' 


224 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III 


[  sing  near  night,  mul  tlie  firing  of  short  continuance,  they  missod  ttic  place, 
aud  went  itiio  Jlridgcwater  town." 

On  tin;  1  Angnwt,  the  intr('])id  Church  cnine  upon  Philip's  head-ciuurters, 
killed  and  took  about  130  of  his  people,  Philip  himself  very  narrowly  escap- 
ing, ^neii  was  his  precipitation,  tliat  he  lell  uU  his  wampum  behind,  and  hia 
wife  and  son  tell  into  the  hands  of  Church. 

No  sooner  had  the  story  of  the  destruction  of  the  Indians  begun  to  ottract 
attention,  (which,  however,  was  not  until  a  long  time  after  they  had  been 


destroyed,)  much  inquiry  was  made  concerning  the  ftite  of  this  son  of  the 
ifintows  JMelacomet ;  and  it  was  not  until  considerable  time  had  elapsed,  that 
it  was  discovered  that  he  was  sold  into  slavery!  It  is  gratilyitig  to  learn 
what  did  become  of  him,  although  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  must  cause  pain 
hi  every  humane  breast;  not  more  for  the  lot  of  young  Metacomet,  than  for 
the  wretched  depravity  of  the  minds  of  those  who  advised  and  executed  the 
decree  o<'slavei"j'  upon  him. 

Great  numbers  oi'  Philip^s  people  were  sold  for  slaves  in  foreign  countries. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  war  Captain  Mostly  cupturedjSO,  wJio  were  confined 
Gt  Plimoutli.  In  September  following,  178  were  put  on  botu-d  a  vessel  com- 
manded by  Captidn  Sprague,  who  sailed  from  PlimouJi  with  them  for  Spain. 

Church*  relates  the  attack  of  Aug.  1  upon  the  flying  chief  as  follows: — 
"Next  morning,  [after  the  skirmish  in  which  JlkkDvnpnin  was  killed,]  Capt. 
Church  moved  very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgcwater  that  listed  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  piloting, 
he  soon  came,  very  still,  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  the  river;  and  the  captidn  sjiied  an  Indian  sitting  u))on  the 
Etump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  an«l  he  claiiped  his  gun  up,  and  had 
doubtless  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily  to 
him  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  bis  own  men ;  upon  which  the 
Lidian  u])on  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt.  Church's  Indian,  seeing  bis 
face,  perceived  his  mistake,  for  he  knew  him  to  be  Philip;  cla])ped  uj)  his 
gun  and  fired,  but  it  was  too  late;  for  Philip  inuncdiately  threw  himself  off 
the  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side  of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape. 
Capt  Church,  us  soon  as  possible,  got  over  tiie  river,  and  scattered  in  (piest  of 
Philip  and  his  company,  but  the  enemy  scattered  and  fled  every  way ;  but  he 
picked  up  a  considerable  many  of  their  women  and  children,  among  which 
were  Philip's  wife  and  son  of  about  nine  years  old."  The  remainder  of  the 
day  was  s|)ent  in  pursuing  the  flying  Philip,  who,  with  his  Narragansets,  was 
Btill  formidable.  They  {)icked  up  many  prisoners,  from  whom  they  learned 
tlie  force  of  those  of  whom  they  were  in  p  irsuit.  At  night.  Church  was  under 
obligation  to  return  to  his  men  he  had  left,  but  commissioned  Lightfoot,  cup- 
tain,  to  lead  a  party  on  discovery,  hightfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with 
good  success,  having  made  an  important  discovery,  and  taken  13  prisoners. 
Church  immediately  set  out  to  follow  up  their  advantage,  lie  soon  came 
where  they  had  made  fires,  and  shortly  ailer  overtook  their  women  and  chil- 
ilren,  who  "were  faint  and  tired,"  and  who  informed  them  "that  Philip,  with 
O  great  number  of  the  enemy,  were  a  little  before."  It  was  almost  sunset 
when  they  came  near  enough  to  observe  them,  and  '^Philip  soon  came  to  a 
."top,  and  fell  to  breaking  and  chopping  wood,  to  make  fires ;  and  a  great 
Jioise  they  made."  CAurcft,  concentrating  his  followers,  formed  them  into  a 
circle,  and  set  down  "  wthout  any  noise  or  fire."  Their  prisoners  showed 
I'.^reat  signs  of  fear,  but  were  easily  put  in  confidence  by  the  conciliatory  con- 
duct of  Church.  Thus  stood  matters  in  Church's  camp  through  the  night  of 
the  2  August,  1G7G.  At  dawn  of  day,  he  told  his  prisoners  they  must  remain 
mill  where  tliey  were,  until  the  fight  was  over,  (for  he  now  had  every  reason 
f o  expect  a  severe  one  sliortly  to  follow,)  "  or,  as  soon  as  the  firing  ceased, 
they  must  follow  the  tracks  of  his  company,  and  come  to  them.  (An  Indian 
is  next  to  a  bloodhound  to  follow  a  track.)  ^'f 

It  being  now  light  enough  to  make  the  onset,  Church  sent  forward  two 
soldiers  to  learn  Philip's  ])osition.  Philip,  no  less  wary,  hud,  at  the  same 
time,  sent  out  two   spies,  to  see  if  any  were  in  pursuit  of  him.    The  "~ 


re- 


•  Hist.  PhUips  War,  38,  ed.  4lo. 


t  Ibid.  33. 


Chip.  U  ] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


ppiTtivo  s|>ii\-*  of  tlie  two  faniniis  chiefs  gave  the  alarm  to  botli  cnmps  nf  the 
Kami;  tiiiio;  but,  unhappily  for  Philip,  h\s  antagonist  was  jtrnparcd  for  tlie 
event,  while  ho  was  not.  "All  fled  at  the  first  tidings,  [of  tlie  .xjiies,]  jell 
tlieir  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  wooden  spits,  and  run 
into  a  swamp  with  no  other  breakfast,  than  what  Ca])t,  Church  atlerwards 
treated  them  with."  Church  sent  his  lieutenant,  Mr.  Isaac  Howlmul,  on  (»ne 
side  of  the  swamp,  while  himself  ran  upon  the  other,  each  with  a  sfiiidl 
party,  ho|)ing,  as  the  swamp  was  small,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any.  Ex- 
pecting that  when  Philip  should  discover  the  English  at  tlio  liirtlier  extrenii- 
ry  of  the  swamp,  he  would  turn  back  in  his  own  track,  and  so  escape  at  tlio 
Bame  place  he  entered,  Church  had,  therefore,  stationed  an  ambush  to  entrap 
him  in  such  an  event  But  the  warinesfi  of  Philip  disappointe<l  him.  He, 
thinking  that  the  English  would  pursue  Jiim  into  tlie  swamp,  had  formed  an 
ambush  for  them  also,  but  was,  in  like  manner,  disa|)pointed.  He  had,  at 
the  same  time,  sent  forward  a  bund  of  his  warriors,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Church  and  Howland.  They,  at  first,  attoinjited  to  fly,  and  then  ottered  re- 
sistance ;  but  Church  ordered  Matthias*  to  tell  them  the  impracticability  of 
such  1  step.  He  accordindy  called  to  them,  and  said,  "7/*  thei/  fired  ont  srun 
Ihey  were  all  dead  men."  Ihis  threat,  with  the  presence  of  the  English  and 
Indians,  so  amazed  them,  that  they  suffered  "  the  English  to  come  and  take 
the  guns  out  Oi  their  hands,  when  they  were  both  charged  and  cocked." 
Having  secured  these  with  a  guard,  armed  with  the  guns  just  taken  liom 
them.  Church  presses  through  the  swamp  in  search  of  Philip,  towards  tho 
end  at  which  that  chief  had  entered.  Having  waited  until  he  had  no  hopes 
of  ensnaring  Captain  Chut:h,  Philip  now  moved  on  afl(!r  the  company  he 
had  sent  forward,  and  thus  tho  two  parties  met.  The  English  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  first  discovery,  and,  covered  by  trees,  made  the  first  fire. 
Philip  stood  his  ground  for  a  time,  and  maintained  a  desperate  fight ;  but,  a 
main  body  of  his  warriors  having  been  captured,  winch,  by  this  time,  lie 
began  to  apprehend,  as  they  did  not  come  to  his  aid,  he,  therefore,  fled  back 
to  the  point  where  he  entered  the  swamp,  and  thus  fell  into  a  second  am- 
bush. Here  the  English  were  worsted,  having  one  of  their  number  slain, 
viz.  Thomaa  Lucas,^  of  Plimouth:  thus  escaped,  for  a  few  days,  Philip  and 
some  of  his  best  captains ;  such  were  Tuspaquin  and  Taloson.  This  was 
August  the  3d,  and  Philip's  numbers  had  decreased,  since  the  1st,  173,  by 
the  exertions  of  Church.  X 

Philip,  having  now  but  few  followers  left,  was  driven  from  place  to  place, 
and  lastly  to  his  ancient  seat  near  Pokanoket.  The  English,  for  a  long  time, 
had  endeavored  to  kill  him,  but  could  not  find  iiim  off  his  guard ;  for  he 
was  always  the  first  who  was  apfirized  of  their  approach.  He  having  jnit  to 
death  one  of  his  own  men  for  advising  him  to  make  peace,  this  m».n'a 
brother,  whose  name  wrj  Alderman,  fearing  the  same  fiitc,  deserted  hmi, 
and  gave  Captain  Churr .  an  account  of  his  situation,  and  ottered  to  load  liim 
to  his  camp.  Early  oi.  Saturday  morning,  12  Aug.,  Church  came  to  the 
swamp  where  Philip  was  encamped,  and,  before  he  was  discovered,  bar' 
placed  a  guard  about  it,  so  as  to  encomjiass  it,  except  a  small  place.  He 
then  ordered  Captain  Golding^  to  rush  into  the  swamp,  and  i'ull  upon  Philip 
in  his  camp;  which  he  immediately  did — but  was  discovered  as  ne  ap- 
proached, and,  as  usual,  Philip  was  the  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked 
from  sleep,  and  having  on  but  a  part  of  his  clothes,  he  fled  with  all  lii» 
might.  Coming  directly  upon  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  who  composed 
B  part  of  the  ambush  at  the  edge  of  the  swat  ip,  the  Englisliman's  gun  missed 
fire,  but  Alderman,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was  loaded  with  two  balls,  "sent 

*  One  of  Church's  Indian  soldiers,  but  of  whom  he  makes  no  mention. 

t  An  improvident  fellow,  given  to  intoxication,  and,  from  Church's  expression  about  liis 
being  killed,  "  not  being  so  careful  as  lie  might  have  been,"  it  leaves  room  to  doubt  whether 
he  were  not,  at  this  time,  under  the  nficcts  of  liniior.  He  had  been  often  fined,  and  once 
whipped,  for  getting  drunk,  beating  his  wife  and  cliildruP,  defaming  the  character  of  deceased 
magistrates,  and  olTicr  misdemeanors. 

J  Church,  M.     In  the  account  of  Tatosnn,  Church's  narrative  is  continued. 

^  Captain  Roger  Goulden,  of  U.  I.  Plimouth  granted  him  100  acres  of  land  on  Pocassel, 
in  1676,  for  his  eminent  services.    Flim.  Records. 


■      1! 


226 


Lira  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[UooK  UL 


one  tlirough  his  heart,  and  another  not  aliove  two  inches  from  it    He  fell 
upon  his  iiico  in  tiie  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him." 

"  Cold,  with  the  beast  he  slew,  he  sleeps ; 
O'er  liim  no  filial  spirit  weeps ; 

Even  that  he  lived,  is  for  his  conqueror's  tong:ue  j 
Uy  foes  alone  his  death-song  must  be  sung  j 

No  chronicles  but  theirs  shall  tell 

His  mournful  doom  to  future  times ; 

May  these  upon  his  virtues  dwell. 

And  in  his  fate  forget  his  crimes."— Spraoue. 

The  name  of  the  man  stationed  with  Alderman  was  Caleb  Cook,*  who  had 
shared  in  many  of  Churches  hazardous  expeditions  before  the  present.  See- 
ing that  he  could  not  have  the  honor  of  killing  Philip,  he  was  desirous,  if 
possible,  of  having  a  memento  of  the  mighty  exploit,  lie  therefore  prevailed 
upon  Mderman  to  exchange  guns  with  him.  This  gun  was  kept  in  tlie  family 
until  the  present  century,  when  the  late  Isaac  Lothrop,  Esq.  ot  Plimouth  ob- 
tained the  lock  of  it  from  Mr.  Sulvanus  Cook,  late  of  Kmgston.  Sylvamis 
was  great-gTindson  of  Caleb.\  The  stock  and  barrel  of  the  gmi  arc  titili  re- 
tained by  tlie  descendants  of  the  name  of  Cook.l  There  is  a  gun-lock  shown 
in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  said  to  be  the  same  which  Jilderman 
used  in  shooting  Philin.  This  Alderman  was  a  subject  of  Weelamoo,  m  ho,  in 
the  commencement  or  this  war,  went  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  and  de- 
sired to  remain  in  peace  with  the  English,  and  immediately  took  up  his  resi- 
dence upon  an  island,  remote  from  the  tribes  engaged  in  it  But,  after  Philip 
had  returned  to  his  own  country,  Alderman,  upon  some  occasion,  visitetl 
him.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  learned  the  fate  of  his  brother  belbre 
spoken  of;  or  he  may  have  been  killed  in  his  presence.  This  causod  his 
flight  to  the  English,  which  he  thought,  probably,  the  last  resort  for  ven- 
geance. He  "came  down  from  tliunce,  says  CAurcA ;  (where  PAi/ip's  camp 
now  was,)  on  to  Sand  Point  over  against  Trips,  and  hollow'd,  and  made 
signs  to  be  fetch'd  over"  to  the  island.  He  was  immediately  brought  over, 
and  gave  the  information  desired.  Captain  Church  had  but  just  anived  upon 
Rliode  Island,  and  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  upper  end,  where  Alder- 
vmn  landed.  He  had  been  at  home  but  a  few  minutes,  when  "  they  spy'd 
two  horsemen  coming  a  great  pace,"  and,  as  he  prophesied,  "  they  came  witii 
tydings."  Major  Sanford  and  Capt  GoUling  were  the  horsemen,  "who 
immediately  ask'd  Capt  Church  what  he  wotddgive  to  hear  some  news  of  Philip. 
He  reply'd.  That  was  what  he  wanted."  The  expedition  was  at  once  entered 
ujjon,  and  Jilderman  went  as  their  pilot.    But  to  return  to  the  fall  of  Philip : — 

"By  this  time,"  continues  Church,  "the  enemy  perceived  they  were  way- 
laid on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about,"  and  were  led  out  of 
their  dangerous  situation  by  the  great  Captain  Annaivon.  "  The  man  that 
had  shot  down  Philip  ran  with  all  speed  to  Capt  Church,  and  informed  him 
of  his  ex|)loit,  who  commanded  hitn  to  be  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man 
more  know  it  until  they  had  drove  the  swamp  clean ;  but  when  they  had 
drove  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the 
most  of  them,  and  the  sun  now  up,  and  the  dew  so  gone  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  the  whole  company  met  together  at  the  place  where  the 
cnpiny's  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Capt  Church  gave  them  the  news  of 
Philip's  death.  Upon  which  the  whole  army§  gave  tliree  loud  huzzas. 
Capt.  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland. 
So  some  of  Capt  ChurcKs  Lidians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings,  and 

*  Baylies,  in  his  N.  Plymouth,  ii.  168,  says  his  name  was  Francis ;  but  as  ho  gives  no  author- 
ity, we  adhere  to  older  authority. 

t  This  Caleb  Cook  was  son  of  Jacob,  of  Plimouth,  and  was  born  there  29  Mar.  1651.  He 
had  two  or  more  brothers;  Jacob,  born  14  May,  11)53,  and  Francis,  6  Jan.  Uili:) — l.  Ilcnce 
it  is  not  probable  that  Francis  was  a  soldier  at  tliis  time,  as  he  was  only  in  his  l^lh  year. 

t  Col.  Mass.  Hilt.  Soc.  iv.  Gti. 

^  Eighteen  English  and  twenty-two  Indians  ronsliluted  his  army  a  week  before  ;  but  we 
know  not  how  many  were  at  the  taking  of  Philip,  though  we  may  suppose  about  the  same 
(iunibcr.  Hence  tliis  expedition  cost  the  colony  £y. 


•~T"~T"~  "~"  -I 


#■/ 


Chap.  II.] 


LIIT  OF   KINO    I'MII-II' 


007 


Bomc  by  liis  siniill  breeches,  being  otlu.>rwiso  naked,  and  drew  liim  through 
the  mud  uito  the  ii|(hiiid ;  and  11  doh-lid,  great,  naked  dirty  bcuHt,  he  looked 
like."  Captain  Church  tlien  said,  ^Forasmuch  as  he  hns  catised  nuiny  an  Eng- 
liahmcn^a  body  to  lie  unhwried  and  rot  above  growid,  not  one  of  his  bonca  shitll  be 
buned  > " 

With  thf  ereat  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followers,  one  of  wliom 
was  his  chiei  captain's  son,*  and  the  very  Indian  who  fired  the  first  gun  at 
tlie  commencement  of  tiie  war. 

"  Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hant'  being  much  scarred,  occa8i«ie<l 
by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  formerly,  C'apt.  Chtirch  gave  the  head  and 
that  hand  to  MIerman,  the  Lidian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to  such  ge:itlemen 
as  would  bestow  gratuities  upon  him ;  and  accordingly  ho  got  many  a 
penny  by  it."  f 

Tlie  barbarous  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now  exe- 
cuted upon  the  fallen  Philip.  Church,  "calling  his  old  Indian  executioner, 
bid  him  behead  and  quarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  with  his  hatchet, 
and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck,  he  made  a  small  s|M!ech,  directing 
it  to  Philip,"  saying,  "  You  have  been  a  very  great  man,  and  have  made  mam  a 
man  afraid  of  you  ;  but  so  big  as  you  be  I  will  noto  chop  your  ass  for  you.'"  lie 
then  i)rocecdeu  to  the  execution  of  his  orders. 

His  head  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon  a  gibbet  for 
20  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  lioston,  where  it  was  exhibited  in  savage 
triumph,  and  his  mangled  Ixwly  was  deni"d  the  right  of  sepulture.  It  having 
been  quartered,  was  hung  upon  four  trees,  and  there  letl  as  a  monumi  iit  ot 
shocking  barbarity. 

Church  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  some  day,  and  arrived 
with  the  prisoners  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tues'Iay,  August  15, 
"  ranging  through  all  the  wootls  in  their  way."  They  now  "  received  their 
premium,  which  was  30  shillings  per  head,''  for  all  enemies  killed  or  taken, 
" instead  of  all  wages,  and  Philips  head  went  at  the  same  price."  This 
amaunted  to  only  four  and  sixpence  a-piece,  "  which  was  all  the  reward  they 
had,  except  the  honor  of  killing  Philip." 

Having  in  the  year  1824  visited  the  memorable  retreat  of  the  Wampanoag 
sachems,  we  can  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  its  situation.  There  is  u 
natural  angular  excavation,  in  an  almost  perpendicular  rock,  about  6  or  7  feet 
from  its  base,  • .  nere  it  is  said  Philip  and  some  of  his  chief  men  were  sur- 
])rised  on  the  morning  of  the  12  August.  We  have  in  the  Life  of  Massasoit 
described  Mount  Hope,  and  it  is  at  the  north  part  of  it  that  the  high  rock  is 
situated ;  variously  estimated  from  30  to  £9  feet  in  height,  and  is  nearly  2 
miles  from  the  village  of  Bristol.  From  the  seat,  or  throne  of  Kino  Philip, 
as  some  have  called  it,  a  fine  view  of  Mount  Hope  Bay  opens  upon  us.  Nt^ir 
the  foot  of  the  rock  is  a  fine  spring  of  water,  known  to  this  day  by  the 
name  of  Philip^s  Spring. 

Mr.  Mden,  the  curious  collector  of  epitaphs,  says  "  the  late  Lieut.  Gov. 
Bradford,  [who  died  at  Bristol  in  1808,1  in  early  life,  knew  an  aged  squaw, 
who  was  one  of  Philip's  tribe,  was  well  acquainted  with  this  sagamore  in 
her  youthful  days,  and  had  often  been  in  his  wigwam.  The  information, 
through  her,  is,  therefore,  very  direct,  as  to  the  identical  spot,  where  he  fixctl 
his  abode.  It  was  a  few  steps  south  of  Capt.  James  De  Wolfe^s  summer 
house,  near  the  brow  of  a  hill,  but  no  vestige  of  the  wig\vam  reiniiins. 
The  eastern  side  of  this  hill  is  very  steep,  vastly  more  so  than  that  at  Horse 
Neck,  down  which  the  intrepid  Putnam  trotted  his  sure-footed  steed,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  a  knight  of  the  tenth  century."  "When  ChurcKsxwcn 
were  about  to  rush  upon  Philip,  he  is  said  to  have  evaded  them  by  spring- 
iiiir  froin  his  wigwam  as  they  were  entering  it,  and  rolling,  like  a  hogsliead, 
down  the  precipice,  which  looks  towards  the  bay.  Having  reached  the 
lower  part  of  this  frightful  ledge  of  rocks,  without  breaking  his  bones,  hq 
ant  upon  his  feet,  and  ran  along  the  shore  in  a  north-eastern  direction,  about 
100  rods,  and  endeavored  to  screen  himself  in  a  swamp,  then  a  quagmire, 
i)iit  now  terra  firma." 


*  Wry  j)robal)ly  a  son  of  Uncumpoiit,  or  Woonanltum.  f  I'  ulip's  War. 


rf 

¥ 

1 

228 


LIFE  OF  KINO  PHILIP. 


yr 


[nooR  lit 


How  much  of  the  nhovc  in  a|)ocry|>)iul  is  iiiic<:rtuin,  but  tl.»t  n  jmrt  of  it 
is  I  liavc  uo  doubt.  Tliut  Philips  cuni|>  wuh  near  tlio  top  of  Moiuit  li(>|ii;  ut 
thi!  time  lie  was  surprised,  is  contrary  to  rutional  conclusion,  but  .seems 
rather  to  have  been  tixetl  tliere  by  the  imagination  of  some  one,  for  tlie 
pU'asure  it  miglit  afford  them  in  contemplating  the  maimer  of  the  chicrs 
escape  by  rolling  down  a  rugged  precipice. 

During  tlie  bloo<ly  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  ond  o(\cn  with 
their  God,  in  prayer,  tliut  ho  would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver  thtir 
enemies  into  their  hands ;  and  when,  upon  stated  days  of  pruyei,  the  Indians 
gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  rebuke  of  Providence,  and  ani- 
mated them  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor ;  and  on  the  contrary,  when  their 
arms  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  immediate  interim.sition 
in  their  favor.  The  ])hiloso|)hic  mind  will  be  siiocked  at  the  expressions  of 
some,  very  eminent  in  that  day  for  piety  and  excellence  of  moral  life.  Dr. 
Incrtase  Mather,*  in  speaking  of  tlie  efficacy  of  prayer,  in  bringing  about  the 
destruction  of  the  Indians,  says,  «'Nor  could  they  [the  English]  cease  crying 
to  the  Lord  against  Philip,  until  they  had  prayed  the  bullet  into  his  heart. 
And  in  8{)caking  of  the  slaughter  of  Philip'a  people,  at  Narraganset,  he  says, 
"  We  have  heard  of  two-and-twenty  Indian  captain.s,  slain  all  of  tliem,  aii(l 
brought  do^vn  to  liell  in  one  day."  Again,  in  speaking  of  a  chief  who  had 
sneered  at  the  English  religion,  and  who  had,  "  withal,  added  a  most  hideous 
blasphemy,  immediately  upon  which  a  bullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and 
dashed  out  his  brains,  sending  his  cursed  soul  in  a  moment  amongst  the 
devils,  and  blasphemers,  in  hell  forever."  f 

The  low  and  vulgar  epithets  J  sneeringly  cast  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
English  contemporaries  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a  single  individual,  but  to 
the  English  in  gencrul.§  It  is  too  obvious  that  the  early  historians  viewed 
the  Indians  as  inferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  far  as  hardly  to  allow  them 
to  he  human. 

Like  Masaasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a  button  upon  his 
coat.  II  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gookin, 
respecting  Philip^s  feelings  upon  religious  matters;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a  time  when  he  was  willing  to  listen  to  such  men  as  the  excellent 
and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  speaking  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says,  "  There 
are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  and  chiefest  sachem,  named  Philip, 
living  at  Pawkunnawkutt.  Somt!  of  his  chief  men,  as  I  hear,  stand  well 
iiiLlined  to  hear  the  gospel :  and  himself  is  a  person  of  good  understanding 
and  knowledge  in  the  best  things.  I  have  heard  him  speak  very  good  words, 
arguing  that  liis  conscience  is  convicted:  but  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to 
(Miihrace  Jesvs  Christ,  his  sensual  and  cariiul  lusts  are  strong  bands  to  hold 
liiiu  fiist  under  Satan^s  dominions."  If  And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  "  It  was  not  long, 
bffbre  the  hand  which  now  writes,  [1700,]  upon  a  certain  occasion  took  oft* 
tiiejaw  from  the  exposed  skull  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  the  re- 
nowned Samuel  Lee  hath  since  been  a  pastor  to  on  English  congregation, 
sounding  ond  showing  the  praises  of  heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  ground, 
>\liere  Philip  and  his  Indians  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  devil."  ** 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grandson  to  Massasoit,  is  so  well  known  to  be 
such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform  the 

*  In  his  "  Pfvalency  of  Prayer,"  page  10.  t  Ibid,  page  7. 

X  .*'iich  a.s  dogs,  wolves,  blood-hounds,  demons,  devils-incarnate,  caitiffs,  hell-hounds,  Jitndt, 
monsters,  beasts,  &.C.    Occasional  quotations  will  show  what  authors  have  used  these. 

§  The  author  of  "  Indian  Tales"  has  falliored  all  he  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Hubbard.  He 
viiiy  he  called  upon  to  point  out  the  passage  in  that  valuable  author'^  works  where  he  has 
called  one  or  any  of  the  Indians  "  hell-kounds."  Such  loose,  gratuitous  expressions  will  not 
do  at  the  bar  of  history. 

II  Magnalia. 

IT  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  200. 

**  Mr.  Lee  was  taken  by  the  French  in  a  voyage  to  England,  and  carried  into  their  country, 
where  he  died,  in  Ifi'Jl.  This  event,  it  was  thought,  hastened  his  end.  Perhaps  the  sur- 
viving natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory,  and  teaetiinK  a 
religion  they  could  not  believe ;  but  might  thev  "ot  with  equal  propriety  ? 


ClAP.   II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


229 


redder  of  its  origin.  Tlie  following  pnsHuge  from  John  Joaselifn's  work  • 
will,  hcsides  proving  hitn  to  be  tlio  author  of  tlio  error,  at  leiist  tin;  first  writer 
that  HO  (It'norniniitcH  him,  fiirniHlt  somo  vaiualilc  iiiformution.  Sp(>aking  ut' 
liiii  Indiims  in  general,  ho  mys,  "Their  bends  ai-u  their  money;  of  tiiese, 
there  lire  two  HortH,  blue  b«;ad«  and  white  beads;  the  first  is  their  gold,  tiio 
lust  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain  shells,  so  ciuuiingly,  that 
neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can  countorftMt.f  They  drill  them  and  string  them, 
and  make  many  curious  works  with  them,  to  adorn  the  persons  of  their  sjig- 
nmores  and  principal  men,  and  young  women,  as  belts,  girdles,  tablets,  borders 
(<ir  their  women's  hair,  bracelets,  necklaces,  and  links  to  hatig  in  their  ears. 
Prince  Philip,  a  little  l)etbre  I  came  for  England,  [1071,]  coining  to  Boston, 
hud  a  coat  on  and  buskins  set  thick  with  these  l)cads,  in  pleasant  wild  works, 
and  u  broad  belt  of  the  same ;  his  Accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The 
Eiii^lisli  mercliant  giveth  them  10a.  a  fathom  for  their  white,  and  us  much 
more,  or  near  upon,  for  their  blue  lieads."  "  The  roytelet  now  of  the  Pocuu- 
akets  is  i>rince  Philip,  alius  Metacon,  the  grandson  of  Masacuoit."  \ 

While  Mrs.  Jiowlandson  was  a  captive  in  the  wilderness  with  the  allies  of 
Philip,  she  mentions  meeting  with  him ;  and  although  she  speaks  often  with 
bitterness  of  the  Indians  in  general,  yet  of  him  nothing  of  that  nature  a|)j>ears 
in  her  journal.  The  party  she  wjts  with  visited  Philip  on  the  west  side  of 
tlic  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Northfield,  tlien  called  Squakeag. 
Having  arrived  at  the  j)oint  of  crossing,  Mrs.  Rowlandaon  says,  "  We  must  go 
over  the  river  to  Philip's  crew.  When  I  was  in  the  canoe,  I  could  not  but  l>e 
amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  pagans  that  were  on  the  Iwnk  on  the  other 
side."  She  wos  much  afraid  they  tiH'ant  to  kill  her  here,  but,  being  assured 
to  the  contrary,  become  more  resigned  to  her  fate.  "Then  came  one  of 
them,  (she  says,)  and  gave  me  two  spoonfuls  of  meal  (to  comfort  me,)  and 
another  gave  me  half  a  pint  of  peas,  which  was  worth  more  than  many 
bushels  at  another  time.  Then  I  went  to  see  King  Philip ;  ho  bade  me  come 
m  and  sit  down  ;  and  asked  me  whether  I  woidd  smoke  it;  (a  usual  compli- 
ment now  a  days,  among  the  saints  and  sinners ;)  but  tliis  no  ways  suited 
me."§ 

"  During  my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt  for 
his  boy,  which  I  did ;  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling."  "  Afterward  he 
asked  me  to  make  a  cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  mo  to  dinner ,  I 
^^  ent,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers ;  it  was  made 
of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears'  grease ;  but  I  tliought  I  never 
ta.sted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  lifj."  || 

It  is  extremely  gratifying  to  liear  any  testimony  in  favor  of  the  humanity 
of  a  cliief  who  in  his  time  was  so  much  execrated.  To  say  the  least  of 
Philip's  humanity,  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  have  any 
knowledge,  as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
(in  what  is  now  New  IIamt)shire  and  Vermont,)  towards  Wachuset,  "having 
indeed  my  life,  (says  Mrs.  Rowandson,)  but  little  spirit,  Philip,  wlio  was  in  the 
company,  came  up,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said, '  Two  weeks  more  and 
you  sluill  he  mistress  againJ'  I  asked  him  if  he  spoke  true  :  he  said, '  Yes,  and 
quickly  you  shall  come  to  your  nutster  H  again,^  who  hud  been  gone  from  us 
three  weeks."  ** 

In  bringing  our  account  of  this  truly  great  man  towards  a  close,  we  must 
not  forget  to  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  language  in  which  he 
si)oko.     The  following  is  the  Lord's  prayer  in  Wampanoag : — 

.Yoo-shun  kes-vJc-qiU,  qiU-tian-at-am-unch  koo-we-su-onk,  kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
oonk   pey-avrnwo-utch,    kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk    ne    nai,    ne-ya-ne    ke-suk-qiU 


1  I 


*  Account  of  two  Voj'ages  to  New  EiiglanH,  142, 143.  ~ 

t  Of  this  he  was  misinlormed.  There  was  much  spurious  wampum,  which  became  a  sul) 
j.;cl  <.f  legislation.     See  Hazard's  Hi.il.  Col.  vol.  ii. 

t  .Vrcounl  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  lUi.  He  is  also  called  grandson  of  7l/a«.?'i. 
toi;.  ill  the  work  entitled  Present  State  of  New  England,  in  resiiect  to  the  Indian  VVar,  Ibl 
London,  1676  i  the  auihor  of  (hat  work  doubtless  copied  from  Josselijn. 

j  Xan-alii'e  of  her  CaptivHu,  38,  39.  ||  Ibid.  40 

Ii  Quiitnaf  in.    See  his  Lif«  **  Narrative  of  Mrs.  Rowtaiulson,  C3 

20 


1 

q 

1 

5 

IK!'.- 

ih .. . 


230        LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAIN'S— NANU.NTENOO.    [I!.,..*  Ill 

kah  oh-ke-it.  Jls-sa-ma-i-in-nt-an  ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e  nut-as-e-svk-ok-ke  pe 
tuk-qun-iieg.  Kah  ak-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an  nuni-matcli-e-se-orur-iin-on-ash, 
ne-ivulch-e  ne-na-toun  wonk  nut-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-vn-non-og  7iish-noh  pasiik 
noo-na-rmn-tuk-qtwh-who-nan,  kah  ahque  sag-kom-pa-gin-nt-an  en  qvich-e-het- 
tu-ono-a-nit,  qtit  poh-qua-ivus-sin-ne-an  tvutch  nudai-i-tut.* 

Since  we  are  upon  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  projjcrly  be  added. 
Tliere  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society  a  large  skimmer, 
which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root  of  ash,  that  will 
Hold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical  inscription,  in  gilt 
letters:  "«3  trophy  from  Ute  ungioam  q/"  Kino  Philip;  when  hewastlainin 
l(>7Gj  by  Richai'd ;  presenled  by  Ebenezer  Richard,  hia  grandson."  \ 


9eiti 


CHAPTER  m. 
LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS. 

Nandntenoo — Reasons  for  his  aiding  Philip — His  former  name — Meets  the  English 
and  In  Hans  under  Captain  Peirse — Fights  and  destroys  his  whole  company  at  Pate- 
tucket — Incidents  relating  to  that  fight — JVotice  of  Captain  Peirse — JVanuntenoo  sur- 
frised  and  taken — His  magnanimity — Speech  to  his  captors — Is  executed  and  his 
ody  burnt —  Cassassinnamon —  Catiipuzet  —  Monopoide  —  Annawon  —  His  escape 
from  the  swamp  when  Philip  was  killed — Captain  Church  sent  out  to  capture  him — 
Discovers  his  retreat — Takes  him  prisoner — His  magnanimous  behavior — Hit 
speech  to  Church — Presents  him  rcith  Philip's  ornaments — Description  of  them— 
Church  takes  AnnaiEon  to  Plimouth,  where  he  is  put  to  death — Quinnapin — His 
connections  and  marriage — M  the  capture  of  Lancaster — Account  of  his  wives—- 
If'eetamoo — He  is  taken  and  shot — 'Tuspaquin — His  sales  if  lands — His  opera- 
tions in  Philip's  War — Surrenders  himself,  and  is  put  to  dtath — Reflections  upon 
his  executioners — Tatoson — Early  notices  of —  Captures  i  garrison  in  Plim- 
outh— Trial  and  execution  of  Ketceenam — Totoson  dies  of  a  broken  heart — Bar- 
row cruelly  murdered — Tyasks. 

NANUNTENOO,  son  of  Mianiunnomolt,  "  was  chief  sachem  of  all  the 
Narragansets,  and  iieir  of  all  his  father's  pride  and  insolency,  as  well  as  of 
his  malice  against  the  English."  |  Notwithstanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a  contemporai-y,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Mianiunnotnoh, 
to  find  excuse  for  "  malice  and  insolency  "  tenfold  more  than  was  contained 
in  the  breast  of  JVanunlenoo. 

The  English  had  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  his  tribe,  burned 
them  to  dc  th  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies  bleaching  in 
the  wintry  blast !  The  swamp  fi^ht  of  the  19  Dec.  1675,  could  not  be  for- 
gotten! JVanunlenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we  cannot  doubt  that  ho 
acquitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we  have  of  him. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  English  was  Canonchet, 
tiiough,  like  others,  his  name  was  written  with  many  variations.  In  1674,  he 
was  styled  "chief  surviving  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  and  in  a  deed  in  which 
he  was  so  styled  his  name  is  written  "  JVatonawnoantonneto  alias  QunnancAi/, 
eldest  son  now  living  of  Miantomomio"  ^  He  had  been  in  Boston  the  Octo- 
ber before  the  war,  upon  a  treaty,  at  which  time  he  received,  among  other 
prisents,  a  silver-laced  coat.  Dr.  Mather  says,  speaking  of  the  Narragansets, 
"  their  great  sachem  called  Qtianonchet,  was  a  principal  ringleader  in  the 
Narraganset  war,  and  had  as  great  an  interest  and  influence,  us  can  be  said  of 

♦  FJiot's  Indian  Bible,  Luke  xi.  2--1, 

t  No  mention  ia  mndo  to  whom,  or  whon  it  via*  presented,  it  docs  not  appenr  to  us  to  be 
of  such  antiquity  as  its  inscription  pretends ;  and  the  truth  of  which  may  very  reasonal)ly  b« 
questioned,  in  this  particular,  when  the  more  glaring  error  of  the  n!\me  of  the  person  said  to 
hnve  killed  Fliilip,  is  stariu?  us  iu  the  fare. 

t  Hubbard,  67.— Mr.  Oidmixon  calls  liim  "  the  mighty  sachem  of  Narraganiet."— Z/>-t( 
F.inj>ire. 

$  Potter'i  Hist.  Narraganset,  Coll.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  172. 


".j'i 


\   fvvl 


Chap.  Iir.] 


NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET  FlUHT. 


231 


any  among  the  Indians ;"  *  and  that,  "  when  he  was  taken  and  slain,  it  was  an 
amazing  stroke  to  tiie  enemy,"  f 

Tlie  name  of  Canonchd  stands  first  to  the  treaty,  to  which  we  have  just 
alhided,  wliich  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct.  1675.  By  that  treaty,  tiio 
Narragansets  agreed  to  deUver  to  the  English  in  10  days,  "all  and  eiiery  one 
of  the  said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vuto  Philip,  the  Pocasset  Sqva,  or  the 
Saconett  Indians,  Quabang,  Hadley,  or  any  other  sachems  or  people  that 
haue  bin  or  are  in  hostillitie  with  the  English,  or  any  of  their  allies  or  abet- 
tors." I     The  names  to  the  ti-eaty  are  as  lollows : 

"Quananchett'h  \/  mark, 

sachem  in  behalf  of  himaelf  and  Conanacus  and  tlie.  Old 

Queen  and  roinham  and  Quaunapeen,    (seal) 

Manatannoo  couuceller  his  -\- 

mark,  and  Cannonacus  in  his  behalf,    (seal) 

Ahanmanpowett's  -\-  mark, 


Witnesses. 
Richard  Smith, 
James  Browne, 
Samuel  Gorton,  Jr. 
Interpreters. 


John  Nowhenett's  X  mark^ 
Indian  interpreter. 


coum:eller  and  his    (seal) 
CoRNMAN,  cJiciffe  counceller  to 
Ninnegrett,  in  his  belialfe,  and  a  seal  (S.)" 

The  Indians  having  carried  their  whirlwind  of  war  to  the  very  doors  of 
Plimouth,  caused  the  sending  out  of  Captain  Peirce,  (or  as  his  name  is  uni- 
formly in  the  records,  Peirse,)  to  divert  them  I'rom  these  ravages,  and  destroy 
as  many  of  them  as  he  was  able.  He  had  a  large  company,  consisting  of  70 
men,  20  of  whom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these,  no  doubt,  Peirse 
thought  himself  safe  against  any  power  of  the  Indians  in  that  region. 

Meanwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  captain  of  the  Narragansets,  JVanwn/e 
noo,§  learning,  we  presume,  by  his  spies,  the  direction  the  English  were  tak 
ing  assembled  his  warriors  at  a  crossing  place  on  Pawtucket  Riv<'r,  at  a 
point  adjacent  to  a  place  since  called  Altkborou<rh-Gore,  and  not  far  distant 
from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  judged  that  .Vanuntenoo  was  upon  an  expedition 
to  attack  Plimouth,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force  was  estimated 
at  upwards  of  300  men. 

On  arriving  at  this  fatal  place,  some  of  I'J'anuntenoo''s  men  showed  them 
selves  retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagom  sufccod- 
ed, — Peirse  followed.  ||  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  western  side,  tlian  the 
warriors  o(  JSTammtenoo,  like  an  avalanche  from  a  mountain,  rushed  down 
upon  him ;  nor  striving  lor  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than  their  foes, 
fought  them  face  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A  part  oi'  J^anuntenoo's  force  remained  on  the  east  side  of  tlio  river,  to  pre- 
vent the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  effectually  did,  as  in  tlie 
event  will  appear.  Wln-n  Captain  Peirse  saw  himself  henuncd  in  l»y  innu- 
bers  on  every  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  in  two 
ranks,  back  to  back,1f  and  in  this  manner  fought  until  nearly  all  of  them  were 
slain.  Peirse  had  timely  sent  a  messenger  to  Providence  lor  assistance,  and 
although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than  six  or  eight  miles,  from 
some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived;  and  Mr.  Hubbard***  adds,  "As 
Solomon  saith,  a  faithful  messenger  is  as  snow  in  harvest." 

This  dreadfiil  fight  was  on  Sunday,  2G  March,  hud,  when,  as  Dr.  Mnlfier 
says,  "Capt.  PciVse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  him,  and  eigiit, 
(or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English."  The  Rev.  Rlr.  JVeivman  of 
liehoboth  wrote  a  letter  to  Plimouth,  dated  the  day  afier  tho  slaugiiler,  in 


*  Brief  Hiat.^G.  \  Prevalency  of  Praijfr,  11. 

t  ll  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Hazard's  Collodions,  i.  5%,  537. 

5  Tlial  Niinuntenoo  commanded  in  person  in  the  light  with  'he  force  un.ler  Capt.  I'firse  \\n% 
nccn  a  queslion  ;  indeed,  our  only  auUiorily  is  not  very  explicil  upon  ihe  inatior,  ( //w/i/vin/, 
Postscript  7.)  who  observes  that  when  Denison  surprised  him,  he  "  wns,  at  that  hioiikmiI, 
diveriizing  hunsclf  with  the  recital  of  Capt,  Pet/'«e'f  slaughter,  surprized  by  his  men  a  few 
days  before." 

||  Dr.  Mather  (Brief  Hist.  24.)  says,  "  a  small  number  of  the  enemy  who  in  dcspornie 
subtlety  ran  away  from  them,  and  they  went  limping  to  make  the  Englibh  believe  they  wcr« 
lame,"  and  thus  effected  their  object. 

U  Deant'i  Hist.  Scituate,  131.  "*  Narrative,  64. 


i 


Pi    ' 


' 

i 

iil 

iil- 

i  ■ 

1. 

l\ 

"    r', 

■■<'■' 


232 


NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 


which  he  says,  "52  of  our  English,  and  11  Indians,"  were  slain.*  The  com- 
pany was,  no  doubt,  increased  by  some  who  volunteered  as  they  marched 
through  tlie  country,  or  by  such  as  were  token  for  pilots. 

J^anuntenoo^a  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
large  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Indians  that  were  afterwards 
taken  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  doubt,  is  not  far  from  the  truth.  + 

An  Englishman,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  who  escaped  from  this  disas- 
trous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  the  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner :  The 
friendly  Indian  being  taken  for  a  Narragauset,  as  he  was  pursuing  witli  an 
uplifted  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  one  interfered,  seeing  him  i)ursue 
an  unarmed  Englishman  at  such  great  advantage.  In  this  manner,  covering 
themselves  in  the  Avoods,  they  escaped. 

A  friendly  Indian,  being  pursued  by  one  of  JVanuntenoo's  men,  got  behind 
the  roots  ot  a  fallen  tree.  Thus  screened  by  the  earth  raised  upon  them,  the 
Indian  that  pursued  waited  for  him  to  run  from  his  natural  fort,  knowing  he 
woidd  not  dare  to  maintain  it  long.  The  other  soon  thought  of  an  expe- 
dient, which  was  to  make  a  port-hole  in  his  breast-work,  which  he  easily  did 
by  digging  through  the  dirt.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  put  his  gun 
through,  and  shot  his  pursuer,  then  fled  in  perfect  safety. 

Another  escaped  in  a  manner  very  similar.  In  his  flight  he  got  behind  a 
arge  rock.  This  afforded  him  a  good  shelter,  but  in  the  end  he  saw  nothing 
but  certain  death,  and  the  longer  he  held  out  the  more  misery  ho  must  suffer. 
In  this  deplorable  situation,  he  bethought  himself  to  try  the  following  device. 
Putting  his  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  veiy  gradually  above  the  rock,  as 
though  to  discover  the  position  of  his  enemy :  it  had  the  desired  effect — he 
fu'ed  upon  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now  rushed  upon  him,  before  he 
could  reload  his  gun,  and  despatched  him.  I'luis,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  it  is 
worth  the  noting,  what  faithfulness  and  courage  some  of  the  Christian  Indians 
showed  in  this  fight."  Tliat  this  most  excellent  author  did  not  approve  of  the 
severity  exercised  towards  those  who  appeared  friendly,  is  abundantly  proved 
by  his  writings.  In  another  place  he  says,  "  Possibly  if  some  of  the  English 
had  not  been  too  shy  in  making  use  of  such  of  them  as  were  well  affected  to 
their  interest,  they  never  need  have  suffered  so  much  from  their  enemies." 

A  notice  may  be  reasonably  expected  of  the  imfortunate  Captain  Michad 
Peirse,  of  Scituate.  He  was  one  of  those  adventurous  spirits  "  who  never 
knew  fear,"  and  who  sought  rather  than  shrunk  from  dangers.  He  was,  like 
his  great  antagonist,  in  the  Narraganset  fight ;  and  in  1673,  when  the  govern- 
ment of  Plimouth  mised  a  force  to  go  against  the  Dutch,  who  had  enci-oached 
upon  them  in  Connecticut,  he  was  a])poiuted  ensign  in  one  of  tlie  companies. 
He  resided  in  several  places  before  going  to  Plimouth.  Mr.  Deane,  in  his 
IIisio)-y  of  Scittiate,  gives  a  genealogical  account  of  his  family,  from  which  we 
learn  that  he  had  a  second  wife,  and  several  sons  and  daughtere.  Of  what 
family  he  was,  there  is  no  mention.^  He  possessed  considerable  estate,  and 
made  his  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with  ;he  Indians. 

The  "sore  defeat"  of  Captain  Peirse,  and  the  tide  of  the  Indians'  successes 
about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  their  whole 
strength. 

JVanuntenoo  came  down  fram  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River,  early  in 
March,  for  the  pur|)ose  of  collecting  seed  corn  to  plant  such  ground  as  the 
Engiisli  had  been  driven  from,  and  to  effect  any  other  object  he  migio.  aiccv 
wuli.  Whether  he  had  effected  the  first-named  object  befoie  uiiiing  in  with 
Peirse,  we  are  not  able  to  state ;  but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  but  few  days  after 
encamped  very  near  the  ground  where  the  fight  had  been,  and  was  there  fallen 


*  Sne  llio  letter  giving  tlie  names  of  the  company  in  Deanc's  Scituate,  122,  123. 

I  Mr.  Hubbard's  account,  is  the  same. 

{In  the  lifcords  of  Plimouth,  under  dale  March,  1669,  there  is  this  entry :—"  Af»cA«. 
J'eirsr  of  Scittunto"  was  presented  at  the  court  for  vnseemly  carriages  towards  Surah  Nichols 
of  Sritlualo,"  ami  "forasmuch  as  there  appeared  Imt  one  testimony  to  the  p'sciitment,  and 
that  llio  testimony  was  written  and  not  read  vnio  tlie  deponant,  the  court  saw  cause  to  remit 
liic  said  p'scniment." 


Chap.  III.]        NANUNTENOO— HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


233 


upon  at  unawarea,  when  but  a  few  of  his  men  were  pre&tnt,  and  thero  taken 
prisone  ■. 

A'anuntenoo  was  nearly  as  much  dreaded  as  Philip  himself,  and  consefjuently 
his  capture  caused  great  rejoicing  among  his  enemies,  and  inquires  to  bo  par- 
ticularly related. 

Four  volunteer  companies  from  Connecticut  b«>gan  their  march  into  the 
enemy's  country  the  next  day  after  Pawtucket  fight.  Among  the  captains 
of  these  comiMinies,  George  Denison  of  Southerton  was  the  most  consi)icuous. 
TJie  others  were  commanded  by  James  JJveiy,  John  Staunton,  and  Major  Pft/»«r, 
who  also  had  the  chief  command.  With  these  were  three  comj)anies  of 
Indians ;  one  led  by  Oneko,  comjiosed  of  Mohcgans ;  one  of  Pequots,  by  Cas- 
sasinnamon ;  and  the  other  of  Nianticks,  by  Caiapnzet;  in  all  about  80. 

When  this  fonnidable  army  came  near  to  JVdnunltnoo^s  camj),  on  the  first 
week  in  April,  167(5,  "  they  met  with  a  stout  Indian  of  the  enemie's,  whom  they 
))rrsently  slew,  and  two  old  scjuaws,"  who  informed  them  of  the  situation  of 
J^atmnienoo.  At  the  same  time,  their  own  scouts  brought  the  same  intelligence. 
The  news  of  the  enemy's  approach  reached  the  chief  in  his  tent  when  but 
seven  of  his  men  were  about  him  ;  the  rest  wore  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  affairs.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two  senti- 
nels upon  an  adjacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  ap])earcd,  their 
surprise  was  so  great,  at  the  sudden  a|)proach  of  the  English,  that,  in  their 
fright,  they  ran  by  their  sachem's  wigwam,  "  as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell 
what  they  saw."  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a  third,  to  learn  the  wiuse  of 
the  flight  of  tlie  two  fii-st,  but  he  fled  in  the  same  manner ;  and  lastly  he  sent 
two  more,  one  of  which,  "  either  endued  with  i..ore  courage,  or  a  better  sense 
of  his  duty,  informed  him  in  great  haste  that  all  the  English  army  was  upon 
him  :  whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult,  and  but  little  to  attein|)t  an  escape, 
and  no  means  to  defend  himself,  he  began"*  to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running 
with  great  swiftness  around  the  hill,  to  get  out  of  sight  upon  t'tc  oppasite  side, 
he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary  pursuers,  and  they  immediately  followed 
him  with  that  eagerness  their  important  object  was  calculated  to  inspire. 

The  pursuers  of  the  flying  chief  were  Catapazet  and  his  Nianticks,  "and  a 
few  of  the  English  lightest  of  loot."  Seeing  these  were  gaining  upon  him,  he 
first  cast  ofl'  his  blanket,  then  his  silver-laced  coat,  and  lastlv  his  belt  of  peag. 
On  seeing  these,  a  Joubt  no  longer  remained  of  its  being  J^ununtetwo,  which 
rged  them,  if  possible,  faster  in  the  chase.  Thero  was  in  the  company  of 
Catapazet,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  who  outran  all  his  companions,  and  who, 
gaining  upon  JS/'anuntenoo,  as  he  fled  ujmn  the  side  of  the  river,  obliged  him  to 
att(unj)t  to  cross  it  sooner  than  he  intended.  Nevertheless,  but  for  an  accident 
ill  his  passage,  he  would  doubtless  have  eflTected  his  escajie.  As  he  was  wa- 
ding through  the  river,  his  foot  slipped  upon  a  stone,  which  hrouglit  his  gun 
uniler  water.  Thus  losing  some  time  in  recovering  liiniself,  and  also  the  use 
of  his  gun,  it  probably  made  him  despair  of  escaping ;  for  Monopoide  came 
up  and  seized  upon  him,  "  within  iiO  rods  of  the  river  side." 

JVanuntenoo,  having  made  up  his  mind  to  surrender,  made  no  resistance, 
although  he  was  a  man  of  great  physical  strength,  of  superior  stature,  and 
acknowledged  bravery ;  and  tlie  one  who  seized  upon  him  very  ordinary  in 
that  respect.  One  of  the  first  Englishmen  that  came  up  was  Robert  Staunton, 
a  young  man,  who  presumed  to  ask  the  captured  chief  some  questions.  Ho 
a|)i)eared  at  first  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  indignity,  but  at  length, 
casting  a  disdainfiil  look  u[)on  his  voutlifid  fiice,  "this  nianlv  sjicliem,"  said,  in 
broken  English,  "YOU  MUCH  CHILD!  NO  UNDERSTAND  MATTERS 
OF  WAR!  LET  YOUR  IJROTIHJl  OR  CHIEF  COME,  HLM  1  WILL 
ANSWER."  And,  adds  Mr,  Hubbard,  he  "  wius  as  good  as  his  word  :  acting 
herein,  as  if,  by  a  Pythagorean  metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had 
possessed  the  borly  of  this  western  pagan.     And,  like  .Attilius  Iieg}Uu8,\  he 

*  This  elRgnnt  passage  of  Mr.  Hubhard  brings  to  our  mind  that  inimitHble  one  of 
( 'tnrigero,  in  iiis  account  of  llie  woful  tlajj's  of  llio  Mexicans  :  "  They  had  ni'ilhor  anus  to 
repel  the  multitude  and  fury  of  Iheir  enemies,  strength  to  cleft'nd  themselves,  nor  spare  to 
(ijllit  upon  ;  the  ground  of  the  citv  was  covered  with  dead  bodies,  and  tiie  waier  of  every 
diuli  and  canal  purpled  with  blood.     Hist.  Affxiro,  iii,  7.J. 

t  Afitrcua  AUiliiis  Regulus,  a  Roman  consul  and  general,  taken  prisoner  by  the  Curtha- 


ii.; 


'•■■\m 


!   t« 


i  \  Id 


!i 


Hulir 


234 


NANUNTENOO. 


[Rook  HI. 


m 


would  not  accept  of  his  own  life,  when  it  was  tendered  him."  This  tender  of 
life  to  JVanurUenoo  was,  no  doubt,  upon  the  condition  of  his  obtaining  the  sub- 
mission of  his  nation.  He  met  the  idea  wich  indignation;  and  when  the 
Enghsh  told  him  that  he  should  be  put  to  death  if  he  did  not  comply,  in  th( 
most  composed  manner  he  replied,  that  killing  him  Avould  not  end  the  war. 
Some  of  his  captors  endeavored  to  reflect  upon  him,  by  telling  him,  that  Im 
had  said  he  wovld  hum  the  English  in  their  houses,  and  that  he  had  boasted, 
in  defiance  of  his  j)romise  last  made  to  the  English,  which  was  to  deliver  the 
Wampanoags  to  them,  that  he  would  not  deliver  up  a  fVampnnoag  or  the  pnn'ns; 
of  a  IFampam.is's  nail.  To  this  he  only  replied,  "  OTHERS  WERE  AS 
FORWARD  FOR  THE  WAR  AS  MYSELF,  AND  I  DESIRE  TO  HEAR 
NO  MORE  ABOUT  IT." 

Had  the  EnglisI  not  burned  his  people  in  their  houses  ?  Did  they  ever 
deliver  up  any  the  i  ad  committed  depredations  upon  the  Narragansets  ?  No ! 
— Who,  then,  will  ask  for  an  excuse  for  the  magnanimous  JVanuntenoo  ?  So 
indignant  was  he  at  their  conduct,  that  he  would  hear  notliing  about  peace ; 
"refusing  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any  motion  that  way,"  on 
a  promise  of  life  if  he  would  do  so. 

Under  the  eye  of  Denison,  JVanuntenoo  was  taken  to  Stonington,  where, 
by  the  "  advice  of  the  English  commanders,  he  was  shot."  His  head  wa- 
cut  off  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire.    The  English 

Srevailed  upon  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  allies,  viz.  Pequots,  Mohegans  and 
fianticks,  to  be  his  executioners,  "  thereby  the  more  firmly  to  engage  the 
said  Indians  againsi  the  treacherous  Narragansets." *  "Herein,"  says 
another  writer  f  of  that  day,  "  the  English  dealt  wisely,  for  by  this  means  the 
three  Indian  nations  ai*e  become  abominable  to  the  other  Indians."  And  a 
respectable  writer  X  of  our  own  times  says,  "  It  may  be  pleasing  to  the  reader 
to  be  informed  "  of  the  fate  of  JVanuntenoo ! 

When  it  was  announced  to  the  noble  chief  that  he  must  be  put  to  death, 
he  was  not  in  the  least  daunted,  and  all  he  is  reported  to  have  said  is  this  : — 

"I  LIKE  IT  WELL  ;  I  SHALL  DIE  BEFORE  MY  HEART  IS  SOFT, 
OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  THING  UNWORTHY  OF  MYSELF."  With 
JVanuntenoo,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  43  others.  § 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  '^Letters  to  London  "  ||  says  the  Indians  were 
"commanded  by  that  famous  but  very  bloudy  and  cruel  sachem,  Quononshot, 
other^vise  called  Jifmntonomy,"  whose  "carriage  was  strangely  proud  and 
lofty  cfter  he  was  taken :  being  examined  why  he  did  foment  that  war,  which 
would  certainly  be  the  destruction  of  him  and  all  the  heathen  Indians  in 
the  country,  &c.,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to  any  interrogatories,  but 
this :  that  he  was  born  a  prince,  and  if  pi  inces  came  to  speak  with  him  he 
would  answer,  but  none  j)resent  being  such,  he  thought  himself  obliged,  in 
honor,  to  hold  his  tongue ; "  and  that  he  said  he  would  rather  die  than 
remain  a  prisoner,  and  requested  that  Oneko  might  y)ut  him  to  death,  as  he 
was  of  equal  rank.  "  Yet  witliall  threatened,  he  had  '2000  men,  [who]  would 
revenge  his  death  severely.  Wherefore  our  forces,  fearing  an  escape,  put  the 
stoutest  men  to  the  sword,  but  preserved  J\Ii/antonomy  till  they  returned  to 
Stoneington;  where  our  Indian  friends,  and  most  of  the  English  soldiers, 
declaring  to  the  commanders  their  fear  that  the  English  should,  upon  con- 
ditions, release  him,  and  that  then  he  would,  (though  the  English  might 


.     They  sent  liiin  to  Rome  to  use  his  endeavors  to  efTccl  a  peace,  b_v 
tnrn  williin  a  given  period.     The  most  excrurlaling  tortures  awnitcci 


ginians,  251  yo.nr<  B.  C. 

fiis  solemn  pminiM^  lo  return  withui  a  given  period.  'J'he  most  excruriating  1 
him,  should  he  not  execute  his  mission  according  to  his  instructions.  When  arrived  at  Kninc, 
he  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  hold  out,  and  maintain  the  war  against  the  Cartliiigininns, 
stating  their  situation,  and  the  great  advantages  that  would  accrue.  He  knew  what  would 
be  his  fate  on  returning  to  Carthage,  and  many  a  noble  Roman  besought  him  not  to  rcuirn, 
and  thus  sacrilice  his  life  ;  but  he  would  not  break  his  promise,  even  with  his  barbarous  ene- 
mies. This  is  what  is  meant  by  not  accepting  his  own  lil'e  when  tendered  him.  He  returned, 
and,  if  history  be  true,  no  Indian  nation  ever  tortured  a  prisoner,  beyond  what  the  Cariiia- 
ginians  inflieied  upon  Marcus  Atiiliu.i  lii'sniliis.    See  Echard's  Hnman  Hist.  i.  181) — !). 

*  HiiIiImiiI.  t  /■  Mather.  t  Dram,  Hist.  Scilunle,  12i. 

^  Manuscript  letter  in  Hist.  Library.     Both  Hubbard  and  Mather  say  44;  perhaps  they  in 
eluded  Nanimleiwo. 

H  Elsewhere  cited  as  The  Old  Indian  Chroniclo., 


Chap    llll 


ANN  A  WON. 


2aj 


have  ppiiro  witli  liim,)  be  very  jiornirions  to  tlinsn  Tndians  that  now  assisted 
IIS,  the  said  Indians,  (on  tiicse  considerations,  and  the  n.'isehiel's  and  initr- 
thers  he  liad  done  dnring  this  war,)  permitted  to  i)nt  him  to  death.*  And  tliat 
all  niiiriit  share  in  the  glory  of  destroying  so  great  h  prince,  and  con^e  under 
the  ohiigiition  of  fidelity,  each  to  other,  the  Pequo(l>  shot  hitn,  the  Mihegino 
cut  oft'  Ills  head  and  q)iartered  his  body,  and  the  JW  '..n-no/?*  men  nicde  tlit 
fire  and  burned  his  quarters,  and,  as  a  token  of  their  !t)> ";  and  fidelity  tc  I Je 
English,  j)rosented  bis  head  to  the  coimcil  at  Hartford!  ' 

.^JVJVJlfVOJV  was  a  Wampanoag,  and  one  of  Philip's  n>.st  famous  coim- 
sellors  and  captains.  He  was  his  fast  friend,  and  resistev'  is  long  as  there 
was  a  beam  of  hope;  and  when  at  last  every  chance  of  siooess  had  fiiiltd, 
he  gave  liimself  up  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  appear  ivi  the  follow- 
ing account. 

At  the  swamp,  when  Philip  was  killed,  he  escaped  with  most  vH  his  men, 
as  has  been  related,  by  his  thoroughly  understanding  Hie  sitiut.on  of  his 
enemies.  "Perceiving  (says  Church)  they  were  waylaid  on  the  ea>'t  side  of 
the  swamp,  tacked  short  about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be  a 
great  surly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  often  called  out,  I-oo- 
tash,  I-oo-tash.  Captain  Chtirch  called  to  his  Indian  Pe<er,t  and  asked  him 
who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it  was  old  Annawon,  Philip's 
great  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight  stoutly." 

"Captain  Church  had  been  but  little  while  at  Plimoutli,  [after  the  death 
of  Philip,]  before  a  post  from  Rehoboth  came  to  inform  the  governor  that 
old  Jlntutwon,  Philip's  chief  captain,  was  with  his  company  ranging  about 
their  woods,  and  was  very  offensive  and  pernicious  to  Rehoboth  and 
Swansey.  Captain  Church  was  immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with 
to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  He  told  them  their  encouragement  was 
80  poor,  he  feared  his  soldiers  would  be  dull  about  going  again.  But  being 
a  hearty  friend  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jabez  littoland,  his 
old  lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers  tiiat  used  to  go  out  with  him,  told 
them  how  the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  had  hitelligence  of  old 
Annaimn's  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him.  They  did  not 
want  much  entreating,  but  told  him  they  would  go  with  him  as  long  as 
there  was  an  Indian  left  in  the  woods.  He  moved  and  ranged  through  the 
woods  to  Pocasset." 

In  the  early  part  of  this  expedition,  some  of  Captain  Church's  Indian 
Bcouts  captured  a  number  of  AnnaworCs  company,  but  from  whom  tliey 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief,  only  that  he  did  not  lodge  "  twice  in  a 
place." 

"  Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church  had  gained  over  to 
l>e  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his 
father,  who,  he  said,  was  about  four  miles  from  that  place,  in  a  swamp,  with 
no  other  than  a  young  s(]uaw.  Captain  Church  inclined  to  go  with  him, 
thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  Annaioon;  and 
BO  taking  one  Englishman  and  a  few  Indians  with  him,  leaving  the  rest 
there,  he  went  with  his  new  soldier  to  look  his  father.  When  he  came  to 
the  swiimp,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  and  see  if  he  could  find  his  father.  He 
was  no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a  track  coming  down 
out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on 
one  side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  other.  They  heard  the  Indian 
soldier  making  a  howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length  somebody  answered 
him ;  but  while  they  were  listening,  thc^  thought  they  heard  somebody  com- 
ing towards  them.  Presently  they  saw  an  old  man  coming  up,  with  a  gun 
on  his  shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  following  in  the  track  which  they  lay 
by.  They  let  them  come  between  them,  and  then  started  uj)  and  laid  hold 
of  them  both.  Captain  Church  immediately  examined  them  apart,  telling 
them  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they  told  false  stories.  He  asked  tl.e  young 
woman  what  company  they  came  from  last.  She  said  from  Captain  Anna- 
won'ar.    He  asked  her  how  many  were  in  comj)any  with  him  when  she  lei^ 

*  This  seems  to  us  ihe  mosl  probable  arcouiil  of  the  affair  of  all  we  have  seen, 
t  The  soil  uf  Awatlionks,  it  is  supposed. 


1      ,  '1 


M 


m: 


236 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  III- 


liim.  She  eaid  'fifty  or  sixty.'  He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it  was  to  the 
place  where  she  left  him.  She  said  she  did  not  understand  miles,  hut  he  was 
up  in  Sqiiannacoiik  swamp.  The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Philip's 
council,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account."  On  being 
asked  whether  they  could  get  there  that  night,  answered,  "  If  we  go  pres- 
ently, and  travel  stoutly,  we  may  get  there  by  sunset."  The  old  man  said 
he  was  of  Annawon^s  company,  and  that  Annawon  had  sent  him  down  to 
find  some  Indians  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount  Hope  neck  to  kill  pro- 
visions. Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  company  were  all  his 
prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
with  him  and  another  man.  Captain  Church  was  now  at  great  loss  what  he 
should  do.  He  was  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportunity  of  giving 
a  finishing  blow  to  the  Indian  power.  He  had,  as  himself  says,  but  "  half  a 
dozen  men  beside  himselfj"  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity  of  sending 
some  one  back  to  give  Lieutenant  Howland,  whom  he  left  at  the  old  fort  in 
Pocasset,  notice,  if  he  should  proceed.  But,  without  wasting  time  in  pon- 
fltring  upon  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  qtiestion  to  his  men, 
"  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  give  Annawon  a  visit." 
All  answered  in  the  affirmative,  but  reminded  him  "that  they  knew  this 
Captain  Annawon  was  a  great  soldier ;  that  he  had  been  a  valiant  captain 
under  Asuhtnequin,  [Woosamequin,]  Philip's  father;  and  that  he  had  been 
Philip's  chieftain  all  this  war."  And  they  further  told  Captain  Church,  (and 
these  men  knew  him  well,)  that  he  was  "  a  very  subtle  man,  of  great  resolu- 
tion, and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive  by  the  English." 

They  also  reminded  him  that  those  with  Annawon  were  "  resolute  fellows, 
some  of  Philip's  chief  soldiers,"  and  very  much  feared  that  to  make  the 
attempt  with  such  a  handful  of  soldiers,  would  be  hazui'dous  in  the  extrenie. 
But  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Church,  who  remarked 
to  them,  "  that  he  had  a  long  time  sought  for  Annawon,  but  in  vain,"  and 
doubted  not  in  the  least  but  Providence  would  protect  them.  All  with  one 
consent  now  desired  to  j)roceed. 

A  man  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  belonging  to  Plimouth,  was  the  only 
Englishman  in  the  comjiany,  except  the  captain.  Captain  Church  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.  He  made  no  other  reply 
than  this:  "I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when  you  are  with  me." 
The  Indian  who  brought  in  his  father  informed  Captain  Church,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  take  his  horse  with  him,  which  he  had  brought  thus 
tin*.  He  therefore  sent  him  and  his  father,  with  the  horse,  back  to  Lieuten- 
ant Rowland,  and  ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take  his  prisoners  immediately 
to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next  morning  in  the  Rehoboth  roud, 
where,  if  alive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the  journey.  Captain  Church 
turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman,  and  asked 
him  whether  he  would  be  their  pilot.  He  said,  "You  having  given  me  my 
life,  I  am  under  obligations  to  serve  you."  They  now  marched  for  Sqnan- 
naconk.  In  leading  the  way,  this  old  man  would  travel  so  nnich  faster  than 
the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight,  and  consequently  might 
have  escaped  without  fear  of  being  recaptured,  but  he  was  true  to  his  word, 
and  would  stop  until  his  wearied  followers  tame  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamps  and  thickets  until  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pilot  ordered  a  stop.  The  captain  asked  hiui  if  he  had  made  any  dis- 
covery. Ho  said,  "  About  that  hour  of  the  day,  Annawon  usually  sent  out 
his  scoutb  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow 
dark  the  scouts  returned,  and  then  we  may  move  securely."  When  it  was 
sufficiently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed.  Captain  Church  asked  the 
old  man  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for  him.  He  bowed  very  low, 
aiul  said,  "I  pray  you  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  me  as  to  figiit  against 
Captain  Annawon,  my  old  friencl,  but  I  will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  helpful 
to  you.  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall  offer  to  hurt  you."    Tlicy 

*  Caleb,  doubllcss,  wlio  was  present  al  the  lime  Philip  was  killfid. 


Chap.  Ill] 


ANNAVVON— ins  CAPTURE  AND  DEATlF. 


237 


li 


had  prornofled  but  a  short  space,  when  they  hean'  a  noise,  wliich  fhcv 
coiichiduil  to  be  the  pounding  of  a  mortar.  This  warned  tlieni  that  thcv 
were  in  tlie  vicinity  of  Annawon^s  retreat.  And  here  it  will  be  very  proper 
to  give  a  description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in  tiie  south-easterly  corner  of 
Rehohoth,  about  eight  miles  from  Taunton  Green,  a  few  rods  from  the  road 
which  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  it.  If  a  straight 
line  were  drawn  from  Taunton  to  Providence,  it  would  pass  very  nearly 
over  thia  place.  Within  the  limits  of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  1000 
acres,  there  is  a  small  piece  of  upland,  separated  from  the  main  oidv  by  a 
brook,  which  in  some  seasons  is  dry.  This  island,  as  we  may  call  it,  is 
nearly  covered  with  an  enormous  rock,  which  to  this  day  is  called  Annawim^s 
Rock.  Its  south-east  side  presents  an  almost  perpendicular  precipice,  and 
rises  to  the  height  of  25  or  30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  slo|)ing, 
and  easy  of  ascent,  being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or  40°.  A  more 
gloomy  and  hidden  recess,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer 
waves  over  it,  could  hardly  be  ibimd  by  any  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  tJie  rock,  Coptain  Church,  with  two 
of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the  top  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  see 
distinctly  the  situation  of  the  whole  company,  by  the  light  of  their  fires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged  u  short  distance  li-om  one 
another.  Annawori's  camp  was  formed  by  lelliug  a  tree  against  the  rock, 
^vith  hushes  set  up  on  each  side. 

"  He  passed,  in  the  hcari  of  that  ancient  wood— 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  a  vaulted  bud 
Had  l>oeri  hewn  of  old  lor  the  kingly  dea<l 

Arose  on  his  midnight  v.ay  "— Hemans. 

With  him  lodged  his  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.  Their  guns 
were  discovered  standing  and  leaning  against  a  stick  resting  on  two  crotches, 
safely  covered  from  the  weather  by  a  mat.  Over  their  fires  were  i)ots  antl 
kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  spits.  Captain  Church  was 
now  at  some  lows  how  to  proceed,  seeing  no  possibility  of  getting  down  the 
rock  without  discovery,  which  woidd  have  been  fatal.  He  therefore  creeps 
eilently  hack  again  to  the  foot  of  the  rock,  and  asked  the  old  man,  their 
pilot,  if  there  was  no  other  way  of  coming  at  them.  He  answered,  "  No  ;" 
and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belonging  to  the  company  were  ordered 
to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come  any  other  witfiout  danger  of  be- 
ing shot. 

The  frtiitful  mind  of  Church  was  no  longer  at  loss,  and  the  following  strata- 
gem was  put  in  successfid  practice.  He  ordered  the  old  mtui  and  the  young 
woman  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  baskets  upon  their  backs, 
and  when  Annawon  slioidd  discover  them,  he  would  take  no  alarm,  knowing 
them  to  be  those  he  had  lately  SMit  forth  upon  discovery.  "  Captain  Church 
and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down  also,  under  tlie  shadow  of  thota  two 
and  their  baskets.  The  captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with 
his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over  the  young  man's  fiead  to  the  arms. 
The  young  Annawon  discovering  him,  whipped  his  blanket  over  his  head,  and 
shrunk  nj)  hi  a  heap.  The  old  Captain  Annawon  started  up  on  his  breech, 
and  cried  out ' //bifo/i ."  which  signified,  'Welcom.'"*  All  hope  of  escape 
was  now  fled  forever,  and  he  made  no  effort,  but  laid  himself  down  agiiin  in 
perfect  silence,  while  his  caj)tors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.  For  h«) 
supposed  the  English  were  far  inore  numerous  than  they  were,  and  before  he 
was  undeceived,  his  company  were  all  secured. 


% 


'h\ 


n^ 


*  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  among  the  tribes  of  the  west,  the  same  word  is  used  to  signify 
approbation  ;  thus,  when  a  speech  had  been  made  to  some  in  that  region,  which  ploased 
thorn,  at  the  end  of  each  paragraph  tlioy  would  exclaim,  "  Hoalil  Jloali!" — Weld's  Trav.eU 
in  America. 

The  fact  becomes  still  more  curious  when  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farther  west- 
even  on  the  North-west  Coast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  signification.  See  Dixon's 
\'oijiio;e,  189,  4to.  London,  1 78'J.  In  this  work  it  is  spelt  \V}wali.  See,  also,  liu-ney'i 
Voyages,  i  3-W,  and  Colden's  Five  Nations,  ii.  96. 


i!M.i;  I    ; 


'  I'i 


Hi 


Il^^ 


238 


ANNA  WON. 


I  Book  III. 


Ono  circumstance  much  facilitated  tiiis  daring  project.  It  Iia«  been  l)efi)re 
incntioncd,  that  they  lieard  the  pounding  of  a  mortar,  on  tiieir  approacli. 
Tliis  continued  during  tiieir  descent  down  the  rocit.  A  squaw  was  pounding 
I^retn  dried  corn  for  tlicir  supper,  and  when  she  ceased  pounding,  to  turn 
the  corn,  tliey  ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded  again,  tliey  moved. 
This  was  tlie  reason  tliey  were  not  heard  aa  tliey  lowered  themselves  down, 
from  crag  to  crag,  supported  by  Bmall  bushes  that  grew  from  the  seams 
of  the  rock.  The  pounded  com  served  afterwards  for  a  supper  to  the 
captors. 

Annawon  would  not  have  l)cen  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  trCacheiy 
of  those  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  their  iMcan  exclaim,  as  did 
the  Romav, 

"  A  rare  renowned,  the  world's  virlorious  lords, 
Turned  on  llienisclves  willi  their  own  hostile  swords."— /loioe's  Trans. 

The  two  companies  situated  at  n  short  distance  from  the  rock  knew  not  the 
fate  of  their  captain,  until  those  sent  by  Church  announced  it  to  them.  And, 
to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  tlu^  were  told,  that  Captain  Church  had 
encompassed  them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  niake  resistance  would  bo 
immediate  death  ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they  should  have  good 
quarter.  "Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations," 
readily  consented :  delivering  up  their  guna  and  hatchets,  they  were  all  con- 
ducted to  head-quarters. 

"Things  being  thus  far  settled,  Captain  Church  asked  Annawon  what 
he  had  for  supper, '  for,'  said  he, '  I  am  come  to  sup  with  you.' "  Annaioon 
replied,  "  Tavbut"  with  a  "  big  voice,"  and,  looking  around  upon  his  women, 
ordered  them  to  hasten  and  provide  Captain  Church  and  his  company  some 
sujiper.  He  asked  Captain  Church  "whether  he  would  eat  cow  beef  or 
horse  beef."  Church  said  he  would  prefer  cow  beef.  It  was  soon  ready, 
and,  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  he  had  in  his  pocket,  he  made  a  good  meal. 
And  here  it  should  be  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (which  he  carried  in 
his  pocket)  was  the  only  provision  he  took  with  him  upon  this  expedition. 

When  supper  was  over,  Captain  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  telling  them 
if  they  would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of  the 
night,  he  not  having  slept  any  for  36  hours  before ;  but  after  laying  a  half 
hour,  and  feeling  no  disposition  to  sleep,  from  the  momentous  cares  upon  his 
mind, — lor,  as  Dr.  young"  says  in  the  Revenge, 

"  The  dead  alone,  in  such  a  night,  can  rest,—" 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  posts,  but  they  were  all  fast  asleep. 
Annawon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Church,  and  they  lay  for  some  time 
looking  one  upon  the  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  Annaioon,  because  he 
could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  Annawon  could  not  speak  English,  but  it 
now  appeared  that  he  could,  from  a  conversation  they  held  together.  Church 
had  laid  down  with  Annawon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of  which,  however,  he 
did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  considerable  time,  Annawon 
got  up  and  walked  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church  considered  was  on  a 
common  occasion ;  but  being  gone  some  time,  "  he  began  to  suspect  some 
ill  design."  Ho  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  himself,  and  lay  as 
close  as  he  possibly  could  under  young  Annawon^s  side,  that  if  a  shot  should 
be  made  at  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  of  young  Annawon  also.  After 
laying  a  while  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  Annawon 
coming  with  something  in  his  hands.  When  he  had  got  to  Captain  Church, 
he  knelt  down  before  him,  and,  after  presenting  him  what  he  had  brought, 
spoke  in  English  as  follows: — "  Great  captain,  you  have  killed  Philip,  ami  con- 
quered his  countn/.  For  I  believe  that  I  and  my  company  are  the  last  that  war 
against  the  Enirlish,  so  suppose  tlie  war  is  ended  by  your  means,  and  therefore 
these  things  belong  unto  yon."  He  then  took  out  of  his  pack  a  beaiitHiiily 
wrought  belt,  which  belonged  to  Philip.  It  was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and 
of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the  shoulders  of  Captain  Church,  it 
reached  to  his  ankles.     This  was  considered,  at  that  time,  of  great  value 


T^^ 


^HAP.   Ill] 


QUINNAPIN. 


239 


being  embroidered  all  over  with  money,  tlint  is,  wampumpenp,*  of  vnrioiis 
colors,  curiously  wroiiclit  into  figures  of  birds,  beasts  and  flowers.  A  second 
belt,  of  no  less  exquisite  workmanship,  was  next  presented,  which  lielongc  d 
tilso  to  Philip.  This,  that  chief  used  to  ornament  his  head  with  ;  from  the 
back  j)ait  of  which  flowed  two  flags,  which  decorated  his  back.  A  third  was 
a  smaller  one,  with  a  star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore  upon  his  breast. 
All  three  were  edged  with  red  hair,  which,  ^nnmcon  said,  was  got  hi  the 
country  of  the  Mohawks.  These  belts,  or  some  of  them,  it  is  believed,  re- 
main, at  this  day,  the  property  of  a  fiimily  in  Swansey.  He  next  took  from 
his  pack  two  horns  of  glazed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it 
appears,  were  all  that  remained  of  the  efll-cts  of  the  great  chief.  He  told 
Captain  Church  that  those  were  P/tiiip'*  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to  adoin 
himself  with,  when  he  sat  in  state,  and  he  thought  himself  happy  in  having 
an  opportunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  discourse,  in  which  Annaieon 
''gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he  served  Jlsuhmequin,  Philip's 
father." 

Morning  being  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Taunton.  In  the  way 
they  met  Lieutenant  Howland,  according  to  appointment,  at  his  no  small  sur- 
))rise.  They  lodged  at  Taunton  that  night.  The  next  day  "  Caj)t.  Church 
took  old  Jlnnawon,  and  half  a  dozen  Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own  men,  and 
went  to  Rhode  Island ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Plitnouth,  under  Lieutenant 
Howland. 

Annawon,  it  is  said,  had  confessed  "that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of  the 
English,  that  had  been  taken  alive ;  ten  in  one  day,  and  could  not  deny  but 
that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured;"!  ''"d  therefore  no  mercy  was  to  be 
expected  from  those  into  whose  hands  he  had  now  fallen.  His  cajitor,  Captain 
Churchy  did  not  mean  that  he  should  have  been  put  to  death,  and  had  en- 
treated hard  for  him ;  but  in  his  absence  from  Plimouth,  not  long  after,  he 
was  remorselessly  executed.  We  shall  again  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the 
execution  of  Annatcon,  and  shall  now  pass  to  consider  the  events  in  the  life 
of  a  sachem  of  nearly  equal  interest. 

QULyJVAPIJV  was  by  birth  a  noble  Narraganset,  being  the  son  of  Cogina- 
quan,  otherwise  Conjanaquond,  who  was  nephew  to  Carwnicus.  Therefore 
Miantunnomoh  was  uncle  to  Quinnapin,  and  Canoniciis  was  his  great  uncle. 

We  find  his  name  spelled  in  almost  every  possible  way,  and  for  the 
amusement  of  the  reader  will  offer  a  few  of  them — Quanopin,  Qiwnopin, 
Qunnapin,  Qfiannopin,  Quenoquin,  Panoquin,  Sowasonish,  and  Quanepin. 
His  name  has  also  been  confounded  with  that  of  Quaiapen,  the  "  old  queen  " 
of  Narraganset. 

In  1G72,  Quinnapin  confirmed,  by  a  writing,  the  sale  of  a  tract  of  land  pre- 
viously granted  by  CogtnaqtMn,  his  father. 

This  sachem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  Philip's  war,  and  from 
the  punishment  which  the  English  executed  upon  him,  on  bis  falling  into 
their  hands,  we  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  war,  although  but 
little  is  recorded  of  him  by  the  historians  of  that  period.  From  Mrs.  Row- 
landson's  account  of  him,  we  must  conclude  he  was  not  wanting  in  attentions 
to  the  fair  sex,  as  he  had  certainly  three  wives,  one  of  whom  was  a  sister  of 
Wootonekanuske ;  consequently  he  was,  according  to  the  English  method  of 
calculating  relationships,  brother-in-law  to  the  famous  Mdacomet  himself. 

QiminflDtn  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
the  10  Fob.  1675,  O.  S.,  and  he  purchased  Mrs.  Rowlandson  from  a  Naragan- 
set  Indian  who  had  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  the  garrison,  among 
the  ca|)tives  of  that  place.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which  caused  her 
to  notice  him  in  her  Narrative,  t  fVdtimore,  whom  she  mentions  in  the  follow- 
ing extract,  as  his  wife,  we  have  said,  was  ff'eetamoo,  the  "  queen  of  Pocasset." 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  when  the  NaiTaganscts  were  at  such  "  great  straits," 
from  the  loss  of  their  provisions,  in  the  great  swamp  fight,  {"  corn  being  two 

All  Iroquois  word  signifying  u  niusclf.     Gnntnn'.i  flisl,  Pennsylvania,  page  608. 


t  ItitJba-d,  iXar.  im 


\  Mr.W'illard's  edition  of  it,  (p.  ij.)  Lancaster,  1828. 


240 


QUINNAPIN. 


[DOOK  III. 


sliilliiij;.-! ..  "iiit  with  them,")  the  Erij^lish  tried  to  bring  about  a  peace  with 
tiieni ;  W  !if"r  terms  were  too  liarti,  or  some  other  cause  prevented.  "  Ca- 
noncktt  a.  t^annquin  said  tiicy  would  fijrht  it  out,  to  the  last  man,  rather 
tiiantiie,  »  ;uld  become  servants  to  the  EngMsh."*  A  truly  noble  resolution, 
and  well  worthy  of  the  character  we  have  of  Canonchet. 

"My  master  (says  Mrs.  Howlandson)  had  three  squaws,  hving  sometimes 
with  one  and  sometimes  with  another.  Omix,  this  old  sr,iiaw  at  whose  wig- 
wam 1  was,  and  with  whom  my  master  [Quiiwapin]  liad  been  these  three 
weeks.  Anotuer  was  ffettimore,  with  whom  I  had  lived  and  sei-ved  all  this 
while.  A  severe  anil  proud  dame  she  was;  bestowing  eveiyday  in  dressing 
herself  near  as  much  time  as  any  of  the  gentiy  of  the  land — powdering  her 
hair  and  j)ainting  her  face,  going  with  her  necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears, 
and  bracc.'Icfs  tipon  her  hands.  When  she  had  dressed  hers<;lf,  her  work 
was  to  make  girdles  of  wampum  and  beads.  The  third  squaw  [or  wile]  was 
a  young  one,  by  whom  he  bad  two  j)apooses."t 

While  the  Narragansets  and  Nipmucks  were  encamped  at  a  place  on  Con- 
necticut River  at  considerable  distance  above  Northamj)ton,  jierhaps  near  as 
far  as  ]Ullows  Falls,  Mrs.  Rowlandson  says,  "My  master's  maid  came  home: 
she  hf  il  been  gone  three  weeks  into  the  Narraganset  country  to  fetch  corn, 
wher  J  they  had  stored  up  some  in  the  ground.  She  brought  home  about  a 
peel-  and  a  hnlf  of  corn  "  / 

We  shall  relate,  in  the  L'fc  of  JVepanef,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  io  Philip's 
quarters  lor  the  redem])tion  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson.  This  was  not  long  after 
Sudbury  figiit,  and  the  Lidians  were  i)rej)aring  to  commemorate  it  by  a  great 
dance, "  which  was  carried  on  by  eight  of  them,  (as  Mrs.  R.  relates,)  ibur  men 
and  four  squaws  ;  my  master  and  mistress  yi^uinnapin  and  fVeetamoo]  being 
two.  He  was  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt,  with  great  stockings,  his  garters 
hung  round  with  shillings,  ami  had  girdles  of  wampom  upon  his  head  and 
shoulders.  She  had  a  kearsey  coat,  covered  with  girdles  of  wampom  from 
the  loins  upward.  Her  arms,  from  lier  elbows  to  her  hands,  were  covered 
with  bracelets ;  there  were  handfuls  of  necklaces  about  her  neck,  and  sev- 
eral sorts  of  jewels  in  her  ears.  She  had  fine  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes, 
her  hair  i)owdered,  and  her  face  painted  red,  that  was  alwajs  before  black. 
And  all  the  dancers  were  afler  the  same  maimer.  There  were  two  others 
singing  and  knocking  on  a  kettle  for  their  music.  They  kept  hop])ing  uj) 
and  down  one  atler  another,  with  a  kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing 
warm  upon  some  embers,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on 
till  almost  night,  throwing  out  their  tram/7oni  to  the  standers-by.  At  night 
I  asked  them  again,  if  I  should  go  home :  they  all  as  one  said.  No,  except  my 
husband  would  come  for  me.  When  we  were  lain  down,  my  master  went 
out  of  the  wigwam,  and  by  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  James-the-printer, 
who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to-morrow,  if  he 
would  let  him  have  one  pint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar  called  his  own 
[ndians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  and  see  if  he  would  promise  it 
before  them  three ;  and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it,  which  he  did,  and  had 
it  Philip  smelling  the  business,  called  me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  I 
would  give  him,  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a  good  word  for 
me,  that  I  might  go  home  to-morrow  ?  I  told  l.im  I  could  not  tell  what  to 
give  him,  I  would  any  thing  I  had,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  have.  He 
said  two  coats  and  20  shillings  in  money,  half  a  bushel  of  seed  corn,  and 
some  tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  his  love,  but  1  knew  that  good  news  as  well 
as  that  craily  fox.  My  master,  after  he  had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting 
into  the  wigwam  again,  anrl  called  for  Mr.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying 
he  was  a  good  man ;  and  then  again  he  would  say.  Hang  him  a  rogue.  Being 
almost  drunk,  he  would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently  say  he  should  be 
hanged.  Then  he  called  for  me ;  I  trembled  to  hear  him,  and  yet  I  was  fain 
to  go  to  him,  and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.  He  was  the  first 
Inrlian  I  saw  drunk,  all  the  time  I  was  among  them.  At  last  his  squaw  ran 
lilt,  and  he  after  her,  round  the  wigwam,  with  his  money  jingling  at  hia 


*  Hubbard. 


t  Narraiivc,  63,  64. 


riiAP.  Ill] 


DEATH  OF  (lUlNNAPIN— TUSPAQUIX. 


341 


knees,  btit  slie  escaped  liiiii ;  I)iit  liuviiig  an  old  s(iiinw,  lie  ran  to  her,"*  and 
troiiMcd  the  others  no  more  tiiat  nijrlit. 

A  day  or  two  alb.'r,  tlie  sagamores  liad  a  conncil,  or  frcmml  cniiH,  as  tlicy 
called  It,  in  which  the  giving  up  of  Mrs.  R.  was  dehatfd.  All  seemed  to 
consent  tor  iier  to  go,  exceja  Philip,  who  would  not  come  to  tiie  council. 
However,  siie  was  soon  dismissed,  and  some  who  were  at  first  opposed  kj  iier 
going,  stieinetl  now  to  rejoice  at  it.  They  shook  her  by  the  hand,  and  askt;d 
her  to  send  tiiem  some  tobacco,  and  some  one  thing  and  some  another. 

VVlieii  tiie  extensive  system  of  war  carried  on  by  Philip  was  broken  in  the 
west  by  intestine  bickerings,  Quinnapin  returned  with  Philip  to  his  country 
of  the  VVainpanoags.  About  theeiiu  of  July,  lli7().  Captain  Church  learned  by 
a  captive  squaw  that  Q^uinnapin  and  Philip  were  in  a  "great  cedar  swamp  ' 
near  Ajjonaganset  with  "abundance  of  Indians."  Tiiis  news,  together  with 
a  discovery  the  captain  soon  alter  made,  induced  him  to  leave  tiiat  country 
without  disturbing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Soon  alter,  (Quinnapin  escaped 
from  a  company  of  IJridgewater  men,  who  killed  Jlkkompoin,  as  he  and 
Philip's  company  were  crossing  Taunton  River.  The  next  day.  Church  j)ur- 
sued  him,  but  he  eflected  liis  escape. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  immediately  after  the  war,  fiH 
August,  was  shot  at  Newjioit  in  R.  Island.  It  ajjpears  that  Quinnapin  had 
had  some  dirticulty  with  the  R.  Island  people,  who,  some  time  before  the 
war,  had  cast  nim  into  prison ;  but  that  by  some  means  he  had  escaped, 
and  become  activo  in  the  war.  lie  was  reported  "u  young  lusty  sachem, 
and  a  very  rogue."  f  A  court-martial  was  held  at  Newport,  R.  I.,  on  the 
2i  August,  l(i7tJ,  by  the  governor  and  assistants  of  that  colony,  for  tlie  trial 
of  Quinnapin,  or  Sowagonish,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  and  several  others. 
He  was  charged  with  adhering  to  Philip  in  the  war,  which  he  confessed, 
and  owned  he  was  in  the  Narraganset  Swamp  fight  of  December,  1(575,  and 
next  in  conunand  to  Canonchel ;  whereujjon  he  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  the 
next  day.  A  brother  of  his,  who  had  but  one  eye,  named  Sunkeejunasuc,  had 
the  same  sentence  passed  upon  him.  Ashamaltan,  another  brother,  was 
tried,  but  at  that  time  received  no  sentence.^ 

Tt/&'P^Qi!7/JV*,  whose  biograjihy  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  of  Philip  a 
most  faithful  captains,  and  sachem  of  Assawomset,  as  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  notice,  in  speaking  of  John  Sassamon.  His  name  in  printed 
accounts  differs  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  from  JVatxtspaquin.  Also  in  our 
life  of  Tatoson  it  was  necessary  to  speak  of  this  chief.  From  a  survey  of 
the  deeds  which  he  executed  of  various  large  tracts  of  land,  it  is  evident 
his  sachemdom  was  very  extensive.  It  will  be  necessary  to  glance  at  some 
of  the  conveyances  of  Waluapaquin  for  several  reasons,  the  principal  of  which 
is,  that  the  part  he  acted  in  the  great  drama  of  1(575  and  1676  may  not  be 
underrated.  His  conveyances  to  the  Reverend  JbAn  Sassamon  and  his  fiimily 
are  already  related. 

On  9  August,  1(567,  "  Tuspequin,  otlierwise  called  the  Black-sacliem,"  for 
£4,  sells  to  Henry  Wood  of  Plimoiith  his  right  and  title  to  the  land  on  the 
east  side  of  "  >3amassakett "  River,§  bounded  "on  one  end  "by  the  pond 
called  BlcLck-saxhenCs  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  JVanpaiocult ;  on  the  other  end,  by 
a  little  pond  called  Jisnemscutl.  How  mucli  was  included  in  the  given 
bounds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  the  description  jjossibly 
tell  how  far  said  tract  extended  back  from  the  river.  With  Tuspaquin, 
his  wife,  Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  witnessed  only  by  two  liUglish- 
nieii. 

On  17  July,  1(369,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  for  £10  a  tract  or 
parcel  of  land  near  "  Assowampsett,"  half  a  mile  wide,  and  "  in  length  from 
said  ponds  to  Dartmouth  path."  Besides  two  English,  Samuel  Henry,  Daniel 
and  Old  Harry  were  witnesses.  Evperience  Mitchell,  Henry  Sampson,  of  Dux- 
borough,  Thomas  Little,  of  Marshfield,  and  Thomas  Paine,  of  Eastham,  were 
the  purchasers. 

*  Narrative,  7»— 75. 

t  Captain  More's  account  of  "  Tlic  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  ended,"  &.c.  in  our  ItroiAN 
Chron icLE.  t  PoUer's  Narragansel,  98. 

ij  He,  however,  reserved  the  right  "  to  getl  ceder  barke  in  the  swamps." 

21  Q 


3. 


242 


TUSPAQUIN— BURNS  BRIDOEWATER. 


[Book  III 


if-'     ■ 


irs 


June  10, 10)70,  TuspaquinanA  his  son  William  sold  for  £G,  to  Edward  Gray, 
"in  tlio  helmll"  of  the  court  of  Plinionth,"  "ull  that  our  nieddow  tiiut  lyeth 
in  or  iieurc  the  town  of  Mi(hlleberry,"  on  tlie  west  side  of  a  tract  bclon^intf 
to  John  Jllden  and  Contiai^  Southworth,  "and  is  between  Assowainsett  Pond 
and  Taunton  path,  Innng  in  three  parsolls  vpon  three  brookcs;"  also  anotlier 
parcel  on  the  otlit-r  side  of  Taunton  patli.  Witnessed  by  "  Amic"  tl>e  wilb 
of  Tuyjaquin,  and  two  English. 

30  June,  1072,  Tiumaquin,  "  sachem  of  Naniassakett,  and  Mantowapuct 
alias  fyUliam  his  Bon,"^sell  to  Edward  Gray  and  Josias  ff'inalow,  lands  cm 
the  easterly  side  of  Assowarnsett,  to  begin  where  Naniasket  River  fallctli 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  south  by  tlie  pond ;  thence  by  |)erisliable  boinids 
to  Tuspaquin^a  Pond,  and  so  home  to  the  lands  ibrmcrly  sold  to  Henry 
Wood. 

3  July,  1673,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  to  Benjamin  Church  of 
Duxborough,  house  carpenter,  and  John  Tompson  of  Barnstable,  lands  about 
Middleborough,  lor  which  they  paid  him  £lh.  It  is  described  as  "  lying  att 
and  neare  the  township  of  Middleberry,"  bounded  westerly  by  a  river  called 
JMonhiggen,  which  runs  into  a  pond  called  (^uisquasetl,  and  so  by  a  cedar 
swamp  to  Tuspaquin's  Pond ;  thence  by  Henry  WooiTa  land  to  a  jilace 
called  Pochaboquelt.  Nainidset  River  is  named  as  a  noithern  boundary ;  and 
the  two  "  places  "  called  Tuscomanest  and  Massapanoh  are  also  named,  like- 
wise a  pond  called  Snipttiett,  and  a  "  river's  mouth  called  Tvppaluett  which 
rinmeth  into  a  pond  called  QuiUiiioasheU,"  Two  English,  San  Harry,  and 
Joseph  of  Namasket,  were  witnesses. 

1  November  1673,  William  Waluspaquin,  Jlssaiceta,  Tobias  and  Betoat,  for 
£10  sell  to  three  English  of  Barnstable  a  tract  of  land  bounded  by  Que- 
tatpiash  Pond  northerly,  by  Quetaquash  River  easterly,  Snepetuitt  Pond,  &c. 

14  May,  1675,  the  two  Tuspaquins,  father  and  son,  "  make  over  to  John 
Tompson,  Constant  Souihioorth  and  others,  of  Middleborough,  "  all  that  tract 
of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  called  commonly  Assowatnaet 
neck  or  necks,  and  places  adjacent,"  as  a  security  against  the  claims  of  others, 
&c.  of  other  lands  deeded  at  the  same  time ;  it,  therefore,  they  are  not  dis- 
turbed in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded,  then  they  "are  not  to 
be  outed  of  Assawamsett  neck."  Pottawo,  alias  Daniel,  Payman,  Pagalt,*  alius 
Joseph,  were  witnesses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £33,  "  sterling."  It  consisted  of  uplands 
and  meadows  about  the  pond  culled  JSTinipoket,  Quiticu8,\  &c.,  and,  judging 
from  the  price  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  large  tract. 

Thus  are  a  few  of  the  acts  of  Waluspaquin  sketched  previous  to  the  war. 
We  are  now  to  trace  his  operations  in  quite  another  sphere.  In  our  opinion, 
Mr.  Hubbard  was  right  in  styling  him  "  the  next  noted  captain  to  Philip,^  but 
erroneously  calls  Old  Tuspaqmn  "  the  Black-sachem's  son."  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  known  of  the  son  William^  Indeed,  we  hear  nothing  of  him 
in  the  war,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  late  of  his  father. 

In  the  spring  of  1676,  Tuspaquin  was  marching  from  place  to  place  with 
about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  humbling  the 
pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  Philip's  western  disasters,  occasioned  by 
the  disaffection  of  his  Pocomptucks  and  others,  his  expectations  might  have 
been  realized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  19  buildings  in 
Scituate  were  burnt  on  20  April ;  and  on  the  8  May,  had  not  a  shower  pre- 
vented, most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would  have  shai'ed  the 
same  fate.  Tuspaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men  in  tliis  attack.^ 
The  inhabitants  exerted  themselves  to  repel  the  Indians,  but,  conscious  of 
their  strength,  they  maintained  their  ground  until  the  next  day,  when  they 
retreated.  Notwitiiscanding  the  rain,  they  succeeded  in  burning  17  buildings 
before  they  decamped. 

On  11  May,  1676,  there  were  eleven  houses  and  five  barns  burnt  in  Plim- 
Dwth,  and  a  few  weeks  after,  seven  houses  more  and  two  barns.     Tliese 

*  Two  names,  probably  ;  but  in  (lie  MS.  llicrc  is  no  comma  between,  as  is  often  the  ca'.e. 
t  Titicut,  probably,  now. 

X  Mr.  Huhhard  .says,  (Nar.  71.)  the  Indians  were  led  by  one  Tusgnogen,  but  we  are  satis- 
fied Tuspaquin  is  meant. 


Cii  p.  Ill] 


Tt.SPAJUTlN.— H!S  COMPANY  SflRriMSni). 


211 


ivi^ro  pmltiilily  stu'li  ;is  were  at  a  ronsidoriililo  ilistaiiri;  frooi  tlio  villnijp,  iiiul 
Imd  rliit'tly  Ihmmi  dcs'itctl.  This  "  iiiiMcliieJ"  wiih  uitribiitcd  to  Tiispiuium 
Hiul  hifl  iiicii, 

Altout  thin  time,  Benjamin  Church  wns  coiniiiist^ioiif^d  hy  tho  govt-'.iuiH'tit 
of  Pliiiiotitli  to  lead  parties  in  diflercnt  directions  over  the  colony ;  and  liom 
tlie  time  he  commenced  operations,  the  Indians  found  hut  (iw  opportunities 
to  do  mischief  in  Phmoutii  colony. 

Tuapaquin  still  kept  his  pronnil  in  the  Assawoinsnt  countrj',  nnd  for  a  Ion;' 
time  iMilHed  all  the  skill  Captain  Church  was  mantt-rof  in  his  eiuleavoi's  to  tiiko 
him  prisoner.  Church  receive<l  his  commission  !^4.Tuly,  lO/Ci,  and  the  same 
ni^ht  set  out  on  an  ex|)edition  against  Tuspaquin.  His  Indian  scouts  hroiiffht 
him  l»efbre  day  upon  a  company  of  his  pc^ople  in  Middlehoron^di,  every  onf! 
of  whom  fell  into  his  hands.  Ilow  many  there  were,  Church  does  not  say. 
He  took  them  directly  to  Pliinouth,  "and  disjiosed  of  them  all,"  exce|)t  "oiie 
Jeffery,  who,  proving  very  ingenious  and  faithful  to  liim  in  informing  where 
otiier  parcels  of  the  Indians  harbored,  Cant.  Church  promised  him,  tliat  if 
he  continued  to  Iw  faithful  to  him,  he  should  not  he  sold  out  of  tho  conntry, 
liiit  should  1)6  his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  his  horse,  &c.,  and  accord- 
ingly he  served  him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived."  • 

rims  strengthened  hy  Tuapaquin's own  men.  Church  pursued  his  success-a 
with  manifold  advantage.  Ihere  was  a  small  tribe  residing  near  Munponset 
Pond,  which  was  next  captured  without  loss  on  either  sitle,  and  there  was 
henceforth  scarcely  a  week  passed  wherein  he  did  not  capture  some  of  these 
people. 

Not  long  after  this,  it  "was  found  that  Tuspaquin  had  encamped  about 
Assawomset,  and  Church  set  out  on  an  expedition  there ;  hut  finding  Old 
Tuspaquin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  betwe«'n  the  two  great  ponds,  f  he 
was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acnslmet  and  Dartnioutli. 
As  he  was  crossing  Assawomset  neck,  a  scout  from  Trnpaquin's  camp  fired 
upon  him,  but  did  him  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  Annawon  having  Imen  surprised  l)y  the  indefatigable 
Churchy  Tuspaquin  saw  no  chance  of  holding  out  long ;  he  therefore  apj)ear8 
afterwards  only  intent  upon  keeping  out  of  the  way  of  the  English.  This 
coidd  not  be  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were  ranging  in  every 
direction. 

On  4  Sept  167G,  according  to  ChurcVs  account,  Tuspaquin'a  company 
were  encamped  near  Sippican,  doing  "  great  damage  to  the  English  in  kill- 
ing their  c  ttle,  horses  and  swine."  The  noxt  day,  Church  and  his  rangers 
were  in  their  neighborhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation,  which  was 
"  sitting  round  their  fires  in  a  thick  place  of  bruch,"^  in  seeming  safety,  the 
captain  " ordered  ever;' man  to  creej)  as  he  did;  and  surrounded  them  by 
creeping  as  near  as  they  could,  till  they  should  be  discovered,  and  then  to 
run  on  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  possible,  (for  their  prisoners  were 
their  pay.)  They  did  so,  taking  every  one  that  was  at  the  fires,  not  one 
escaping.  Upon  examination,  they  agreed  in  their  story,  that  they  belonged 
to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone  with  John  Bump  and  one  more  to  Agawom  and 
Sipican  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not  expected  back  in  two  or  three  days."§ 
CWc/i  proceeds :  -'This  same  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great  captain,  and  the 
Indians  reported  that  he  was  such  a  great  pouwau,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that 
no  bullet  could  enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  would  not  have  him  killed, 
for  there  was  a  war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  and  he 
would  have  him  saved  to  go  with  them  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agree- 
ably, he  left  two  old  squaws  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until 
their  Captain  Tispaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church  had  been 
tl'cre,  and  had  taken  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them 
down  to  Plymouth  ;  and  would  spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would 

*  Church,  Narrative,  31. 

t  Just  below  where  Sampson's  tavern  nov  stands. 

t  1  suspect  Mr.  Hubbard  mistakes  the  siluatioj)  of  this  place,  in  sayings  it  was  "  in  Lake'i- 
Sain,  upon  Pocasscl  neck."'  Church  is  so  iiiiro^ardinff  of  all  {^oo^rapliy,  that  it  is  quite  un- 
rertain  where  it  was.     If  it  were  near  Sippican,  It  was  a  long  way  i'roni  any  part  of  Pocasset. 

^  By  this  it  seems  the  place  might  liave  been  as  far  ofl'as  Pocissct. 


244 


TUSPAQUIN  AIL'RUERLD  AT  PLI.MOUTFI— TATOSON.    [Bjok  HI. 


^"-- 
1'.. 


BMi; 


coiiif  down  to  llirm  nnrl  briiij^  the  otiier  two  that  wore  with  !iiin,  niul  ihey 
slir)iihl  he  his  soldiers,  &.c  Cuj)t.  Church  then  roturiifd  to  IMyiiioiith,  leav- 
iiij,'  tlie  old  squuwa  well  provided  for,  and  bisket  Ibr  Tispaqiiin  wlieii  ho 
returned." 

This  Church  called  laying  n  trap  for  Tuspnqmn,  and  it  tinned  ont  as  he 
e.\|)ectcd.  We  shall  now  see  with  what  (aith  tlie  Knjrlisli  acted  on  this 
occaMioii.  Church  had  assured  him  thiit,  if  he  gave  himself  up,  he  should 
not  bo  killed,  but  lie  was  not  at  Plimoutli  when  Tintprujum  came  in,  having 
gone  to  Boston  on  business  for  a  fvw  days ;  "  but  wiien  he  returned  he 
Ibund,  to  his  grief,  the  heads  of  Jlnnawon,  'Pispaquin,  &cc.  rut  oft|  which 
were  the  last  of  Philip^s  friends  " ! 

It  is  true  that  those  who  were  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged  in 
killing  the  English  were,  in  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  off  from 

I)ardon  by  a  law;  that  time  had  now  passed  away,  and,  like  many  other 
aws  of  exigency,  it  she  'Id  then  have  been  considered  a  dead  letter ;  leaving 
out  of  the  case  tlic  fiutl'  ^md  promise  of  their  best  senanT,  Church,  View 
it,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  be  found  to  justify  this  flagrant 
inroad  upon  that  j)romisc.  To  give  to  the  conduct  of  the  Plimoutli  govern- 
ment a  pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder  expression  I  cannot  use,)  Mr. 
Hubbard  says.,  Tu.'paquin  having  pretended  that  a  bullet  could  not  penetrate 
him,  trial  of  his  invulnerableness  was  resolved  upon.  So  lie  was  placed  us 
a  mark  to  shoot  at,  and  "  he  fell  down  at  the  first  shot" ! 

This  was  doubtless  the  » nd  of  numerous  others,  as  we  infer  from  the 
following  passage  in  Dr.  Matner's  Prevalkncy  of  Prayer,  lie  asks, 
"Where  are  the  six  Narragnnset  sachems,  with  all  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors? Where  are  the  ?  .  muck  sachems,  with  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors? Where  is  Philxu  and  Squaw-sachem,  of  Pocasset,  with  all  their 
r;iptains  and  counsellors?  God  do  so  to  all  the  imjiliicable  enemies  of 
C'lrist,  and  f  his  people  in  N.  England"!!  The  next  of  P/ii7i)>'s  captains, 
in  our  arraii_ement,  is 

IVtTOSO.Y,  also  a  great  captain  in  the  war  of  1(575.  h  seems  rather  un- 
certiiin  whether  he  were  a  Narragansct  or  Wampanoag.  lie  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Narragaiisets  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  quite  ci-rtain  that  his  residence  allerwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester;*  and  when  he  .'-igiied  the  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  lunong  the  Narragaiisets  upon  a  mission 
or  visit.  He  was  a  son  of  the  "noted  Sam  liarrow,"  but  of  his  own 
limiily,  or  whether  he  had  any,  we  are  not  iiilbrmed. 

We  first  meet  with  Talnson,j  or,  as  his  name  is  commonly  printed,  T^oto- 
so«,  in  l()(i(),  in  the  respectable  company  of  Mr.  Secretniy  .1/orfon  of  Plim- 
outli, and  Jlcanootun,  H'annoo,  two  "graue  and  sage  Indians,"  and  a  niunber 
more,  of  whose  characters  we  are  not  so  well  prejiiircd  to  speak.  AiiMiig 
this  nssemhiagi!  he  is  only  conspicuous,  however,  as  a  witness  to  a  deed  of 
liie  lands  iiiion  fyeequancett  neck.  Mr,  Morloii's  name  follows  Tn^osoii'a,  on 
this  instrument. 

There  was  a  general  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  1(171,  as  will  elsewhen; 
be  mentioned.  Among  a  great  number  onlcred  to  appear  at  Plinioiith  the 
same  year,  to  bind  themselves  more  strongly  in  allegiance  to  the  I'',nglisli, 
we  find  the  name  of  Tatoson, or,  as  his  name  was  tlien  written,  Tuuloztn. 
Also  Tobij,  alias  JVauhnocomwit,  |  and  If'ill,  alias  Washa%oanna, 

On  the  I2th  of  June,  1(57(5,  several  Indians,  who  liad  been  sent  in  by 
/ira<//(>r</ and  CAiirc/i,  were  "convented  before  the  conncell"  at  Plimoutli ; 
being  "such  of  them  as  were  accused  of  working  vnsufferable  niischeitte 
vpon  some  of  ours."     Among  them  was  one  named  Watdkpoo,  or,  as  ho 


*  On  llin  riji;lil  of  llio  mnin  road,  ns  you  pnss  from  Malnpolsrt  to  Rorhrslor  villaffo,  nnd 
nlioiil  two  miles  from  llic  former,  at  a  small  dislaiirc  froai  llic  road,  is  a  kind  of  island  in  a 
nury  swamp.  Upon  this,  il  is  said,  was  Talcison's  camp.  Tiiis  island  is  ronnccled  by  on 
isllmms  lo  llic  mam  land. 

t  So  almost  always  in  tlic  MSS. 

t  Somi'limi's  called  Toliif  Coh.  Tlio  same,  wo  conrliido  who  joined  Philip  aflerwards, 
•iid  lell  iutu  llie  hands  of  Cuptuiu  Clutrcli,  as  (lid  his  muthei,and  many  tnorcal  tlic  same  (inttt 


M 


Chap   III.]    TATOSON.— TAKES  A  GARRISON  AT  PLIMOUTII.  241 

was  often  called,  Tiikpoo.*  Against  him,  several  charges  were  hioiight,  sm  li 
ns  Ills  going  off  to  the  enemy,  un<l  trying  to  deceive  tlie  governor  ahont  the 
|)r<^spect  of  war ;  telling  him  that  P/ii7i/>'«  men  had  deserted  him,  and  fii;it 
he  had  only  a  few  old  men  and  hoys  remaining.  At  this  time  were  jtrcsciit 
three  other  Indians,  wlioso  names  were  Woodcock,  Quanapawhan  and  John- 
nnm.  The  two  first  were  accused  hy  a  squaw  of  destroying  Ctark^s  garrison 
:it  Ei'l  River  in  Plimouth,  and  murdering  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been 
done  tn  t!ie  12  March  previous,  and  with  such  secrecy  and  effect,  that  tlie 
Englisli  knew  not  whom  to  accuse  of  it  Many  supposed  that  JVaiusuaqum 
conducted  the  aftiiir,  and  Mr. //itifcortf  charges  it  upon  lim  without  liesita- 
tion,  hi.t  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  had  nothing  to  Co  with  it,  as  in  the 
sequel   ve  shall  show. 

The  I.WO  just  mentioned,  finding  themselves  detected,  accused  their  fellow 
prisoner,  John-num,  It  apfiears  that  .Viim  not  only  owned  himself  guilty  of 
this  charge,  but  ocknovv-ledged,  also,  that  he  was  concerned  in  the  nmrder  of 
^^  Jacob  Milchel  and  his  wife,  and  John  Popt,\  and  soe  centance  of  death  was 
pronounced  against  them,  which  accordingly  emediately  was  executed." 

Uelore  these  were  executed,  they  implicated  a  fourth,  whose  name  was 
Kf.wkenam.  Although  Tatosun  commanded  the  company  that  put  to  death 
the  peo|ile  at  ClnrK's  garrison,  yet  Keweenain  set  the  expedition  on  foot,  llo 
lived  at  Sandwich,  and  was  probably  one  of  TalosorCs  men.  However,  on 
Saturday,  the  11  March,  he  was  at  Mr.  William  C/arA'«,  aiid  observed  how 
every  part  of  the  garrison  was  conditiojicd.  lie  then  went  to  his  chief, 
Taloson,  and  told  liim  that  it  could  ho  easily  taken,  as  it  was  hut  slightly 
foriilied;  and  that  the  next  day,  being  Sunday,  would  be  the  proper  time  to 
execute  their  plan,  as  the  residents  would  mostly  be  gone  to  meeting;  "and 
in  case  they  left  a  man  at  Inme,  or  so,  they  might  soon  (liH|)atch  him." 

This  intelligence  was  pleasing  to  Ihloson,  and  he  ibund  himself  at  the 
head  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  Their  names  were  as  follows :  ff'oo- 
nasltenah,  Musquash,  Wapanpowtlt,  Tom,  "the  son  of  Tatosoii!s  brother," 
Utlsoowecst,  a.nA  Tom  Pianl ;  which,  with  the  three  belbre  'lamed,  made  up 
the  whole  company.  Connuencing  their  march  before  night,  they  arrived 
in  the  hordei-s  of  Plimouth,  where  they  lay  concealed  until  the  i)eople  had 
gone  to  public  worship.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  eamo  upon 
'the  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After  killing  all  they  niet 
with,  they  took  what  ])luiider  they  could  carry,  and  burned  the  builtlings ; 
then  again  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  were  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
aiul  children.  Three  only  were  of  Mr.  Clark^s  family,  hut  there  were  eight 
others  belonging  to  the  other  two.  Airs.  Elaabeth  Clark,t  one  of  the  heads 
of  the  family,  was  among  the  slain.  § 

•  This  Iiulian,  wlioin  wc  sliiill  luivc  oci-ivsloii  sevcrnl  limes  lo  menl  n,  was  not  oiic  of  lliciso 
sent  ill  hy  llrailford,  ns  appoiirs  rrtiin  Mullier,  (Brief  Hist.  'U)  )  liut  tlioy  "  iiiforiiicil  llial  ii 
lilimily  liulinii  cnlltMl  Tiirkpuo,  (who  the  hisl  stiniiiier  iimnlcTeil  a  man  of  nusloii,  nl  Nainas- 
kol,)  with  nlioiil  '20  Iii<llaiis  imiro,  was  nl  n  place  within  ll!  miles  nf  i"limi)nlh."  Kifll 
lai^lisli  anil  fourteen  Jmlians  sueceeiled  in  takuif;  them  all,  uiid  'JWkpoo  was  imniccliii'i;ly 
exetnled. 

t  'I'ho  miinler  of  these  peo|)le  is  supposed  to  be  referred  lo  l)y  Mr.  Iluhhard  in  his 
"  TnMe."  The  passage  follows  :  "In  June,  I(i7(>,  [  1()75  7]  a  man  and  a  woman  were  slain  hy 
the  Inilians  ;  nnolher  woman  was  wounded  nnd  taken  ;  but  beenuse  she  had  kepi  an  lu'lian 
rliild  liil'oie,  so  mnrh  kindness  was  showed  her,  ns  that  she  was  3enl  bark,  al\er  they  ha<t 
dressed  her  wound  ;  the  bidians  jfuarded  her  till  she  came  wilhin  sij-ht  of  the  laiglish."  Mr. 
Milcliel  informs  us  that  llie  name  of  tiie  wounded  woman  was  Vorothy  Haywood.  See  'J  Celt. 
Muss.  Hist.  Siir.  vii.  1.")'.). 

I  '■  Who  was  the  danjililer  of  a  y-odly  father  nnd  mother,  that  enme  to  N.  Knjjland  on  iho 
flreonnl  of  reliifion."  '• 'I'hey  also  killed  her  suekmpf  child,  nnd  knocked  another  child  (who 
was  nhonl  eight  yenrs  old)  in  Ihe  head,  simposing  Ihcy  had  killed  him,  but  alli^rwards  he 
came  lo  himself."     /.  Mather,  Urief  Hist.  '21. 

^  Wc  relate  all  Ihat  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Pvesent  Stiil<\ 
fcc.  furnishes  the  following  valuable  facts  ;  "  About  tliis  time,  [his  last  dale  nienlioned  beinj" 
14  Mnrcii,]  one  Mr.  Clarke'.i  wife,  children,  and  nil  his  family,  at  his  farm-house,  two  milet 
from  I'liinouth,  were  surprised  and  killed,  except  one  boy,  who  was  kiiockl  down,  and  leA  foi 
dead,  but  anerwanls  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house  !hey  plundered  of  provision  ana 
foodn  to  a  great  value  ;  eight  coinplutti  arms,  30/.  [Ik.]  uf  powder,  with  un  aiiswurubio  qunn 


ti 


.  "•\ 


Hilil 


246 


TATOSOX.— SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Book  III 


rr-^i 


Ktiotenam  wns  beheaded,  but  how  the  otlier  three  were  disposed  of,  wo 
are  not  ihformed ;  it  is  very  probable  that  the  whole  number  suffered  in  (hit 
time.  At  the  trial  of  Keioeenam  and  the  other  three,  some  of  them  pleaded 
tliat  the  governor's  proclamation  was  now  their  protection ;  from  which  it 
would  seem  tiiat  they  had  surrendered  themselves.  But  there  was  none  to 
plead  t^eir  case,  except  their  ace:  sers,  and  they  explained  things  in  their 
own  way.  The  court  said,  "Forasmuch  as  the  council  had  before  tliis 
engaged  to  several  Indians  desirous  to  come  in  and  tender  themselves  to 
mercy,  that  they  should  find  favor  in  so  doing:  it  was  fully  made  known  to 
siicii  Indians  as  were  then  present,  that  the  said  engagement  tvas  to  be  under- 
stood with  exception  against  such  as  by  murder  as  above  said  had  so  acted, 
and  not  against  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the  field  in  a  souldierlike  way." 

This  kind  of  argument  would  answer  among  duelists,  but  when  did  the 
Indians  agree  to  fight  the  English  according  to  t/icir  rules  of  war?  The 
former  might  with  equal  propriety  demand  that  the  English  should  conform 
to  their  manner,  and  not  depend  on  their  numbers,  forts,  and  superior 
weapons. 

Although  the  murder  at  Clark's  garrison  was  one  of  those  horrible  acts 
in  Indian  wai'fare,  which  would  justify  the  most  rigid  retaliation,  still,  as  tlie 
English  began  the  war,  they  had  no  right  to  expect  but  that  it  woidd  be 
prosecuted  by  the  Indians  in  all  the  ways  at  their  command.  On  this  ground 
the  philanthropist  will  ever  condemn  the  severity  of  the  English. 

Wlien  Captain  Ckiirch  came  upon  Philip  and  a  great  number  of  his  people, 
the  3d  of  August,  1676,  "  Tispaquin,  Totoson,  &c."  prevented  the  entire 
destruction  of  some  of  them,  oy  combating  the  English  while  their  chief 
and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a  small  swamj)  into  which  they  had 
fled.  "In  this  swamp  skirmish  Capt.  Church  with  his  two  men  which 
always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  met  with  three  of  the  enemy,  two  of 
which  surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain's  guard  seized  them ;  but 

"his  two  locks  ty'd  up  with 
■o—fe  »"  the  back  part  of  his  head, 
(whom  Capt.  Church  concluded  to  be  Totoson,)  ran  from  them  into  the 
swamp.  Capt.  Church  in  person  pursued  him  close,  till,  coming  pretty  near 
lip  with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders,  but  it  missing  fire, 
the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned  and  presented  at  Capt.  Church,  and  missing 
fire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  the  fog  and  dew  of  the  morning,)  but 
the  Indian  turning  short  for  another  run,  his  foot  trip'd  in  a  small  grape- 
vine, and  he  fell  flat  on  his  face.  Capt.  Church  was  by  this  time  up  with 
him  and  struck  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  an  inch  and  an  half  into  the  back 
part  of  his  head,  which  dispatched  him  without  another  blow.  But  Caj)t. 
Church  looking  behind  him  saw  Totoson,  tiie  Indian  whom  he  tho't  he  had 
killed,  come  nying  at  him  like  a  dragon ;  but  this  happened  to  be  fiiir  in 
sight  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep  the  prisoners,  who  spying  Totosmi 
and  others  that  were  following  him,  in  the  very  seasonable  jiinctui-e  made 
a  i^hot  upon  them,  and  rescued  their  captain,  though  he  was  in  no  small 
danger  from  his  friends'  bullets,  for  some  came  so  near  him  that  he  thought 
he  felt  the  wind  of  them."  *  The  celebrated  Church,  in  the  skirmishes  he 
hud  in  these  t^«'o  days,  August  1  and  2,  took  and  killed  173  Indians. 

Little  more  tlian  a  month  after  the  ftill  of  Philip,  Church  surprised  Tato- 
aons  whole  comi)any,  about  50  persons.  He  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the 
fuiuily  of  Barroio ;  and,  says  Church,  "  the  wivtch  reflecting  upon  the  miser- 
able condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart  became  a  stone  within 
him,  and  he  died.  The  old  squaw  [that  Church  had  employed  to  persuade 
him  to  submit]  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brush  over  him— came  into  Sandwich, 
and  gave  this  account  of  his  death ;  and  offered  to  show  them  where  she  left 
his  body,  but  never  hud  an  opportunity,  for  she  inmiediately  fell  sick  and 
died  also." 
The  fate  of  the  fathcir  of  Tatoson  does  not  so  much  excite  sympathy,  aa 

lily  of  Icnil  for  Inillols,  nnd  150/.  in  roi\ily  moiioy  ;  llie  snici  Mr.  Clark  himseir  iiarro\tlv 
es('ii|)iii<f  llifir  crueltv,  by  being  nl  llial  iiisluiit  at  a  iiiueling." 
*  Hist.  FhUip'.f  \Vur,  41. 


the  other,  being  a  great  stout  surly  fellow,  with 
red,  and  a  great  rattlesnake's  skm  hanging  to 


■  { 


Chap.  ITl] 


MURDCR  OF  BARROW.-TIASIIQ. 


247 


does  tliJit  oftlif!  son,  but  is  one  of  those  cases  more  calculatod  to  arouse  the 
fiercer  imssions.  Tlni  ohl  chief  fell  into  the  hantls  of  Captain  Church,  in  one 
of  his  successful  expeditions  in  the  vichiity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church  says,  in 
his  history,  that  he  was  "  as  noted  a  rogue  as  any  among  the  enfnny,"  Cap- 
tain Church  told  him  that  the  government  would  not  permit  him  to  grant 
him  quarter,  "  because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbarities,"  and  there 
fore  ordered  him  to  prepare  for  execution.  "Barroto  replieil,  that  the  si-n 
tence  of  death  against  hhn  was  just,  and  that  indeed  he  was  ashamed  to  live 
any  longer,  and  desired  no  more  favor,  than  to  smoke  a  whiff  of  tobacco 
before  his  exrv>uw ^".  When  he  had  taken  a  few  whiffs,  he  said,  'I  am 
ready ; '  upon  which  one  of  Captain  Churches  Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  into 
his  brains." 

TL1SHQ*  or  TYJlSKS^"  was  the  next  man  to  Philip,"  says  Church;  there 
were  others  also  said  to  be  "  next  to  him,"  and  it  may  be  all  reconciled  by 
supposing  these  chiefs  as  having  the  chief  command  over  particular  tribes. 
Mr.  HuhhardX  says  only  this  of  the  famous  Tiashq:  "  In  June  last,  [1G70,]  oite 
Tiashq,  a  great  captain  of  Philip's,  his  wife  and  child,  or  children,  bi'ing 
taken,  though  he  escaped  himself  at  first,  yet  came  since  and  surrenderee! 
himself."  Dr.  /.  Mather,  writing  under  date  of  22  July,  1076,  says  it  was  "  this 
week"  that  Captain  Church  and  his  Indian  soldiers  fell  upon  Tiashq  and  his 
company.  It  appears  therefore  that  Mr.  Hubbard  is  in  error,  as  the  account 
given  by  Church  corroborates  that  of  Mather,  who  speaks  thus  of  his  opera- 
tions: "It  having  been  his  manner  when  he  taketh  any  Indians  by  a  promise 
of  favor  to  them,  in  case  they  acquit  themselves  \ve\\,  to  set  them  an  hunting 
af\er  more  of  these  wolves,  whereby  the  worst  of  them  sometimes  do  sin- 
gular good  service  in  finding  out  the  rest  of  their  bloody  fellows.  In  one  of 
these  skirmishes,  Tiashq,  Philip's  chief  captain,  ran  away  leaving  his  gun  bo- 
hind  him,  and  his  squaw,  who  was  taken."  §  These  Indian  soldiers,  who 
performed  this  exploit,  were  forced  upon  it  by  Church,  They  had  been 
seeking  Indians  about  Aponaganset  River,  and  discovered  that  a  large  com- 
pany of  them  had  just  been  gathering  tiie  apples  at  a  deserted  settlement  on 
the  east  side  of  it.  The  English  and  Indians  immediately  pursued  in  their 
track.||  "Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  country  road, 
where  the  track  parted:  one  paicel  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the 
great  cedar  swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  The  captain  halted  and 
told  his  Indian  souldiers  that  they  had  heard  as  well  as  he  what  some  men 
had  said  at  Plymouth  about  them,1[  &c.,  that  now  was  a  good  opjmrtunity  for 
each  ])arty  to  prove  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should  fol- 
low one,  and  the  English  the  other,  being  equal  in  number.  The  Indians 
declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where  without  him: 
said  tkejf  should  not  think  tJiemselves  safe  iviihout  him.  But  tin;  ca|)tain  insisting 
iijion  it,  they  submitted.  He  gave  tlie  Indians  thi-ir  choice  to  follow  which 
track  they  pleased.  They  replied,  TTietj  were  light  and  able  to  travel,  therefore 
i/he  pleased  they  woidd  take  the  west  track.  And  appointing  the  ruins  of  John 
Cooks  house  at  Cushnet**  for  the  place  to  meet  at,  each  company  set  oir: 
briskly  to  try  their  fortunes." ff  When  the  parties  met,  "they  very  remark 
ably  found  that  the  number  that  each  company  had  taken  and  slain  was 
efpial.  The  Indiana  had  killed  three  of  the  enemy,  and  taken  6!3  jjrisoneifs, 
as  tile  English  had  done  before  theni."}:}:  Both  j)artios  were  much 
njoiced  at  their  successes,  but  the  Indians,  told  Captain  Church  "  that  they  had 
missed  a  brave  opportunity  by  parting.  They  came  upon  a  great  town  of 
the  enemy,  viz:  Captain  Tyaafo' company.     (Ti/asks  was  the  next  man  to 


*  Ifiihhtird,  Mather.  f   Church.  t  Niirralivp,  lOfi. 

vS  Uriel' Hist.  4';.  ||  C7iMrc/i,  3,5. 

1l  Till!  ilot(!stalion  in  which  the  Indians  were  held  by  "  some  men,"  in  nmiiv  other  phices  as 
roll  as  in  I'limoiith,  will  often  appear  in  this  work.  Such  people  eonid  know  nolliin>f  oC 
inniaii  nature,  and  many  wonld  not  have  helieved  the  Indians  capable  of  good  actions,  Ihoiigli 
oil''  from  the  dead  had  assured  iliem  they  were. 

**  Abbreviated  from  Acushnet.  See  Vnnirlass,  Snmniary,  i.  40.1,  who  write"!  it  Acnislinot. 
Tims  many  bidian  names  are  ehanped.  Inslend  of  Aponatfaii^el.  we  Iii-it  I'niiniiniiset ,  am) 
fur  Asoiiet,  Sonet,  &c.    Cushnet  Is  the  river  on  which  New  Bedford  mid  Kairlriveii  stand. 

ft  Church,  St.  U  Il'id.  •W 


h 

':'i''3 

f  1 

'.■,'«: 

1' 

iii 

H 

Hli 

ppii 

ass 

m  ' 

tf  ,.' .' 

'■1* 

h  ' ' 

248 


MAGNUS— HER  SURPRISE  AND  DEATH. 


[Book  III 


Philip.)  They  fired  upon  the  enemy  before  they  were  discovered,  and  run 
upon  them  with  a  shout.  The  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  chihhen 
and  many  of  them  their  guns.  Tliey  took  TyaM  wife  and  son,  and  thought 
that  if  their  captain  and  the  English  company  had  been  with  them  they 
might  have  taken  some  hundreds  of  them,  and  now  they  determined  rot  to 
part  any  more."  *  This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Captain  Church,  was  a 
"remarkable  providence,"  inasmuch,  perhaps,  as  the  equality  of  their  suc- 
cesses prevented  either  party  from  boasting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  Church  adds, — "  But  the  Indians  had  the  Ibrtune  to 
lake  more  arms  than  the  English."  It  would  add  not  a  little,  perhaps,  tc 
the  gratification  of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  the  Indian  captain 
in  this  far-famed  exploit,  or  even  that  of  one  of  his  men;  but  at  present  they 
are  hid  alike  from  us  and  from  him. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Chief  iciomen  conspicuous  in.  Philip's  war — Maoncs — Her  country  and  relations — 
Her  capture  ana  death — Awashonks — Is  greatly  annoyed  in  the  events  of  1071 — 
Her  men  disarmed — Philip's  endeavors  to  engage  her  against  the  English — Church 
prevents  her — Isjinnlhj  in  the  power  of  Philip — Reclaimed  by  Church — Some  par- 
ticulars of  her  family. 

Although,  before  we  had  finished  the  life  of  Weetamoo,  we  deemed  it 
proper  to  havo  deferred  it  to  this  chapter,  but  as  we  had  been  led  rather  im- 
perceptibly into  many  particulars  concerning  her  in  that  place,t  we  could 
not  break  off  our  narrative  witiiout  a  greater  impropriety  than  an  omission 
here  would  have  been,  and  shall  tlierefbre  begin  licre  with  one  of  iicr  con- 
temporaries, the  bare  facts  in  whose  life  are  suflicieut  to  maintain  a  high 
interest,  we  believe,  in  the  mind  of  every  reader. 

MAGJ^US  was  squaw-sachem  of  some  part  of  the  extensive  country  of 
the  Narragansets,  and  was  known  by  several  names  at  different  and  the  same 
times  ;  as  Old  Queen,  Sunk  Squmo,l  Quaiapen,  and  Mataniuck.  She  married 
Mtiksah,  or  Mr  "'m,  a  son  of  Canonicv^s,  and  was  sister  to  JVinigret,  She  had 
two  sons,  Scuttup  and  Quemiaqtu..zuct  otherwise  Qnequef^nent,  called  by  the 
English  Girfeon,  and  a  daughter  named  Quincmiquet.  TJiese  two  died  young. 
Gideon  was  alive  as  late  as  1661 ;  Scuttup,  and  a  sister  also,  in  1664.  She 
was,  in  1675,  one  "  of  the  six  present  sachems  of  the  whole  Nar.aganset 
country." 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English  army,  to  cause  the  Narragan- 
eets  to  fight  for  them,  whom  they  had  always  abused  and  treated  with  con- 
tempt, since  before  the  cutting  off  of  MiantunnomoKs  head,  marched  into 
their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  single  sachem  of  the  nation.  They 
fiiii  in  with  a  few  of  their  people,  who  could  not  well  secrete  themselves, 
and  who  concluded  a  long  tr(!«ty  of  mere  verbosity,  the  import  of  vhich  they 
could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less;  for  when  the  army  loll  their 
country,  they  joined  again  in  tlie  war. 

We  hear  no  more  of  lier  until  the  next  year,  when  herself  and  a  huge 
company  of  her  men  were  discovered  by  Major  Talcot,  on  the  2  July,  in 
Narniganset.  Tiie  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a  hill,  having 
j)itclied  their  tents  in  a  valley  in  the  vicinity  of  a  swamp,  as  was  usually 
their  custom.  About  300  of  the  English,  mounted  upon  fleet  horses,  divided 
into  two  squadrons,  and  fell  upon  them  before  they  were  aware  of  their  ap- 
proach, and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  tliem.  The  Mohegans  and  P^quots  came 
upon  them  in  the  centre,  while  the  horsemen  beset  them  on  each  side,  and 


*  Church,  X.  t  Book  iii.  rlinp.  I. 

t  Trumbull,  i.  MT.  from  Iluhhard,  I  suppose,  i.  51.  Femalo  cliiofs  wore  called  na.'iiks  by 
Ihe  Indians,  which  signified  wife  of  tho  sachem  ;  hut  writers,  l-rinsf  icfnorant  of  that  fart 
Ihouifht  il  a  proper  name  of  a  particular  oersun,  and  liencc  (lie  appellations  of  Snuke,  SuiJkt. 
Sjtake,  &LC.  applied  to  Magnus. 


Chap.  IV.J        AWASHONKS— TREATS  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 


249 


thus  prevented  many  froin  escaping  into  the  swamp.  When  all  were  kille<l 
and  taken  witliin  the  ancainpinent.  Captain  JVewbunf,  wiio  commanded  the; 
horsemen,  dismounted,  and  with  his  men  rushed  uito  the  swamp,  where, 
witiiout  resistance,  they  killed  a  hundred,  and  made  many  prisoners.  In  all, 
they  killed  and  took  171  *  in  this  swamp  fight,  or  rather  massacre.  Not  an 
Englishman  was  hurt  in  the  affair,  and  hut  one  Mohegan  killed,  and  one 
wounded,  which  we  can  hardly  8np]>ose  was  done  by  Mngmufs  peojde,  as  they 
made  no  resistance,  hut  rather  by  themselves,  in  their  iiny  mistaking  ono 
another.  Ninety  of  the  captives  were  put  to  death !  among  whom  was  Mag- 
nus.} The  swamp  where  this  affair  took  j)lace  is  near  the  present  town  of 
Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island ;  and  thus  ends  our  short  history  of  Masrmis. 

AfVJiSHOJ^KS,  squaw-sachem  of  Sogkotiate,t  was  the  wife  of  an  Indian 
culled  ToiiONT,  but  of  him  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  imj)ortant  stand- 
ing among  the  Indians,  finv  deserve  a  more  particular  attention ;  and  we 
shall,  therefore,  go  as  minutely  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will 
eiiiihin  us. 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  Awashoffiks  is  in  1671,  when  she  entered  into 
articles  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  Plimouth  as  follows: — "In  admitting 
that  the  court  are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary  coming  in 
now  at  liist,  and  submission  of  herself  unto  us;  yet  this  toe  expect  that  she 
give  some  meet  satisfaction  for  the  charge  and  trouble  she  has  j)ut  us  upon 
by  her  too  long  stiinding  out  against  the  many  tendera  of  peace  we  have 
made  to  her  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  an  intention  to  endeavor 
tiiR  roduci'ment  of  such  as  have  b;;en  the  incendiaries  of  the  trouble  and 
disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of  her  people  as  shall 
give  themselves  and  arms  unto  us,  at  the  time  ai)pointed,  shall  receive  no 
damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  time  appointed  is  ten  days  iiom  the  date 
hereotl  Thus  we  may  the  better  keep  off  such  from  her  lands  as  may 
hproaf>er  hring  upon  her  and  us  the  like  trouble,  and  to  regulate  such  as  will 
not  bo  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted  her  lands  to  the  authority  of 
the  government.  And  tliat,  if  the  lands  and  estates  of  such  as  we  are  neces- 
sitated to  take  arms  against,  will  not  defray  the  charge  of  the  expedition, 
that  she  shall  bear  some  due  proportion  of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof^ 
and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  her  agreement  hereunto,  she  hath  subscribed 
her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel  Barker  and  John  Almey. 

Mark  X  of  the  squaw-sachem  Awasuncks  ; 
the  mark  X  ({/"Totatomet,  and  Somagaonet." 
JVitnessed  althe  same  time  by  "  Tattacommett, 

Samponcut,  and 
Tamoueesam,  alias  JEFFERr. 
PUmoidh,  21  Jid;f,  1071." 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  same  capacity,  4  September 
following,  when  "between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  of 
Dartmouth,  made  a  like  submission."  Ashaioanomulh^  JVomnn,  Marhorkum, 
Jame.%  and  John,  were  other  witucsses. 

.flwnshonks  was  at  Plimouth  when  the  former  articles  wore  executed,  from 
which  it  appears  there  was  considerabh!  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony.  There 
were  about  this  time  many  other  suhmi.ssions  of  the  Inclians  in  difli;rcnt 
plac(!s.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  thcin  from  Philip,  or  at  least  to  give  a 
check  to  their  joining  with  hiui,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  attacking  the 
English  settlements,  under  a  j)retence  of  injury  done  him  in  his  planting 
lands. 

Not  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  subscribed  articles,  but  all  their  men, 
that  could  be  prevailed  with,  did  the  same.  The  August  following,  42  of 
Awashonks^s  men  signed  a  paper,  approving  what  she  had  done,  and  binding 

*  TnimlMill.     200  says  Cobhot's  manuscript;  2W,  HiiMiard. 

I  Hiihl)ard,  Ind.  Wars,  1.  97,  98.  I.  Madier's  Brief  Hist.  39.  Truinbiili's  Hist.  Con- 
iK-clinil,  i.  317. 

\  TIk- nnint  of  land  holow  Pooassel,  and  now  cliiofly  Included  in  the  town  of  Complnn 
RImi'u  Island,  and  commonly  called  Second. 


1 

^ 

'k 
fe 

250 


AVVASHONKS— HER  CORRESPONDENCE. 


[Book  III 


themselves  in  like  manner.    Out  of  42,  we  can  give  names  of  three  only — 
'Totatomet,  Tuniiokum  and  Sausaman. 

It  ap[)eai-s  from  the  ibilowing  letter  from  Awashonks  to  Governor  Prince,  that 
those  who  submitted  themselves,  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the  English : — 

"Au^'ist  11,1671,  Honored  sir,  I  have  received  a  very  great  favor  from 
your  honor,  in  yours  of  the  7th  instant,  and  as  you  are  i)leased  to  sifrnily, 
that  if  1  continue  faithful  to  the  agreement  made  with  yourselves  at  Plini- 
outh,  I  may  expect  all  just  favors  from  your  honor.  I  am  fully  resolved, 
while  I  live,  with  all  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagement,  and  in  a  peaceiiblt 
submission  to  your  commands,  according  to  the  best  of  my  poor  ability. 
It  is  true,  and  I  am  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  are  some  Indians  who 
do  seek  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to  his  majesty's  authority 
in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself  of  my  integrity  and  real 
intentions  of  peace,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  afford  me  all  due  encourage- 
ment and  protection.  I  had  resolved  to  send  in  all  my  guns,  being  six  in 
number,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter ;  but  two  of  tliem  were  so 
large,  the  messengers  were  not  able  to  criy  them.  I  since  proffered  to 
leave  them  with  Mr.  Barker,  but  he  not  having  any  order  to  receive  them, 
told  me  iie  conceived  1  might  do  well  to  send  them  to  Mr.  Almy,  who  is  a 
person  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction,  which  I  resolved  to  do;  but  since 
then  an  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Broad-faced- mil,  stole  one  of  ihcm 
out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  run  away  with  it  to  Mount  Hope  ; 
the  other  I  think  to  send  to  ftlr.  Jllmy.  A  list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to 
me,  and,  I  hope,  and  am  persuaded,  faithful  to  you,  is  here  enclosed.  Hon- 
ored sir,  I  shall  not  trouble  you  further,  but  desiring  your  peace  an  1  pros- 
perity, in  which  I  look  at  my  own  to  be  Included,  I  remain,  your  u  '^'gned 
eei-vant,  X  Awasuncks." 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it. 

October  20, 1071,  Governor  Prince  wrote  to  Jlwashonks,  that  he  had  received 
the  list  of  names  of  her  men  and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  themselves 
to  his  majesty's  authority ;  and  assured  her  that  the  English  would  befriend 
her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  intimates  her  disappointment  and  his  own, 
that  she  had  succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of  her 
subjects.  "Though,"  he  continued,  "I  fault  not  you,  with  any  failing  to 
endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  outwent  their 
deserts,  for  aught  yet  appeareth.  I  could  have  wished  they  had  been  wiser 
for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably  succeed  you  in 
your  government,  and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly  tied  unto  you  by 
nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disregard  and  affront  his 
majesty's  interest  and  authority  here ;  and  the  amity  of  the  English?  Cer- 
tainly, if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice,  and  wish  they  would 
yet  show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late."  He  closed  by  recom- 
mending her  to  send  some  of  hers  to  the  next  court,  to  desire  their  arms, 
that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the  approaching  season. 
Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  husband. 

On  the  20  June,  1672,  tiie  following  writing  appears  on  record :  Whereas 
Awashunckes,  squa-sachem,  stand  indebted  vnto  Mr.  John  Almey  the  sume  of 
£25  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  pence  a  pound,  or  peage  att  16  peney,  and 
20  pole  of  stone  wall  att  £4,  which  stone  wall,  or  £4,  is  to  be  Miderstood  to 
be  prte  of  the  lino  and  twenty  pound,"  therefore  Awashonks,  having  failed 
to  pav  agreeably  to  her  promise,  agrees  to  set  off  land  on  the  north  side  of 
"the  Indian  field,"  next  Punkateesett,  on  the  east  line  till  it  meets  with  "a 
great  runing  brooke,"  thence  northerly  to  afresh  meadow,  tiieiice  bounded  to 
the  river  by  a  salt  cove : — this  "  is  morgaged  vnto  the  court  of  Plymouth  "  for 
the  payment  of  said  debt,  which  debt  is  to  bej)aid  10  of  February,  1672,  O.  S. 

"  TVie  mark  X  of  Awashu.nkks." 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  tiie  family  of  Awashonks 
we  give  fiom  the  Records  of  Pliiuouth  the  liillowing  exceedingly  valuablo 
lai'ts ; — 


Chap.  IV.]       AWASHONKS— r.EJE   TS  PIIIIJPS  (AT.RTLUKS. 


251 


July  14,  1()73.  "  Wlnireas  Mmnanewni/  [n  son  of  J]washonks]  Imth  by  ("nil 
and  fl(?iir  testimony  proved  to  tliis  conn,  in  holiall'  of  liiinsulf  and  hretliren, 
tlie  sons  of  Toloiiey,  and  u  kinsman  of  tlicir*  called  ^Inumpash,  [connnonly 
written  JS'umposk,]  jou  to  Fokuliawai!^^,  that  tliey  are  the  chief  i)roj>rietors 
and  sachems  of  riaconett,  or  places  connnonly  so  called ;  and  yet  it  heing 
also  probable  that  Tatuckamna  *  ^Iwashunckis  and  those  of  that  kindred  who 
ore  of  the  same  stock,  the  more  remote  may  have  some  right  to  lands  there, 
as  th(W  are  relations  to  the  above  said  MaiiMnewny,  &.c.  and  have  been  long 
inhabitants  of  that  place.  This  conrt  adviseth  that  convenient  proportions 
ot"  land  be  settled  on  the  above  said  Tatucamarui  Jhoasltanks,  &c.  at  Saconett 
albresaid  ;  concerning  which,  the  above  said  Mamaneway  and  his  brethren 
anil  kinsman  who  have  proved  their  right  to  those  lands  do  not  or  cannot 
agree,  tliis  court  do  a|)point  that  somfj  meet  i)ersons,  by  order  of  tliis  court, 
shall  repair  to  the  jjlace,  and  make  settlement  ol'  the  said  lands  by  certain 
and  known  boundaries  to  intent  that  peace  may  be  continued  among  the 
said  Indians,  and  they  may  all  be  accommodated  for  tlieir  subsisting  and 
payment  ol'  ♦heir  debts  in  an  orderly  way." 

The  same  year,  we  hear  again  of  2'okamona,  or,  as  ho  is  then  called, 
Totonionna,  who,  with  his  brother  Squainalt,  having  endeavored  to  hinder 
the  English  from  jtossessing  some  lands  in  Dartmouth,  was,  from  some 
consideration,  not  named,  induced  to  relinquish  his  right  to  them.  And  the 
next  year,  lt)74,  Mammiawachi/,  or,  as  bis  name  was  belbre  written,  Mama- 
neivai/,  surrendered  his  right  also.  The  rights  of  these  Indians,  it  is  said, 
had  been  sold  by  others. 

We  hear  no  more  of  ^'Iwashonks  until  about  the  connnencemcnt  of  Philip's 
war.  The  year  before  this  war,  Mr.  Benjamin  Church,  allervvards  the  lamous 
and  well-known  Colonel  CVatrc/i  f  settled  upon  the  peninsula  of  Sogkonate,  in 
the  midst  oiAwashonks's  people.  This  peninsula  is  on  the  north-east  side  of 
Narraganset  Bay,  against  the  south-east  end  of  the  island  of  Rhode  Island. 
Here  he  lived  in  the  greatest  I'riendsbip  Avith  these  Indians,  until  the  spring  •  " 
the  year  1G75,  when  suddenly  a  war  was  talked  of,  and  messengers  were  sei.t 
by  Philip  to  Awashonks,  to  engage  her  in  it.  She  so  far  listened  to  their  i)ersua- 
sions,  as  to  call  her  princi|)al  people  together,  and  make  a  great  dance  ;  and  be- 
cause she  respected  Mr.  Church,  she  sent  privately  lor  him  also.  Church  took  with 
him  a  man  that  well  understood  Indian,  and  went  directly  to  the  place  ap|)oint- 
ed.  Here  they  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  Irom  all  parts  of 
her  dominions.  Jlwaslionks  herself,  in  a  foaming  sweat,  was  leading  the  dance  ; 
but  when  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she  stopped  short,  and 
Kat  down  ;  ordered  her  cliiels  into  her  presence,  and  then  invited  Mr.  Church. 
All  being  seated,  she  inlbrmed  him  that  Metacomet,  that  is,  Philip,  had  sent 
six  of  his  men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  him  in  prosecuting  a  war  against  the 
English.  She  said  these  messengers  informed  her  that  the  Umpamea,\  that 
is,  i'limouth  men,  were  gathering  a  great  army  to  invade  his  country,  and 
wished  to  know  of  hini  if  this  were  truly  the  case.  He  told  her  that  it  was 
entirely  without  foundation,  lor  he  had  but  just  come  from  Plimoutli,  and  no 
preparations  of  any  kind  were  making,  nor  did  be  believe  any  thoughts  of 
»var  were  entertained  by  any  of  the  head  men  there.  "He  asked  her 
whether  she  thought  he  would  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
])lace,"  if  he  in  the  least  ajiprehendcd  a  war;  at  which  she  seemed  some- 
what convinced.  Jhuushonks  then  ordered  the  six  Pokanokets  into  their 
presence.  These  made  an  imposing  appearance,  having  their  faces  painted, 
and  their  hair  so  cut  as  to  represent  u  cock's  comb ;  it  being  all  shaved  from 
each  side  of  tlie  head,  left  only  a  tult  upon  the  crown,  which  extended  from 
the  forehead  to  the  occiput.     They  had  jjowder-horns  and  shot-bugs  at  their 


his  liorso  stumbled  and  threw  Tiiiu.     hi  the  fall 

iivjini- V%^-33i;i    w  (IS    I  ujjiuiuii,    cill'i    in;   i(ii;\iiii    iiirdllt    1 -.   llOlirS. 

X  Umpame  and  Apauin  were  bidimi  iiuincs  ol'  I'linioullj. 


■  ii  last  liirewell."     As  he  was  retiiriiinjr  hon 
n  hlood-vcssel  was  ruptured,  mid  he  died  in  about  12  hours 


h  '■ 


Wi 


■/» 


i.l 


253 


AWAS  HONKS— TREATS   WITH  CHURCH. 


[Book  III. 


backa,  which  denoted  warlike  messengers  of  their  nation.  She  now  in- 
formed them  of  what  Captain  Church  hud  said.  Uponwliiuh  they  discovered 
disButisfaction,  and  a  warm  talk  followed,  but  Jlwashonks  soon  put  an  end  to 
it ;  aller  which  she  told  Mr.  Church  tliat  Philip  had  told  his  messengers  to 
tell  her,  tliat,  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he  would  send  over  some  of  his 
warriors,  j)rivately,  to  kill  the  cattle  and  burn  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  they  would  think  to  be  done  by  her  men,  and  consequently  would  liill 
uj)on  her.* 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  the 
bullets  in  their  jiossession,  to  which  they  scoffingly  answered,  "  to  shoot 
pigeons  with."  Church  then  told  Awashonks  that,  if  Philip  were  resolved  on 
war,  "  her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Ilopes  on  the  head, 
and  sheller  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English."  When  they  under- 
stood this,  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  so  worthy  a 
man  as  Church  should  be  the  first  to  recommend  murder,  and  a  lasting  re- 
membrance is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Awaslwnks,  that  his  unadvised  counsel 
was  not  [ut  in  execution. 

These  t  ix  Pokanokets  came  over  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  Awashovks^s 
men,  wh<  seemed  very  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip.  They 
expressec  themselves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of  Church. 
Another  of  her  men,  called  lAttle-eyes,  one  of  her  council,  was  so  enraged, 
that  he  would  then  have  taken  ChurcKs  life,  if  he  had  not  been  prevented. 
His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest,  luider  a  jircteuce  of 
private  talk,  and  to  have  assassinated  him  when  ho  was  off  his  guard.  But 
some  of  his  friends,  seeing  tiu'ough  the  artifice,  prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  part  which  directed  that 
Awashonh  should  immediately  put  liersolf  under  the  protection  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  she  desired  him  to  go  immediately  to  Piimouth  and  make  the  ar- 
rangement, to  which  he  agreed.  After  kintUy  thanking  him  for  his  informa- 
tion and  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her  men  with  liim  to  his  house,  to  guard 
him.  These  urged  him  to  seciu'e  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  absence,  the  enemy 
should  come  and  destroy  them ;  but  he  vvoidd  not,  because  such  a  step  might 
be  thought  a  kind  of  preparation  lor  hostilities ;  but  told  them,  that  in  case 
hostilities  were  begim,  tliey  might  convey  his  effects  to  a  place  of  safety. 
He  then  proceeded  to  Piimouth,  where  he  aiTived  7  June,  1C75. 

In  his  way  to  Piimouth,  lie  met,  at  I'ocasset,  the  husband  of  fFeetamoo. 
He  w^s  just  returned  from  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  confirmed 
all  that  had  been  saitl  about  Philip's  intentions  to  begin  a  war.  But  before 
Mr.  Church  could  return  again  to  Awashonks,  the  war  commenced,  and  all  com- 
munication was  at  an  end.  This  he  very  much  regreti-id,  and  the  benevolent 
Awashonka  was  carried  away  in  the  tide  of  Philip's  successes,  which,  as  she 
was  circumstanced,  was  her  only  alternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  wounded  at  the  great  swamp  fight,  10  December  follow- 
ing, and  remained  upon  Rhode  Island  until  about  the  middle  of  May  1676. 
He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and,  taking  passage  in  a  sloop 
bound  to  Barnstable,  arrived  at  Piimouth  the  first  Tuesday  in  .Tune.  The 
governor  and  other  officers  of  government  were  highly  ])leased  to  see  him, 
and  desired  him  to  take  the  command  of  a  co.npany  of  men  to  be  inune- 
diately  sent  out,  to  which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice  ChurcKs  proceed- 
ing, because  it  led  to  important  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  Awa- 
ahonks.  Before  he  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at  Piimouth,  it  was  agreed 
that  he  should  first  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  other 
forces  to  be  joined  with  them.  In  his  return  to  the  island,  as  he  passed  from 
Sogkonesset,  now  calhid  Wood's  Hole,  to  the  island,  and  when  he  came  against 
Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  the  enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.  He 
was  now  in  an  open  f^anoe,  which  he  had  hired  at  Sogkonesset,  ajid  two 
Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  ordered  them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might 
speak  with  those  upon  them  ;  being  persuaded  that  if  he  could  have  an  op- 
portunity, he  might  still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to  the  side  of  the  English, 

*  This  inav  strena;llion  the  bolief  thai  Philip  put  in  praclioc  a  similar  expedioiu  to  gain  tlie 
ftli>hu»ks  tu  liis  cause,  as  we  have  seen  in  his  hie. 


the 


Chap.  IV]       AWASHONKS.— CHUUCH-g  HAZARDOUS  VISIT. 


253 


for  he  knew  they  never  hart  any  real  attachment  to  Philip,  and  were  now  in 
Ills  interest  only  lioni  necessity.  Tiiey  accordingly  imddiod  towards  them, 
who  made  sif^ns  lor  tiietn  to  approach ;  bnt  when  they  had  got  pretty 
near,  tiiey  sknlkrd  away  among  the  rocks,  and  conid  not  be  seen.  The  canoe 
tlien  paddled  ort"  again,  lest  tiiey  should  be  fired  -  :i ;  which  wiien  tliose 
among  the  rocks  observed,  they  showed  themselves  ■  .ain,und  called  to  them 
to  comu  ashore ;  and  said  they  wished  to  speak  wilii  diem.  The  Indians  in 
the  canoe  answered  them,  but  those  on  shore  inlbrn.'jd  them  that  the  waves 
dasheil  so  upon  the  rocks  that  they  could  not  understand  a  word  they  said. 
Church  now  made  signs  for  two  of  them  to  go  along  upon  the  shore  to  a 
beach,  wliere  one  could  see  a  good  space  round,  whether  any  others  were 
near.  Jinmediutely  two  ran  to  the  place,  one  without  any  arms,  but  the 
other  had  a  lance.  Knowing  Church  to  be  in  tiie  boat,  they  urged  him  to 
come  on  siiore,  and  said  tiiey  wanted  to  discourse  with  him.  He  told  him 
that  had  the  lance,  that  if  he  would  carry  it  away  at  considerable  distance, 
and  leave  it,  he  would.  Tiiis  he  readily  did.  Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore, 
left  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  the  canoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon 
the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any  should  approach.  He  was  surjjrised  to  find 
that  Geors^e  was  one  of  tliein,  a  very  good  man,  and  the  last  Sogkonate  lie 
had  spoken  with,  bi  ^  one  of  those  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to 
whom  he  had  givei.  Jia>  '  of  his  goods  when  he  undertook  his  mission  to 
I'limouth.  On  he'iAj/  t  ed  wiiat  he  wanted  tliat  he  called  him  asiiore, 
answered,  "that  !■  took  'imi  for  Church,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the 
canoe,  and  tliat  he  .vas  glad  to  see  him  alive."  He  also  told  him  that  .^iva- 
shonks  was  in  a  swamp  about  three  miles  off,  and  tliat  she  had  Ictt  Philip  and 
did  not  intend  to  ivturn  to  liiiii  any  more ;  and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  stay 
while  he  should  go  and  call  her.  This  Church  did  not  think  prudent,  but 
said  he  would  ^ome  again  and  speak  with  .1waslu)nks,tmd  some  other  Inrtiunti 
that  he  siiouU  uiie.  He  tiierelbre  told  George  to  notify  Awashonks,  her  son 
Pelcr,  their  chict  cajUain,  and  one  JVompash,  to  meet  him  two  days  alter  at  a 
certiiin  rock,  "at  tlie  lower  end  of  Capt.  Richmond's  fiirm,  wliich  was  u 
vei-y  noted  place."  It  was  provided  that  if  that  day  should  prove  stormy,  the 
next  pleasant  day  should  be  improved.  They  parted  with  cordiality,  George 
to  carry  the  news  to  Awashonks,  and  Church  lor  Newport. 

On  being  made  accpiaintod  with  ChurcKs  intention  to  visit  those  Indiana, 
the  government  of  Rhode  Island  marvelled  much  at  his  presumption,  and 
'voiild  not  give  him  any  permit  under  their  hands ;  assuring  him  that  the 
Indians  would  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness  on  his  part, 
af\er  such  signal  seiTices  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  his  life  in  such  a 
manner.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter  his  resolution,  and 
he  made  ready  for  his  departure.  It  was  his  intention  to  have  taken  with 
him  one  Daniel  fVilcox,*  a  man  who  well  understood  the  Indian  language,  bnt 
the  government  utterly  refused  him ;  so  that  his  whole  retinue,  in  this  im- 
portant embassy,  consisted  only  of  himself,  his  own  man,  and  the  two  Indians 
wlio  conducted  him  from  Sogkonesset.  As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit, 
must  be  mentioned  a  hotlle  of  rum,  and  a  roll  of  tobacco. 

The  day  appointed  having  arrived,  after  paddling  about  three  miles,  they 
came  to  the  appointed  rock,  where  the  Indians  were  ready  to  receive  them, 
and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back  from  the 
shore  about  fifty  yards,  for  a  convenient  place  for  consultation,  when  all  at 
tiiiee  rose  up  from  the  high  grass,  a  great  many  Indians,  so  that  tliey  were 
t'litirely  encompassed.  Tliey  were  all  armed  with  guns,  spears  and  hatchets 
tiices  jiainted  and  hair  trimmed,  in  complete  warlike  array.  If  ever  a  man 
knew  fear,  we  should  ajiprehend  it  would  discover  itself  upon  an  occasion 
like  this.  But,  judging  from  his  conduct,  we  should  say  he  was  one  of  those 
'•  wiio  never  felt  fear." 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  Church  told  Awashonks  that  George  had 
said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  peace  with  the  English.     She 

^  \r>C,l,  "  Danii'l  WiUcocki's  tooke  tlio  oath  off  fidelitic  lliis  court."     Plim.  Rec. 
Ill  nil'-,  (iiK!  Wilcox  set  up  a  trading  house  in  ilie  Narraganset  country.     S';e  Callewler't 
Cent.  Discourse,  38.    If  he  were  the  same,  it  will  well  account  for  his  being  an  hitcrpreter. 

22 


4 


i;W 


S54 


AWASHONKS— CIlUIlCll   ENGAGES  HER  MEN.        [Uook  III. 


1% 


I'i  ■ 


sui<l,  •Yes."  Tlipn,  said  Mr.  ChurcJi,  "it  is  ciistonmry  wiien  people  meet  to 
treat  of  puuce,  to  luy  uside  tiieir  urins,  and  not  to  appear  in  sucii  iiostiie  Ibrui 
as  your  peo|)le  do."  At  this  tlittru  wuh  niucii  imirniuring  unioiijt^  tiieni,  and 
Awitslionks  a.si{ed  iiiin  wiiat  urniH  tliey  stiiould  lay  aside.  Seeing  tiieir  din- 
pleaanre,  he  said,  only  their  iiw\»,  lor  Ibrin's  sake.  With  one  consent  tliey 
tlieii  laid  away  their  ^inis,  and  came  and  sat  down.  He  then  drew  out  lii.H 
bottle  of  ruMi,  and  asked  Awashonks  whether  she  had  lived  80  long  up  ut 
VVachusetl*  as  to  forget  to  drink  ocw/;ec/ie«.  Then,  drinking  to  her,  he  ob- 
served she  waiciied  him  very  narrowly  to  see  whether  he  swallowed,  and, 
on  offering  it  to  her,  siie  wished  him  to  drink  again.  He  then  told  her  tiiero 
was  no  poison  in  it,  and,  pouring  some  into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  .si[)ped  it 
up.  Alter  he  had  taken  a  second  hearty  dram,  ^was/iojiAa  ventnivd  to  <lo 
likewise ;  then  she  passed  it  among  her  attendants.     The  tobacco  was  next 

Ettssed  round,  and  they  began  to  tjdk.  ^^iww/ion^.?  wanted  to  know  why  he 
ad  not  come,  as  he  j)roniised,  the  year  before,  oJMiTving  tliat,  if  he  had,  she 
and  her  people  had  not  joined  with  Philip.  He  told  her  he  was  prevented 
by  tiie  breaking  out  of  tlie  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an  attemi)l, 
notwitiistitnding,  soon  alter  he  left  her,  and  got  as  far  us  I'imkatesse,  when 
a  multitude  of  enemies  set  n|)on  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat  A  great 
murmur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  lierce  and  gigantic  fel- 
low, rais-jd  his  war  club,  with  intention  to  have  killed  IMr.  Churcli,  but  some 
laid  hold  on  him  and  prevented  him.  They  informed  him  tiiat  this  fellow's 
brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punk/itecse,  and  that  he  said  it  was  Church 
that  killed  him,  and  he  would  now  have  his  blood.  Church  told  them  to  tell 
him  that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done  as  he  had  directed 
him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt.  The  chief  captain  now  ordered  silence, 
telling  them  they  should  talk  no  more  about  old  mutters,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  tumult,  and  an  agreement  was  soon  concluded.  Awashonks  agreed  to 
serve  the  English  "in  what  wuy  she  was  able,"  provided  "Plimouth  would 
firmly  engage  to  her  that  she  and  all  of  her  people,  and  their  wi/es  and 
children  should  have  their  lives  spared,  and  none  of  them  transported  out  of 
the  country."  This,  Church  told  her  he  did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but  Plimouth 
would  consent  to. 

ThingH  being  thus  matured,  the  chief  captain  stood  up,  and,  after  express- 
ing the  great  respect  he  had  for  Mr.  Church,  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  please 
accept  of  me  and  my  men,  aiid  will  head  us,  we  will  figlit  for  you,  and  will 
help  you  to  Philip's  head  before  the  Indian  corn  be  ripe."  We  do  not  ex- 
pect that  this  chief  pretended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  certainly 
lie  was  a  truer  prophet  than  many  who  have  made  the  pretension. 

Mr.  Church  would  have  taken  a  few  of  the  men  with  him,  and  gone  di- 
rectly through  the  woods  to  Plimouth ;  but  Awashonks  insisted  that  it  would 
be  very  hazardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the  island  and  i)roceed 
by  water,  and  so  would  take  in  some  of  their  company  at  Sogkoiiate  Point, 
which  was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it  should  be  mentioned 
that  the  friendship,  now  renewed  by  the  indiisti-y  of  Mr.  Church,  was  never 
afterward  broken.  Many  of  thesr  Indians  always  accompanied  Church  in  his 
nioinorable  expeditions,  and  reuilered  great  service  to  the  English.  When 
Philip's  war  was  over.  Church  went  to  reside  again  among  them,  and  the 
greatest  harmony  always  prevailed.  But  to  return  to  the  thread  of  our  nai'- 
rative : — 

On  returning  to  the  island.  Mr.  Church  "was  at  great  pains  and  charge  to 
get  a  vessel,  but  with  unaccountable  disappointments;  Sometimes  by  the 
lidscncfis,  and  sometimes  by  the  faiut-heartedness  of  men  that  he  bargained 
witii,  and  sometimes  by  wind  and  weather,  &c."  he  was  hindered  a  long 
time.  At  length,  Mr.  Anthouj/  Low,  of  Swansey,  happening  to  put  into  the 
harbcr,  and  although  bound  to  the  westward,  on  being  made  acquainted  with 
Mr.  ChurcKs  case,  said  he  would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  and  cargo  to 
wait  upon  him.  But  when  they  arrived  at  Sogkonate  Point,  although  the 
Indians  Nvere  tiiore  according  to  agreement  waiting  upon  the  rocks,  they  met 

*  Slio  li;\(l  pn5se<l  tlie  orccedins;  winter,  It  would  seem,  willi  Philip's  people  on  tlie  fro» 
tiers  ul'  Mussuchusells 


CHAr   IV.l     AWASllONK!?.— SURRKNDRRS  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 


255 


with  n  co!itrnry  wind,  and  fo  rough  n  sen,  th(it  none  but  Peter  Jlioashonka 
could  get  on  hoard.  TIiih  Ik;  did  at  groat  jterii,  iinving  only  an  old  hroken 
cunoe  to  g(!t  oH'  in.  The  wind  and  rain  now  l()reed  tlieni  up  into  I'ocaHset 
Sound,  and  tlioy  were  ohiiged  to  Iwar  away,  anil  retui  i  round  the  north  end 
of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Loir,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  tiie  wiU 
of  Providence.    Ife  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  hud  passed,  and  de 
8i)atclied  Peter,  on  the  U  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  IMimouth. 

Major  Bradford*  having  now  arrived  with  an  army  at  Pocasset,  Mr.  Church 
repaired  to  him,  and  told  him  of  his  transactions  and  engagements  with 
Jiwashonks.  Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  intbrm  herof  his  arrival,  which 
he  did.  Jlwashoms  doubtless  now  discovered  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety, 
but  Mr.  Church  told  her  "  that  if  slie  would  be  advised  and  observe  order,  she 
nor  her  people  need  not  fear  being  hurt."  He  directed  her  to  get  all  her 
peo[)le  together,  "lest,  if  they  should  be  found  straggling  al)OUt,  mischief 
might  light  on  them;"  and  that  the  next  day  the  army  would  march  down 
into  the  neck  to  receive  her.  After  begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time 
she  hud  to  collect  them  together,  she  promised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and 
he  letl  her. 

Accordingly,  two  days  ailer,  she  met  the  army  at  Punkateese.  Jlwashonks 
was  now  unnecessarily  perplexed  by  the  stern  carriage  of  Major  Bradford. 
For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the  army ;  but 
instead  of  that  he  "  presently  gave  forth  orders  for  Jlwashonks,  and  all  her 
subjects,  both  men,  women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  and  to  he 
there  upon  peril,  in  six  days."  Church  was  also  quite  disconcerted  by  this 
unexpected  order,  but  all  reasoning  or  remonstrance  was  of  no  avail  with 
the  commander  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Church  he  would  employ  him  if  he 
chose,  but  as  for  the  Lidians,  "he  would  not  be  concerned  with  them,"  ai::! 
accordingly  sent  them  off  with  a  flag  of  truce,  under  the  direction  of  Jack 
Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been  engaged  in  the  war.  Blr.  Church  told 
Awaslwnks  not  to  be  concerned,  but  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  ^vould 
shortly  meet  her  at  Sandwich. 

According  to  promise,  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  meet  the  Sog- 
konates.  The  governor  of  Plimouth  was  highly  pleased  ut  the  account 
Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  he  now  satisfied  of  hia 
superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  he  desired  him  to  be  commissioned  in  the 
country's  service.  He  lefl  Plimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attendants, 
among  whom  were  Mr.  Jabez  Howland,  and  Mr.  JVathanied  Southworth,  They 
slept  at  Sandwich  the  first  night,  and  here  taking  a  few  more  men,  agreeably 
to  the  governor's  orders,  proceeded  to  Agawam,  a.  small  river  of  Rochester, 
where  they  expected  to  meet  the  Indians.  Some  cf  his  company  now 
became  discouraged,  presuming,  perhaps,  the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and 
half  of  them  returned  home.  When  they  came  to  Sippican  River,  which 
empties  into  Buzzard's  Bay  in  Rochester,  Mr.  Howland  was  so  fatigued  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewhat  corpulent. 
Church  left  two  more  with  him  as  a  resen'e,  in  case  he  should  be  ohiiged  to 
retreat.  They  soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and,  hearing  a 
great  noise  at  considerable  distance  fi-om  them,  upon  the  bank,  were  pres- 

*  Oi\t  of  a  curious  book  we  take  llie  following  note,  as,  besides  giving'  us  an  interesting 
fact  coMceriiiiig  the  major,  it  coiilaiiis  others  of  value,  it  was  written  ui  Ki'J?.  At  thai 
time,  some  pretended  tliat  the  ag^e  of  people  was  much  shorter  in  America  than  in  Europe  j 
whicli  gave  rise  to  what  we  are  about  to  extract. — Mary  Brown  was  the  first-born  of  New- 
bury, Mass.,  who  married  a  Godfi-y ;  and,  says  our  book,  she  "  is  yet  alive,  and  is  become 
the  mother  and  grandmother  of  many  children."  "  The  mention  of  Mary  Bruwn  brings  to 
our  mind  an  idle  whimsoy,  as  if  persons  born  in  New  F^ngland  would  be  short-lived ;  whereas, 
the  natives  live  long.  An<l  a  judgment  concerning  Englishmen  cannot  well  be  made  till  20 
or  30  years  hence.  Capt.  Peregrine  Wliile,  born  [on  board  the  Maij/loit'er]  Nov.  1C2C, 
is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live.  [He  died  7  years  after,  in  nOl.]  Major  William  liradford 
is  more  than  73  years  old,  and  hath  worn  a  bullet  in  his  flesh  above  20  of  them,  [which  he 
doubtless  received  in  Philip's  war.  He  died  aged  79.]  Elizabeth  Alden,  (now  Paijbodij, 
whose  granddaughter  is  a  mother,)  Capt.  John  Alden,  her  brother,  Alex''.  Hlandish,  and 
Joliu  ffoirlatid,  have  lived  more  than  70  years."  S.  Sewall's  New  Heaven  upon  the  A'ei* 
Earth,  m,  GO. 


!        i      :        M 


m 


256 


AWASIIONKS— MANNER  OF  MAKING  SOLDIERS.       [PonK  \H. 


'.' » 


ently  in  sij^lit  of  i 


'  vast  I 


of  Indi; 


of  all 


niid  I 


coiii|)any 
liorHflmck,  niiining  raccH,  hoiiiu  ut  fout-hall,  soiiio  catcliiiij;  cl-Ih  and  flat  tinli 
in  tlie  wattii',  Huiiie  clannnin^',  &c."  Tliry  now  iiad  to  find  out  \\\mi 
Indians  tlmsc  were,  l)efbro  tliey  dared  make  tlieniBelvos  known  to  tlitni. 
Church  therefore  halloed,  and  two  IndiauH  that  were  at  n  distance  finni  the 
r<!wt,  rode  up  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  wen;  very 
much  Huriirised  when  they  found  themselves  so  near  Kn<,di8limen,  and  turned 
tlieir  horses  to  run,  but.  Church  makinj;  himself  known  to  tiiem,  they  jrave 
liim  the  desired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens,  who  immediately 
came.  And  when  ho  had  confirmed  what  the  others  had  related,  there 
arrived  a  larpe  nund)er  of  them  on  horseback,  well  armed.  Th«!se  treated 
the  Knf,dish  very  respectfully.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to  Jlwaahonks,  to  inlornt 
iter  that  he  would  sup  with  her  that  ni^dit,  and  lod<j:e  in  her  tent.  In  tiie 
mean  time,  the  English  returned  with  their  friends  they  had  hilt  at  ,Si|)pican. 
When  they  came  to  the  Indian  company,  tliey  "  were  inunediately  conducted 
to  a  shelter,  open  on  one  side,  whither  Jtwashonks  and  her  cliiels  soon  came 
and  paid  their  respects."  When  this  bad  tJiken  place,  there  were  ^'reat 
shouts  made  by  the  "multitudes,"  which  "made  the  heavens  to  rin<r."  About 
sunset,  "the  Ae/o/w*  came  running  from  all  ciuarters,  laden  with  the  tojis  of 
dry  pines,  and  the  like  combustible  matter,  making  n  huge  pile  tliereoi;  near 
Mr.  Churches  shelter,  on  the  open  side  thereof.  JUit  by  this  time  8U])per  was 
brought  in,  in  three  dishes,  viz.  a  curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and 
flat  Hsh  ill  a  second,  and  shell  fish  in  a  third;"  but  salt  was  wanting. 
When  the  supper  was  finished,  "  the  mighty  pile  of  pine  knots  and  tops, 
&c.  was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  ring  around 
it.  Awashonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  jjcople,  men  and  women  mixed,  kneel- 
ing down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  the  lusty  stout  men 
standing  U|)  made  the  next ;  and  then  all  the  rabble,  in  a  confused  crew, 
surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  '-hief  caj)tain  stejjped  in  between  the 
rings  and  the  fire,  with  a  spear  in  one  band,  and  u  hatchet  in  the  other, 
danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mention  of  all  the 
several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country  that  were  enemies 
to  the  English.  And  at  naming  of  every  i)articular  tribe  of  Indians,  be 
would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at  his  finishing  his  fight  with 
each  particular  fire-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr.  C7iurc/iand  thank  him."  Wiien 
he  bad  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war  with  the  English,  be  stuck  his  spear 
and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left  the  ring,  and  then  anotiier  stej»ped  in, 
and  acted  over  the  same  farce  ;  trying  to  act  with  more  fury  than  the  first. 
Afler  about  a  half  a  dozen  had  gone  through  with  the  jieribnnance,  their 
chief  captain  stepped  to  Mr.  Church,  and  told  him  "  they  were  making 
soldiers  for  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing  was  all  one  swearing  ot" 
them."  Awaslionks  and  her  chiefs  next  came  and  tohl  I'im  "  that  now  they 
were  all  engaged  to  fight  for  the  English."  At  tins  tmie  Awashonks  presented 
to  Mr.  Church  a  very  fine  gun.  The  next  day,  July  22,  he  selected  a  number 
of  her  men,  and  proceeded  to  Plimouth.  A  commission  was  given  him, 
and,  being  joined  with  a  number  of  English,  volunteers,  co.nimenced  a  suc- 
cessful series  of  exploits,  in  which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a  conspicuous 
part,  but  have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as 
they  deserved. 

It  is  said  f  that  Awashonks  bad  two  sons ;  the  youngest  was  William  Movn^ 
mynewit,  who  was  put  to  a  grammar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  lan^^  ige, 
and  was  intended  for  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized  witi.  the 
I)alsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of  the  fiunily 
of  Awashonks  in  the  early  part  of  this  article  much  beyond  any  before 
printed  account ;  of  Tokamonn  we  have  no  printed  notice,  except  what 
Church\  incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Indian  soldiers  reipiested 
liberty  to  pursue  the  Noi-ragausets  and  other  enemy  Indians,  immediately 

*  Sigriifviii'^/nVn(/s,  in  Lulian.  t  Coll.  Mans.  Hint.  for. 

X  Hist.  I'liilip's  War,  3'.).  It  is  usual  to  cite  Captain  Church  as  the  author  or  rrcordcr  of 
liis  own  action? ;  it  is  so,  aUhoug^h  his  son  TVioimis  appears  as  the  writer  of  the  history.  Tlie 
truth  is,  the  fatiier  dictated  to  the  son,  and  corrected  wlial  appeared  erroneous  al\er  tlic  worU 
was  written. 


Chap.  V.] 


FUMHAM 


957 


urter  tlicy  had  cii|»turc(l  Phlll/i's  wife  uiid  son.  "They  said  tlic  Narrngnimcta 
kverc  urcat  iojjimm,  uiid  they  wanted  to  ho  revenged  on  tliein,  Corkillinj;  gome 
of  their  relations  ;  named  Tokkainorni~,(.lwashonk^s  hrother,)  and  «onie  t)tlier«." 

Ahoiit  r50  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100  Indian  nun  of  tiie  tSog- 
konato  trihi;,  a. id  tlio  general  assenihiy  appointed  A'«m»aiw  tiieir  eaptain, 
who  lived  to  ho  au  old  man,  and  died  uhout  174H,  atter  the  taking  of  Cape 
Ureton,  1745.  At  tlio  commencement  of  the  eigliteenth  century,  tliey  made 
quite  u  resjieetahle  religious  (Jongnsgation ;  had  a  meeting-liouse  of  their 
own,  in  wliic.i  they  were  instructed  by  Uev.  Mr.  Billings,  once  u  montii,  on 
Sundays.  Tney  liad  a  steady  preaclier  among  tlicmselves,  wlioso  name  wui 
John  Simon,  a  man  of  a  stron;,^  mind. 

About  17  )0,  u  very  distressing  fever  carried  off  many  of  this  tribe,  and  iu 
1803  tliere  «\cre  not  above  ten  iu  Conipton,  their  principal  residence. 

CHAPTER  V. 

jf?  furticr  aceount  of  chiefs  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — Pumham — Taken  and 
slain—His  son  Qua<iuai,u — Chickon — Socononoco — foxocK — His  residence— 
C'onftlaint  against  Wildboio's  encroachments — Delivers  himself  up — Put  to  death — 
Stone-wall-john — .^  great  captain — Ji  mason — His  men  greatly  annoy  th» 
English  army  in  A'arraganset — Kills  several  of  them — They  burn  a  garrison,  and 
kill  fifteen  persons — A  traffic  in  Indian  prisoners — The  burning  of  Uciwbolh  and 
Providence — Johns  discourse  with  Roger  Williams — Is  kilted — Sagamukk  John — 
Fate  of  Ma  loos  A3 — Put  to  death  on  Boston  Common — His  son  hanged  for  mur- 
der— MoNoco — David — Andrew — James-the-printer —  Oi.d-jktheko — Sa(iamoke» 
SAM,  alias  Shosiianim — Visited  by  Eliot  in  ItJoii — Anecdote — Peter-jetuero. 

PUMIIAM,  it  may  be  truly  said,  "was  a  mighty  man  of  valor."  Our 
history  has  several  times  heretofore  brought  him  before  us,  and  we  shall 
now  jiroceed  to  relate  such  facts  concerning  him  as  we  have  been  al)le  to 
collect.  He  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old  squaw- 
sachem  Magnus  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  lite  we  have  shown. 

As  in  almost  every  otiier  case,  we  can  only  learn  how  to  estimate  the 
consequence  of  a  chief  from  the  stor}-  of  his  enemies.  It  is  peculiarly  so  iu 
the  biography  of  Pumhunu  When  it  was  reported  that  he  was  slain,  every 
clironicler  seems  to  have  stood  ready,  with  tlie  ink  of  exultation  in  liis  pen, 
to  record  all  the  particulars  of  his  fall ;  and  to  make  it  appear  the  greater,  it 
IS  to  be  feared,  they  have  sometimes  raised  many  to  a  height  to  wliich  tiiey 
were  not  entitled,  for  that  object.  But  it  was  not  so  in  the  case  of  Pumhanu 
When  it  was  reported  at  Boston  that  he  was  killed,  an  author  in  our  Chronicl» 
said,  "  If  it  is  so,  the  glory  of  tliat  nation  is  sunk  with  him  forever." 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  difficulty  by  the  Englisii  as  early 
as  1G45.  In  1642,  the  Uev.  Samuel  Gorton  took  refuge  in  his  country,  and 
was  kindly  treated  by  him;  and  in  Januai^  the  next  year,  Mianlunnomoh 
and  Canonicits  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaomet,  which  he  afterward 
called  JVarunck,  afler  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settlement  was  grievous 
to  the  Puritan  fathers  of  3Iassachusetts,  as  they  soon  showed  by  their 
resentment  to  Mianlunnomoh;  and  here  we  cannot  but  discover  the  germ  ot" 
all  the  subsequent  disasters  of  that  sachem.  Mr.  Gorton  was  kindly  treated 
by  him,  as  well  as  Pumham,  until  tJie  latter  was  urged  by  Mr.  Gorlon''s 
enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  had  purchased  of  Mianlunnomoh,  whom 
the  court  of  Alassachusetts  declared  an  usurper,*  as  in  his  life  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  unimpeachable  Roger  Willinms,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appear  evident.  In  1G5G,  ho  wrote  to  Massachusetts,  showing 
them  the  wretched  state  Wai^wick  was  in  from  their  difficulties  with  tha 
Indians,  as  follows: — "Your  wisdoms  know  the  inhuman  insultations  of 
these  wild  creatures,  and  you  may  be  plea^    \  also  to  imagine,  that  they  have 

of  all  their  wickedress  against 


.* 


\     ■ 


not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  pat 


22* 


MS.  state  puper. 


B. 


!•>; 


258 


PUMHAM.—SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALir. 


[Book  III. 


our  English  men,  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  to  the  yearly  damage  of 
GO,  80  und  100  £.  The  remedy  is,  (under  God,)  only  your  pleasure  that 
Pumham  shall  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  town  or  colony."  *  Now  it 
ehould  he  reiiiemhered,  that  when  Warwick  was  purchased,  Pumham  and 
Bome  other  inferior  sachems  received  presents  for  their  particulai'  interests  in 
what  was  sold,  agreeahly  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Indians. 

The  I'limouth  people  had  their  share  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  having 
caused  Ousamaquin  to  lay  claim  to  the  same  ])lace,  or  a  sachem  who  lived 
with  him,  named  JVawtvaslvawsuck ;  hetween  whom  and  Pumfutm  the  quarrel 
ran  so  hifili  that  the  former  stahbed  the  latter. 

The  atlairs  of  Warwick  had  been  under  consideration  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  for  several  years  before  this,  and  in  1G49, 
they  say,  '*  Vpi)on  a  question  betwixt  the  two  collonies  of  the  Massachuseta 
and  Plymouth,  formerly  proj)ounded,  and  now  again  renewed  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts,  concerning'a  tract  of  land  now  or  lately 
InMoiiging  to  PamJmm  and  Saconoco,  two  Indi.m  sagamores  who  had  sub- 
mitted themselves  and  their  pcoi)le  lo  the  Maj^sachusctts  govermcnt,  vj)|ion 
part  of  which  landsom  English,  (besides  the  said  Indians,)  in  anno  l(J4;i,  were 
planted  and  settled."  The  decision  was,  that  though  the  said  tract  of  land 
fidi  witliin  I'limouth  bounds,  it  should  henceforth  belong  to  Massachusetts. 

About  l(i4(i,  we  find  the  following  record f  of  these  chiefs: — "Pomihom 
and  Saconanoro  complaining  to  us  [the  court  of  Mass.]  that  many  Indians 
dwelling  20  miles  beyond  them,  (being  friends  and  heljieu  to  the  Narragan- 
Betts  in  their  presint  wars  with  Uncas,)  are  come  upon  their  lands,  ar  ' 
planted  upon  the  same  against  their  wills,  they  not  being  able  of  theinselvc 
to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  counsel  and  help,  AVe  shuL 
therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a  messenger 
to  the  sachem  of  those  intruders  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  account  of  such 
his  intention  ;  and  if  he  come  to  us,  then  to  otier  him  i)rotection  upon  the 
siune  terms  that  Pumham  hath  it,  provided  they  satisfy  Uncas  for  any  injuiy 
they  have  done  him.  If  he  refuse  to  come,  then  we  would  have  our  mes- 
senger charge  them  to  depart  from  Pomlmrn  and  Soconanocho  their  lands, 
which  also  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  account  them  our  enemies."  j 

Though,  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  ma'ntain  a 
kind  of  independence  for  some  years  after  the  death  of  the  chief  sachem, 
yet  he  was  among  the  first  who  esi)oused  the  cause  of  Philip  in  his  war, 
as  it  would  seem  from  his  not  attending  at  the  treaty  in  June,  immediately 
after  hostilities  commenced.  The  army  who  went  to  make  that  treaty  i)assed 
through  his  eountiy  in  their  march,  and,  as  IVIr.  lluhhard  states,  "They  found  tho 
Indians  iu  Pomham^s  country  (next  adjoining  to  Philiiis  fjorders)  all  fled,  and 
thi'ir  wigwams  without  any  peo])ie  in  tlieni."  The  J'.nglish  army  also  m.nrch- 
ed  through  his  coimtry,  in  their  return  frotu  the  attack  on  Philip  and  his  con- 
federates in  Narraganset,  in  December,  l(i75.  At  this  time  a  small  light  took 
place  between  some  of  the  English  and  a  niunber  of  Pumham^s  men,  imder 
a  chief  whose  name  was  UnAUUALH,  who  gained  some  advantage  of  tho 
English,  wotiuding  four  of  their  men.  The  wi.ites,  however,  report  that  they 
killed  five  of  ilie  Indians,  lluaqualh  himself  wa3  wounded  in  the  knee.  At 
the  same  time  they  burnt  Pimham^s  town,);  which  coi?tained  near  100  wig- 
wniu:*.    The  English  were  commanded  by  Captnin  Pixnlicc,  § 

Pumham  was  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  «l'.e  great  fidls  in  the  (Con- 
necticut, which  took  place  1!)  Ma)',  l()7(i,  although  we  jiresume,  fWun  the 
known  character  of  him,  that  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the  sidi; 
of  the  Indians;  being  a  man  of  vast  jjhysical  powers  and  of  extnioidiiiaiy 
bravery.  In  this  affair  the  English  acteil  a  most  cowardly  part,  having  every 
advantage  of  tlicir  eneihv,  who  acipiired  credit  upon  the  occasion,  even  at 
the  time,  from  the  lii.storian.  The  Eng'i.di  came  upon  them  hcl'ore  day, 
while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and,  "finding  them  seciu'e  iiidee<l, 
y<'a,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so  that  oiu*  soldiers  cama 

•  Kiilcliinson's  piipors,  niid  Ifuziinl. 

t  111  nuiiiii'-rrifit.  iiinoii^  the  impcrs  on  (ilc  in  llio  Sfcrcliiry':<  ollico,  AFiiss.  willirml  dnlc. 
\  Old  fill  .ui  Cliniii.  ,01).     'I'liis  iiiiilidr  liiis  Wis  niinic  Hiiiiihuiii.     'I'licrc  wore  ninnv   ii, 
llaacos,  at  lliis  linic,  ol'  llio  use  of  Ii.  Ii«r  P.  ^  I/iihbaid.  Niir.  57. 


Uhap.  v.] 


PUMHAM— THE  FALL   KIGHT. 


259 


and  put  their  gmis  into  their  wifrwuins,  hefore  the  Indinns  were  aware  of 
tlieni,  and  made  a  great  and  notable  shiiigliter  amongst  tlieni."  *  Many  in 
tlieir  fright  ran  into  the  river,  and  were  hurled  down  tlie  fall8,f  some  of 
whom,  doubtless,  were  drowned.  As  soon  as  the  English,  who  were  led  by 
Cajjtains  Turner  and  Holioke,  had  murdered  the  unresisting,  and  the  Indians 
having  begun  to  rally  to  ojjpose  them,  they  fled  in  the  greatest  conlii.sion, 
although  they  had  "about  an  hundred  and  lour  score"  men,  J  of  whom  but 
one  was  wounded  when  the  flight  began.  This  enhances  the  valor  of  the 
Indians,  in  our  mind,  esi)ecially  as  we  read  the  following  passage,  in  Mr. 
MuUier^s  IJrief  History : — "In  the  mean  while,  a  party  of  Indians  liom  an 
island,  (whose  coming  on  shore  might  easily  have  been  prevent(!d,  and  ;he 
soldiers,  before  they  set  out  from  Hadley,  were  earnestly  admonished  to  tiike 
care  alwut  that  matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ;  yea,  to  the  great  dishonor  of  the 
English,  a  few  Indians  pursued  our  soldiers  (bur  or  five  miles,  who  were  in 
numlwr  near  twice  as  mimy  as  the  enemy."  In  this  flight  Cajjtiiin  Turner  was 
killed,  as  he  was  crossing  Green  River.  Holioke  exerted  himself  with  great 
valor,  and  seems  well  calculated  to  oppose  such  a  chief  as  PunOmm,  We 
hear  of  no  other  bravery  among  the  English  in  this  massacre,  but  the  follow- 
ing passage  concerning  Holioke,  which  we  are  sorry  is  so  sadly  eclipstnl. 
During  the  fight,  some  old  i)ersonp,  (whether  men  or  women  is  not  men- 
tioned,) and  children,  had  hid  themselves  under  the  bank  of  the  river.  Captain 
Holioke  discovered  them,  and  with  his  own  hands  put  five  of  them,  "young 
aiid  old,"  to  death.  §  This  English  captain  did  not  long  survive  his  antago- 
nist, for,  by  his  great  exertions  in  this  fight,  a  fever  was  brought  upon  him, 
of  which  he  died  in  Septendier  following,  "about  JJoston."|| 

It  would  seem  from  the  several  accoimts,  that,  although  the  English  were 
sadly  distressed  in  this  fight,  the  Indians  could  never  have  repaired  tlieir 
loss  ;  which,  says  the  author  of  the  Prksent  State,  "was  almost  as  much, 
nay,  in  some  respects  more  considerable,  than  their  lives."  He  continues, 
"  We  destroyed  all  their  anniuufition  and  provision,  which  we  think  they 
can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly  tliey  may  bo 
with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  forges  they  1  a(i  to  mend 
their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove  many  of  them 
into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned, imd  threw  two  great  pigs  of  hud 
of  theirs,  (intended  for  making  of  bidlets.)  into  the  said  river."  11 — "As  our 
men  were  returning  to  Hadley,  in  a  dangerous  jmss,  which  they  wvnr  not 
sufficiently  aware  of,  the  skulkitig  Indians,  (out  of  the  woods,)  killed,  at  one 
volley,  the  said  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of  his  men,  but  immediately 
alter  they  had  discharged,  they  fled." 

In  relating  the  capture  and  daiith  of  Pumham,  Mr.  Hubbard  says,**  "Ho 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  tla;  Nar- 
ragansets  ;  whose  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he  had  been 
mortally  woiuided  in  the  fight,  so  as  himself  coidd  not  stand  ;  yet  catching 
hold  of  an  Englishman  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  luul  done  him 
mischief,  if  he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his  liMlows" 
This  was  on  25  July,  1()7().  Pumhmn,  with  a  few  followers,  had  li)r  homo 
time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedham  woods,  where  it  was  supposed  they 
were  "almost  starved  for  want  of  victuals."  In  this  sad  condition,  they 
were  fallen  ujwn  by  the  English  under  Captain  Hunting,  who  killed  fitfi.'en 


•  /.  Mather,  30. 

t  Wc  rnmiot  agree  willi  our  frioiid  (icii.  ffoyt,  llial  llicso  fills  slioiild  l)o  imnicd  Tiirnn's 
Falls,  iiltliouffli  wo  once  llimiglit  i(  wril  imioii^Ii.  We  would  riillii'r  cull  lliriii  llic  Maxxarre 
Falls,  IK,  imleed,  tlieir  Indiiiii  iiiiine  oiiiiiiol  l)e  rcrovereil.  A  heauliliil  view  of  llii'se  celo- 
tiraled  liills  is  given  by  Professor  Hitchcock,  in  tlie  volume  of  plates  ncccin|iBiiyiiijj  his 
Geoli  a;v  of  Mass. 

t  /.  ^falhfr,  :\0.  §   Iluhluyd,  Nnr.  !!(!.  |l  Il.id. 

11  Manj' of  tlie  Indians  l('arnc<l  trades  of  llie  I'.njjlisli,  and  in  the  wars  tiiniril  ilieir  knowl- 
edge to  good  noooiiiil.  'I'liey  had  a  forj^e  in  their  (iirl  at  Narragiiiisel,  iiiid  the  liidinii  blnok- 
sinitli  was  killed  when  that  was  taken.  'I'lie  aiilhiir  of  the  I'nsiiit  Slali\\c,  says,  he;  wai 
llie  only  man  aniniig;st  ihiMn  that  filted  their  >>iiiis  and  arrow-heads  ;  that  ainoii^  other  ho'  el 
ihev  InirnI  his,  deniolished  his  lor^e,  and  e.rricul  away  his  tools. 

**  N.irrative,  100.  iu>.  edition. 


'}¥,'' 


260 


POTOK.— DEATH  OF  PUMIIAM. 


[Hduk  ;M 


and  took  tliiity-five  of  tliein  witliout  resistance*  TJicy  foimd  licio  coii- 
Bidemble  plunder;  "besides  kettles,  there  was  ubont  half  a  biisliel  of  \v;.ii;- 
jtumpeag,  which  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  jjounds  of  powder,  wliirii  ilic 
captives  say  they  had  received  from  Albany  but  two  days  belbre."f  A  i^(/ii 
of  Pumham  was  among  the  captives,  "a  very  1'k.ely  youth,"  says  Hubbard, \ 
'•and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  Ik  sjjoke  favor  for  him,  had  in? 
not  belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  father  was."  It 
would  seem  fi'om  this  unteeling  account  that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr. 
Matlier  says  he  was  carried  j)risoner  to  J5o^^ton.  From  the  same  author  wo 
must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the  iiitlicr's  death.  "  This  Pumham, 
after  he  was  wounded  so  as  iliat  he  could  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  was 
thought  to  have  been  dead,  made  a  shift,  (as  the  soldiers  were  pursuing 
others,)  to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the  way,  but  was  found  again,  and  when  an 
Englishman  drew  near  to  him,  though  he  could  not  stand,  he  did,  (like  a 
beast,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get  hold  on  the  soldier's  head,  and  had  like  to 
liave  killed  him,  had  not  another  come  in  to  his  hel[),  and  rescued  him  out 
of  the  enraged  dying  hands  of  that  bloody  barbarian,"  j 

That  it  may  be  seen  how  the  same  story,  recorded  at  the  same  time,  at 
the  same  place,  and  by  different  individuals,  varies  on  comparison,  we  give 
here  the  account  of  the  fight  in  which  Piiinliayji  was  slain,  from  an  author  in 
the  Chronicle ;  in  which  it  will  be  observed  that  a  difl'erent  date  is  given  to 
the  event.  "Upon  the  27  of  July  it  was,  that  about  20  Lidians  were  slain, 
and  MO  taken  prisoners.  We  had  5  and  20  English,  and  20  of  our  Indian 
friends  in  this  exploit.  One  of  these  that  were  slain  was  Pomhnm.  After 
lie  had  received  a  deadly  shot  in  his  back,  he  withdrew  himself  from  his 
men,  (for  they  were  all  his  relations  and  subjects  that  were  slain  and  taken 
at  this  time,)  and  thought  to  hide  himself  in  a  bushy  hole,  but  was  found  out 
by  an  Englishman,  who,  as  he  went  to  apprehend  him,  found  that  the  stout 
sachem  was  unwilling  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  for  he  gave  him 
a  stunning  blow  with  his  hatchet,  which  he  had  reserved  of  all  his  weajjons, 
and  perhaps  hiid  slain  the  Englishman,  but  God  ordered  it  so  that  he  had  a 
sudden  revival,  and  took  courage  and  grajjjjled  with  him,  \Piimhnm,'\  and 
threw  him  under  him,  jind  others  coming  in  to  his  assistance,  Pumham  was 
Boon  despatcheil.  I'liere  was  about  £20  of  Ind/un  money  found  in  their 
baskets,"  which  the  English  gave  to  their  Indian  friends,  and  their  guns  they 
took  to  themselves. 

A  short  time  before  this,  a  grtndson  of  this  chief  was  killed  liy  a  party 
under  Ihnison,^  "who  was  also  a  sachem,  and  another  sachem  called 
Chkkon." 

I'O'J'OK,  a  Narraganset  chief,  we  may  pro|terly,  in  the  next  place,  notice. 
None  of  his  acts  in  Philij/s  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  have  come  to 
our  knowledge,  but  they  coi'.ld  :iol  have  been  inconsiderable,  in  the  opinion 
of  his  enen:i.s,  as  fiis  lile  utoncul  for  tliem.  ^Ve  find  him  first  mentioned, 
on  accoimt  of  his  o|)position  to  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  his 
nr.tion.  Wlici;,  in  the  begitming  of  PhiUti's  war,  the  English  army  marched 
into  tiic  Narraganset  country,  to  treat  or  figlit  with  tluit  nation,  as  they  nfight 
be  found  inclined,  Polok  ajipeared  as  the  principtil  chief.  In  the  treaty 
which  was  concluded  at  that  time,  a  condition  was  urged  by  him,  "that  the 
English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to  preach  the  gospel  or  call  ii])on 
them  to  |»ray  to  Cod."  Ihit  the  English  would  not  admit  such  an  article ; 
but  if  an  article  of  tliis  character  had  been  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we 
doidit  \vheflier  there  would  have  been  any  objection  urged  by  the  Inditm!-. 
On  this  policy  of  the  I'^nglish  /loj^cr  ff'illiams  should  be  heard,  as,  at  thia 
day  even,  we  need  no  better  commentaiy  on  the  matter  in  liiuid.  If,  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  II  to  the  governor  of  ftlassachusetts,  and  is  as  fbllowg: — 
"At  my  last  departtn-e  for  I'aigland,  I  was  importuned  by  y"  Narraganset 
Bachems,  j".id  especially  by  JVcnecimat,  to  present  their  petition  to  the  high 

•  M.S.  Niirralivo  of  llev.  7'.  Cobhrt.  f  Mather's  Briuf  Hist.  '13. 

t  Niirriilive,  iit  .supra. 

6  Many  write  Denni.ion,  ImU  his  owti  aiMalurc,  in  iny  possession,  is  as  in  llie  text. 

i  lu  MS.  dated  Providence,  6:8:  Uidi. 


E9 


Chap.  V.] 


STONE- WALL-JOHN.— OLIVKRS  JOURN.VL. 


261 


sachems  cf  England,  tliat  tlicy  might  not  be  forced  from  their  religion  ;  and, 
lor  not  changing  thoir  religion,  Ije  invaded  by  war.  For  they  said  they  wore 
daily  visited  with  threatenings  by  hidians,  that  came  from  abont  the  Massa- 
chusetts ;  that  if  they  would  not  ;>ray,  they  should  be  destroyed  by  war." 
And  again,  in  the  same  letter:  "Are  not  all  the  English  of  this  land,  (gener- 
ally,) a  persecuted  people  liom  their  native  soil?  and  hath  not  the  (iod  of 
peace  and  Father  of  mercies  made  the  natives  more  iriendly  in  this  than  oiu* 
native  countrymen  in  our  own  land  to  ns  ?  have  they  not  entered  leagues  of 
love,  and  to  this  day  continued  peaceable  conmierce  with  us .''  are  not  our 
ffunilies  grown  up  in  [)eace  amongst  them  ?  Upon  which  I  humbly  ask  how 
it  can  suit  with  Christian  ingenuity,  to  take  hold  of  some  seeming  occasions 
lor  their  destruction." 

We  are  able  to  fix  the  ])laceof  his  residence  in  the  vicinity  of  Point  Jxdilh. 
[n  the  year  1()(J1,  Polok,  with  sevcnd  other  chiefs,  complained  to  tlie  court 
of  Massachusetts,  that  *^  Samuel  fVildhow,  ami  otiiers  of  l.is  companie,"  claimed 
jurisdiction  at  Point  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands  adjacent.  They  came 
on  and  possessed  themselves  forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle  and  other  effects 
witii  them.*  What  order  the  court  tdok  ni)on  it  does  not  ajjpear.  About 
the  close  of  Philij.^s  war,  Poioh  came  voluntarily  to  Rhode  Island,  no  doubt 
with  the  view  of  making  friends  again  with  his  enemies;  but  was  sent  to 
Boston,  where,  after  answering  all  their  incpiiries,  he  was  put  to  dt.'ath  with- 
out ceremony. 

It  IS  related  by  an  author  in  the  Oi.n  I.ndian  Chronicle,  that  Potok  was 
captured  by  the  Ibrces  under  Majnr  Takot,  in  June,  1(J7(),  at  or  near  the 
same  time  Stone- La;/cr-Johv  was.  In  closing  his  account  of  the  cajjlure  of 
John,  he  add.s,  "  Likewise  i^oiiicA'e,  tlu;  great  Indian  coun.sellor,  a  man  con- 
sidering his  education  of  wonderfid  subtletv,  was  brought  j)risoner  into 
Rhode  Island." 

In  the  account  carried  to  London  by  Captain  More,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  is  thi>:  notice  of  Po/o/i : — "'i'here  is  one  /^<i<c/i,  a  mischievous  P^n- 
gine,  and  aConnsellour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  Goal  at  Rhode  Island,  is 
now  sent  to  Boston,  and  there  shot  to  deiitii."! 

In  the  detiul  of  the  great  IVaiTaganset  expedition  ol"  1G75,  we  have  omitted 
^to  notice  a  by-no-mean.s-unim])ortani  Indian  captain. 

Stone-U'ull-Jolin,  Stone-lm/cr-John,  and  sometimes  simply  Stnne-wnll,  were 
names  by  which  his  English  friends  knew  him,  and  we  have  not  discovered 
what  was  his  Indian  lUiiiie.  One  writer  ol'  his  time  observes  that  he  was 
called  the  Stone-tnycr,  "tor  that,  being  an  active,  ingenious  fellow,  he  had 
learned  the  mason's  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the  Lidians  in  building 
their  ibrts,  &c."  Hence  we  may  hazaril  but  little  in  the  conjecture  that  he 
was  the  chief  engineer  in  the  erection  ol"  the  great  Nurragaiiset  Ibrt.  wlii(;li 
has  been  described  in  the  lifeof /-*/iiV?/?.  Although  but  litth;  is  known  of  him, 
he  was  doubtless  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Narraganset  caittains. 

The  first  notice  of  Stone-la i/cr- John,  which  we  now  remember,  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  of  Captain  0!!ver,l  which  he  wrote  while  on  h.',.-  march 
with  the  English  army  to  attack  the  fort,  which  we  have  just  mentioned.  He 
says,  "Dec.  l.">  ca[me  hi]  John  a  rogui!,  with  a  jircience  of  peacv\  ainl  was 
dismissed  with  [this]  errand:  That  we  might  speak  with  sachems.  That 
eveifmg,  he  not  being  gone  a  (juarter  of  an  hour,  his  company,  that  lay  Md 
behind  a  hill  of  our  (piarlers,  killed  two  Sidem  men,  and  wounded  ii  1  "'1 
within  a  mile  of  us,  that  he  is  dead.  Av\  at  a  lions(!  three;  miles  off,  where 
I  had  ten  men,  they  killed  two  of  them.  Instantly  Capt.  jMo.iel;/,  myself 
iukI  Capt.  Gardner  were  sent  to  letch  in  Major  .'Ippkton^s  company,  that 
kept  three  nfiles  and  a  half  of^',  and  coming,  they  lay  behind  n  stone  wall, 
uiid  fired  on  us  in  sight  of  tiie  garrison,  we  kilhsd  the  captain  that  killed  one 
of  the  Salem  men,  and  had  his  ca])."  Mr.  Iluhliard  says,  "A  ihw  desperate 
Indians,  creeping  undcjr  a  stone-wall,  fired  twenty  or  thirty  guns  at  .Moseljj  in 
particular,  a  commander  well  known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  coni- 


*  M.S.  Slate  Papers. 

i  Old  Indian  Chroiiirlc,  lU. 

X  111  manuscript.    See  uii  account  of  it  in  a  nolo  to  tiic  life  of  Pliitip, 


%Ml(\. 


262 


STONE  WALL-jOJI"; .-.pp.07;  DENCE,  die.  BURNT.         [Uook  HI 


pnny  iiinirmg  down  upon  th  m,  kMi-'d  oni  of  them  and  scatterul  the  rest." 
Thus  did  tlie  scouts  I'viiii  ihe  ini  .ji  hnt^y  of  t!i'!  Indians,  under  such  captains 
a.s  the  Slone-lnijer,  aiUH)y  tiie  Enghsh  in  their  inarch  into  their  country.  Iin- 
incdiately  after  tlicse  skirniishes,  "tiiey  hurnt  Jerry  BiUrs*  house,  and  killed 
seventeen  [persons.]!  Dec.  1(5,  came  that  news.  Dec.  17,  came  news  tiiat 
Connecticut  forces  wore  at  Petaquaniscut ;  kiiletJ  four  Indians  and  took  si.x 
prisoners.  Tliat  (hiy  we  sold  Capt.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old,  ibr 
£dO  in  money."  t 

How  much  John  had  to  do  in  the  devastations  which  h^d  been  perpetrated 
the  previous  season,  is  unknown,  hut  ^ve  are  told  that  lie  had  no  small 
agency  in  "the  sr.cking  of  Proviilence,  "§  and  Rehoboth  al.so,  without  doubt. 
In  the  fori'iijr  about  30  hoiisis |{  were  burned,  and  in  the  latter  place  " near 
upon  40"  houses  and  30  barns. 

Shme-ivnll-John  was  doubtless  one  who  conversed  with  the  Reverend  Mr. 
JfilliaDis  at  the  time  Providence  was  burned.  The  sub.stance  oi'that  conver- 
sation is  related  by  our  anonymous  author,  already  cited,  in  these  words : — 
"IJut  indeed  the  reason  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Seaconick  and 
Providence  generally  escaped  with  their  lives,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any 
com])assionor  go.d  nature  of  the  Indians,  (whose  very  meniies  are  inhumane 
cruelties,)  but,  [the  author  soon  contradicts  himself,  as  will  lie  seen,]  next  to 
God's  providence  to  tiiijir  own  prudence  in  avoiding  their  fury,  when  they 
found  themselves  too  weak,  and  unable  to  resist  it,  by  a  timely  flight  into 
Rhode  Island,  which  now  bcc'Mie  the  common  Zoar,  or  place  of  refuge  for 
the  distressed  ;  yet  some  remained  till  their  coming  to  destroy  the  said  towns ; 
as  in  particular  Mr.  Williams  at  Providence,  who,  knowing  several  of  the 
chief  Indians  that  came  to  fire  tl»'it  town,  discoursed  with  them  a  consider- 
able time,  who  pretended,  their  iii  oatest  quarrel  was  against  Plimouth  ;  and 
as  lor  what  they  atlem|)ted  again  a  the  other  colonies,  they  w'ere  constrained 
to  it,  by  the  spoil  that  was  done  t.iein  at  Narraganset.1l  They  told  him,  that 
when  Cajit.  Pierce  engagftii  them  near  Mr.  Blackslone,^,  they  were  hound 
for  Plimouth.  They  gloried  much  in  their  success,  pro.'?iishig  themselves  the 
conquest  of  the  whole  country,  and  rooting  out  of  all  tht  Eii,','lish.  Mr.  Wil- 
liams reproved  tlaiir  confidence,  minded  them  of  their  c.-iiellics,  and  told 
them,  that  the  Bay,  viz.  Bosi:';',i,  could  yet  spare  10,000  men ;  and,  if  they 
slioidd  destroy  all  tliem,  yet  it  was  not  to  l)e  doubted,  but  our  king  would 
send  as  many  every  year  from  Olil  Ehigland,  rather  than  they  should  share 
the  country.**  They  answered  proudly,  that  they  should  be  ready  for  them, 
nrto  that  eflTect,  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a  good  man,  and  had  been 
'vi'l  to  them  formerly,  and  therefore  they  would  not  hurt  him." 

i  liis  agrees  well  with  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  the  carriage  of  John  at  the 
ii  i><:  he  went  to  the  English  army  to  talk  about  peace,  already  mentioned. 
His  words  are,  "yet  could  the  messenger,  [Jb/m,]  hardly  forbear  threatening, 
vaporing  of  their  numbers  and  strength,  adding,  withal,  that  the  English 
durst  not  fight  them." 

We  have  now  to  close  the  career  of  this  Indian  captain,  for  which  it  re- 
quires but  a  word,  as  he  was  killed  on  the  2  July,  1(370,  at  the  same  time  the 
old  squaw-gachern  Qjnaiapen  and  most  of  her  people  were  fallen  upon  by 
Major  Talcot,  as  we  iiave  related  in  a  ibrmer  chapter. 

Many  Lidians  bore  the  name  of  John,  hut  when  they  were  any  ways  con- 
epicuoiis,  some  distinguishing  prefi.x  or  affix  was  generally  added,  as  we 
have  seen  in  several  instances  in  the  preceding  chapters.    We  have  already 

*  Ji'iah  was  pri)bal)ly  liis  name. 

t  "en  iiiei'  and  tivo" women  and  children.  Hubbard,  50.  "About  14."  1.  Mather,^, 
"Eiphlecn,  men,  women  and  ••lilldren."  Clirimicle,  46. 

{  Ciipiain  Oliver's  MS.  leltcr. 

6  OluIndianChuoniclKjOB. 

y  Tliu  building  conlaining  llie  rorords  of  R.  I.  was  con.sumcd  at  this  'ime,  and  part  of  il.i 
contents.  Some  of  tliem  were  saved  by  l)eing  llyown  out  of  a  window  into  some  water. 
Tiicy  l)ear  to  tliLs  timo  the  marks  of  their  immersion.— Oral  information  of  W,  R.  Staplrs, 
Esq.  of  Providence. 

\  And  who  could  p  ik  for  a  better  reason  7 

••  Tliir'  was  rather  gasconading  for  so  reverend  a  mBn  !  Had  he  li»'e''  sincf  .'uo  revoluo 
lionary  war,  he  would  hardly  liavc  meant  so,  whatever  he  migi.'.  have  Mid. 


I 


'^m'^'mi 


'''^^^tii 


•i«.*v. 


'•  ■>  i  ,''a 


Chip,  v.] 


fllATOONAS.— EXF.CUI'ED   \V   VCSTf^N. 


2f53 


{liven  the  lift  of  one  Sagnn. ore- John,  but  unoilicr  of  tint  t..  vap,  r.tW  uiore 
conspicuous,  (for  his  treachery  to  iiis  own  nation, )  Ji'j-t  pi- soiuh  iinself. 
This  Samimore-John  was  a  Nipmuk  saclieni,  and  n  .rairor  t  >  Jiin  countrj' 
On  the  27th  of  July,  1G76,  doubtless  from  a  convvjtii>"  cl"  li.o  iiojjclos.siies-a 

"         :  JD  »I  J  Ui  ;roy  of  the 

/  Vkith  i  ini  about  IdO 

n  thcii  elemejicy,  he 

M.  Kiiglish  to  be  frrcat- 

Oj)  death's  being  ini- 


of  his  cause,  he  came  to  Boston,  and  tiircw  lii^n? 

English.      They  paidoned  him,  as   he  enticed  ai- 

others.     And,  that  he  might  have  a  stronger  claiui 

seized  Matoonas,  and  his  son,  against  whom  he  knew 

iy  enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  at  the  same  time. 

mediately  assigned  as  the  lot  of  Matoonus,  Sagamcre-John  requested  that  he 

might  execute  him  with  his  own  hands.    To  render  still  more  horriil  this 

story  of  blood,  his  request  was  granted;  and  he  took  Matoonus  into  the  coiri- 

nion,  bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  "shot  him  to  death."    To  tiio  above  Dr. 

Mather  adds,*  "Thus  did  the  Lord  retaliate  upon  him  the  innocent  blood 

which  he  had  shed;  as  he  had  done,  so  God  requited  him." 

Although  much  had  been  alleged  against  John,  before  he  came  in,  atlcr- 
wards  the  most  favorable  construction  was  put  ujion  his  conduct.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard says,  he  "affirmed  that  he  had  never  intended  any  mischief  to  the  Eng- 
lish at  Brookfield.  the  last  year,  (near  which  village  it  seems  his  jdace  was,) 
but  that  Philip,  coming  over  night  amongst  them,  he  was  forced,  for  tear  ot 
his  own  lite,  to  join  with  tiicm  against  the  English."! 

MATOONAS  was  also  a  Nipmuk  cliiefl  A  son  of  his  was  said  to  liave 
murdered  an  Englishman  in  l(i71,  when  "  traveling  along  the  road,"  which 
Mr.  Hubbard  says  was  "  out  of  mere  malice  and  s|)ite,"  because  he  was  "  vexed 
in  his  mind  that  the  design  against  the  English,  intended  to  begin  in  that 
year,  did  not  take  place."  This  son  of  Matoonus  was  hanged,  and  atterwards 
beheaded,  and  his  head  set  upon  a  jiole,  where  it  was  to  he  seen  six  years 
after.  The  name  of  the  murdered  Englishman  was  Zachary  Smith,  a  young 
man,  who,  as  he  was  passing  through  Dedham,  in  the  month  of  April,  put 
up  at  the  house  of  Rlr.  Caleb  Church.  About  half  an  hour  alter  he  wad 
gone,  the  next  morning,  three  Indians  passed  the  same  way;  who,  as  they 
passed  by  ChurcKs  house,  behaved  in  a  very  insolent  manner.  They  had 
been  employed  as  laborers  in  Dorchester,  and  said  ti'ey  belonged  to  Philip; 
they  left  their  masters  under  a  suspicious  j)retencc.  Tii  ■  bodyof  the  >.nurti(!red 
man  was  soon  after  found  near  the  saw-mill  in  Dedham,  and  these  Indiums 
were  apprehended,  and  one  put  to  death,  as  is  stated  above.  % 

Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  father,  "  ■  n  old  mu' "lOus  villain,"  bore  "an 
old  grudge  against  them,"  on  the  accoun*  thvj  ex'  '^ution  of  hit'  son.  And 
the  lirst  mischief  that  was  done  in  Massac-I'  .  1:8  col. 'iiy  was  charged  to  him; 
which  was  the  killing  of  four  or  five  pcf  .s  at  .'imdon,  a  town  ujion  I'uw- 
tucket  River;  and,  says  /.  Mather,  "hai"  .-  amended  our  ways  us  wc  should 
have  done,  this  misery  would  iiave  been  I'reventel,"  § 

AVhen  Maioonas  was  brought  before  s  .';  ccunci)  of  M;,  sachiisctts,  he 
"confessed  that  he  had  lightly  deserved  death,  a  d  could  expect  no  other." 
"  He  had  often  seemed  to  favor  the  pniyirg  Iji'';"M;;,  and  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, but,  like  Sim  a  Magus,  by  his  after  ;  v.ctice,  'liscovered  quickly  that  he 
had  no  part  nor  portion  in  that  matter."  || 

The  following  is  the  statement  of  this  affair  in  the  Oi.n  Indian  Cnr  nici.e. 
John  "declared  himself  sorry  that  he  had  fo-t^ht  against  the  Eni:  and 
promised  to  give  some  testimonial  to  them  soon  of  his  fidelity;  ar  '  m  his 
return  now  with  his  men,  women  and  children,  he  brought  down,  boi...u  wiui 
cords,  old  Mattoonu^  and  his  son  prisoners,  'fh'*-  .M  .i.'v  mis'  eldest  son  had  been 
tried  at  Boston,  and  executed,  5  or  6  years  ago  'or  1 1\  <  Kecrable  murder  by  hin^ 
committed  on  a  young  maid  1[  of  the  Englisli    o:i>  V>  jburn,  and  his  head  was 


*  Hriof  History  of  the  War,  4,1. 

(  N.irralivo,  101.  4lo  edition.  Iftliis  be  true,  Philip  had  (l;o  chief  direction  in  the  i.mbiislilns; 
gf  flii/rhinsnn  and  MHieeler  at  Wicka'.)aug',  as  related  in  the  life  of  Philip ,  but  in  our  opinion 
iiol  niiK  h  credit  should  bo  given  to  any  tlii-iif  coming  from  a  traitor. 

X  Maniiscrint  anionsr  the  files  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  state  of  Mussnchiinclti. 

«  Urief  Hist.  5.  11  «i/Mr  ■■• .  IDl. 

ff  This  anlhor  is  evidently  in  error  about  the  Woburn  murder.  Dr.  /.  Mall'T  -i*  Ucla 
lion,  75,  "Some  few  private  murthers  there  have  been,  as  namely  lliose  at  [Maiili.'Cl;.  (,  and 
Uiat  by  Matoonas  his  son,  and  that  at  Woburn."     No  other  particulars  are  given  by  Mathtr 


m 


'k  ■■> 


m 


264 


NETUS.—MONOCO— MURDERS  AT  SUDRURY. 


[Rook  mi 


fiistcnetl  to  a  pole  nt  one  end  of  the  {.'allows.  This  old  Mattoomui'  fiitlu  r  l,;:d 
given  it  (Hit  tliat  lie  would  he  avenged  of  us  Ibr  his  bou's  death,  which  eomiiij:-  ;o 
the  knowledge  ol"  the  council,  he  was  sent  ibr  and  examined  ahout  it ;  and  liaviii;,' 
denied  it,  and  tliere  not  heiiig  suflicieiit  evidence  of  it,  lie  was  diMiiissed, 
having  only  confessed  this,  that  considering  the  death  of  his  son,  he  found  his 
heart  so  biir  hot  tcithin  him,  but  that  he  resolved  to  abide  a  faithful  friend  to  (he 
Enirlish,  and  so  that  accusation  ended.  But  after  sachem  Fhilijj  had  begun 
liis  niiirders  in  Plimouth  colony,  this  savage  first  appeared  an  enemy  to  us, 
Mid  slew  the  two  first  men  that  were  killed  within  the  limits  of  our  colony 
(to  wit,  at  Mendham)  and  in  that  cruel  and  outrageous  attempt  at  Quahaog 
this  old  Mattoonvs  was  the  princijial  ringleader.  Ueing  now  brought  a 
prisoner  to  Boston,  he  was  by  the  council  the  same  day,  [28  July,]  adjudged, 
to  be  shot  to  death,  which  was  executed  in  Boston  common,  by  three  Indians. 
His  head  was  cut  off  and  placed  upon  a  pole  on  the  gallows,  opposite  to  his 
son's  that  was  there  formerly  hanged.  His  son,  brought  along  with  him, 
remains  still  a  prisoner." 

While  JMatoonas  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  his  residence  was  at 
Pakaclioog.  Here  he  was  made  constable  of  the  town.*  On  joining  in  the 
war,  he  led  parties  which  committed  several  dejiredations.  lie  joined  the 
main  body  of  the  Nipmuks  in  the  winter  of  1()75,  when  James  ({itanavohit 
was  among  them  as  a  spy,  who  saw  him  arrive  there  with  a  train  of  Ihllow- 
crs,  and  take  the  lead  in  the  war  dances,  f  Doubtless  (luanapohifs  evidence 
drew  Ibrth  the  conlessions  which  he  made,  and  added  to  the  severity  exer- 
cised at  his  execution.  X 

A  Nipmuk  captain  we  will  in  the  next  jilace  notice,  who  makes  a  sudden 
inroad  upon  the  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  who  as  suddenly  dis- 
appears. 

NETUS,  on  the  1  February,  1670,  with  about  10  followere,  attacked  the 
house  of  one  Thomas  Eanies,  4  or  5  miles  bejond  Sudbury,  and  took  his  and  his 
son's  families  prisoners.  They  then  destroyed  every  thing  upon  his  iiirni, 
burnt  up  his  house  and  his  barns  Avith  the  cattle  and  corn  in  them,  aiul 
withdrew  beyond  the  reach  of  the  English,  as  Totosonhad  done  at  Eel  Jtiver. 
\'  .(Ui  this  onset  was  made,  Eames  himself  was  absent  at  Boston  to  piocuro 
ammunition.  In  all,  seven  §  persons  were  killed  or  lell  into  the  hands  of  this 
party  of  Indians.  About  three  months  allerwards,  one  of  the  children  tjikr ii 
at  this  time  escaped,  and  alter  wandering  30  miles  alone  through  the  \\  iider- 
ness,  under  extreme  sufferings,  arrived  among  the  English  settlements.  t)n 
the  27  March  following,  ^Vetus  was  killed  near  Marlborough,  by  a  party  of 
f^nglish  under  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  with  n.bcjt  40  oihers.|| 

VVe  have  yet  to  notice  a  distinguished  Nipmuk  sachem,  called 

3IOjSOCO  by  his  countrymen,  but,  by  the  English,  generally,  One-eyed- 
John;  as  though  deficient  in  the  organs  of  vision,  which  jirobably  was  the 
case,  lie  was,  '^ays  an  early  writer,  "  a  notable  iellow,"  who,  ■when  Philiii's 
war  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  consecniently  was  acquainted  with 
every  jmrt  of  the  town,  which  knowledge  he  improved  to  his  advantage,  on 
two  occasions,  in  that  war.     On  Sunday,  22  August,  1675,  a  man,  his  wile 


bill  Huhhard,  in  llic  prrfnop  to  his  iNarralive,  edition  of  1677,  snys,  "  a  murlher  was  comniilled 
at  Farmiiisjioii,  anoilicr  at  Wobiirn,  hy  some  Indians  in  their  drunken  humors  upon  a  maid 
servant  or  two,  wlio  denied  them  ihink.' 

*   tihalluck's  Hist.  Coneor.l,  31.  1   1  <'ri)l-  Mass.  Ifist.  Soc.  vi.St.t). 

t  The  Nipmuks  were  at  this  time  chiefly  under  iivo  sachems,  which,  Mr. //wW/k;*/  says, 
were  "  four  too  many  to  govern  so  small  a  people."  The  same  author  suys,  "  Tlie  Nipnets 
were  under  the  command  of  tiic  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,"  which  fad  is  verified  l)v  numerous 
passages  of  our  iiistory.  Tlic  names  of  the  five  principal  sadienis  were  MoNoco,  Mautamp, 
tjuosTiANiM,  Matoonas,  and  Sagamouk  John. 

I  According  to  the  Cntlon  MSS.  seven  were  killed  and  two  children  only  taken.  This  agrees 
with  our  Chuonici.k,  77,  where  it  is  said  "  they  killed  seven  people  in  a  barbarous  manner, 
and  carried  some  away  captive."  Unhburd,  8't  and  Table,  says  liames'  wife  was  killed,  and 
his  son's  wife  died  the  next  dav,  but  says  nothing  of  the  numl)er  killed  or  taken. 

II  Compare  Hvbhard,  79  and  fit.— This  was  the  alVair  which  he  says  was  done  "  when  it 
wa  i  so  dark  that  an  Indian  could  hardly  be  discerned  from  a  better  man."  Sec  Rook  III. 
Chap.  II.  On  !21  Sept.  following,  three  Indians  were  hanged  as  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
Eantes's  family. 


ClIAP.    V.J 


MONOCO— PRAYING  INDIANS  I'KRSFX'UTED. 


205 


and  two  chililicn  <\eic  killed  at  tliat  place.*  At  this  time  the  Ilassanurnesit 
prayiii:;'  indiaiis  were  placed  at  .Marlhoroiigli  by  uiiiliority.  No  siooiier  was 
it  known  tliiit  a  murder  was  commilted  at  Lancaster,  than  not  a  few  were 
wantin;;  to  charge  it  upon  the  llassanamesits.  Captain  Moselij,v,'\u>  it  seems 
was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their  qiiart(!rs,  and  found  "  mucii  suspicion 
against  eleven  of  them,  for  singing  and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  anil  slugs, 
and  much  powder  hid  in  their  baskets."  For  this  offence,  these  eleven  were 
sent  to  IJoston  30  August,  on  sus|)icion,  and  there  tried.  "  JJut  njion  trial,  the 
8. lid  prisoners  were  all  of  them  ac(|uitted  from  the  fact,  and  wen;  either  released, 
or  else  were,  with  others  of  that  fort,  sent  for  better  security,  and  \hr  jjre venting 
tiitui-e  trouble  in  the  like  kind,  to  some  of  tin;  islands  below  JJoston,  towarils 
Nantasket."  Fifteen  was  the  lunnbcr  brought  down  to  Boston,  but  eleven 
only  were  su8|)ected  of  the  alleged  oftonce.  The  others,  among  whom  were 
wibram  Speen  and  John  Choo,  were  taken  along  and  imprisoned,  for  no  oilier 
reason  but  their  being  acciilentally,  at  that  time,  at  Marlborough,  or  the  crime 
of  being  Indians.  It  appears  some  time  had  elapsed  after  the  nnu'tler  was 
comnfitted,  before  they  wore  sent  down  lor  trial,  or  more  probably  they  were 
siilfered  to  return  home  before  being  sent  to  IJeer  Island.  For  Ephraim 
Tunier  and  }Villiam  Kent  were  not  sent  up  to  find  out  where  "  they  all  were," 
and  what  answers  they  could  get  from  those  they  slioidd  meet,  until  the 
I)eginning  of  October;  at  wliicii  time  these  eleven  Indians  were  scattered  in 
various  directions,  about  their  daily  callings.  And  all  the  information  Turner 
and  Kent  lianded  into  court  was,  that  they  were  thus  dispersed.  IViiban  and 
3Ir.  John  Wdtxon,  who  had  been  ajipointed  to  reside  among  those  Indians, 
were  the  only  persons  (piestioned.  What  steps  the  court  took  upon  this 
int()rniation,  we  are  not  informed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to  Doer 
Island. 

The  names  of  these  Indians,  concerning  whom  more  particular  inquiry 
may  hereafter  be  made  by  the  benevolent  antiipiary,  it  is  thought  should 
be  given ;  especially  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  preserved.  They 
were, 

Old-jelhro  and  two  sons,  Jamcs-thc-pririter,  James  Jlcowpanrt,  Daniel  Munups, 
John  (.\juiis(]U(iconet,  John  ^'h(jaenet,  George  JVonsequesewit,  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
<iua,  and  Joseph  IValapacoson,  alias  Joseph  Spoonant. 

Alter  a  trial  of  great  vexation  to  these  innocent  Indians,  David,  tlie  main 
witn(;ss  against  them,  acknowledged  he  had  perfidiously  accused  them;  and 
at  tli(!  same  time,  a  |)risoner  was  brought  in,  who  testified  that  he  knew  One- 
et/ed-jolni  had  committed  the  murder  at  Lancaster,  and  a  short  time  alter 
another  was  taken,  who  confirmed  his  testimony. 

Thesi!  Indians  l)ioughtall  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of  their 
attachment  to  the  English.  It  *vas  in  their  service  that  they  discovered  and 
c.ip'.ured  .Indrew.  a  brother  of  David,  who,  on  being  delive'*ed  to  tlie  soldiery, 
was  shot  by  them  with  ferocious  preci[)itancy.  Therefore,  when  the  Lancaster 
min-<ler  liap[)ened,  Captain  Mosehi,  having  already  sundry  cliarges  against  David, 
htdd  an  inquisition  upon  him  to  make  him  coin'ess  relative  to  the  Lancaster 
affair.  'I'hc  method  taken  to  make  him  confess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire 
of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this:  they  bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  levelled  guns  at 
his  briiast.  In  this  situation,  to  avert  innnediate  death,  as  well  as  to  be  re- 
venged lor  the  death  of  his  brother,  he  i)rocfM!ded  to  accuse  the  eleven  Indians 
before  named.  For  thus  fiilsely  accusing  his  countrymen,  and  shooting  at  a 
boy  wlio  was  looking  .  M'r  8hee[)  at  Marlborough,  David  was  condennied  to 
slavery,  and  accordingly  sold,  as  was  one  of  the  eleven  named  K'atiipncoson. 
This  last  act  being  entirely  to  calm  the  clamors  of  the  multitude ;  after  he 
had  been  once  acquiltiid,  a  new  trial  was  got  up,  and  a  new  jury  for  this 
particular  end.f 

Andrciu^s  history  is  as  follows :  He  had  been  gone  for  some  time  before  the 
war,  on  a  hunting  voyage  towards  the  hdtes;  and  on  his  return  homeward, 
he  fell  in  among  P/n7i//»  men  about  Quabaog.     This  was  about  a  month 

*  Tlifi  above  is  Mr.  Ifubhani'i  iiccouat.  Mr.  Willani,  in  his  excollt'iil  liislory  oC  l.an- 
rastor,  nivcs  us  llio  names  of  six,  anil  says  (iijjlil  wore  killod.  Unl  in  liis  cnnnieriilidii  I  couill 
nine  ;  uml  <?()oA-i«  says  sov<mi.     Our  text  is  arcording  to  Hitbhurd,  Nai'.  M. 

t   tloulcin,  Manuscript  Hist.  I'raving  Indians. 

23 


260 


MONOCO.— FIVE  CHIEFS  EXECUTED. 


[Book  III 


l)efnre  llic  ntriir  at  Lancaster,  Tlie  reason  he  staid  among  the  hostile  Indians 
is  vcrv  ol  vioiis:  lie  was  al'raid  to  venture  into  tlie  vicinity  of  tlie  wliitcs,  lost 
tiicy  slioiiM  tifat  iiiin  an  an  enemy.  But  as  liis  ill  fortune  fell  out,  lie  was 
found  in  tlio  woods,  by  his  countrymen  of  Marlborough,  who  conducted  him 
to  tiio  English,  by  whom  he  was  shot,  as  we  have  just  related.  TJio  olH- 
cer  wiio  iinsided  over  and  directed  this  afiair,  would,  no  doubt,  at  any  other 
time,  have  received  a  reward  jiroportionate  to  the  malignity  of  the  offence ; 
but  in  tliis  horrid  storm  of  war,  many  were  aufiered  to  transgress  the  laws 
with  i::,i.i'nity. 

From  ono  account  of  this  affair,*  it  would  seem  that  one  of  the  Indians 
seized  by  jyioscly  at  tins  time  was  actually  executed ;  "  for,"  says  the  writer  to 
whom  wo  refer,  "  the  commonalty  were  so  enraged  against  Mr.  Eliot,  and 
Capt.  Giiggiiis  especially,  that  Capt  Guggiiw  said  on  the  bench,  [he  being  a 
j'idge,]  tiiat  he  was  afraid  to  go  along  the  streets ;  the  answer  was  made,  you 
may  thank  yourself;  however  an  order  was  issued  out  for  the  execution  of 
that  one  (notorious  above  the  rest)  Indian,  and  accordingly  he  was  led  by  a 
rope  about  his  neck  to  the  gallows.  When  he  came  there,  the  executioners 
(tor  there  were  many)  flung  one  end  over  the  post,  and  so  hoisted  iiim  up 
like  a  dog,  three  or  four  times,  he  being  yet  half  alive,  and  half  dead ;  then 
came  an  Indian,  a  friend  of  his,  and  with  his  knife  made  a  hole  in  his  breast 
to  his  heart,  and  sucked  out  his  heart-blood.  Being  asked  his  reason  tiiere- 
for,  his  answer  [was]  Umh,  Umh  nu,  me  stronger  as  I  was  before ;  me  l)e  so 
strong  as  me  and  he  too;  he  be  ver  strong  man  fore  he  die.  Thus  with 
the  dog-like  death  (good  enough)  of  one  poor  heathen,  was  the  people  rage 
laid,  in  some  measure." 

We  liave  yet  to  add  a  word  concerning  Monaco.  When  Q^uanapohit  was 
out  as  a  sj)y,  Monaco  kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  former  acquaint- 
ance not  knowing  his  character.  They  had  served  together  in  their  wars 
against  the  Mohawks.  On  10  Feb.  1676,  about  600  Indians  fell  upon 
Lancaster,  and,  after  burning  the  town,  carried  the  inhabitants  into  captivity. 
Among  them  was  the  family  of  Keverend  Mr.  Rowlandson.  Mrs.  Row- 
landsan,  after  her  redemption,  published  an  amusing  account  of  the  aflfair. 
Monaco,  or  Qnc-ei/ed-john,  it  is  said,  was  among  the  actors  of  this  tragedy. 
On  13  March  ibllowing,  Groton  was  surprised.  In  this  afl^air,  too,  John 
Monaco  was  principal ;  and  on  his  own  word  we  set  him  down  as  the  destroy- 
er of  ftledfield.  After  he  had  burned  Groton,  except  one  garrison  house,  he 
called  to  the  captain  in  it,  and  told  him  he  would  burn  in  succession  Chelms- 
ford, Concord,  Watertowu,  Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Roxbury  and  Boston. 
He  boasted  much  of  the  men  at  his  command ;  said  he  had  480  warriors ; 
and  added — "  tVhat  vie  will  me  do."  The  report  of  this  very  much  enraged 
the  English,  and  occasioned  his  being  entitled  a  "  bragadocio  "  by  the  histo- 
rian. At  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  with  others,  he  gave  himself  up  to  Major 
Waldron  at  Cochecho;  or,  having  come  in  there,  at  the  request  of  Peter- 
jethro,  to  make  peace,  was  seized  and  sent  to  Boston,  where,  iii  the  language 
of  Mr.  Hubbard,  he,  "  with  a  few  more  bragadocios  like  himself,  Sagamore- 
sam,  Old-jeihro,  and  the  sachem  of  Quabaog,  [Mautamp,^]  were  taken  by  the 
English,  and  was  seen,  (not  long  before  the  writing  of  this,)  marching  towards 
the  gallows,  (through  Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  burn  at  his 
pleasure,)  with  a  halter  about  his  neck,  with  which  he  was  hanged  at  the 
town's  end,  Sept.  26,  in  this  present  year,  1676."  t 

On  the  24  .luly,  1675,  five  of  the  principal  Nipmuk  sachems  signed  an 
agreement  to  mvot  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to  treat  of  peace  soon  after, 
but  not  appearing  according  to  agreement  Captain  Hutchinson  was  sent  out 

*  In  the  Indian  Chronicle,  Sfi,  27. 

t  Compare  Hiihbard,  33  Riuj  75. — The  same,  probably,  called  Mattawnmppe,  who,  in 
1663,  wiln'jssed  the  sale  o?  Brooklield,  Mass.,  deeded  at  llial  time  by  a  chief  named  Sliat- 
toockqiiis.  MaiUam})  claimed  an  interest  in  said  lands,  and  received  part  of  the  pay. — Kev. 
Mr.  Foot's  Hist.  lirookjield. 

J  This,  so  Car  as  it  goes,  agrees  with  an  entry  in  Sewatl's  MS.  Diary,  cited  in  Sliatliick'.i 
Concord,  (iii — "  Smramore  Sam  S"CS7  (hif-ey  d  John,  Afaliompe  [Mantamp]  Siiyanuire  of 
Quabaog.  Oeneral  at  Lancaster,  &,c.  Jelhro  (the  father)  walked  to  the  gallows.  ()iii>i>i/d 
John  aci'uses  Sagamore  John  tu  have  lired  the  first  gun  at  Quabaog  and  killed  Capt  Hutch. 
iiison." 


Chap.  V.] 


SHOSHANIM.— OLD  JETIIRO. 


867 


to  ascertain  the  cause,  and  was  ambushed  by  tliem,  as  we  have  in  the  h)i;  of 
Philip  related.  At  this  time,  "  Sam,  saciiem  of  Wesliacum,"  and  Nktaumh, 
are  particularly  mentioned  as  having  been  lianged  at  Bonton. 

It  was  reported,  (no  doubt  by  the  Indians,  to  vex  their  enemies,)  that  Mrs. 
Rowlnndaon  had  married  Monaco.  "  But,"  the  author  of  the  Present  State, 
&e.  says,  "  it  was  soon  contradicted,"  and,  "  that  she  ajipeared  and  behaved 
herself  ainouf^st  them  with  so  much  courage  and  majestic  gravity,  tliat  none 
durst  ofFt  r  any  violence  to  her,  but  on  the  contrary,  (in  their  rude  maimer) 
seemed  to  show  her  great  respect." 

In  the  above  cpiotation  from  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  have  shown  at  what  time 
several  of  tiie  Nipmuck  chiefs  were  put  to  death  b'side  Morwco. 

OLD-JETHRO  was  little  less  noted,  though  of  quite  a  different  character. 
His  Indian  name  was  Tamtanwus,  He  was  |)resent  at  the  sale  of  Concord 
(Mass.)  to  the  English,  about  which  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  In  1(574,  he  was 
appointed  a  misssionary  to  the  Nipmuks  living  at  Weshakim,  since  Sterling, 
but  his  stay  there  Mas  short.*  He  and  his  family  (of  about  12  persons) 
were  among  thos'!  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  wai 
the  next  yeiir.  Their  residence  then  was  at  Nobscut  Hill,  near  Sudbury 
His  spirit  could  not  brook  the  indignity  offered  by  those  English  who  were 
sent  to  conduct  the  praying  Indians  to  Boston,  and  in  tlie  night  he  escaped, 
witli  all  liis  family,  into  his  native  wilds.  His  son  Pettr  had  been  so  long 
under  tlie  instruction  of  tlie  Englisli,  that  he  had  become  almost  one  of 
them.  He  deserted  his  father's  cause,  and  was  the  means  of  Ids  being  exe- 
cuted with  the  other  Nipmuk  sachems  already  mentioned.  This  occasioned 
/)r.  /.  Mather  to  say  of  him,  "  That  abominable  Indian,  Peter-jethro,  betrayed 
his  oum  father,  and  other  Indians  of  his  special  acquaintance,  unto  death." 
It  seema  he  had  been  employed  by  the  English  for  this  purpose. 

About  a  month  befor«  the  fall  of  Philip,  the  Nipmucka  became  fully 
aware  of  their  wretched  condition,  who,  on  the  6  July,  1676,  sent  an  Indian 
messenger  to  the  English  with  a  white  flag.  He  came,  says  our  Chronicle, 
"  from  Sagamore  Sam  of  Nassoway  (a  proud  Salvage,  wlio  two  months  since 
insulted  over  the  English,  and  said,  if  the  English  would  first  begge  Peace 
of  him,  he  would  let  them  have  Peace,  but  that  he  would  never  ask  it  of 
them ;)  This  Indian  was  sent  from  him  with  Letters,  desiring  Peace  of  us, 
and  expressely  praying  us  in  the  name  of  Jestts  Christ,  and  for  his  sake  to 
BTaut  it  whose  holy  name  they  have  so  much  blasphemed.  Thus  doth  the 
Lord  Jesus  make  them  to  bow  before  him,  and  to  lick  the  dust  And  having 
made  mention  of  his  letter  it  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  transcribe  some 
copies  of  the  Letters  sent  by  him,  and  others  on  tins  subject,  which  take  as 
foUoweth.  Tlie  reader  must  bear  with  their  barbarisms,  and  excuse  the 
omission  ot  some  expressions  in  them,  that  can  hardly  admit  of  good 
English." 


-i 


«  I'he  first  Letter,  My  the  &h,  1676.t 

"  Mr.  John  Leverett,  my  Lord,  Mr.  JVaban,  and  all  the  chief  men  our  Breth- 
ren, Praying  to  God  :  [This  Mr.  Waban  is  a  Prayins  Indian,  faithful,  and  a 
Ruler  anwmst  them ;  by  their  Brethren  praying  to  God,  they  mean  those  of  the  samt 
A/'ation.]  We  beseech  you  all  to  help  us ;  my  wife  she  is  but  one,  but  there 
be  more  Prisoners,  which  we  pray  you  keep  well :  Mattamuck  his  wife,  we 
entrt'ai  you  for  her,  and  not  onely  that  man,  but  it  is  the  Request  of  two  Sa- 
chems, Saia  Sachem  of  IVeshakum,  and  the  PaJcashoag  Sachem. 

"  And  that  further  you  will  consider  about  the  making  Peace :  We  have 
spoken  to  the  People  of  Nashobah  (viz.  Tom  Dubler  and  Peter,)  that  we  would 
agree  with  you,  and  make  a  Covenant  of  Peace  with  you.  We  have  been 
destroyed  by  your  Souldiers,  but  still  we  Remember  it  now,  to  sit  still ;  do 

'  Mr.  ShattHck's  Hist.  Concord,  30. 

t  'I'lie  tenor  of  the  I'ollowiii^  letters,  is  very  ditrerent  from  those  in  April  previoyf),  which  1 
liiiil  disi  overed  in  MS.  and  printed  in  the  former  editions  of  the  Book  of  the  Indians.  TheM 
v\cre  llien  unl<nown  to  ine 


I 


im 


SIIOSIIANIM— INDIAN  LETTERS. 


[itooK  in. 


yon  consider  it  ogain;  we  do  earnestly  entreat  yrjii,  that  it  may  bo  so  hj 
Jeawi  Chrisl,  O!  let  it  be  so !  ^men,  ^intju* 
It  wus  signed 

Mattamuck,  his  Mark  X. 

Sam  Sachem,  his  M<tik  7'. 

Simon  Pottoquam,  i<crilte.\ 

Ul'PANIPrAQUEM,  his  —  V. 

Pakaskokag  his  Mark  '/'." 

"Superscribed"  "  To  all  Englishmen  a/u/  ^  "dians,  aZZ  of  you  hear  Ulr.  Wabaii, 
Mr.  Eliott." 

"  Second  Ltlla'. 

"My  Lord,  Mr.  Leveret  at  Boston,  Mr.  JFaban,  P.ir.  Eliott,  Mr.  Goolin,  niid 
Council,  hear  yea.  I  went  to  Connecticot  about  the  Captives,  tliat  I  nii^Jiiit 
bring  them  into  your  hands,  and  when  we  were  almost  there,  the  Eii<i;lish  hud 
destroyed  those  Indians :  when  I  heard  it,  I  returned  back  again ;  then  when 
I  came  home,  we  were  also  destroyed ;  after  we  were  destroy'd,  then  Philip 
und  (^nanipun  went  away  into  tin  ir  own  Coimtrey  againe;  and  I  knew  they 
were  niueh  afraid,  because  of  our  offer  to  joyn  witli  tlie  English,  and  there- 
fore they  went  bark  into  their  own  Countrcy,  and  I  know  they  will  make  no 
Warre ;  therefore  because  wiien  some  English  men  came  to  us,  Philip  and 
Quanapun  sent  to  kill  tiicni ;  but  I  saiil,  if  any  kill  them,  I'll  kill  them.J 

Sam  Sachem. 

Written  by  Simon  Boshokum  Scribe."  § 


Third  Letter 

"  For  Mr.  Eliot,  Mr.  Gookin,  and  Mr.  Waban. 

Consider  of  this  I  entreat  you,  consider  of  this  great  businesse  that  is  done , 

and  my  wonder  concerning  Philip;  but  his  name  is IVewesawannit,'^ 

he  engageth  all  the  people  that  were  none  of  his  subjects:  Then  when  I  was 
at  Penakook^  JVumpho  Jolin,  Alline,%  Sam  JVutnpho,  and  others  who  were  angry, 
and  jYumpho  very  mucij  angry  that  Philip  did  engage  so  many  people  to  him ; 
and  JVumplio  said  it  wore  a  very  good  deed  that  I  should  go  and  kill  him  that 


*  Tliis  surpassetli  any  lliiii";,  in  suppliralion,  thai  we  have,  from  the  poor  Indians.  They 
rere  truly  .sensit)le  of  tlioir  cleploral>le  rojiilition  !  Lillle  to  subsist  upon — the  northern  and 
rt'estern  wilderness  so  full  of  their  native  tueinies,  that  a  retreat  upon  those  liunliiiff-s^rounds 
was  cut  oir — all  the  fisliinj^  places  near  and  upon  the  coast  watched  by  their  successful 
enemy — hence  nothinn;  now  remained  but  to  try  the  efl'cct  of  an  olVer  of  unconditional  sub- 
mission I — This  letter,  however,  must  not  be  re«farded  as  the  Ian juaafe  of  the  warriors,  it 
was  the  language  of  the  Christian  Indian-!,  in  l)ehalf  of  them  and  themselves. 

t  The  name  of  this  sachem  a|)proa(  Inu^  nearly  in  soinid  to  that  of  the  place  since  called 
Worcester,  of  which  Sa^amnre-Jolin  was  chief,  almost  induces  the  belief  that  hi'  is  the  same. 
A  sachem  of  the  name  having  deeded  Worcester  to  the  whites  in  1G71,  is  additional  proof. 
See  the  elaborate  history  of  that  town  by  It'm.  Lincoln,  Esq.,  now  In  course  of  publication. 

J  This  letter  will  be  regarded  as  an  admirable  specimen  of  Indian  sentiment,  and  its  value 
IS  much  enhanced,  as  it  unfolds  truths  of  great  value — truths  that  lay  open  the  situation  of 
things  at  this  period  that  will  be  gladly  received.  Sum  was  a  magnanimous  sachem.  So 
was  Monaco.  We  doubt  if  any  thing  can  in  truth  be  brought  against  either,  that  would  not 
comport  with  a  warrior  of  their  time,  but  they  did  not  come  within  the  limits  of  a  pardon 
oflered  in  the  Proclaination  !  When  messengers  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  Indians  for  the 
redemption  of  prisoners,  to  prevent  the  evil  such  negotiation  was  calculated  to  produce,  and 
which  I'liitip,  doubtless,  foresaw,  he  ordered  such  to  be  summarily  dealt  with.  Qiianapohit 
was  suspected  '  r  a  spy,  and  Philip  had  ordered  him  to  be  killed,  but  Monaco  said,  "  I  will 
kill  whomsoevei  shall  kdl  Qitanapoliil."  S/ios/iamm  afterwards  said  the  same  when  visited 
by  Mr.  Hoar  and  Nepanft,  who  were  sent  to  treat  for  the  ransom  of  Mr.  Rowlandson's  fam- 
ily. "  If  any  kill  them,  I  will  kill  them,"  that  is,  he  would  kill  the  murderer.  But  these  kind 
offices  were  forgotten  in  the  days  of  terror ! 

^  The  same  person,  whose  name  to  the  last  letter  is  spelt  PottoqjMm,  and  in  Book  ii.  Chap, 
vii.,  /Sflokam 

\\  This  stands  in  the  MS.  records,  \Veu'(isovanuett.    See  Hook  iii.  Chap.  ii. 

IF  There  is  some  error  concerning  this  pt  rson's  name.  John  U.  Line  means  the  same  per- 
son, I  thnik,  in  (innkiu's  MS.  history.  See  Hook  ii.  Cluip.  vii.;  an  account  of  several  others 
licre  mentioned  may  there  also  be  found. 


ClIAl-.  VI.] 


SHOSIIANIM-AMOS. 


2(]a 


joyne<I  so  iiiaiiy  to  liiiiwlf  without  caii«e :  In  like  nmiiiipr  1  said  ko  too. 
Tliuii  imd  you  Ibrincrlv  s.iid  bo  at  peuce,  ami  if  the  Council  had  wiit  word 
to  kill  P/ii'/iy;  we  should  havi;  done  it:  tli'ii  let  ns  clearly  Hpeak,  wiiut  _\ou 
and  wo  shall  do.     O  let  it  be  so  »j)eedily,  and  aimwer  us  clearly. 

I'UMKAMLN, 
I'o.VXAKi'l'Kl'.V, 

or,  Jacob  iMuTTAMAKOoii." 

"The  answer  the  Council  made  them,  was,  'Thai  treaclierous  pi  ivonn 
who  began  tiie  war  and  tliosi;  that  have  been  barbarously  bloody,  nuist  not 
expect  to  have  tiicir  lives  spared,  but  others  that  have  been  drawn  into  tli<; 
war,  and  actutg  oidy  as  .Souldiers  subniittinj^  to  be  without  arms,  and  to  live 
quietly  and  pt.aceably  lirir  the  future  shall  have  their  lives  8i)are(l.'" 

Sagamore  Sam  was  one  ot"  those  thnt  sacked  Lancaster,  10  February, 
1G7(>.  His  liidian  name  was  at  one  time  Slwshanini,  but  in  Philip's  war  it 
appears  to  have  been  changed  to  Uskatulii^un  ;  at  least,  if  hi!  be  the  Hauii",  it 
was  so  subscribed  by  Feler-jeUiro,  when  tin;  letter  was  sent  by  the  Imlians  to 
tiie  English  about  the  exchange  of  INIrs.  Rowlandson  and  others,  as  will  be 
found  in  the  life  of  JVepanet.  He  was  hang'.'d,  as  has  been  before  noted. 
Slioslutnim  was  successor  to  Matthew,  who  succeeded  Sholan. 

This  last-iuentioned  sachem  is  probably  reli-rred  o  i)y  the  author  quoted  in 
Mr.  Thoroirgood's  curious  book.  In  the  sunuinr  .  ''  i  l.'i'i,  Ueverenil  John  Ktiot 
intended  to  visit  theNashuas,  in  his  evangelical  caj)aci  y,  but  understanding 
there  was  war  in  that  direction  among  the  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  (i)r  a 
time.  The  sachem  of  Nashua,  hearing  of  Mr.  Eliofs  intention,  "took  *^0 
men,  armed  alter  tlieir  manner,"  as  his  guard,  wit.'i  many  others,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  his  country.  And  my  author  adds,  "  this  was  a  long  journey 
into  the  wilderness  of  (iO  nfiles:  it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  liat  he 
was  not  dry  three  or  tour  days  together,  night  nor  day."  \  One  ol'tl:.  Indians 
at  this  tinie  asked  j\lr.  Etiol  why  those  who  prayed  to  God  an  ong  the 
English  loved  the  Indians  that  prayed  to  (iod  "  more  than  their  own  breth- 
ren." The  good  man  seemed  some  a;  a  loss  for  an  answer,  and  waived  the 
subject  by  several  scriptural  (juotations. 

We  may  be  incorrect  in  the  siq)position  that  the  sachem  who  conducted 
Mr.  Eliot  on  this  occasion  was  Sholan,  as  jierhaps  Passaconaway  would 
suit  the  time  as  well. 

CII.VPTER   VI. 

Frtcndlij  Indians — Captais  Amos — Pursues  Tntoson  and  Pcnachrtson — Escapes  the 
sliiughtcr  at  Pawtuckct — Commands  a  companij  in  the  eastern  war — Captain 
LiGUTFooT — His  services  in  Philip's  war — In  the  eastern  loar — Kkttkmanit — 
His  services — QuANNAPonrr — His  important  services  as  a  spy — Mautamp — 
Monoco — Nkpankt — Employed  to  treat  with  the  enemy — Brings  letters  from  them— 
Effects  an  exchange  of  prisoners — Petkk  Conway — Peter  Ephkaim. 

A3IOS,  commonly  called  Captain  Amos,  was  a  Wampanoag,  whose  residence 
was  about  Cajjc  Cod.  We  have  no  notice  of  him  until  Pliilip\<t  war,  at  which 
time  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  English.  After  the  Plim- 
oudi  r''^: '- bad  found  that  Taloson  was  concerned  in  the  destruction  of 
Clark's  ^  'rrison,  they  sought  for  some  friendly  Indians  who  woidd  under- 
take to  deliver  him  and  his  abettors  into  their  hands.  Captain  Jimos  ten 
dereihis  services,  and  was  duly  commissioned  to  prosecute  the  enterprise, 


*  III  101-7,  tlirpn  Indians  were  killoil  between  Quabaog  and  Sprin^eld,  by  other  Indians. 
Tiio  next  year,  live  others  were  killed  about  midway  between  Quabaog  and  Lancaster.— 
WiiUlirop's  Journal,  ( iS'uru.'re',?  ed.)     Such  uislances  were  common  ainonjj  the  Indians. 

t  Sure  Ar^jnmenls  to  prove  that  the  Jews  inhat)it  now  in  America. — lly  Tknmas  Thorow 
enod,  4lo.  London,  Kio-.  Sir  Ito^cr  L' Estrange  answered  this  book  l>y  anotlier,  entitled 
This  Americans  no  .Jews. 


23* 


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INDIAN  STRATAGEMS.— LIGHTFOOT. 


[Book  III 


H 


»nd  tn  take  into  that  aervice  any  of  his  fViends.  Meantime,  Tcdoton  had  fled 
to  Elizabeth  bland,  in  company  with  Penachason,  another  chief  who  was 
alHO  to  be  taken,  if  he  could  be  ibund.  This  Petutchaaon  waa  probably  Tato- 
sotCa  brother's  son,  sometimes  called  Tom,  who,  if  the  same,  was  alno  at  the 
destroying  of  Clark's  garrison.  Yet  the  wily  cliiefs  eluded  the  vigilance  of 
Captain  ^mos,  by  flying  from  that  region  into  the  Nipmuks'  country,  where 
they  joined  PkUip. 

To  encourage  greater  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  friendly  Indians,  to 
execute  their  commission,  it  was  ordered,  that  in  case  they  captured  and 
brought  in  either  Tatoson  or  Penaihason,  "  they  may  expect  for  their  reward, 
for  each  of  them  four  coats,  and  a  toat  apiece  for  every  other  Indian  that 
shall  prove  merchantable." 

We  have  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter  the  horrid  catastrophe  of 
Captain  Peirte  and  his  men  at  Pawtucket  Captain  ^moa  e8ca])cd  that 
dreadful  slaughter.  He  fought  there  with  20  of  his  warriors,  and  when 
Captain  Ptirat  was  shot  down  by  a  bail  which  wounded  him  in  the  thigh, 
he  stood  by  his  side,  and  defended  him  as  lon^  as  there  was  a  gleam  of 
ho|)e.  At  length,  seeing  nearly  all  his  friends  slam,  with  admirable  presence 
of  mind  he  made  his  escape,  by  the  ibilowing  subtle  stratagem : — 

J^anunttnoo'a  warriors  had  blackened  their  faces,  which  Captain  Amos  had 
observed,  and  by  means  of  powder  contrived  to  discolor  his  own  unobser>'ed 
by  them.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  managed,  by  a  dextrous  manteuvre, 
to  pass  among  the  enemy  for  one  of  them,  and  by  these  means  escaped. 

What  were  Captain  Jlmos's  other  acts  in  this  war,  if  any,  we  have  not 
learned  ;  nor  do  we  meet  again  with  him  until  1689.  In  that  year,  he  went 
widi  Col.  Ciiurch  against  the  eastern  Indians  and  French,  in  which  expedi- 
tion he  also  had  the  command  of  a  company.  Church  arrived  with  his 
forces  in  Sept.  at  Casco,  now  Portland,  and,  having  lanctid  secretly  under 
cover  of  the  night,  surprised,  on  the  following  morning,  about  four  hundred 
Indians,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  place.  Although  the  Indians  did  not 
receive  much  damage,  yet.  Governor  Sullivan  says,*  the  whole  eastern  country 
was  saved  by  the  timely  arrival  of  this  expedition.  In  the  light  at  Casco, 
21  September,  eight  of  the  English  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  Two  of 
Captain  Amoa's  men  were  badly  wounded,  and  iSizin  Moses,  another  friendly 
Indian,  was  killed.  There  was  another  Indian  company  in  this  expedition, 
commanded  by  Captain  Danid,  out  of  which  one  man  waa  killed,  who  was 
of  Yarmouth  on  Cape  Cod.t 

LIGHTFOOT,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sogkonates,  distinguished  in  Philip's 
war,  was  also  in  the  aervice  under  Church  at  Casco ;  a  memorable  expedition, 
on  more  than  one  account  One  circumstance  we  will  name,  as  it  well  nigh 
[troved  the  ruin  of  the  undertaking.  Wiien,  on  the  following  morning,  after 
the  arrival  of  the  forces,  the  attack  was  begun,  it  was,  to  the  uiexpressible 
Rurpr*-  of  the  English,  found,  that  the  bullets  were  much  larger  than  the 
calib  0  if  their  guns.  This  was  a  most  extraordinary  and  unaccountable 
occurrence,  and  great  blame  was  chargeable  somewhere.  In  this  wretched 
dilemma,  the  fight  having  already  begun,  Church  set  some  at  work  making 
the  bullets  into  slugs,  by  which  resort  he  was  able  to  continue  the  fight  U 
being  high  water  at  the  time,  an  estuary  separated  the  battle-ground  from  the 
to>vn.  The  bullets  were  to  be  carried  to  the  army  engaged,  m  buckets,  after 
being  hammered.  When  the  first  recruit  of  slugs  was  nMde  up.  Colonel 
Church  ran  with  it  to  the  water's  edge,  and,  not  caring  to  venture  himself  to 
wade  across,  called  la  those  on  the  other  side  to  send  some  one  to  take  it  over 
to  the  army.  None  appeared  but  Lightfoot.  This  Indian  dextrously  repassed 
the  estuary,  with  a  quantity  of  powder  u|)on  his  head,  and  a  "  kettle  "  of  bul- 
lets in  each  hand,  and  thus  the  fight  was  maintained,  and  the  enemy  put  to 
flight 

In  Philip's  war,  LishlfooVs  exploits  were  doubtless  very  numerous,  but  few 
of  them  have  come  down  to  us.  He  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  English,  at 
>4(m»AonA'a  great  dance  at  Bu/zrtrd's  Bay,  air  3ady  mentioned.  When  Lilllt' 
tyes  was  taken  at  Cushnet,  in  1G76,  Lighifoot  was  sent  with  him  to  what  is 


•  Hist  DUtriet  of  Maine,  102. 


t  MS.  letter  of  Captain  Basset  of  the  expcditioD' 


X- 


1 


to 

nt 
Ze- 
is 


Chap.  VI.] 


KATTENANIT.— EASTERN  WAR. 


971 


now  culled  Palmer'a  bland,  near  the  mouth  of  Cushnet  River,  where  he  lield 
hiiQ  in  gunrd  until  he  could  be  safely  conducted  to  Plimouth.  About  the 
time  JUdiompoin  was  killed,  and  Phib^a  wife  and  son  were  taken.  Church 
gave  him  a  captain's  commission,  after  which  he  made  several  successful 
expeditions. — We  now  pass  to  characters  hitherto  less  known,  though  perhaps 
of  more  interest 

Very  little  was  known  of  certain  important  characters  among  the  friendly 
Indians  of  Massachusetts,  which  should  have  by  no  means  been  overiooketl, 
until  the  disc'-jry  of  Mr.  Gookin'a  manuscript  history  of  the  praying 
Indians,  not  long  since,  and  to  which  we  have  often  referred  already.  We 
shall,  therefore,  devote  the  remainder  of  the  present  chapter  to  their  history 

JOB  KATTENANIT  seems  first  to  demand  attention.  He  was  a  Christian 
Indian,  and  lived  some  time  at  Natick,  but  was  at  one  time  a  preacher  at 
Magunkog,  and  belonged  originally,  we  believe,  to  Hassanamesit.  However 
that  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  beginning  of  Philijp's 
war,  when  that  chiurs  men  made  a  descent  u])on  the  place,  with  the  intention 
of  carrying  away  those  Christian  Indians  prisoners.  Job  made  his  escape 
from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at  Mendun.  He  had  still 
tlirec  children  in  the  enemy's  hands,  and  he  was  willing  to  run  any  venture 
to  release  them.  He  therefore  applied  for  and  obtained  a  pass,  assuring  him 
safety,  provided  that,  in  his  return,  he  should  tiill  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish scouts.  Besides  liberating  his  children,  consid«ral)le  hopes  were  enter- 
tained, that  he  might  be  enabled  to  furnish  information  ot  the  enemy.  It 
unfortunately  happened,  that,  before  he  had  passed  the  frontier,  he  lell  in 
with  some  English  soldiers,  who  treated  him  as  a  prisoner,  and  an  enemy, 
even  taking  from  him  his  clothes  and  gun,  sending  him  to  the  governor  of 
Boston ;  "  who,  more  to  satisfy  the  cltiniors  of  the  people  than  for  any  offence 
committed,"  assigned  him  to  the  commoi.  juil,  whore  he  suffered  exceedingly; 
himself  and  many  others  being  crowded  into  a  narnjw  and  filthy  place.  Af- 
ter about  three  weeks,  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island  The  clam- 
ora  of  tlie  people  were  indeed  high  at  this  time,  and  many  accused  Major 
Gookin,  who  gave  him  the  pass,  of  being  guilty  of  furnishing  tlie  enemy  with 
intelligence. 

After  the  Narraganset  fight,  19  December,  1675,  the  English  were  very 
anxious  to  gain  information  relative  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  accord- 
ingly instructed  Major  Gookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ  some  friendly 
Indian  spies ;  who,  after  considerable  negotiation  among  those  at  Deer  Island, 
engaged  Job  again,  and  James  Ouannapohit,  alios  Quanapaug.  Their  reward 
Was  to  be /re  pounds  apiece !  They  departed  upon  this  service  before  day, 
the  30th  of  December,  and,  during  their  mission,  behaved  with  great  pru- 
dence, and  brought  valuable  information  to  the  English  on  their  return ;  but 
which,  from  intestine  bickerings  among  the  English,  turned  to  small 
account. 

James  QuannopoTlt/ returned  24th  of  January  following,  nearly  worn  out  and 
famished ;  having  travelled  about  80  miles  in  that  cold  season,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  the  snow  being  very  deep.  The  information  which  he  gave  was  writ- 
ten down  by  Major  Gookin,*  Among  other  matters,  he  stated  that  the  ene- 
my had  taken  up  their  quarters  in  different  places,  probably  near  Scattacook ; 
and  innny  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about  Menumesse.  The  Narra- 
gansets  hud  not  yet  joined  PhUip  openly,  hut  while  Jamu  and  Job  were  among 
the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  ftom  Narraganset  which  gave  them  much 
joy,  for  they  expressed  an  ardent  desire  to  join  them  and  nUip  in  prosecut- 
ing the  war.  They  said  their  loss  in  tlie  great  swamp  fight  was  small.  In 
three  weeks,  James  learned,  they  would  assault  Lancaster,  which  acconlingly 
camo  to  pass,  upon  the  very  day  which  he  said  tliey  intended  it.  He 
learned  and  thus  divulged  their  plans  to  a  great  extent  A  circumstance  now 
occurred  which  obliged  him  to  moke  his  escape,  which  was  this:  He  found  a 
friend  and  protector  in  Mavtamp,\  one  of  the  Nipmuk  chiefs,  who,  it  seems, 

•  Tlio  snine  published  in  Coll.  Mats.  Hist.  Soe.  1.  vi.  20(^—208. 

t  Tliu  saini!,  probably,  called  Netamnp,  who  was  anerwards  executed  at  Doston,  ol  lh# 
Mine  liiiiu  with  Sagamort-sam.    See  IhibbarJ,  35. 


*  * ! 


'r  . . , 


t      i 


*  u 


1 1 


!  ""l 


-i4 


;       11 

'    I'M 


272 


KATTENANIT. 


[Book  III 


intenderl  shortly  to  visit  Philip ;  and  insisted  that  Qmnnapohit  should  nc< 
company  him,  and  it  was  with  no  small  difficulty  he  was  able  to  eliitit;  the 
vigilant  eye  of  Mautamp,  and  make  his  escape,  which,  however,  was  cffiTtcd 
oiily  by  a  cimninff  stratagem,  as  follows :— He  told  Mavtamp  that  lie  had 
ibught  agninst  Phuip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  unless  he  could  go  to  him  with  some  important  trophy,  Philip 
would  not  believe  him,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And  moreover, 
Tukapeioillin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had  given  out  word  that  cer- 
tain praying  hidians  should  be  sought  after,  and,  if  possible,  seized  and 
brought  to  him ;  for  he  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a  cruel  manner,  with 
his  own  hands,  and  that  ht  was  one  of  them.  He  therefore  told  Mautamp 
that  he  would  go,  in  the  first  place,  and  kill  some  English,  and  take  tlinr 
heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  consider  himself  safe.  Tiiis 
being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing  bis  steps  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  English. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  or  One-tyed-john,  as  a  great  cajituin  among  the  ene- 
my, who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam  during 
his  stay  there ;  they  being  old  acquaintance,  having  served  together  in  their 
wars  against  the  Mohawks,  ten  years  before.* 

And  here  also  Mr.  Gookin  gives  a  favorable  accoimt  of  Monaco.  Philip  had 
ordered  that  the  persons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if  taken 
alive,  "that  he  might  put  them  to  some  tormenting  death,  which  had  hithetlo 
been  prevented  by  the  care  and  kindness  of  a  great  captain  among  tnem, 
named  John-with-one-eye,  belonging  to  Nashua,!  who  had  civilly  treated  and 

Erotected  Jamu,  and  entertained  him  at  his  wigwam,  all  the  time  of  his 
eing  there."  J 

Jbo  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Qtianapohit,  but  saw  no  way  of 
getting  away  his  children,  which  was  a  main  oliject  with  him.  He  knew, 
too,  that  James  could  give  all  the  information  thev  both  possessed  at  tliat 
|)criod,  and  not  considering  himself  in  imminent  danger,  i)referred  to  tarry 
longer. 

At  VVanexit,  or  Manexit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  took  them 
and  conveyed  tliem  about  twenty  miles,  across  the  path  leading  to  Connecti- 
cut, northward  from  Quabaog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits  and 
Segunesits.  At  this  place  were  three  towns  which  contained  about  'iOO 
warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were  threatened  with  death,  their  mission 
being  truly  guessed.  But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john,  "  Sagamore 
of  Nashua,"  or  A/onoco,  he  charged  his  gun  and  said,  "I  will  kill  whom- 
soever shall  kill  Quanapohit."^  Some  said  he  had  killed  one  of  Philip's 
coimsellors  ||  at  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had  hired  some  to  kill  him ;  also 
James  Speeri,  Andrew  PUimy,  Captain  Hunter,  Thomas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter 
Ephraim.  On  being  ordered  to  visit  PhUip,  "  Job  and  he  pretended  to  go  out 
a  hunting,  killed  tliree  dear  quickly,  and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  by 
some  other  Indians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  before  day,  and 
when  they  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away."  Job  was  to  return  to  the 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  Jam^Ji  ran  away  because  they  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  longer  for  the  end  of  ransoming  uid  children,  as  we  have  said.  He 
returned  to  the  English  in  the  night  of  the  9th  of  February,  and  said,  aa 
James  had  before,  that  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  attacked,  for  he 
knew  about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  alreaJy  on  their  march,  and  it 
BO  result(<d.  He  further  informed  the  I  jglish,  that  ihe  enemy  would  shortly 
attack  McdHeld,  Groton,  Marlborough,  and  other  placet;,  and  that  the  Nar- 
raganscts  hud  joined  Philip  and  the  NipmiUcs. 

While  James  was  there,  "  a  Narraganset  brought  t"  th«5m  one  English  head : 
they  shot  at  him,  and  said  the  Narragausets  were  tlie  Lnglish  friends  all  last 


*  or  (his  war  we  have  given  an  accounl  in  Book  II.  chap.  III. 
t  Called  sagamore  ofNiishua,  iu  Ihe  Cotton  manuscripts, 
i  Hist.  Prating  Indians, 
y  Rel'erriug  probably,  to  Thebe.    See  Book  III.  chap.  II. 


f  Colton  Manuscript!. 


Cup.  VI.] 


KATTET    --'IT. 


273 


m 


summer.  Aftenvards  two  messengers  came  with  twelve  Iiradn,  rravi:i<r 
their  assistance,  they  then  accepted  them."  • 

Before  he  left  the  enemy,  he  appointed  a  place  of  safety  for  his  cliildrcn, 
and  sundry  others  of  his  friends,  captured  at  Hassanamesit,  whire  he  would 
afterwards  meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English.  lie  therefore  pititionrd 
the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them,  which  was  granted.  But  lie  now  lind 
new  difficulties  to  encounter,  owing  to  "the  rude  temper  of  those  tinn  s,"  as 
one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed  it.  f  Although  both  thesf  men 
had  acquitted  ttiemselves  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  authorities  who 
sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of  giving  information  to  the 
enemy,  and  that  they  were  secretly  their  advisers,  or  else  they  lind  not 
returned  m  safety ;  to  appease  which  they  were  confined  again  to  tiio  island. 
This  so  interfered  with  the  time  set  by  Job  to  meet  his  children  and  friends, 
that  great  sufferings  overtook  them,  as  well  as  himself;  and  he  knew  r.ot 
that  ever  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  sec  his  children  again.  But  it 
much  sooner  happened,  no  doubt,  than  he  expected,  although  in  an  indirect 
way.  About  the  time  he  was  sent  to  the  island,  a  vote  passed  in  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  to  raise  an  army  of  six  hundred  men,  and  Major 
Thomas  Savage  was  applied  to,  to  conduct  them  in  the  war.  He  refused, 
miless  he  coind  have  some  of  the  friendly  Indians  from  the  island  lor  assist- 
ants. On  a  messenger  being  sent  among  them,  a'tx  of  their  principal  and 
bravest  men  volunteered  in  that  service,  among  whom  was  Job  Kattenunit. 
The  army  marched  about  the  first  of  March,  1(J75,  O.  S.  But  when  at  Marl- 
borough, Job  got  liberty  of  Major  Savat^e  and  Major-general  Denison,  to 
attempt  the  finding  of  his  frientts  and  children,  whom  he  had  aj)pointcd  to 
meet  near  Hassanamesit.  When  it  was  known  to  Captain  Mosibi,  he  liehaved 
himself  very  unbecoming  towards  the  commanding  officer,  and  nothing  but 
his  populiuity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed,  his  conduct 
seems  quite  as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a  more  modem  Indian  hunter  in  the 
Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  humanity  joine»l  to  condemn.  Moaeli/,  it 
appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Indian,  and  doubtless  thought  he 
was  acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  He  urged  that  it  was  a 
most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  Indian  to  go  away  at  this  time,  knowing 
their  natural  treacheronsness ;  and  he  doubted  not  but  Job  (although  a  tried 
friend)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  approach  of  the  army,  which  woidd 
frustmte  all  their  designs.  The  great  ascendency  which  this  officer  held  in 
the  army  cr  Vst  be  understood  by  a  sim[)le  statement  of  the  fact,  that  Major 
Savage  and  vj..aeral  Denison  were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the 
soldiery  would  cease  their  clamors.  Captain  IVadsicorth  and  Captain  Syll, 
accompanied  by  James  Quannapohit,  went  in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed. 
But  they  did  not  overtake  him,  and  he  soon  retunied  to  the  army  without 
finding  his  friends;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their 
p'ace,  the  time  having  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  consequent 
sufferings  were  indescribable. 

We  snail  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  afterwards  fell  into 
the  hands  of  a  party  of  English,  who  treated  them  in  a  savage  manner, 
taking  every  thing  from  them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major 
Savage,  he  t  aated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  except  four, 
who  ran  away  from  Marlborough,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from 
the  fear  of  being  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  and  insulted  them. 
\bout  two  months  after  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  JVepanet 
Finally,  Job  recovered  all  his  children,  and,  mairyiug  again,  lived  happily. 
His  wife  was  one  of  those  whom  he  had  managed  to  deliver  out  of  tlie 
hands  of  the  enemy  at  such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their  wan- 
derings, nursed  and  kept  alive  tiis  children,  one,  especially,  which  was  rery 
young. 

Wlien  the  Hassanamesits  went  off  with  the  enemy,  James  (^uantiapohU 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the  English  forces.  Ca|ituin  Sj/ll  sent  out  a 
Bcojt,  and  James  and  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.    Seven  of  the  enemy  were 

*  Cotton  Manuicripts. 

t  Major  Daniel  Oookin,  wlio  was  at  least  a  hundred  years  in  advance  of  that  ago. 


i>   ! 


1     -! 
I.-    I 


.">' 

»'■( 


li 


:    I 

I       1  If 

1    'hii 


% 


m 


274 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  NIPMUCKS. 


lU'iOK  IIL 


Sit  ; 


: '  ■  li 


»  * 


soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  leading  an  English  prisoner.  They 
discovered  the  English  scout,  and  fled.  Jamu  and  £/uer  pursued  them,  and 
recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  name  was  Christopher  Muaiin,  who  had  been 
taken  from  Marlborough.    James  also  took  one  of  the  enemy's  guns.* 

The  English  having,  by  means  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  life  w.e  have 
stated,  learned  the  state  of  feeling  among  their  enemies,  felt  themoelves 
prepared,  as  the  spring  of  1676  advanced,  to  make  overtures  to  them  for 
peace,  or  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  or  both,  as  they  might  be  found  inclined. 

Tom  Nepanet  was  fixed  upon  as  plenipotentiary'  in  this  business.  And, 
although  uqjustly  suffering  with  many  of  his  bretliren  upon  a  bleak  island 
in  Boston  harbor,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  to  proceed  to 
meet  the  Indians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  service,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufferings. 

JVepanet  set  out,  3  April,  1676,  to  make  overtures  to  the  enemy  for  the  re- 
lease of  prisoners,  especially  the  family  of  Mr.  Rowlandson,  which  was  taken 
at  Lancaster,  retumea  on  the  12  following,  with  a  written  answer  from  the 
enemy,  aay'mg," fVenou  give  answer  by  this  one  man,  hut  tf  you  like  my  anstver 
sent  one  more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Nepanet,  and  send  with  all  true  heart 
and  ivith  aU  your  mind  by  two  men ;  because  you  know  and  tve  know  your  heart 
great  sorrowful  with  crying  for  your  lost  many  many  hundred  man  and  all  your 
nousf  and  all  your  land  and  umman  child  and  cattle  as  all  your  thtr^  thai  you 
have  lost  and  on  your  backside  stand. 

Signed  by    Sam,  Sachem, 
KuTqcEN,  and 
QuANOHiT,  Sagamores. 
Peter  Jethro,  scribe. 

At  the  same  time,  and  1  conclude  in  the  same  letter,  they  wrote  a  few 
words  to  others,  as  follows :  **Mr.  Rowlandson,  your  wife  ami  all  your  child  is 
well  but  one  dye.  Your  sister  is  well  and  her  3  child.  John  Kittell,  your  wife 
and  all  your  child  is  all  well,  and  all  them  prisoners  taken  at  JS/ashua  is  all 
well. 

Mr.  Rowlandson,  aeyour  loving  sister  his  hand  p  Hanah. 
^nd  old  Kettel  wif  his  hand.  -f- 

Brolher  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  Tobacco  for  tne,  if  you  can  my 
loving  husband  pray  send  mre  pound  of  tobacco  for  me. 

"  This  writing  ay  your  enemies — Samuel  Uskattuhgun  and  Gunrashit,  two 
Indian  sagamores." 

Mi-8.  Rowlandson,  in  her  account  of  "  The  Sixteenth  Remove,"  relates,  that 
when  they  had  waded  over  Baquaugf  River,  "Quickly  there  came  up  to  us 
an  Indian  who  informed  them  that  I  must  go  to  Wachuset  to  my  master,  for 
there  was  a  letter  come  from  the  council  to  the  saggamores  about  redeeming 
the  captives,  and  that  there  would  be  another  in  14  days,  and  that  I  must  be 
there  ready."  J  This  was  doubtless  after  the  letter  just  recorded  had  been 
sent  to  the  English.  "  About  two  days  after,"  Mrs.  R,  continues,  "  came  a 
compcny  of  Indians  to  us,  near  30,  all  on  horseback.  My  heart  skipt  within 
me,  thi*^(king  they  had  been  Englishmen,  at  the  first  sight  of  them :  For  they 
were  dj-essed  in  English  apparel,  with  hats,  white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes 
aboi.t  their  waists,  and  ribbons  upon  tlieir  shoulders.  But  when  they  came 
near,  there  was  a  vast  difference  between  the  lovely  faces  of  Christians,  and 
the  foul  looks  of  those  heathen,  which  much  damped  my  spirits  again."  § 

Having,  after  great  distress,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authoress  adds, 
"  Then  came  Tom  and  Peter  with  the  second  letter  from  the  council,  about 
the  captives."    "  I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  aU  my  friends  and 

*  Gockin's  MS.  Hist.  Clirlslian  Indians. 

t  Or  PayqiuiE^e,  now  Miller's  River,  Its  confluence  with  the  Connecticut  is  bctweeu 
Norlhfield  and  Alonlnpue. 

J  Nnrrative  of  her  Captivity,  69. 

\  Iliid.'GO.  The  regimeiiials  in  wiiirli  thcv  were  now  tricked  out,  were  probably  takea 
(rom  the  English  whnm  llicy  iiad  killed  in  battle. 


m 


Chap.  VI.J 


NEPANET.— SECOND  EMBASSY. 


34a 


acquaintance.  They  sniti  tliey  were  well,  but  vrrj-  mclaiiclioly."  Tliey 
brought  her  two  l)i.«cuits  and  a  |>onnd  of  toltncco.  The  tobnrco  kIio  irave  to 
the  lu'liaiiii,  and,  when  it  whs  all  gone,  one  tlircatenecl  her  because  she  hnd 
no  mire  to  give;  proimhiy  not  lielieving  her.  Slie  told  him  when  her 
htiflbnnd  came,  she  would  give  him  some.  "Hang  him,  rogue,  says  he,  1 
will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  lie  comes  here."  "Again,  at  the  same  breath, 
they  would  say,  if  there  should  come  an  bundre<l  without  guns  they  would 
do  them  no  lunt.  So  unstable  an«l  like  madmen  they  were."  •  There  hnd 
been  somethuig  talked  about  Mr.  Bowlandson'i  going  himself  to  ansom  his 
wife,  but  she  says  she  dared  not  send  for  him,  "  for  tliere  was  little  more  . 
trust  to  them  tlian  to  the  master  they  served."  • 

^1  panel  learned  by  the  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the  fight  when  Capt.  Peirst 
^vns  killed,  "  scores  of  their  men  that  sablmth  day."t 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  JVeparut  (.lone,  Pdtr  Conitxtrf  was  joined 
with  him  on  a  second  expedition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  led  to  several 
others,  to  which  some  English  ventun>d  to  add  themselves,  which  resulted  ia 
the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandaon  and  several  otliers. 

"  When  the  letter  was  come,  (says  Mrs.  R.\  the  saggamores  met  to  consult 
about  the  captives,  and  called  me  to  tliem,  to  inquirt  how  much  my  huslmnd 
would  give  to  redeem  me :  When  I  came  and  sjit  down  among  them,  as  I  was 
wont  to  do,  as  their  manner  is :  Then  they  bid  me  stan<l  up,  and  said  they 
wen  the  general  court.  They  bid  me  speak  what  I  tliought  he  wouUl  give. 
Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  I  was  in  a 
great  strait."  J  She  ventured,  however,  to  say  £20,  and  Tom  and  Pdtr  Ijore 
the  offer  to  Bo5>ton. 

Of  their  return  the  same  WTiter  proceeds:  "On  a  sabbath  day,  the  sun 
being  about  s  hour  high  in  the  atlcrnoon,  came  Mr  John  Hoar,  (the  council 
pennitting  him,  and  his  own  forward  spirit  inclhiing  him,)  together  with  the 
two  fore-mentioned  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  with  the  tliird  letter  from  the 
council.  When  they  came  near,  I  was  abroad ;  they  presently  called  me  in, 
and  bid  me  sit  down,  and  not  stir.  Then  they  catched  up  their  guns  and 
away  they  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  had  been  at  hand,  and  the  gims  went  off 
apace.  I  manifested  some  great  trouble,  and  asked  them  what  was  the 
matter.  I  told  them  I  thought  they  had  killed  the  Englishman ;  (for  they 
had  in  the  mean  time  told  me  that  an  Englishman  had  come  ;)  they  said,  JVo, 
they  shot  over  hia  horse,  and  under,  and  before  his  horse,  and  they  pushed  him  this 
way  and  that  way,  at  their  pleasure,  showing  him  what  they  could  do."§ 

They  would  not  at  first  suffer  her  to  see  Mr.  Hoar,  but  when  they  had 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  sufficiently,  she  was  permitted  to  see  him. 
He  brought  her  a  pound  of  tobacco,  which  she  sold  for  nine  shillings.  "  The 
next  morning,  Mr.  Hoar  invited  the  saggamores  to  dinner;  but  when  wo 
went  to  get  it  ready,  we  found  they  had  stolen  the  greatest  part  of  the  provis- 
ions Mr.  Hoar  had  brought.  And  we  may  see  the  wonderful  power  of  God, 
in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  was  such  a  number  of  them  together, 
and  so  greedy  ot  a  little  good  food,  and  no  English  there  but  Mr.  Hoar  and 
myself,  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us  on  the  head,  and  take  what  we  had  ; 
there  iieing  not  only  some  provision,  but  also  trading  cloth,  a  part  of  the 
20  pounds  agreed  uiion :  But  instead  of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed 
to  be  ashamed  of  tlie  fact,  and  said  it  was  the  matckit  [bad]  Lidians  that 
did  it."  H 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  negotiation  was  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokets  and  Narragonsetts 
went  hand  in  hand  against  their  conunon  enemy,  and  they  were  the  most 
powerful  tribes.  Tliis  parleying  with  the  English  was  so  detestable  to  Philip, 
that  a  separation  took  place  among  these  tnbes  m  consequence,  and  he  an<l 
tin;  xVarragansets  se|Kiratod  themselves  from  the  Nipitiiiks,  and  other  inland 
tribes,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  Tills  was  die  reason  they  were 
so  easily  subdued  at^er  the  separation  took  place. 


"  Nnrralive  of  lier  Captivity,  64,  bd. 
X  Narrative,  ut  ««oro,  65. 


t  Manuscripts  of  Rev.  J.  Cotton. 
Ibid.  7!,  TO.  II  Ibid.  72.  73. 


m» 


■     ;>    1 


WM 


■'■■  r,"'    ■:! 


276 


PETER  EPHRAIM^QU.VNAPOHIT. 


il!on&  III. 


■>  "1/ 


It  wnR  tlimiigli  JS/epaneCa  means  that  a  |)arty  of  English,  under  Captnin 
//encAman,  were eiinltkd  to  surprise  a  body  of'liis  coiintrynie.i  at  Wesliakom* 
I'onds  near  Lancaster,  30  May,  1G76.  Fx)llo>vin|;  in  a  track  pointed  oui  hy 
J^'epanet,  the  Indians  were  fallen  upon  while  fisliing,  and,  being  <>ntireiy  nn- 
prepared,  seven  were  killed,  and  2J)  taken,  cliieflv  women  and  children. 

PETER-EPHRAIM  and  ANDREVV-PITYME  were  also  two  other 
considerably  distinguished  Nipmuk  Indians.  They  rendered  much  sen  ice 
to  the  English  in  Philip's  war.  They  went  out  in  January,  1676,  and  brought 
in  many  of  the  Nipnets,  who  had  endeavored  to  shelter  themselves  under 
Uncaa.  But,  Mr.  Hubbard  observes,  that  Uncaa,  having  "sliabl)ed"  them  off, 
"  they  were,  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter,  [1676,]  brongiit  in  to  Boston, 
many  of  them,  by  Pe/er-epAraim  and  Jindrcw-pitymtP  Ephraim  commanded 
an  Indian  company,  and  had  a  commission  from  governnient.  The  news 
that  many  of  the  enemy  were  doing  mischief  about  Rehohoth  caused  a  jiarty 
of  English  of  Medfield  to  march  out  to  their  relief;  Ephraim  went  with 
them,  with  his  company,  which  consisted  of  29.  The  snow  being  deep,  the 
English  soon  grew  discouraged,  and  returned,  but  Captain  Ephraim  continued 
the  inarch,  and  came  upon  a  body  of  them,  encamped,  in  tne  night.  Early 
the  next  morning,  he  successfully  surrounded  them,  and  offered  them  quar- 
ter. "  Eight  resolute  fellows  refused,  who  were  presently  shot;"  the  others 
yielded,  and  were  brought  in,  being  in  number  43.  Other  minor  exploits  of 
this  Indian  ca])tain  are  recorded. 

THOMAS  QUANAPOIirr,  called  also  Rumney-marsh,  was  a  brother  of 
James,  and  was  al&o  a  Christian  Indian.    In   the  beginning  of  hostdities 
against  Philip,  Major  Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  a  company  of  praying 
Indians  to  be  employed  against  him.    This   company  was  immediately 
raised,  and  consisted  of  52  men,  who  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Captain  Isaac  Johnson.    Quanapohit  was  one  of  these.    The  officers  under 
wiiom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as  faithful  soldiers ;  yet  many  of 
the  army,  officers  and  men,  tried  al!  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into  disre- 
l)ute  with  the  country.    Such  proceedings,  we  should  naturally  coii'^lude, 
would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Indians ;  but,  on  the  contrarj', 
they  used  every  exertion  to  win  tlic  affections  of  their  oppressors.     Qitana- 
pohit,  with  the  other  two,  received  from  government  a  reward  for  the  scalps 
which  they  brought  in.    Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it  must  be  men- 
tioned, that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swnnscv,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  his  han«ls  shot  oft    He  was  one  of  the 
troopers,  and  carried  a  gun  of  remarkable  length.    The  weather  being  ex- 
cessively hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  being  disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck 
the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the  breech  rested  ui)on  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to 
go  off,  which  horribly  mangled  the  hand  that  held  it ;  and,  notwithstanding 
it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well,  j'et  he  renilered  great  sen'ice  in  the  war 
afterward.    The  account  of  one  signal  exploit  tiaving  teen  preserved,  shall 
here  be  related.    While  Cap'ain  henchman  was  in  the  enemy's  country,  he 
made  an  excursion  from  Haosanamesit  to  Packachoog,  which  lies  about  ten 
milts  north-west  from  it.    Meeting  here  with  no  enemy,  he  marched  again 
for  JIassanamesit ;  and  havir^^  got  a  few  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that 
he  had  lost  a  tin  case,  which  contained  his  commission,  and  other  instructions. 
He  therefore  despatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it.    They 
made  no  discovery  of  the  lost  article  until  they  came  in  sight  of  an  old  wig- 
wam at  Packachoog,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discovered  some 
of  the  enemy  in  possession  of  it.    They  were  but  a  few  rods  from  them,  and 
being  so  few  in  number,  that  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
ilesperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  for  such  an  occasion  ; 
slnitugem,  therefore,  could  only  save  them.    The  wigwam  was  situated  upon 
an  eminence  ;  and  some  ware  standing  in  the  door,  when  they  approached, 
who  discovered  them  as  soon  as  they  came  in  sight.    One  presented  hia 
gun,  but,  the  weather  being  stonny,  it  did  not  go  ofK    At  this  moment  our 
chief,  looking  back,  called,  and  made  many  gestures,  as  though  he  wore  dis^ 
posing  of  a  large  force  to  encompass  thei.i.    At  this  manceuvre  they  all  fled 

•  Roger  Williams  scls  dowc  sea  as  ihe  dcliiiilioii  of  WecMrmu 


Chap.  VII.] 


PASSACONAWAY. 


277 


ri 


being  six  in  number,  leaving  our  heroes  to  pursue  their  object  Thus  their 
preservation  was  due  to  Ouanapohit ;  and  is  tiie  more  to  be  admired,  as  thry 
were  in  so  far  destitute  of  the  ini-ans  of  defence.  Captain  Quanapohit  liad 
himself  only  a  pistol,  and  one  of  his  men  a  gun  wttliout  a  flint,  and  tiie 
other  no  gun  at  rU,* 

It  was  about  ti.  a  time  these  events  occurred,  that  Captain  Tom,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  his  daughter,  and  t\\  o  cliildren,  were  taken  by  a  scout  sent  out 
by  Captain  HenchmarXy  about  10  miles  soutii-east  of  Marlborough.  They  appear 
to  have  been  token  on  the  11  June,  and  on  the  2G  of  tlie  same  month  Captain 
Tom  was  executed. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

Of  the  Indians  in  Jfeie  Hampshire  and  Maine previi^ts  to  their  roars  with  the  whites — 
Dominions  of  the  baaluiba — Perishes  in  tear — I'AssACo.NAWAy — ///*  dominions — 
Jlis  last  speech  to  his  people — His  life — His  daughter  rmirries  Wtnnapurket — Peti- 
tions liu  court  of  Mass  -.husetls — Lands  allotted  to  h'm — English  send  a  force  to 
disarm  him — Their  fears  of  his  enmity  unfounded — they  seize  and  ilUreal  his  son- 
He  'iscapes — Passaconaway  delivers  his  arms,  and  makes  peace  with  the  English — 
Traditions  concern'ng — Life  of  Wannalancet — His  situation  in  Philip's  war — 
Messengers  and  letters  sent  him  by  the  English — Leaves  his  residence — His  humanity 
— Fate  of  JosiAii  Nouei. — IViuuiaJanett  returns  to  his  country — His  lands  seized 
in  his  absence —  He  again  retires  Into  the  toUdtrness — Moselu  destroys  his  village, 
^c. — Imprisoned  for  debt — Favors  Christianity — A  speech — Wehanownowit, 
suchcm  of  JVcto  Hampshire — RoBiNiioon — His  sales  of  land  in  Maine — Monqiiine 
— Kennebis — AssiMiNASQUA — Abbigadasset — Their  residences  and  sales  of  land 
— Melancholy  fate  of  Chocobua. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  Indians  eastward  of  the  Massachusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Captain  John  Smith,  which,  however,  was  very 
general ;  as  that  they  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
their  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indiana  pronounced  tttat 
word,  sachemo,  which  the  English  understood  sagamore ;  and  yet  all  the 
'Biichemos  acknowledged  subjection  to  one  still  greater,  which  they  called 
bashalxi. 

Of  the  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  >vriters  differ  much  in  respect  to  their 
extent.  Some  suppose  that  his  authority  did  not  extend  this  side  the  Pas- 
cataqua,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  from  Captain  SmiWa  account.f  Wars 
and  pestilence  had  greatly  wasted  the  eastern  Indians  but  a  short  time  before 
tl  ^  English  settled  ui  tlie  country ;  and  it  was  then  difficult  to  determine  the 
relation  the  trit>es  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the  '.rashaba  of  Penob- 
scot, traditidn  nates  that  he  was  killed  by  the  Tarratines,  who  lived  still 
fiir»her  east,  in  a  war  which  wiis  at  its  heigiit  in  1615. 

PASSACONAWAY  seems  to  have  been  a  bashaba.  He  lived  upon  the 
Merrimack  River,  at  a  place  called  PennaJcook,  and  his  dominions,  at  the 

fteriod  of  the  English  settlements,  were  very  extensive,  even  over  the  sachems 
iving  upon  the  Fuscatuqua  and  its  branches.  The  Abenaques  inhabited 
between  the  Pascataqua  and  Penobscot,  and  the  resilience  of  the  chief 
sacheni  was  upon  Indian  Island.^  Fludkn  and  Captain  Sunday  were  early 
known  as  chiefs  among  tiie  Abenaques,  and  Sqtiando  at  a  later' period;  but 

*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 

t  •'  The  princiijal  habitations  1  saw  at  northward,  was  Penobsool,  who  are  in  wars  with  the 
Tercntines,  their  .t^xI  northerly  neighbors.  Southerly  up  the  rivers,  and  along  the  coast,  we 
found  Mecadacut,  Segocket,  Pemmaquid,  Nusconcus,  Sagndahnck,  Salquin,  Aumau<rhraw- 
^cn  and  Kenabera.  To  those  belong  the  countries  and  people  of  Segotago,  Pauhunlanuck, 
Pocopassum,  Taughtanakagnet,  >Vabigganus,  Nassaque,  Masherosqueck,  Wawrigwick, 
Moshoquen,  Waccogo,  Pasharanack,  &c.  To  those  are  allied  in  confederacy,  the  countries 
of  Aucocisco,  Accominticus,  Passalaquak,  Augawoam  and  Nacmkeek,  all  these,  for  any 
thing  could  perceive,  differ  little  in  language  or  any  ihin^  ;  though  most  of  thcin  be  sngainos 
and  lords  of  themselves,  yet  they  hold  the  bashahes  of  Penobscot  the  chief  and  greatest 
BmoPffst  them."    3  Coll.  M,tst.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  21,  22. 

\   tlllliamson't  Hist.  Maine,  li.  4. 

24 


'^%: 


111 


.^11 


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■f  -, 

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If 


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278 


PA8SACONAWAY. 


[OnoK  III. 


of  tiii'Be  we  Blmll  Ite  more  particular  hereafter :  the  first  war  hem  mo  sliniili] 
notice  is  Paasaconaway.  lie  "  lived  to  a  very  great  age ;  for,"  suyB  the  aiitlior 
Oi'  my  iMaiui8cri|)t,  "1  saw  him  alive  at  Pawtiickct,  when  he  was  nhoiit  0 
huiiilrcd  aiid  twenty  yoars  old."*  Before  his  death,  he  delivered  th»>  follow- 
ing 8|)ucch  to  Ilia  children  and  friends :  **  I  am  now  going  the  way  ofallJltsK,  o» 
rcadij  to  die,  and  not  likely  to  see  you  ever  meet  together  any  more,  iwill  now  Itnvt 
this  word  of  counsel  with  you,  thcd  you  mau  take  heM  how  you  quarrel  with  the  English, 
for  though  you  may  do  them  much  mischief,  yet  assuredly  you  will  all  be  destroyed^ 
and  rooted  off  the  earth  if  you  do ;  for,  I  was  as  much  an  enemy  to  the  English,  at 
their  frst  corning  into  these  parts,  as  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did  try  all  xcays  and 
means  possible,  to  have  destroyed  them,  at  least  to  have  prevented  them  settling  down 
here,  but  I  could  no  way  tj^ect  it ;  therefore  I  advise  you  never  to  contend  with  th* 
English,  nor  make  war  wUh  them."  And  Mr.  Hubbard  adds,  "  it  is  to  he  noted, 
tJiut  this  Passaconawa  was  tlie  most  noted  powow  and  sorcerer  of  all  the 
country." 

A  story  of  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Passaconaway,  in  1029,  is  thus 
related.  Winnepvrket,  commonly  called  George,  sachem  of  Saugus,  made 
known  to  the  chief  of  Pcunakook,  tliat  he  desu'ed  to  marry  his  daughter, 
which,  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consnnunated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  Passaconaway,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  n  great  feast.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usages  of  the  chiefs,  Passaeonaumy  ordered  a  select  number  of 
his  men  to  accompany  the  new-married  couple  to  the  dwelling  of  the 
husband.  When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feasting  followed, 
for  the  entertainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  present  at  the  con- 
summation at  the  bride's  father's,  as  well  as  for  the  escort ;  who,  when  this 
was  ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  fVinnepurket,  expressing  a  desire  to  visit  her 
father's  house  and  friends,  was  permitted  to  go,  and  a  choice  company  con- 
ducted her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  Tier  husband,  her  father,  instead 
of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachem  to  come  and  take  her 
awav.  Ae  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this  answer: 
**  when  she  departed  firom  me,  I  caused  my  men  to  escort  her  to  your  dwell- 
ing, as  became  a  chieC  She  now  having  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I  did 
expect  the  same."  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in  his  turn  angry,  and 
returned  on  answer  which  only  increased  the  difference ;  and  it  is  believed 
that  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new  husband  and  wife.f 

This  same  year,  [16G2,]  we  find  the  general  court  acting  upon  a  petition 
of  Passaconaway,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themselves,  Papiase- 
coneioay.  The  petition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  from  the  answer  given  to 
it,  've  learn  its  nature.  The  court  say :  "  In  answer  to  the  petition  of 
Papisseconeway,  this  court  judgeth  it  mecte  to  graunt  to  the  said  Papisseeone- 
way  and  his  men  or  associates  about  Naticot,  %  above  Mr.  Brenton^a  lands, 
where  it  is  free,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  either  side  Merremack  Riuer  in  breadth, 
three  miles  on  either  side  in  length :  provided  he  nor  they  do  not  alienate 
any  pait  of  this  grant  without  leave  and  license  from  this  court,  first 
oljtained.'^ 

Governor  Winikrop  mentions  this  chief  as  early  as  1632.  One  of  his  men, 
having  gone  with  a  white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  "  dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away  with 
his  goods ; "  but  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Passaconaway  pursued 
and  took  the  murderer.  In  1642,  there  was  great  alarm  throughout  the 
English  settlements,  from  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the  country  were 
about  to  make  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites.  The  government  of  Mas- 
such  usetts  took  prompt  measures  "to  strike  a  terror  into  the  Indians."  They 
tlierefore  "  sent  men  to  Cutshanukiny  at  Braintree,  to  fetch  him  and  his  guns^ 

*  Gookin's  Hist,  of  Praying  Indians.  This  history  was  drawn  up  during  the  year  1677, 
and  iiow  long  before  this  the  author  saw  him,  is  unknown  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  he 
was  dead  some  years  before  Philip's  war.  Nevertheless,  with  Mr.  Hubbard  and  our  text 
lii'i'nrc  him,  the  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  has  made  Pittsaconaway  appear  in  the  persoi 
of  Aspinquid,  in  1682,  at  Agamentacus  in  Maine. 

t  licdiiceil  from  facts  in  Morton's  N.  Canaan. 

i  Auutlicr  version  of  Nalium-keag. 


Chap.  VII,]    WANNALANCET  MADE  PRISONER  BY  THE  ENGLISH.        279 


bo\VH,  &c.,  which  wuh  done;  and  he  canio  willingly:  And  lH;ing  hito  in  the 
night  wiien  they  cunin  to  HoHton,  ho  waa  put  into  tho  prison  ;  l>iit  the  noxl 
inornin;;,  tiiurm^,  n|K)n  cxanihiation  of  him  and  divers  of  hia  men,  no  ground 
of  Huspiciun  of  Inn  partaking  in  any  such  conttpiracy,  ho  wan  diIllnis^H^d. 
U|)ou  the  warrant  wliich  went  to  IpHwich,  Rowley  and  Nt;wlinry,  to  disarm 
PaasMonamij,  wlio  lived  hy  Merrinmck,  thev  sent  forth  40  men  armed  the 
next  day."  These  English  were  liindereu  from  visiting  the  wigwam  of 
Paasaconaimy,  l>y  rainy  weatlier,  '*  but  they  earne  to  his  son's  and  took  him." 
This  son  wo  presume  waa  fVannalancet.  This  they  hud  orders  to  do ;  hut 
for  biking  a  squaw  and  her  child,  they  had  none,  and  wem  orden-d  to  semi 
fhein  buck  again  immediately.  Fearing  WannnhinctCa  0!»ca|)<',  they  "  led  hini 
in  a  lino,  but  he  taking  an  opportunity,  slip|K:d  his  line  and  csi-a|M;d  trom 
them,  i)Ut  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  niissctd  him  nar- 
rowly." These  were  called,  then,  "unwarnmted  proceedings,"  as  we  sliouhl 
Bay  they  very  well  might  have  been.  The  English  now  had  some  actual 
reason  to  feur  that  Paasaconatoay  would  resent  tnia  outrage,  and  thereliire 
'^seiit  Cutahamekin  to  him  to  let  him  know  that  what  was  done  to  his  son 
and  squaw  was  without  order,"  and  to  invite  him  to  a  |mrley  at  Koston ;  also^ 
*^  to  show  him  the  occassion  wht>rciipon  we  had  sent  to  dis)>nn  all  tlie  In- 
dians, and  that  when  we  should  fuid  that  they  were  innocent  of  any  such 
conspiracy,  we  would  restore  all  their  urma  again."  Pwimconnwni/  said  wiien 
he  should  have  his  son  and  squaw  returned  safe,  he  would  go  and  sjieak 
with  them.  The  squaw  waa  so  much  frightened,  that  she  ran  away  into  the 
woods,  and  waa  absent  ten  days.  It  seems  that  Wannalancit  wits  soon  lib- 
erated, as  he  within  a  short  time  went  to  the  English,  "  and  (h^livered  up  his 
guns,  &c."*  These  w  re  the  circumstances  to  which  A/uin/unnontoA alluded 
60  happily  afterwards. 

At  a  court  in  Massachusetts  in  ll>44,  it  is  stud,  "  Passaconaioau,  the  Merri- 
mack sachem,  came  in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pumluiiti,  &c. 
had  done  before ;"  and  the  next  year  the  same  entry  occurs  again,  with 
the  addition  of  his  son's  submission  also,  "  together  with  their  lands  and 
people."  t 

This  cliief  is  supposod  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Massasoit, 
a  sachem  whom  in  many  respects  he  seems  to  have  much  resembled.  \  He 
was  often  styled  the  great  sachem,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Hubbard,  was  con- 
siilercd  a  great  powwow  or  sorcerer  among  his  people,  and  his  fame  in  this 
respect  was  very  extensive  ;  and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any  thing  that 
they  thought  him  not  able  to  perform :  that  he  could  cause  a  green  leaf  to 
grow  in  winter,  trees  to  dance,  and  water  to  burn,  seem  to  have  been  ibutii 
of  common  notorietv  in"  his  time. 

WANNALANCET,  or  IVnnolancel,  in  obedience  to  tho  advice  of  his  father, 
always  kept  peace  with  the  English.  He  resided  at  an  ancient  seat  of  tiio 
sagamores,  upon  the  Merrimack,  colled  at  that  time  JVaamktke,  but  from 
whence  he  withdrew,  in  the  time  of  the  war  with  Philip,  and  took  up  liis 
quarters  among  the  Pennakooks,  who  were  also  his  people. 

About  the  beginning  of  September,  1675,  Captain  Mosebf,  with  aliout  100 
men,  was  ordered  to  march  up  into  the  country  of  the  Merrimack  to  ascertain 
the  state  of  aftiurs  under  Wannaiancet.  These  men  scouted  in  warlike  array 
as  far  as  Pennakook,  now  Concord,  N.  H.  They  could  not  find  an  Indian, 
but  came  upon  their  wigwams,  and  burned  them,  and  also  a  quantity  of  dried 
fish  and  other  articles.  Although  this  was  a  most  wanton  and  unwarrantable, 
not  to  say  unnecessary  act  of  these  whites,  yet  no  retaliation  took  place  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  And  whether  to  attribute  their  forbearance  to  cow- 
ardice, or  to  the  great  respect  in  which  the  dying  adviceof  PavracoTwaj^  wag 

•   ^VitUhTop's  Journal.  f  Ibid. 

\  Among  other  stanzhs  in  Farmer  and  Moore't  Collections,  the  following  very  happily 
introduces  Pauaconaaoay  :— 

"  Once  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
The  tketch,  which  one  of  Pattaconateay  drew. 
Well  may  the  muse  his  memory  retrieve 
From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true, 
Retouch  that  pictuie  strange,  with  tints  and  honor*  due." 


1-^^; 


-1 


'V 


4 


•  ''•■rn 
t.i 


280 


WANNALANCET.— INDIANS  SEIZED  AT  DOVER.       [Book  m 


m 


held,  18  lint  rrrtaiii ;  for  Ifanalarwd  and  his  men  had  notice  of  the  approach 
of  Moseli/,  and  lay  ironcfulod  while  ho  wus  dostroying  tlicir  eflccts ;  and 
iiii;;iit  liuvc  cut  oil'  IiIh  coinpiiiiy,  which  the  young  warriors  advised,  but 
ft'atnuduncel  would  not  pt;riiiit  u  gun  to  bo  fired. 

Having;  nbuiidant  rvuHon  now  to  foar  the  resentment  of  the  Pa^vtiickctt  and 
Pcnnakouk  Indians,  the  council  of  Mussachusetts,?  Scptcmlicr,  1075,  ordered 
that  Lieutenant  Thomita  Ihnchntan,  of  Cheliiisford,  should  send  some  messen- 
gers to  tiiid  him,  and  persuade  him  of  their  friendship,  and  ur^e  his  return  to  hia 
place  of  residence.  With  tiiis  order,  u  letter  was  sent  to  fyannalancet  at  tho 
siimu  time.  'J'hey  are  as  follows :  "It  is  ordered  liy  the  council  that  Lieut 
Tho*.  Henehnutn  do  forthwith  endeavor  to  ]>roci're  by  hire,  one  or  twa 
Buitjibie  Indiana  of  VVamesit,  to  travel  and  seek  to  find  out  and  speidc  with 
fVannalancet  the  sachem,  and  carry  with  thciii  a  writing  from  the  council, 
beiii|(  a  safe  conduct  unto  tho  said  suchem,  or  any  other  priiicipid  men  be- 
longing to  Natuhook,  I'enagooge,  or  other  people  of  those  northern  Indians, 
giving  (not  exceeding  six  persons)  free  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  tho 
said  Henchman,  where  the  council  will  apiioint  Cupt  Gookin  and  Mr.  £/to<  to 
treat  with  them  aliout  terms  of  amity  anu  peace  between  tiiem  and  the  Eng- 
lish ;  and  in  case  agreements  and  conclusions  lie  not  mudc  to  mutual  satis- 
fhctinii,  tlien  the  suid  sachem  and  all  others  that  accompany  him  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  return  buck  again ;  and  this  ofler  the  council  are  induced  to 
make,  because  the  said  /Vannalancet  sachem,  us  they  arc  informed,  hath  de- 
dai'ed  himself  that  the  Engli.^h  never  did  any  wrong  to  him,  or  his  father 
Pa3saconaway,lwt  always  liveO  in  amity,  and  ihat  his  father  charged  him  so  to 
do,  and  that  said  Ifannalancet  will  not  begin  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  English." 
The  Ibllowing  is  t,'ie  letter  to  IVantialancet : — 

"  This  our  writin<r  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  that  the  governor  and 
council  of  Massachusetts  do  give  you  and  every  of  you,  provided  you  exceed 
not  six  iiersons,  free  liberty  of  coming  unto  and  returning  in  safety  from 
the  house  of  Lieut.  T.  Henchman  at  Noamkoake,  and  there  to  treat  with 
Capt.  Danid  Gookin  and  Mr.  John  Eliot,  whom  you  know,  and  [whom]  we 
will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you,  upon  such  meet  terms 
and  articles  of  friendship,  amity  and  subjection,  as  were  formerly  made  and 
concluded  between  tho  English  and  old  Pasaaconaway,  your  father,  and  his 
sons  and  people  ;  and  for  this  end  we  have  sent  these  messengers  [blank  in 
the  MS.]  to  convey  these  unto  you,  and  to  bring  your  answer,  whom  we 
desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  speedily  to  despatch  them  Imck  to  us  with 
your  answer.  Dated  iii  Boston,  1  Oct  1(375.  Signed  by  order  of  the 
council.  John  Leverett,  Gov. 

Edw  I.  Ratoson,  Seer." 

The  messengers  who  went  out  with  this  letter,  to  find  fVannalancet,  could 
not  meet  with  him,  but  employed  another  to  find  him,  and  returned ;  and 
whctluT  he  ever  received  it  is  not  distinctly  stated.  However,  with  a  few 
followers,  he  retired  into  the  wilderness  near  the  source  of  the  Connecticut, 
and  there  passed  the  winter.  The  next  summer  he  was  joined  by  parties  of 
Ni[)miiks  under  Sagamore  sam,  One-eifed-john,  and  others,  who,  coming  in 
with  him,  were  in  liopea  of  receiving  pardon,  but  their  fate  has  lM*ea 
stated. 

Major  fFaldron  of  Cochecho  had  many  Lidians  in  his  interest  during  the 
war  with  Philip.  Some  of  these  were  employed  to  entice  men  from  tho 
enemy's  ranks,  and  they  succeeded  to  a  great  extent  And  by  the  beginning 
of  September,  1(376,  about  400  Indians,  from  various  clans  fur  and  near,  had 
been  induced  to  come  into  Dover.  Among  these  was  fVannalancet  and  hia 
company.  They  came  without  hesitation,  as  they  had  never  been  engaged 
in  the  war;  and  many  who  had  been  engaged  in  hostility  came  along  with 
them,  presuming  they  might  be  overlooked  in  the  crowd,  and  so  escape  the 
vengeance  of  their  enemies ;  but  they  were  all  made  prisoners  on  the  6  Sep 
temlier  by  a  stratagem  devised  by  several  officers,  who  with  their  men  hap 
pened  then  to  be  at  Dover  with  fValdron,  and  somewhat  more  than  half  of 
the  whole  were  sold  into  foreign  slavery  or  executed  at  Boston :  about  200 
were  of  the  former  number. 


CHAf.   VII.] 


WANNALANCET  RETIRES  TO  CANADA. 


281 


The  Btrntnfrem  macio  use  of  to  trcnnn  thoiie  Indians  was  as  followH:  It  wiu 
propoHi'd  l>y  the  Kn^lisli  tlint  tliey  Blionid  join  with  tlie  IndiiuiH  in  a  trninin^', 
and  iiiive  8iinni-fi;:htti.  While  prrfonnin^'  their  cvohitionH,  u  inovt-niiiit  \vt\a 
nind*-  liy  the  wiiitcH,  wiiicji  rntirely  snrroiUKlcd  tho  Indiuni*,  und  tlity  were 
all  8(>cnn><l  without  violence  or  hlnodnhed. 

On  tlie  3  May,  1G7(),  Thomas  Kiinhal  of  Krudfurd  was  killed,  and  liiH  wife 
and  five  children  carried  into  the  wildern<'t<s.  From  th<>  rircnniHtanee  that 
H'annalancH  caused  them  to  l>e  sent  home  to  their  friends  again,  it  would 
■eeni  that  tiioy  were  taken  by  some  of  the  enemy  within  his  8acheni<lom,  or 
by  gome  over  whom  he  had  nome  control.  From  a  mannm-ript  written  about 
the  time,*  we  are  able  to  make  the  following  e.xtnict,  which  goi'8  to  show 
tliat  IVannnlanctt  was  ever  the  friend  of  the  English,  and  also  his  disposition 
to  humane  actions.  Mr.  Cvbhet  says,  "thou^di  she  [Mrs.  Kimbiil,]  and  her 
sucking  child  were  twice  condemned  bv  the  Indians,  ami  the  hres  ready 
made  to  burn  them,  yet,  both  times,  saved  by  the  recpiest  of  one  of  tiieir  own 
grandees ;  and  allerwards  by  the  intercession  of  the  8.-ichem  of  Fennicook, 
stirred  nit  thereunto  by  Major  If'tddron,  was  she  and  her  five  children,  together 
with  Philip  Eastman  of  Haverhill,  Uikeii  captive  when  she  and  lier  children 
were,  s<.'t  at  liberty,  without  ran.^'om." 

The  400  Indians  surprised  at  Cochecho,  by  Hnlhonie,  Frost,  Sill,  and  ff'al- 
dron,  included  Wannalancd  with  his  jieople,  who  did  not  pn)bably  exceed 
lOO.  This  chief,  then,  witii  a  \Vw  of  his  people,  being  set  at  liberty,  was  per- 
suaded to  return  to  his  former  residence  at  ISaamkeke,  but  he  never  felt  rec- 
onciled here  aAerwards,  ibr  it  had  i)ecome  almost  as  another  place:  sonio 
Lwless  whites  had  sei/.ed  upon  his  huvU,  and  looked  upon  him  with  envious 
eyes,  as  though  he  bad  been  an  intrudi;r  und  had  no  rigiit  there.  lie,  however, 
contimied  for  about  a  year  afterwards,  when,  upon  the  19  Septcndier,  1677, 
he  was  visited  by  a  party  of  Indians  from  Canada,  who  urged  him  to  accom- 
pany them  to  their  country',  lie  finally  consented,  and  wiih  all  of  his  people, 
«\Kce|)t  two,  in  number  about  .W,  of  whom  not  above  eight  were  men,  depart- 
ed for  Canada,  and  was  not  heard  of  after,  t 

It  was  on  this  veiy  same  day,  viz.  It)  September,  that  a  party  of  Indians  fell 
u])<>n  Hatfield,  the  particidars  of  which  irruption,  though  in  one  view  of  the 
case  tJoes  not  strietly  beloii"  to  the  life  of  ff'annalancet,  we  give  here  in  the 
words  of  Mr.  Hubbard.  \  "  About  Sept.  lOth,  40  or  50  River  Indians  §  fell  sud- 
deidy  i.pon  the  town  of  Hatfield,  whose  iidiabitants  were  a  little  too  secure, 
and  too  i.<;udy  to  say  the  bitterness  of  death  was  past,  because  they  had  neither 
wen  nor  Leard  of  an  enemy  in  those  parts  for  half  a  year  before.  Hut  ut  this 
;imp,as  a  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  small  village  were 
smployed  in  raising  the  frame  of  an  bouse  without  the  palisadoes,  that  defend- 
jd  their  houses  from  any  sudden  incursions  of  the  enemy,  they  were  violent- 
ly and  suddenly  assaidted  by  40  or  50  Indians,  whom  they  were  in  no  capacity 
lo  resist  or  defend  themselves,  so  as  several  were  shot  down  irom  the  top  of 
the  house  which  they  were  raising,  and  sundry  were  carried  away  captive,  to 
the  number  of  20  or  more,  which  was  made  up  24  with  them  they  carried  away 
the  s«me  or  the  next  day  frotu  Dcertield,  whither  some  of  the  inhafntants  had 
unadvisedly  too  soon  rotiuned.  One  of  the  company  escaped  out  of  their  hands 
two  or  three  days  after,  who  informed  that  they  had  passed  with  their  \)oot 
captives  two  or  three  times  over  the  Connecticut  to  prevent  being  i)ursued." 

At  first  this  attack  was  su[)posed  to  have  been  made  by  a  party  of  Mohawks, 
according  to  Gookin,  because  it  took  phce  the  next  day  after  some  of  that 
natiokt  had  passed  througli  the  ]iluce  with  come  Christian  Indians  prisoners, 
and  a  scalp,  which  was  afterwards  found  to  have  been  taken  from  the  head 
of  an  Indian  named  Josiak  JVouel,  \\  near  Sudbury.    But  one  of  the  captives 

•  By  Rev.  T.  Cohbet  of  Ipswich. 

t  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians.  %  Hisl.  N.  England,  G36. 

^  They  inhabited  chiefly  in  New  York  along  the  Hudson  ;  a  few  in  the  N.  W.  corner  of 
Connecticut,  and  a  few  on  the  Housatunnuk  River.  Hopkin's  Memoir  of  the  Itoiisatunnuk 
/ju/iu/w,  p.  1.— "  The  Wabinga,  sometimes  called  River  Indians,  sometimes  Moliiranders, 
and  who  had  their  dwellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Huiison's  River,  from 
Ihe  Kittatinney  ridge  down  to  the  Rarilon."    Jefferson's  Notes,  308. 

y  By  his  deatii  lou-  small  children  were  left  laihcrless.    Nnuel  and  James  Sjxxh  had  bcei 

24* 


,  It 

1 


wi<\ 


m  I. 


282 


ASHPELON.— STOCKWELLS  CAPTIVITY. 


[Uuiix  III 


taken  at  Hatfield  escaped,  and  returned  soon  aftnr,  and  reported  that  the  com- 
pany of  Indians  tliat  attacked  Hatfield  consisted  of  23  men  and  focir  women, 
and  were  some  of  those  wlio  had  belonged  to  Philip's  party,  but  liad  taken 
up  their  residence  in  Canada,  from  whence  tliey  made  tliis  exjiedition.* 
Another  |)arty  lefl  Canada  at  the  same  time,  who,  after  separating  fi-oin  the 
former,  directed  their  course  towards  Merrimack,  and  tlii%  was  the  company 
who  persuaded  or  com[)elled  tVanrudancet  to  go  with  them.  That  lie  went 
not  by  compulsion  is  very  probable  ;  for  the  party  with  whom  he  went  off 
"  were  liis  kindred  and  relations,  one  of  them  was  his  wife's  brother,  and  his 
eldest  son  also  lived  with  the  French  "  in  Canada,  f 

While  at  Pawtucket,  and  not  long  before  his  final  departure,  H'annalancd 
went  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Fwfcc  of  Cheli/<8ford,  and  inquired  of  him  con- 
cerning the  welfare  of  his  ibrmer  acquaintances,  and  whether  the  place  had 
sufTered  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Fiske  onswcred  that  they  had  been 
highly  favored  in  that  respect,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  "  Me  next," 
said  the  chief,  thereby  intiinutiug  that  he  was  conscious  of  having  prevented 
mischief  from  failing  upon  them.  I 

In  1059,  IFanruilansit  was  t^irown  into  pvisoii  i"or  a  debt  of  about  £45.  His 
people,  who  owned  on  island  in  Meiiimack  River,  three  miles  above  Paw- 
tuckett  Fulls,  containing  GO  .icres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation, 
relinquished  it,  to  obtain  his  release.  About  1670,  he  removed  to  Pawtiickctt 
Foils,  where,  u|)on  an  eminence,  Ik  built  a  fort,  and  resided  until  Philip's 
war.  He  was  about  55  yeora  of  age  in  1674 ;  always  friendly  to  the  English, 
but  unwilling  to  be  inqmituned  about  adopting  their  religion.  When  he  had 
cot  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desires  in  that  rt'spcct. 
Upon  that  occasion  he  is  rojwrted  to  have  said,  "  /  must  acknowledge  I  have  all 
my  days  been  used  to  pass  in  an  old  canoey  and  now  you  exhort  me  to  change  and 
Uave  my  old  canoe  and  embark  in  a  new  one,  to  which  I  have  hitherto  been  umvill- 
ing,  but  now  I  yield  up  myself  to  your  advice,  and  enter  into  a  new  canoe,  and 
do  engage  to  pray  ti  God  hereajler. 

Reverend  John  Eliot  tlius  writes  to  tlie  Honorable  Robert  Boyle  §  in  Englond, 


together  but  half  an  hour  before  the  former  was  killeil,  and  by  appointment  were  lo  have  met 
again.  But  when  Spetn  came  lo  the  place,  he  could  lind  nothing'  of  his  fricud.  They  were 
brothers-in-law,, 

•  It  seems  fi^om  the  narrative  of  Quintin  Stockwell,  that  the  parly  who  oommilled  this 
depredation  was  led  by  a  great  and  magnanimous  sachem  called  ASHPELON,  of  whom, 
further  than  the  events  of  this  famous  expedition,  I  have  learned  nolhiag.  "  Sept.  19,  1G77, 
about  sunset,"  says  Slock  Dell,  "  I  and  nnothcr  man  being  together,  tlie  Indians  with  great 
shouting  and  shootmg  came  upon  us,  [at  Dcerfield,]  and  some  other  of  the  English  hard  by,  at 
which  we  ran  to  a  swamp  for  refuge  ;  wiiich  they  perceiving,  nmdo  after  us,  and  shot  at  ur, 
three  guns  being  dischorged  upon  me.  The  swamp  being  °  y  I  slipt  in  and  fell  down  ; 
whereupon  an  bidian  slept  to  me,  with  his  hatchet  lifted  up  >.  icnock  me  on  the  head,  sup- 
posing I  was  wounded,  and  unfit  for  travel.  It  happened  I  had  a  pistol  in  my  pocket,  which 
though  uncharged,  I  presented  to  him,  who  presently  slept  back,  and  told  me,  if  I  would 
yield  I  should  nave  no  hurt ;  boasted  that  (hey  had  destroyed  ell  Hatlield,  and  that  the  woods 
were  full  of  Indians  ;  whereupon  1  yielded  myself"  He  was  then  taken  back  to  Dcerfield, 
where  he  was  pinioned,  and  wiih  other  cnptives  marched  into  the  wilderness.  Their  suffer- 
ings, as  usual  in  Indian  caplivily,  were  most  cruel  and  severe :  for  many  nights  together  they 
were  "  slaked  down  "  to  the  cold  ground,  in  ihis  manner  :  The  captive  being  laid  upon  his 
back,  his  arms  and  feet  were  extended,  and  with  cords  or  withes  lashed  lo  sinkes  driven 
into  the  ground  for  Inal  purpose.  ISesidos  lashing  the  arms  and  legs,  the  neck  and  body  were 
also  seciWcil  in  the  same  way,  and  often  so  tight  as  lo  cause  swemngs  and  the  most  excruci- 
ating pains.  Wliili-  on  their  march,  the  captives  had  frequent  opportunities  of  escaping 
siiigTy,  but  wouUl  hdI,  (iir  frar  of  endangering  the  lives  of  the  rest }  but  at  length  Bevjamin 
Stebhirts,  in  a  journey  with  his  Indian  master  lo  Wachiiset  hill,  made  his  escape.  When  the 
rest  knew  this,  they  were  for  burning  the  remaining  captives,  but  some  being  opposed  to  the 
measure,  they  agreed  to  have  a  court  and  debate  Ihe  subject.  Ashpelon  told  the  En,>vlish  not 
to  fear,  for  he  would  speak  last,  and  would  frustrate  the  design  of  burning,  for  he  would  show 
that  it  was  not  Stehhins's  fault  fur  running  away,  but  the  fault  of  the  Indian  who  had  him  in 
charge  ;  and  he  brought  it  to  pass,  as  ho  had  promised.  Having  at  length  arrived  among  the 
French,  Slitchnell  was  pawned  lo  on?  of  llicm,  and  in  the  end  sold  for  SI  beaver  skins,  and 
■ome  lime  the  next  year  got  hor.te  again.     KepiarlcabU  Prin-iihtirri.    Hlovir'x  Amerini,  221. 

t   Oonkhi's  MS.  History.  t  Al/en's  Hisl.  (•hclin>l<)r(l,  157. 

^  For  many  years  at  the  h"ad  of  the  Society  for  Proprgiiiing  the  Gospel  amoiig  llic  Inilians. 
He  was  a  grcni  h.-ncfiirlor  of  N.  England,  and  one  of  the  (biuiders  of  the  Royal  Sociolv  of 
Loudon.    He  was  by  birth  an  Irishman,  nut  seuled  finally  aU'xturd,  Englat  i.    He  died  in  Lou 


r>  I 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET. 


283 


in  li  77 : — "We  had  a  sachem  of  the  greatest  blood  in  the  country  nubmitted 
to  pruy  to  God,  a  little  bcfoi-e  the  wars :  his  name  is  fVanalauncei :  in  the 
time  of  the  wars  he  fled,  by  reason  of  the  wiek<!d  actings  of  some  English 
youth,  who  causelessly  all"' 'uisely  killed  and  woimded  some  of  them.  He 
wus  pcn^uaded  to  come  i  gain.  But  the  English  having  plowed  and  sown 
with  rye  all  their  lands,  tiiey  had  but  little  corn  to  subsist  by.  A  party  of 
French  Indians,  (of  whom  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this  sachem's  wife,) 
very  lately  fell  ufion  this  people,  being  but  few  and  unarmed,  and  partly  by 
persuasion,  partly  by  force,  carried  them  away.  One,  with  his  wife,  child 
and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  our  praying  Indians,  made  their  cscajie,  cumv 
in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what  was  done.  These  things  keep  some 
in  a  continual  disgust  and  jealousy  of  all  the  Indiana."  * 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  a  word  upon  the  name  of  the  place  which  we 
have  often  mentioned  in  this  life,  as  the  same  word,  differently  pronounced, 
was  applied  to  a  great  many  places  by  the  Indians,  and  is  the  same  word 
which  Dr.  /.  Mather  and  some  others  made  many  believe  was  made  up  of 
two  Hebrew  wordn,  to  prove  Mint  the  Indians  were  really  the  descendants  of 
the  dispersed  Jews ;  but  for  which  purpose,  if  we  are  not  misinformed,  any 
other  Indian  word  would  answer  the  same  purpose.  The  doctor  writes 
the  name  JVahumkeik,  and  adds  that  JVtiAum  signifies  consolation^  and  keik  a 
bosom,  or  heaven ;  and  hence  the  settlers  of  places  bearing  this  name  were 
seated  in  the  bosom  of  consolation,  f  He  points  out  this  etymological  anal- 
ogy in  speaking  of  the  settlement  of  Snlctn,  which  was  called  by  the  Indians 
JSTaumJaiag,  JVamkeg,  jyaamhok,  AhumAitAr,  or  something  a  little  somewhat 
like  it  A  sad  hosome  of  consolalion,  diil  it  prove  in  the  days  of  Tili^a,  (to 
say  nothing  of  some  more  mo<lern  events,)  and  even  in  Dr.  Mather's  own 
days.  [Though  a  digression,  we  shall,  I  doubt  not,  be  panloned  for  inserting 
here  Dr.  C.  Mather's  account  of  a  curiosity  at  Amoskeag  Fulls,  which  he  gave 
in  a  letter  to  Loudon,  and  which  afterwards  appeared  in  the  Philosophical 
Transactions :  t  "At  a  place  called  Aninuskeag,  a  little  above  the  hideous  § 
falls  of  Merimack  River,  there  is  a  hu^e  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  on 
the  top  of  which  are  a  great  number  of  pits,  nia<le  exactly  round,  like  iHurels 
or  hogsheads  of  different  capacities,  some  so  large  as  to  hold  several  tuns. 
The  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made;  but  the  neighboring 
Indians  have  been  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them,  in  their  wars  with  the 
Maqti.-is ;  nffirniiiig,  Cod  liad  cut  thcin  out  for  that  use  for  tiicm.  They  si-eni 
plainly  to  be  artificial."  It  could  certainly  have  required  no  great  s«igaeity 
to  have  supposed  that  one  stone  placed  upon  another  in  the  water,  so  ns  to 
have  been  constantly  rolled  iVoiii  side  to  side  by  the  current,  would,  in  time, 
occasion  such  cavitie.s.  One  (piite  as  remarkable  we  have  seen  near  the 
source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent  from  the  Franconia  Muniitains ;  also  upon 
the  Mohawk,  a  short  distance  below  Little  Falls.  They  may  be  seen  as  you 
pass  ui)on  the  canal. 

Early  purchases  of  lands  bring  to  our  notice  a  host  of  Indians,  many  of 

tloii,  1()91,  Bffod  Gl-  yoiirs.  The  following  liiius  are  no  less  well  conceived  by  llio  poet  tliaii 
(lusurvcd  by  lliis  benevolent  |iliiloso|)lior : 

How  iiuirli  lo  Hovi.E  the  Icnrncd  world  docs  owe, 
'I'lic  Irarned  world  docs  only  know. 
He  traced  (jreal  nature's  seriel  springs  ; 
'i'lie  causes  and  the  seeds  of  things  ; 
WImt  strange  elastic  power  the  air  conlaini, 
What  inulliur  earth  secures  witliin  her  gecret  veins. 

Athenian  Oracle,  i.  67. 
»  1  Coll.  Sla.1.1.  Hht.  ,SV.  iii,  17!). 

t  lielalion  of  the  Trniihli's,  <.V,o.  20.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  was  the  author  of  a  great  many 
works,  chiefly  sermons,  muny  of  which  have  become  curious  for  their  singularity,  and  some 
others  valuable  for  the  facts  thov  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of  that  day,  had 
very  little  meaning  i'l  lliem,  and  coiise(|uently  are  now  forgotten.  He  was  son  of  Kiclmrd 
Mifther,  preached  in  Boston  above  (!0  years,  died  in  1723,  aged  84  years.  See  hi.  life,  by  his 
son,  Dr.  Cntlnn  Mather,  who  was  born  \2  Feb.  IGfi'i— 3,  die3  13  Feb.  17J7— 8,  aged  C5.  Seo 
iiis  life  by  Samuel  Mather, 
i  Vol.  v.  of  Jones's  Abridgement,  part  ii.  IGt. 

^  We  cannot  snv  what  lh(W  were  in  those  days,  bnt  should  expect  to  be  laughed  at  if  wt 
thould  call  them  hideous  at  the  present  time. 


fill 


384 


WEHANOWNOWIT.— ROBINHOOD. 


[Book  III. 


I.  ; 


I;  \r    1 ' 


whom,  though  sachems,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade,  wouhl  never 
have  come  to  our  knowledge.  There  are  some,  howeve*",  of  whom  we  shall 
in  this  chapti-r  take  notice,  as  such  notices  assist  in  enabling  us  to  judge  how 
tJie  natives  regarded  their  lands,  and  the  territories  of  their  neighboring 
countrymen. 

WEHANOWNOWrr  was  a  New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has 
been  considerably  handled  within  a  few  years,  from  its  beir  g  found  to  the 
much-talked-of  deed  conveying  lands  in  New  Hampshire  to  the  Reverend 
John  ffheelwrieht,  and  others,  3  April,  1638.  If  Wehanmonowit  wore  sachem  of 
tlie  tract  said  to  have  been  by  him  conveyed,  his  "  kingdom "  was  larger 
than  some  can  boast  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  30  miles  square,  and  its  boundaries  were  thus  described :  "  lying  and 
situate  within  three  miles  on  the  northerne  side  of  y*  River  Meremoke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  from  the  sea  side,  and  from  the 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscataqua  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  countrey  north- 
west, and  so  from  the  falls  of  Piscataqua  to  Oyster  River,  30  miles  square 
every  way."  The  original  is  in  possession  of  Mr.  John  Farmer,  of  Concord, 
N.  H.*  TcMHADOCKYOiN  was  a  son  of  fVehanovmomt,  and  his  name  is  also 
to  the  deed  above  mentioned ;  and  another  Indian,  belonging  to  that  tract  of 
country,  named  If^atchenowet :  these  1  otli  relinquished  their  title  to,  or  con- 
curred in  the  sale  of  said  tract. 

RoBiNHOoof  was  the  iiither  of  a  more  noted  chief,  whose  Indian  name 
was  tVohawa,  but  commoidy  known  among  the  English  as  Hopehood.  His 
territories,  as  will  appeal*,  were  upon  the  Kennebeck  Ri\er  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  first  notice  of  Rol'mhood  vuns  as  follows:  "Be  it  known" — "that  I, 
Jtamegin^X  soe  called  by  my  Indian  name,  or  Bobinhood,  soe  called  by 
English  name,  sagamore  of  Negusset,  [or  Neguusseag,]  doe  freely  sell  vnto 
James  Smilh,"  —  "jjart  of  my  land,  beginning  att  Merrj'-meeting  Cove,  and 
Boe  downward  the  maine  riuer  vnto  a  rocke,  called  Wmslotce^s  Rocke,  in  the 
longe  reach,  and  in  breadth  eastward  ouer  the  little  riuer,  runinge  tlirough 
tlie  great  mersh,  with  tlie  priuilidges  [reserved  to  me]  as  hunting,  fowlinge, 
fishing,  and  other  games."  Smith  was  to  pay  him  or  liis  heirs,  on  the  1  No- 
vember annually,  "  one  peck  of  Indian  corn."  This  deed  bears  date  8  May, 
1648,  and  is  signed  and  witness'-d  as  follows : — § 


Negwinis  hia  -j-  mark. 

SONGREEHOOD  his     I'  mwk 

and  two  English. 


RoBiiNHooD  VJ  ^^  mark. 
Mr.  Thomas  A  ^"  mark. 
Pewazegsake  £L  his  mark. 
The  mark  -^-^  o/"  Robin. 


The  next  year,  1649,  he  sold  the  island  of  Jeremysf|uam,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Kenneheck,  and  in  1654  we  find  him  selling  h<s  place  of  residence, 
which  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  Bateman  and  John  Broum. 
In  1()(J3,  Bobinhood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  among  the 
eastern  Indians.  || 

In  16()7,  the  inhabitants  upon  Connecticut  River,  about  Hadley,  sustained 
some  injury  from  Lidians,  in  their  lands  and  domestic  animals,  and  satisfac- 
tion therefor  was  demanded  of  Bobinhood;  at  the  same  time  threatening  him 
with  the  utmost  severity,  if  the  like  should  be  repeated.  But  whether  his 
people  were  tne  per|)etrator8  we  are  not  told ;  but  from  the  following  facts 
It  may  be  thought  otherwise.  "  To  promote  amity  with  them,  license  was  at 
lengtJi  given  to  tlie  traders  in  liir  and  in  peltries,  to  sell  unto  Indian  friends 


if  ■ ' 

m 


*  MS.  conimunicatlon  of  Ihni  gentleman. 

t  'I'liis  name  was  ailoptcci,  I  have  no  doubt,  as  it  came  somelhine'  near  liie  sound  of  his 
Indian  name,  as  was  the  case  in  several  instances  which  we  have  already  recorded  :  the  old 
[English  rohber  ol' that  name,  or  fables  concerning  him,  are  among  the  nr^t  in  the  nursery. 
liven  at  this  day,  the  curious  adult  will  dispense  with  Air,  Ritson't  collectiuns  of  legends  con* 
tcrniiig  him  with  peculiar  regret. 

^  The  same,  I  8up|)ose,  called  in  Snllivim's  Hist.  Rogomok. 

jji  From  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  original  deed. 
U     hsielyn,  who  visited  the  country  at  this  lime.    See  his  Voyages, 


I 


Chap.  VII.] 


KENN  EBIS.-CHOCORUA. 


285 


guns  and  ammunition"  •  Hence  these  ft  'ends  could  see  no  reumn,  after- 
words, why  arms  were  proliibitcd  theiiii  us  we  sliall  again  have  occasion  to 
'.lotice. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  Philip's  war,  Robinhood  was  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  in  it,  and  when  a  party  oi'  English  was  sent  at  that  time  to  learn 
the  feelings  of  his  people  in  that  re8])ect,  he  made  a  great  dance,  and  by 
songs  and  shouts  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  English  were  disposed 
to  maintain  peace. 

Mo.vquiwE,  "alias  JVatahanada,  the  son  of  old  JS/ataioormett,  sagamore  of 
Kcnnebcck  River,"  sold  to  irHliam  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on  both 
sides  of  said  river,  "  from  Cnssenocke  upwards  to  Wesserimsicke."  Thia 
sale  bore  date  8  August,  HU8.  The  signature  is  ^jtlonquine,  alias  Dum- 
hanadd."  Then  follows :  "  We,  Jlgodoademago,  the  sonne  of  fFojuhemett,  and 
Tassucke,  the  brother  of  JValahana^la,  f  do  consent  freely  unto  the  sale  to 
Bradford,  Paddy,  and  otlicrs."  J 

Ken.vebis  was  a  sachem  from  whom  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  Ken- 
nebeck  River  derived  its  name.  But  whether  there  were  a  line  of  saga- 
mores of  this  name,  from  whom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whether  sachems 
were  so  called  from  their  living  at  a  certain  place  upon  it,  is  uncertain.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  there  was  one  of  this  name  residing  there,  contem- 
poraneously with  Robinhood,  who,  besides  several  others,  deeded  and 
redeeded  the  lands  up  and  down  in  the  country.  He  was  sometimes  asso- 
ciated in  his  sales  with  Mbigadaaset,  and  sometimes  with  others.  In  1(i49, 
be  sold  to  Chislopher  Lawson  all  the  land  on  the  Kennebeck  River  up  as 
high  as  Taconnct  fiilla,  now  Winslow,  which  was  the  residence  of  the  great 
chief  Essiminasqua,  or  ^ssiminasqua,  elsewhere  mentioned.  About  the 
same  time,  he  sold  the  same  tract,  or  a  part  of  it,  to  Spencer  and  ClarL  The 
residence  of  Kennebis  was  upon  Swan  Island,  "  in  a  uelightful  situation,  and 
that  of  Jlbbigadassd  between  a  river  of  his  name  and  the  Kennel)eck,  upon 
the  northern  borders  of  Merry-meeting  Bay."  §  Swan  Island  was  purchased 
of  Mhigadasset  in  1G67,  by  Humphy  Davu,  and  allerwards  claimed  by  Sir 
John  Dam/,  a  Serjeant  at  law.  || 

We  shall  proceed  to  notice  here  one,  of  another  ago,  whose  melancholy 
fate  has  long  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  (settlement  of  Burton,  N.  H.,  that  is,  previous  to 
17G6,  there  resided  in  that  region  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  among  whom  was 
one  named 

Chocorua,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  those  romantic  scenes. 
This  region  was  attracting  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver  which  were 
found  in  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  clifts  afforded  safe  retreats  to  a 
plentiful  game.  It  is  handed  to  us  by  tradition,  that  Chocorua  was  the  last 
of  this  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a  miserable  white  hunter,  who, 
with  others  of  his  complexion,  had  wandered  here  in  quest  of  game.  This 
solitary  man  had  retired  to  a  neighboring  mountain,  and  was  there  discovered 
and  shot.  The  eminence  to  which  it  is  said  this  Indian  had  retired,  is  the 
highest  mountain  in  Burton,  and  commands  a  beautiful  view  of  a  great 
extent  of  surrounding  country.  One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that 
has  appeared  in  all  our  annuals,  is  that  representing  Chocorua  in  his  last 
retreat. 

It  is  a  fact  well  kno^vn  in  all  the  neighboring  parts  of  the  country,  that 
cattle  cannot  long  siu-vive  in  Burton,  although  there  a|)pears  abundance  of 
all  that  is  necessary  for  thcu-  support.    They  lose  their  appetite,  pine  and 


'A 


fc  '','^¥i 


•!    '1 


i 


*   Williamson's  Maine,  i.  428,  from  3  Mass.  Rrc. 

t  h  appears  from  (lie  "  Answer  to  the  Rermrks  of  the  PlymotUh  Company,"  thai  Esseme 
NosQUK  was  also  one  (Imt  ronscnted  lu  tlic  sale,     lie  is  (lie  same  whom  we  shall  nniice  as 


t  .' 


Axsiiiiinasqiia  In  our  ncx(  chapter. 
\  i'rnple  of  Plimoulli.— HtZ/ium  . 
ic  rnliliish  und 
&    W'it/iitmsc 
|]    Willi tmso 


i>|)ie  01  I'limouih.—  vyuuam  Paddy  died  at  Boston.    His  g^ravestone  was  dug  out  of 

(lir  nililiish  under  the  old  8(ate-house  in  1S30. 

tmson,  i.  461, 

imson,  i.  331.    Dr.  Holmes,  in  his  Annals,  places  (he  sale  of  Swau  Island  undei 


(■ 


i  (3 


M 


li 


*   '    , 

if   '. 

1:1 

,  ■  ■  t 
;  1  ',• 


■isV 


286 


SQUANOO.— BURNING  Ot  SACO. 


[Book  IU. 


(lie.  It  is  said  that  Chooorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expired,  and  the 
Buperstitious,  to  this  day,  attribute  the  disease  of  cattle  to  the  curse  of  Cho- 
corua.  But  a  much  more  rational  one,  wu  apprehend,  will  be  found  in  the 
affection  of  the  waters  by  minerals. 


90ffe 


CHAPTER  VUI. 

B^nANDo,  tarhem  of  Saeo—Jlltacka  the  town  of  Saro — Singvlar  account  of  him  by  a 
contemporary— The  ill  treatment  of  his  wife  a  euuneof  war — Hie  humanity  in  restor- 
ing a  captive — Madokawardo — Causes  of  his  hostility  —  Assiminasqua — His 
speech — Speech  of  Tarumkin— Muco — Is  carried  to  Boston  to  execute  a  treaty — Js 
Madokawando's  ambassador — Release  of  Thomas  Cnhbtt — MadokawanOo' s  kindness 
to  prisoners — Moxus  attacks  Wells  and  is  beaten  off- — Attacked  the  next  year  by  the 
Indians  under  Madokawando  and  a.  company  nf  Frenchmen — Are  repulsed  tcith 
great  loss — Incidents  of  the  siege — Mons.  Castcins — A  further  account  of  Moxus — 
Wa.nunqonkt — AssAcoMBUiT — FinihcT  accmmt  of  Mngg — His  death — Svmon, 
Andrew,  Jeoffrev,  Pf.ter  and  Joseph — Account  of  their  depredations — Life  of 
Kankamaqus — Treated  with  neglect — Flies  his  country— Bi comes  an  enemy^- 
Surprise  of  Dover  and  murder  of  Ma j.  (F<t/rfroB  — Masandowet— Worombo — 
His  fort  captured  by  Church — Kankamagus's  wU'c  and  children  taken — Hupehood — 
Conspicuous  in  the  massacre  at  Salmon  Falls — His  death— Matt avas do — 
Megunnewav. 

The  first  chief  wliich  will  here  be  properly  noticed  is  Squando,  a  Tar- 
ratine,  sachem  of  the  Socokis,  commonly  called  sagamore  of  Saco.  He  is 
mentioned  with  a  good  deal  of  singularity  by  the  writers  of  his  times.  And 
we  will  here,  by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr.  Mather,  in  his  Brief 
History,  &c.,  says  of  him.  »'  Af^er  this,  [the  burning  of  Casco,]  they  [the 
Indians]  set  upon  Saco,  v/heia  they  bhw  13  men,  and  at  last  burnt  tiie  town. 
A  principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a  strange  tnthusiastical  snga- 
more  called  Squando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  appeared 
to  him  in  the  form  of  a  tall  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to  him  that  he 
was  God,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of  strong  li(]uor8,  and 
to  pray,  and  to  keep  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the  word  preached ;  all 
whicli  things  the  Indian  did  for  some  years,  with  great  seeming  devotion 
and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which  appeared  to  him  said  nothing 
to  him  about  Jesus  Chriet ;  and  therefore  it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  that  at 
last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no  otherwise  than  a  child  of  him  that  was 
a  murderer  and  a  liar  from  the  beginning."  Mr.  Hvhbard  says  tliat  he  was 
"  tlie  chief  actor  or  rather  the  beginner "  of  the  eastern  war  of  1G75 — 6 ; 
but  rather  contradicts  the  statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  para- 

fraph,  by  attributing  the  same  cause  to  the  "  rude  and  indiscrete  act  of  some 
Inglish  seamen,"  who  either  for  mischief  overset  a  canoe  in  which  was 
Squanda's  wife  and  child,  or  to  see  if  yoimg  Indians  could  swim  naturally 
like  animals  of  tlie  brute  creation,  as  some  had  reported.  *  The  child  went 
to  the  bottom,  but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving  down 
and  bringing  it  up,  yet  "within  a  while  alter  the  said  child  died."  "The 
said  Squando,  father  of  the  child,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hath 
ever  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can  to  the  English."  The 
whites  did  not  l>elieve  tliat  the  death  of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  immer- 
sion; still  we  must  allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  they.  As  the 
most  memorable  exploit  in  which  Squando  was  engaged  was  the  burning 
of  Siico,  it  will  he  proper  to  enter  htru  more  in  detailinto  it.  The  two  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  place  were  Captain  Bonithon  and  Major  Phillips, 
wiiose  dwellings  were  situated  on  opposite  sides  of  Saco  River ;  tlie  I'oniier 
on  the  east  and  the  latter  on  the  west.  On  18  September,  l(i75,  Ciiptnin  Jion- 
Lhon^s  house  was  discovered  to  he  on  fire,  but  himself  and  family  had  just 

*  "  They  can  nwini  naturnlly,  slrikinir  llieir  paws  under  tlieir  lliroal  like  a  dog,  and  not 
iprvadiiiK  llieir  anus  as  we  do,"    Jonnelyii's  Voyage  to  N,  E.  I'U. 


Chap   VIII.] 


BURNING  OP  SACO. 


287 


before  escaped  across  the  river  to  Major  Phillip's,  and  thus  fortunately  de- 
feated a  purt  of  tlie  design  of  their  enemies.  For  this  fortunate  e8ca|)e, 
however,  ihey  were  under  deep  obligation  to  a  frienitly  Indian  who  lived 
near  by ;  he  having  been  some  how  niade  acquainted  with  the  design  of 
SqiMnlo,  immediately  imported  his  information  to  the  English. 

The  fire  of  Bonithon's  house,  says  Mr.  Uxtbbard, "  was  to  them  [at  PhiUipa'$ 
garrison,]  as  the  firing  of  a  beacon,"  which  gave  them  "time  to  look  to  them- 
selves." A  sentinel  in  the  chanil)er  soon  gave  notice  that  he  saw  an  Iiulian  near 
at  hard,  and  Mtyor  Phillipa  going  into  the  top  of  the  house  to  make  further 
discovery,  received  a  shot  in  the  shoulder ;  but  it  proved  to  be  only  a  flesh 
wound.  Knowing  PhiUipt,  and  supposing  him  to  be  slain,  the  Indians 
raised  a  great  shout,  and  instantly  discovered  themselves  on  all  sides  of  the 
garrison ;  but  the  English,  being  well  prepared,  fired  upon  tliein  from  all 
quarters  of  their  works,  killing  some  and  wounding  others.  Among  the 
hitter  was  a  chief  who  died  in  his  retreat,  three  or  four  miles  from  tlie  ulace. 
He  advised  his  fellows  to  desist  from  the  enterprise,  but  tliey  refused,  and 
after  continuing  the  siege  for  about  an  hour  longer,  they  began  to  devise 
some  means  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire.  But  in  order  to  draw  out  the  men 
from  it  in  the  firat  place,  they  set  a  house  on  fire  near  it,  and  also  a  saw  and 
grist  mill ;  that  not  having  the  desired  efi'ect,  they  called  to  them  in  an 
exulting  tone,  and  said,  "  You  couxirtUy  English  dogs,  come  out  and  put  out  the 
fire!" 

The  attack  had  begun  about  11  o'clock  in  the  day,  and  though  the  night 
partially  put  an  end  to  it,  yet  the  English  were  alarmed  every  iialf  hour, 
until  about  lour  or  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  work  of  the  preced* 
ing  night  di^overcd  itse)''  A  noise  of  axes  and  other  tools  had  been  heard 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  saw-mill,  and  it  was  expected  the  Indians  were 
preparing  some  engine  with  which  to  accomplish  their  object,  and  it  proved 
true.  A  cart  with  four  wheels  had  been  constructed,  and  on  one  end  they 
had  erected  a  breastwork,  while  the  body  of  the  cart  was  filled  witli  birch, 
straw,  powder,  and  such  like  matters  lor  the  ready  consummation  of  ther 
stratagem.  The  approach  of  this  formidable  machine  dismayed  some  of 
tlie  Englishmen  in  tiie  garrison  ;  but  being  encouraged  by  their  officers,  they 
stood  to  their  quarters,  and  awaited  its  approach.  Their  orders  were  not  to 
fire  until  it  came  within  pistol  shot.  When  it  had  got  within  about  that 
distance,  one  of  the  wheels  stuck  fast  in  a  gutter,  which  its  impellers  not 
observing  in  season,  tliey  forced  the  other  wheels  onward,  and  brought  them- 
selves into  a  position  to  be  efifectually  raked  by  the  right  flank  of  the  garri- 
son. This  mistake  of  the  enemy  was  improved  to  great  advantage  by  the 
English.  They  i>oiu«d  in  a  sudden  fire  uiran  them,  killing  six  and  wound- 
ing 15  more.  This  sudden  and  unexpected  reverse  decided  the  fate  of  the 
garrison.  The  Indians  immediately  retreated,  and  the  garrison  received  no 
further  molestaticn. 

As  was  generally  the  case  in  sieges  of  this  kind,  the  English  learned  what 
damage  they  did  their  enemy,  their  numbers,  &c.,  some  time  after  the  aflair 
happened.  In  this  case,  however,  nothing  more  is  related  concerning  the  loss 
of  the  Indians  than  we  have  given,  and  their  numbers  Mr.  Hublutrd  does  not 
expressly  state,  but  says  the  people  in  the  garrison  "espied  40  of  them 
marching  awuy  the  next  morning  at  sunrise,  but  how  many  more  >%ure  in 
their  company  they  could  not  tell."*  There  were  50  persons  in  the  garri- 
son, though  but  15  of  them  were  able  to  act  in  its  defence. 

But  lew  dnys  before  the  affair  at  Saco,  viz.  on  12  f  Septemlier,  the  family  of 
Thomas  Wakely  at  Presumpscot  River  were  mnssacreil  in  a  revoltuig  inner 
The  "  old  man,"  his  son,  and  his  daughter-in-law,  then  enceiWe,  w.^u  three 
grandchildren,  were  all  murdered,  and  when  discovered  by  their  neighbors, 
partly  burned  in  the  ruins  of  their  habitation,  to  wiiich  the  Indiiuis  had  set 
fire  on  leaving  the  place.  One  of  the  fiiiriiiy  was  tnken  coptive,  a  girl  about 
11  years  old,  who,  after  having  passed  through  all  t^-"  tribes  from  the  Sokokis 
to  the  Narrugansets,  was  restored  to  the  English  at  Dover  by  Squando.     But 


*  Mr.  Folsom,  Hist.  Saco  and  Hiddeford,  153,  lays  they  were  compute!  at  100. 
t  Williamson's  Hist.  Maine,  i.  620. 


'4  ^ 


,  t 


'I.    i 


II.  .»i 


M 


'.  I 


288 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[no  I.  III. 


!'.  ■  ' 


|i 


11 


t 


A'' 


Ki.'" 


it  does  not  nppenr  whether  tliis  chief  had  any  thing  flirther  to  do  in  the 
mutter,  although  it  iiiuy  be  interred,  ttiat  he  hud  some  control  or  cninirib.^d 
over  thobe  thut  held  her  prisoner.  From  the  cu'cumstunce  thut  this  child 
wus  shown  to  the  hostile  tribes  tlirough  the  country,  it  would  seem  thut  rhe 
eastern  Indians  were  in  concert  with  those  to  the  west ;  und  it  is  probuble 
that  this  captive  was  thus  exhibited  to  prove  that  they  hud  tuken  up  the 
hatchet.  Upon  lier  being  returned,  Mr.  ^ubbar(/  reninrks,  "  She  huvuig  been 
curried  up  and  down  the  country,  "oine  hundreds  of  miles,  us  tiir  us  Narru- 
gunsct  ion,  was,  this  last  June,  reiumed  back  to  Major  Waldrnn^a  by  one 
Squando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco  ;  a  strange  mixture  of  mercy  and  cruelty !  " 
And  the  historian  of  Maine  obsei'ves,  that  his  "  conduct  exliibited  at  diHerent 
times  such  traits  of  cruelty  and  compassion,  as  rendered  his  character 
dilHcult  to  be  portrayed." 

He  was  a  great  powwow,  and  acted  in  concert  with  Madokawando.  Thest 
t^Mo  chiefs  "  aie  said  to  be,  by  them  that  know  them,  a  strange  kind  of  mor- 
alized savages ;  grave  und  serious  in  their  speech  and  carriage,  and  not 
without  some  show  of  a  kind  of  religion,  which  no  doubt  but  they  have 
learned  from  the  prince  of  darkness."  In  anotlier  place,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls 
him  an  "  enthusiastical,  or  ruther  diabolical  miscreant."  His  abilities  in  war 
gained  him  this  epithet. 

Madokawando.  of  whom  we  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe.  He  was  the  adopted  son  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  ,^ssi- 
minasqua.  Some  mischief  had  been  done  by  the  Androscoggin  Indians  in 
PhUx ''»  war,  and  the  English,  following  the  ejami)le  of  those  whom  they 
so  much  reprobated,  retaliated  on  any  Indians  that  tell  in  their  way. 

Matlakawando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  people  had 
committed  any  depredations,  until  ail^r  some  English  spoiled  liis  corn,  and 
otherwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  been  kidnapped  and  sold  for  slaves, 
about  the  time  Philip's  war  commenced.  This,  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
was  enough  to  cause  a  war,  without  Philip^s  instigation,  or  the  aflront  offered 
to  the  wile  and  child  of  Squando.  The  English  had  prohibited  the  sale  of 
arms  and  ammunition  to  them,  as  they  had  before  to  the  western  tribes, 
as  a  means  of  lessening  their  power,  provided  they  should  declare  themselves 
liostile ;  thus  properly  regarding  their  own  saiety,  and  totally  disregard- 
ing whatever  evils  might  accrue  from  the  measure  to  the  Indians.  Knowing 
enough  had  been  done  to  excite  their  resentment,  agents  were  sent  to  ])arley 
with  them,  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  167G,  to  hinder,  if  possible,  their 
taking  offence  at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  complained  to  some  friendly  English  of  the 
outrage  i:pon  their  friends,  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  circumstance, 
and  hardly  behoved  it ;  still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so,  those  kid- 
napped should  be  restored,  and  the  perpetrators  punished.  But  knowing 
the  circumstance  to  be  as  they  had  represented,  it  is  ratlier  marvellous,  that 
Indians,  instead  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to  unsatisfactory  par- 
leyings,  as  will  api)ear ;  for  when  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them, 
or  rather  to  excuse  themselves  for  what  they  could  not,  or  pretended  they  could 
not,  amend,  the  Lidiaus,  in  the  course  of  the  interview,  said,  "  JVe  were  driven 
from  our  com  last  year  by  the  people  about  Kennebeck.  and  many  of  us  died.  We 
had  JiQ  poicder  and  shot  to  kill  venison  andfotol  unth  to  prevent  it.  If  you  English 
u'ere  ourj'riends,  as  you  pretend  you  are,  you  would  not  suffer  us  to  starve  as  we  did." 
"  However,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "the  said  agent,  moAing' /Ae  besth£  could  of  a  bad 
catise,  used  all  means  to  pacify  Ike  complainants."  The  great "  all  means  "  was, 
that  they  should  try  to  get  the  Androscoggin  Indians  to  come  and  hold  a  treaty ! 
so  that  if  the  Enjilish  could  effect  a  treo*v  with  them,  then  there  would  be  a 
general  peace  with  the  eastern  Indians.  This  talk,  it  was  said,  they  received 
with  joy.  •'  Yet,"  adds  the  sr.me  author,  still  by  one  fatal  accident  or  other, 
jealousies  still  seemed  to  increase  in  th.eir  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries 
began  to  boil  afresh  in  their  spirits,  as  not  being  easily  digested,"  &c. 

A  meeting  had  been  agreed  upon  at  Totononnock,  or  Taconnet,  and 
immediately  aft*^"  the  meeting  just  mentioned  a  runner  was  sent  down  from 
thence,  with  word  that  Squando  would  be  there  with  -  divers  Amonoscoggau 


chaf.  vm.\ 


MADOKAWANDO. 


289 


sachems,"  wVug-ff  having  been  sent  as  a  messenger  to  him.  Accordingly  the 
English  proceeded  to  Taconnet.  On  their  arrival,  they  were  honored  witli 
a  salute,  and  conducted  into  the  council  liouse,  where  they  found  Madcka- 
ieando,  ^aaimiruuqua,  Tarumkin,  Jlopehood  Mu^g,  and  many  attendants. 
Madokawando  was  prime  negotiator  and  ^amminasqua  chief  s]Teaker,  who 
soon  after  pr'^ceeded  to  make  a  speech,  and  among  other  things  siid, — 

"  It  is  not  our  custom  when  messengers  come  to  treat  of  peace,  to  seize  iipon  their 
persons,  as  si)tnetimts  the  Mohawks  do ;  yea,  as  the  English  have  done,  seiziiig  upon 
fourteen  Indians,  our  men,  wito  went  to  treat  ivith  you — setting  a  guard  over  them, 
and  taking  away  their  guns.  This  is  not  all,  but  a  second  time  you  required  our 
guns,  ana  demanded  us  to  come  down  unto  you,  or  else  you  would  kill  tts.  This 
was  the  cause  of  our  leaving  both  our  fort  and  our  com,  to  our  great  ?o5s." 

This  speech  caused  considerable  embarrassment  to  the  English,  "yet," 
says  Hubbard,  '•*  to  put  the  best  construction  might  be,  on  such  irregular 
actions,  which  could  not  well  be  justified,  they  told  them,  the  persons  who 
had  so  done  *  were  not  within  the  limits  of  their  government,  and  therefore, 
though  they  could  not  call  them  to  an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  thoy  did 
utterly  disallow  thereof."  f  And  to  be  as  expeditious  as  possible,  the  English 
commissioners  told  these  chiefs  that  they  came  to  treat  with  the  Androscog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Sqxicndo  was  not  there.  And  it  appears  that, 
though  the  English  reported  a  peace  with  the  Penobscots,  yet  Madokawando 
and  his  coadjutors  scarcely  understood  as  much ;  and  it  is  also  evident  that 
the  business  was  hurrred  over  as  fast  as  possible  by  the  English  commis- 
sioners. 

AssiMmASQUA,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  observe,  was  a  Kanibas  sachem, 
whose  residence  was  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  treaty  was  held. 

What  had  been  said  by  Jlssiminasqua  in  the  morning  was  merely  prelimi- 
nnry,  and  it  was  his  intention  in  the  afternoon  to  enter  more  particuhu-ly  into 
A.  ^'uls ;  but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to  treat  with 
such  of  the  Androscoggins  as  were  present  Tarutnkin  was  their  orator,  and 
he  spoke  to  this  effect : — 

"  /  have  been  to  the  westumrd,  where  I  have  found  many  Indians  unwiUifig  to 
makejpeace ;  but  for  my  own  peart,  lam  unUing,"  which  he  confirmed  by  taking 
the  English  by  the  hand,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among  whom  . 
were  Mugg  and  Robinhood's  son.  The  English  had  now,  a&  they  supposed, 
got  matters  into  a  regular  train  ;  but  Madokawattdo,  it  appears,  was  not  will- 
ing to  leave  things  in  quite  so  loose  a  manner,  as  it  regarded  his  people. 
He  therefore  interrupted : — 

"  fHuU  are  we  to  do  for  powder  and  shot,  ichen  our  com  is  consumed?  what 
shall  we  do  for  a  winter's  supply  ?  Must  we  perish,  or  must  we  abandon  our  coun- 
try, and  fly  to  the  French  for  protection  ?  " 

The  English  replied  that  they  would  do  what  they  could  with  the  gov- 
ernor ;  "  some  might  be  allowed  them  for  necessity."  Madokawando  added : 
"  fFe  have  waited  a  great  while  already,  and  now  toe  expert  you  urill  say  yes  or  710." 
The  English  rejoined :  "  You  say  yourselves  that  many  of  the  western  In- 
dians would  not  have  peace,  and,  therefore,  if  we  sell  you  powder,  and  you 
give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  we  but  cut  mir  own  throats  ?  It  is  not  in 
our  power,  without  leave,  if  you  should  wait  ten  years  more,  to  let  you  have 
powder."  Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  been  expected,  ended  the  nego- 
tiation, and  massacres  and  bloodshed  soon  after  desolated  that  part  of  the 
country. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1675  and  6,  this  sachem's  people  had  among 
them  about  60  English  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the  Eng- 
lish desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to  Pascnta- 
qua,  to  receive  proposals ;  and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  acceptance, 
sent  along  with  him  a  captive  to  his  home.  General  Gemini,  of  Massachu- 
setts, being  there,  Ibrced  Mugg  on  board  his  vessel,  and  carried  him  to  Bos- 
ton, for  which  treacherous  act  an  excuse  was  pleaded,  that  he  was  not  vested 
with  snftScient  authority  to  treat  with  him.  Madokawando' s  ambassador, 
.being  now  in  the  power  of  the  English,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  such  terms 


>..-r:i 


That  is,  those  <vho  had  kidnapped  their  friends. 

25 


t  IftMard,  part  ii.  38 
T 


290 


MAIX»KAWANDO.— DESTRUCTION  OF  YORK. 


! 


[BOOE  III 


f .. 


l\- 


:h  • 


^Tf 


rff' 


as  tiie  English  dictctecL*  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  if  the  great  chief  soon 
appeurs  again  their  enemy.  Still,  when  Mugg  was  sent  home,  Madokawando 
agreed  to  the  treaty.  :iiore  readily,  perhaps,  as  two  armed  vessels  of  the  £ng- 
lisli  conveyed  him. 

A  son  ol' Reverend  Tliomaa  Cobbfi  had  been  taken,  and  was  among  the  Indians 
at  Mount  Desert.  It  so  happened  thai  his  master  had  at  that  time  sen*  him 
down  to  CaateirCa  trading-house,  to  buy  powder  for  him.  Mugg  took  him  by 
tlie  hand,  and  told  him  he  had  been  at  his  father's  house,  and  nad  promised 
to  send  him  home.  Madokawando  demanded  a  ransom,  probably  to  satisfy 
the  owner  of  the  captive,  **/earing"  he  said  "  to  be  killed  by  him,  if  he  yielded  him 
up  withmii  he  were  there  to  coruent;  for  he  was  a  deaperate  mail,  if  croaaed,  and 
had  crambd  f  two  or  three  in  that  way."  Being  on  board  one  of  the  vessels, 
and  treated  to  some  liquor,  "  he  waUced  awhile,"  says  Coblet, "  to  and  again  on 
the  deck,  and  on  a  sudden  made  a  stand,  and  said  to  Captain  Moore, '  Well 
captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  this  man:  I  freely  give  him  up  to  you;  carry  him 
home  to  his  friends.' "I  A  red  coat  was  given  to  Madokawando,  which  ga-/e 
him  great  satisfaction. 

The  historians  of  the  war  have  all  observed  that  the  prisoners  under  Ma- 
dokawando were  remarkably  well  treated. 

In  February,  1677,  Major  Waldron,  and  Captain  Froat,  with  a  body  of  men, 
were  sent  into  the  eastern  coast  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  Indians,  who 
still  reinained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid,  they  were  invited  on  shore  tc  hold  a 
treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed  among  them,  thought 
it  a  sulhcient  umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemies,  and  a  consideiable  fight 
ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  and  several  taken  prison- 
ers ;  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  Madokawando.  He  had  no  knowledge  of 
the  affair,  having  been  gone  for  several  months  at  a  great  distance  into  the 
country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Madokawando  until  1691.  It  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  account  of  Egeremet,  that  in  that  year  a  treaU^  was  made  with  him  and 
other  eastern  chiefs.  This  was  in  November,  nnd  it  was  agreed  by  them, 
that,  on  the  first  of  May  following,  they  woidd  deliver  all  the  captives  in  their 
possession,  at  Wells.  "  But,"  says  Dr.  Mather,^  "  as  it  was  no;  upon  the  frm 
land,  but  in  their  canoea  upon  the  wcAer,  that  they  signed  and  sealed  t)  Js  in- 
strument; so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  thai  it  ^^^ll  prove  but  a  fluctuating 
and  unstable  sort  of  business ;  and  that  the  Indians  will  do  alieaa  they  r.sea 
to  do." 

Meanwhile  Madokawando,  among  other  important  expeditions  which  he 
planned,  attempted  one  upon  York,  in  which  he  succeeded  nearly  to  his» 
wishes,  if  not  beyond  his  expectations.  Such  was  his  manner  of  attack,  that 
the  English  scarce  knew  then:  enemy;  from  whence  they  came,  or  their 
numbers.  But  it  was  afterwards  found  by  the  Indians'  own  confession,  and 
some  captives  they  had  liberated,  that  Madokaicrndo  wos  the  leader  in  the 
business.  Whether  he  had  during  the  winter  been  to  Canada,  and  got  the 
assistance  of  some  Frenchmen,  or  whether  Caatiena,  his  son-in-law,  and  some 
other  Frenchmen  who  then  resided  among  his  people  at  Penobscot,  were 
with  him,  we  cannot  take  it  upon  us  to  state ;  but  certain  it  is,  some  French 
were  in  his  company,  but  how  many  is  also  uncertain,  but  the  number  of 
Indians  was  stated  at  about  250.  It  was  on  Monday,  February  5,  in  the  year 
1692,  early  in  the  morning,  that  York  was  laid  in  ashes,  all  except  three  c. 
four  garrisoned  houses,  and  about  75  of  its  inhabitants  killed,  and  85  taker, 
coptive. 

Such  only  escaped  as  reached  the  garrisons,  and  these  were  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  the  besiegers  dared  not  to  continue  long  enough  to  make  any 
efl'ectual  assault  upon  them,  and  thus  they  escaped.    The  wretched  captives 

*  A  treaty  was  sio^nnd  9th  of  Dec.  1G76.  Manuscript  Nar.  of  Rev.  T.  Cobbet.  It  may  be 
seen  in  Hubbard's  Narrative. 

t  The  Indian  word  for  kilUd.     Wood's  N.  E.  Prospect. 

I  Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited.  Perhaps  this  was  thf-  sHtne  Captain  Moore  wlio  car- 
ried the  news  of  Philip's  defeat  and  death  to  Loudon  afterwards.  See  Old  Indian  CuRoif 
ICLE,  106. 

J  Magnalia,  vii.  76. 


I'T' 


CHAr  Vlll.] 


MAIX)KAWANDO. 


90] 


were  hurried  into  the  wildemesn,  and  many  suiTercd  and  died  by  the  way. 
The  Reverend  Shiibael  Ihimtner,  minister  of  the  place,  a  man  in  liigli  estinm- 
ri'^n  for  his  virtues,  was  aiwut  the  first  victim ;  he  was  shot  as  he  was  mount- 
ing his  horse  at  liis  own  door;  liis  wife  was  among  tlie  captives,  and  died  in 
captivity.  York  was  at  this  time  one  of  tlie  most  important  towns  in  tlie 
country.** 

Circumstances  having  thus  transpired,  the  English  had  very  little  reason  to 
expect  an  observance  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  before  alluded  to,  yet  per- 
»ons  n'ere  sent  to  Wells  to  receive  the  captives,  provided  they  should  l)e  of- 
fered. They  took  care  to  be  provided  with  an  armed  Ibrce,  and  to  have  the 
place  of  meeting  at  a  strong  place,  which  was  Storer'a  garrison-house.  But, 
as  thonuthor  Just  cited  observes,  "The  Indians  being  poor  musiciana  for  keep- 
ing of  time,  came  not  according  to  tlieir  articles."  The  reason  of  tliis  we 
cannot  explain,  unless  the  warlike  ap|iearance  of  the  English  deterred  them. 
Alter  waiting  a  tvhile,  Captain  Converge  surjjrised  some  of  them,  and  brought 
them  in  by  tbrce,  c.  I  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  provoked  by  tliia 
time,  immediately  u  jded  35  men  to  his  ibrce.  These,  says  Mather,  "  were 
not  come  half  an  hour  to  Storer'a  house,  on  the  9tli  of  Jime,  1691,  nor  had 
they  got  their  Indian  treed  tairly  lighted,  into  their  mouths,  before  fierce 
Moxus,  with  200  Indians,  made  an  attack  upon  the  garrison,"  f  but  were  re- 
pulsed and  soon  drew  ofE  Madokawando  was  not  here  in  person,  but  when 
he  knew  of  the  disaster  of  his  chief  captain,  he  said,  "  My  brother  Moxua  has 
missed  it  now,  but  I  will  go  myself  lite  next  year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  otd 
of  his  hok." 

The  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  gnrri- 
son  22  June,  1602.  He  was  joined  by  Portneuf  and  Labrocre,  two  French 
officers,  with  a  body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  about  500  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  success,  that  they 
agreed  before  the  attack,  how  the  prisoners  and  property  should  be  divided. 
Converse  had  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there  arrived  two  sloops  with  about 
as  many  more,  and  supplies,  the  day  belbre  the  battle. 

Mudokawando'a  men  had  unwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by  firing 
upon  some  cattle  they  met  in  the  woods,  which  running  m  wounded,  gave 
tlie  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  The  Inmans  were  not  only 
seconded  by  the  two  French  officers  and  a  company  of  their  men,  as  before 
observed,  but  M>.:  uS,  Eseremet  and  fVorombo  were  also  among  them. 

They  began  the  attack  before  day,  with  great  fierceness,  but  alter  continu- 
ing it  tor  some  time  without  success,  they  iiell  upon  the  vessels  in  the  river ; 
and  here,  although  the  river  was  not  above  twenty  or  thirty  feet  broad,  yet 
they  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the  garrison.  They  tried  many 
stratiigems,  and  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  sloops  several  times,  by  meuis 
of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extinguished  without  great  damage.  Tired  of 
thus  exposing  themselves  and  tliroAving  away  their  ammunition,  they  return- 
ed again  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practii-e  a  stratagem  upon  that,  and 
thus  ended  the  first  day  of  the  attack.  They  tried  to  persuade  the  English 
to  surrender,  but  finding  they  could  not  prevail,  made  several  desperate 
charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Beginning  now  to  grow  discouraged, 
they  sL-nt  a  flag  to  the  garrison  to  effect  a  capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  a 
man  of  great  resolution,  replied,  "  that  he  wanted  nothing  but  men  to  come 
and  fight  him."  To  which  the  hearer  of  the  flag  said,  "  Being  you  are  so 
stout,  why  donH  you  come  and  fis^ht  in  the  open  field  like  a  man,  and  not  fight 
in  a  garrison  like  a  squaw  ?  "  This  attempt  proving  ineffectual  also,  they  cast 
out  many  threats,  one  of  which  was,  "  fVe  teiU  cut  you  as  small  as  tobbaco, 
before  to-morrow  momingP  The  captain  ordered  them  "  to  come  on,  for  he 
wanted  work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  General  Labroa-e  being  slain, 
tliey  retu-ed  in  the  night,  ailer  t>vo  days'  siege,  leaving  several  of  their  dead 
behind;  among  whom  was  the  general  just  named,  who  was  shot  through 
the  iieud.    They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond,  who  had  ven- 


Mof^utiia,  vii.  77. —  MlUiamson.  Hist.  iMaine  i  628 — 9. 


t  Magnalia,  vii.  7G. 


I 


:"-v':  •■  ill 


i  m 


^      i.-' 


:i      •      ] 


HS 


/*■,:■ 


202 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Book  III 


■  !•; 


t  ■ 

'■•I  J' '  ■ 


tured  out  of  the  gnrrittoii  (ime  occasion,  whom  they  tortured  in  a  most 
hurliurunH  nianm  r.    Aboi-  time  of  their  retreating,  they  fired  upon  the 

k1uu|)u,  uiid  killi'd  tlio  oiil}  lust  by  the  vessels  during  the  assauh.    In 

tiic  uttack  upon  the  vessels,  ui.i.  ng  other  strutagcnis,  tliey  iirtpurcd  a  breast- 
v.ork  iipun  wliet.-ls,  whic-i,  notwithstanding  their  previous  experience  in  tliis 
kind  ol  tngino,  bt  Urookfield  and  Saco,  they  again  resolved  to  try,  and  there- 
fore tiideavorcd  to  bring  it  close  to  the  edge  of  the  river.  When  they 
hu  I  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  a  French  soldier, 
endeavoring  to  lilt  it  owt  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down  ;  a  second  was 
also  killed  in  the  like  attempt,  and  it  was  abandoned.  They  also  built  a  rait 
in  the  creek  above  the  vessels,  and  placed  on  it  aii  immense  |)ile  of  combus- 
tibles, and,  setting  them  on  lire,  floated  it  down  towards  them.  But  when 
within  u  few  rods  of  the  sloops,  the  wind  drove  it  on  shore,  and  thus  they 
were  delivered  from  the  most  dangerous  artifice  of  the  whole.  For  it  was 
said  that,  had  it  come  down  against  tliem,  they  could  not  have  saved  them- 
selves from  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

As  laie  as  173(J  an  attempt  was  made  to  prove  that  Madokawando  was  not 
chief  suchem  of  the  Peiiobscots,  which  it  seems  no  one  in  his  liletinie 
thought  of  questioning.  Nor  had  the  fiict  at  this  time  been  questioned  but 
from  mercenary  motives.  A  claim  having  been  set  up  to  lands  upon  St. 
George's  River,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  heirs  of  Governor  Leverett,  that 
fiilsehood  was  resorted  to,  to  maintain  it.  The  foundation  of  Leverett's  claim 
was  in  a  deed  dated  Pemmaquid,  9  May,  lb'94,  by  which  Madokawanao  con- 
veyed to  Sir  yVilliam  Pkips  the  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of  St.  George's 
River,  bounded  east  by  Wessamesskek  River,  west  by  Hatthett's  Cove  Island, 
thence  by  a  line  to  the  upper  falls  of  St.  George's  River ;  also  Mastomquoog 
Island  in  tlic  moutii  of  said  river,  and  St.  George's  Islands.  A  valuable  con- 
sideration is  said  to  have  been  paid,  but  what  it  was  docs  not  a])pear  fiom  the 
deed.  The  de])onents  called  upon  aflerwards  to  prove  Madokawando^ s  i)ow  er 
to  sell  that  tract,  state  the  consideration  variously,  tliough  none  of  them  defi- 
nitely ;  some  said  Sir  William  Phips  gave  a  large  amount  in  money,*  and 
one  that  he  gave  a  hatfidl.]    To  this  deed  were  the  following  signatures : — 


TVte  mark  of 
Madokawando,  ,y.  Sagamore 


of  Penobscot,     ^  and  a  seal. 


Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in 

presence  (f 
The  mark  2J.  of  Ldoar  Emit, 

Sagamore  of  KennebeL 
The  mark  l^ofW  e.nemouet, 

cozin  to  Madokawando. 
The  mark  X  o/*Joh.n  Saugmore, 

of  Slie^sgut  River,  interpreter. 
Also  6  or  7  whites. 

F.'om  un  exLinina'.ion  of  the  varions  affi'lavits  before  mentioned  we  derive 
the  following  interesting  historical  facts  in  the  life  of  Madokawando ;  viz. 
tliat  lie  died  in  HiUB,  and  was  succeeded  by  Wenumoiiet,  or,  as  his  name  ia 
sometimes  spelled,  fl'enoggonet.  This  appears  from  the  deposition  of  Cap- 
tain Cyprian  Southack,  who  further  savs  "  that  he  was  with  Madokawando, 
when  a  present  of  10  barrels  of  guiipowder,  a  quantity  of  fii-e-amis,  and 
some  clothes,  were  delivered  him  by  Governor  Ifillebone,  which  was  a  present 
sent  him  by  tlie  King  of  France."  "And  that  Monsieur  Castain  married 
the  said  Madokawando' a  daughter." 

Joseph  Bane  deposed,  "  that,  in  1691,  he  was  with  Theodore  Jltkinson,  late 
of  Newcastle,  in  N.  Hampshire,  Esq.,  said  Mkinson^s  wife,  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Alcock  of  Portsmouth,  widow,  and  many  others  at  the  house  of  Joseph 
Moidton  of  York  in  the  county  of  York,  when  they  were  taken  captive  uy 
a  large  number  of  Indians,"  that  Madokawando  was  then  commander  of 
said  Indians,  and  was  then  reputed  chief  sachem  of  Penobscot  Bane 
further  relates  that  he  was  sold  to  an  Amaroscoggen  Indian,  with  whom  he 
lived  till  1699,  and  that  he  was  present  when  Madokawando  ordered  Thodori 


w 
pr 
dir 
all 


Ch 

th 

fcri 


J/,. 


•  DcposiUon  otJohn  Phillips,  i  My,  nX.—Widdo's  Defence,  3. 


t  Ibid.  35. 


230 
fan 


Chap.  Mil] 


MADOKAWANOO.— BARON  CASTEINS. 


293 


.llkinson,  who  was  liis  cnptive,  to  write  to  the  govisriior  of  Massnchiisetts  t« 
bcikI  u  veaMcl  to  Hii(;u(iuiiok  with  (;oo(Im  to  redeem  tlie  enptivcs ;  that  it  was 
ucToriliiiL'ly  sent  there,  and  .Hkhiaon,  hia  wile,  and  about  40  otiiers  were 
rc'deeiiicu. 

John  Limgley  was  taken  prisoiirr  at  Grotou  in  July,  1(>1)4,  and  was  servant 
to  Madokawando  two  years  and  a  halt". 

The  inliahitunts  of  Ulack  I'oiiit  f;ave,  yearly,  a  jwck  of  corn  each  to  Ma 
ttokawando,  as  an  aeknowledgiiitnt  tliut  he  was  sachem  of  Penobscot. 

In  KJIK)  Tobias  Oakman  was  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Black  Point.  At 
wiiicii  time  ho  says  he  "personally  ktn^yf  Edgar  Emel  who  was  then  chief 
Ktchi-m  of  Kenelnick  ancl  Squando  who  was  tlien  chief  sachem  of  Saco,  and 
Moxus  who  was  thew  chief  sachem  of  Noridgawock,  and  Shepcot  John  who 
w^s  then  chief  «ac!.<  i.i  of  Shei)sc<)t  and  with  Oorumby,  who  was  then  chief 
sachem  of  Pejemscot"  Oakman  was  taken  prisoner  by  30  Indians  in  3 
parti  s  under  3  chiefs ;  one  from  Penobscot,  one  from  Norridgcwok  and  the 
oilier  from  Pejepseot ;  Madokawando,  Moxus  and  Oorumby  being  the  respec- 
tivt;  sachems ;  hence  Madokawindo  wua  sachem  of  Penobscot  at  that  time. 

In  the  treaty  which  the  eastern  chiefs  made  with  Sir.  William  Phips  at 
Pennnarpiid,  11  August,  l(i!K3,  the  following  hostages  were  delivered  to  the 
English  to  ensure  its  obser>ance.  "  Aiiassamhamet,  brother  to  Edger  Emet ; 
Wenomouett,  cousin  to  Madokawando ;  JJAGATAWAWo.\oo.\,andSHEEP8COTT 
John."  * 

A  daughter  of  Madokawando,  as  we  have  seen,  married  the  Baron  De  Cas- 
teitis,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.  " 

In  all  (if  our  former  editions  we  gave  Lahontan'a  account  of  Casteins  in  a 
note,  and  in  the  French  language ;  l)Ut  it  having  been  suggested  by  friends, 
that  it  should  not  only  occujjy  a  |)lace  in  the  text,  but  he  rendered  in  English, 
I  improve  the  opportunity  to  make  the  change. 

The  Baron  De  St.  Castcina,  a  gentleman  of  Oleron  in  Beam,  having  for 
ahoi't  20  years  resided  among  the  Abenakis,  gained  so  much  of  their  esteem, 
that  they  regarded  him  as  their  tutelar  deity.  He  had  been  an  officer  of  the 
Carignan  regiment  in  Canada;  but  when  that  regiment  was  disbanded,  he 
'cast  himself  among  the  savages,  of  whom  he  learned  their  language.  He 
took  from  them  a  wife  after  their  maimer,  prefck  g  the  forests  of  Acadie, 
to  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  which  environ  his  lative  country.  He  lived, 
during  the  first  years  of  his  abode  with  the  Indians,  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
gain  a  respect  from  them,  above  what  can  be  imagined.  They  made  him 
great  chict|  which  is  the  same  as  sovereign  of  the  nation,  and  by  little  and 
little  he  has  worked  up  a  fortune,  which  any  other  man  would  have  turned 
to  good  account,  and  withdrawn  from  the  country  with  two  or  three  hundred 
thousand  crowns  of  gold  in  his  coffers.  However,  he  only  uses  it  to  buy 
merchandise,  with  wliich  to  make  presents  to  his  Indian  brethren,  who, 
when  they  return  from  their  hunting  excursions,  rciudjurse  him  for  his 
presents  with  a  triple  atnount  in  beaver.f  The  governors  of  Canada 
direct  him,  and  those  of  New  England  fear  him.  He  has  several  daughters, 
all  of  whom  are  advantageously  married  to  Frenchmen,  with  each  a  rich 
dowrj\  He  has  never  changed  his  wife,:f  showing  the  Indians  by  his 
examj)le  that  God  is  no'  pleased  with  inconstant  men.  It  is  said  t.iat  he  has 
endeavored  to  convert  vIk  se  poor  people,  but  that  his  \vords  produce  no 
good  fruit,  and  hence  it  is  of  no  use  for  the  Jesuits  to  preach  the  truths  of 
Christianity  to  them  ;  yet  these  fiithers  relax  not  their  labors,  and  consider 
that  to  confer  baptism  upon  a  dying  infant  repays  them  ten  fold  for  the  suf- 
ferings and  privations  they  experience  in  living  among  that  peoj)le.§ 


*  Waldo  .!  Defence,  39. — The  names  of  these  hostages  differ  materially  from  those  in  the 
ih^nalia,  vii.  So. 

t  Wc  shoulil  think  thai  to  a  man  of  a  sordid  mind,  this  was  "  turning  a  fortune  to  gooo 
account." 

I  That  tliis  amounts  to  a  denial,  as  Mr.  Ilalket  reads  it,  (Notes  on  the  American  Indians, 
230,)  that  Casteins  had  but  one  wife,  we  do  not  agree.  His  not  changing  his  wife,  ( II  n'« 
jamais  chang^  dejemme,)  migiit  be  true,  if,  as  some  assert,  he  had  several  at  the  same  time. 

(  JWemoires  de  VAineriqite,  ii.  29,  30. 

25* 


.'■  ■'! ' 


t\i 


2<)4 


MOXUS.— DEATH  OF  MUGO. 


[Book  IIL 


'I'lie  town  now  cnilcil  Catttne,  on  the  PcnobHcot  River,  was  the  |<lnce  of 
the  n;Mi(l(  iit-u  of  the  rreiich  huron,  und  a  son  of  hid  Muccccilctl  him  in  th« 
0acheni(h)iii  of  the  IVnuhHcotH.  Ho  wua  witii  Ihcrville  ut  the  capture  of 
roniniii(|iil(l  in  Ki'.Ki,  in  which  c.\|)odition  lie  led  200  IndiunH.  Cuptuin  Chubb. 
ot'  wlioni  wo  huvo  Hpoi<en  betoro,  coniinunded  the  tort,  whieli  wuh  wi  II 
manned  and  8U|)piiod,  having  15  pieces  of  cannon  and  UO  men,  hut  surren- 
dered it  in  u  cowardly  manner,  lie  helped  defend  I'ort  Royal  in  170<),  in 
deti-nco  of  which  he  was  wounded  in  1707.  He  fuially  retired  to  liio  native 
country,  where  he  ended  his  days.  In  IGSti,  Governor  Jndrua,  with  un  armu- 
m<;nt,  took  posseBsion  oi' Caalains  village,  plundereil  his  house,  and  committetl 
other  depredations,  but  himself  escaped.  In  ITil,  his  son  was  sei/.ed  by 
the  I'nglish,  and  carried  to  Boston ;  but  they  not  long  alter  set  him  at  lil)erty 

Home  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  similarity  of  the 
name  of  this  chief  to  that  of  Madock  the  Welshman,  that  the  eastern  In- 
dians were  descended  from  a  Welsh  colony,  who,  in  1170,  left  that  country, 
and  were  never  lieord  of  niter.  The  story  of  some  white  Indians  speaking 
Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  River,  has  gained  su])])ortcr8  in  former  and  latter 
periods.  • 

AIoxus,  or,  OS  he  was  sometimes  called,  Jlgamagus,  was  also  a  noted  chief. 
We  can  adtl  little  concerning  him,  to  what  has  already  I)een  said.  Alter 
Madokawando  was  dead,  and  the  war  between  the  French  and  English  nations 
Imd  ceased,  the  eastern  chiei's  were  ready  to  submit  to  terms.  Moxua  seems 
the  successor  of  Madokawando,  tmd  when  delegates  were  sent  into  the  east- 
em  country  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians,  in  1GU9,  his  name  stood  first 
among  the  signers  of  the  treaty .f  He  concluded  another  treaty  with  Governor 
Dtidley,  in  1702.  The  next  year,  in  comi)any  with  H'anungonet,  Jlssacambuit, 
and  a  number  of  French,  he  invested  Captain  March  in  the  fort  at  Casco. 
After  using  every  endeavor  to  take  it  by  assault,  they  had  recourse  to  the 
following  stratagem.  They  began  at  the  water's  edge  to  undermine  it  by 
digging,  but  were  prevented  by  the  timely  arrival  of  an  armed  vessel  under 
Captain  Southack.  They  had  taken  a  vessel  and  a  great  quantity  of  ])lunder. 
.'.bout  200  canoes  were  destroyed,  and  tlie  vessel  retaken.  From  which 
circumstance  it  may  be  inferred  that  their  number  was  great 

Moxus  was  at  Casco  in  1713,  to  treat  witli  the  English,  and  at  Georgetown, 
ui)on  Arowsike  Island,  in  1717.  There  were  seven  otiier  chiefs  who  attended 
also  at  the  time  and  place  last  mentioned. 

MuGG  was  a  chief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and  very  conspicuous  in  the 
eastern  war  of  1676-7,  into  which  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by  the 
same  cause  ns  Madokawando,  already  stated.  He  hud  been  very  friendly  to 
tlie  English,  and  had  lived  some  time  with  them. 

On  the  12  October,  1676,  he  made  an  assault  upon  Black  Point,  now  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  warriors.  All  the  iidiabitnnts  being  gathered  into 
one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  a  few  hands  might  have  delended  it  against 
all  the  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  country.J  While  the  captain  of  the  garri- 
son was  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  Mugg,  the  people  fled  from  the  garrison 
and  took  all  their  effects  along  vith  them.  A  few  of  his  own  servants,  how- 
ever, remained,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 
When  i-Vd'icia  Card  was  a  prisoner  among  his  men,  he  told  him  "<Art<  he  had 
found  out  the  way  to  bum  Boston,^'  and  laughed  mueh  about  the  English; 
saying  he  would  have  all  their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole  country, 
and  bragged  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  killed  at  Black  Point,  on  16 
May,  the  sairie  place  where,  the  year  before,  he  had  had  such  good  success.  He 
liati  besieged  the  garrison  three  days,  killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive 
The  celebrated  Symon,  who  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  many  jtlaces,  was 
with  him  here.    Lieutenant  Tippin,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  "  made  a 


*  Sno  Jnnson's  Stranger  in  America,  270,  ed.  4lo.  London,  1807 ;  Umvertal  Magazine,  vol. 
xciii.  21 ;  Dr.  Soulhey's  Preface  to  his  Madock ;  Boiinupt's  E.-rprd.  ai^ainst  Ohio  Indians,  69. 
?il.  4to.  London,  1766 ;  Ker's  Travels  in  America,  167 — 172 ;  Rurk,  Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  84 
Ucatly,  Joiir.  24;  Moulton's  New-York,  1.  45.;  Barton's  Physical  Jour.  i.  pt.  ii.  79 
Culumb.  Macr.  for  1787. 

*  Alagnalia,  vii.  94.    It  is  dated  7  Jan.  1698—9.  i  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wart,  ii.  46, 


CH*r.  VIII.] 


SYMON   ATTACKS  IlKADFURD. 


293 


*.> 


HiKTL'Bsi'iil  Hliot  ii|(aii  flti  Iiuliuii,  tliiit  wuH  obHiTvefl  tu  be  very  hiiRy  and  bold 
in  tlio  (iMMault,  wlio  at  tliiit  tiiiiu  whh  deemed  to  Ite  Si/imm,  tliu  urch  villuiii  niid 
iiiciMidiiiry  of  all  the  eastward  Iiidiaiis,  but  proved  tu  l>c  uiic  uliiiost  us  good 
as  liiiiiH(^lt|  who  was  called  JMogg,"  • 

Sr.wo.N,  jimt  nutiied,  wan  a  troublesome  fellow,  who  roiitiiiiied  to  rrcato 
roimideruble  alurin  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimui-k  Uivir, in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Newbury  and  Amcsbury,  about  which  part  Heems  to  have  Insen  his 
residence,  as  late  as  the  month  of  July,  1077.  On  theUth  of  July,  six  Indians 
were  seen  to  go  into  the  but^hes  not  liir  from  tlie  garrison  at  Amesliury ;  two 
days  l)ctbre,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the  neighlMirhood,  and  one  woman 
wounde«l,  whose  name  was  Huimby.  Symon  was  ihe  alleged  leader  of  the 
iiarty  which  connnitted  the  depredation.  Mrs.  (^nimbij  was  sure  that  it  was 
lie  who  "  knocked  her  on  the  head,"  and  she  knew  the  names  of  many  of  the 
rest  with  him,  and  named  Andrew,  Geoffrey,  and  Juaeph.  She  lM>ggcd  of  Si/mon 
not  to  kill  her.  He  re|)licd,  "  /F%,  ^oodwife  (^uimby,  do  you  think  that  1  will 
kill  you  .1"  She  said  she  was  afraid  he  would,  l)ecuiiso  he  killed  all  the 
English,  iSlMmon  then  said,  "  1  will  give  quarter  to  never  an  Knglish  dog  of 
vou  ail,"  and  then  gave  her  u  blow  on  the  head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt 
Iter  much  ;  at  which,  being  a  woman  of  great  connige,  she  threw  a  stone  at 
him;  he  then  turned  upon  lier,  and  "struck  her  two  nion;  blows,"  at  which 
she  icil,  and  ho  Iclt  her  lor  dead,  liefore  he  gave  hi  r  the  last  blows,  she 
called  to  the  garrison  for  help.  He  told  her  she  need  not  do  that,  for,  said 
lie,  "I  will  have  that  too,  by  und  by."  Symon  was  well  known  to  many  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  cs|)ccially  to  Mrs.  (^uimby,  as  he  had  tbnnerly  lived  with 
lier  father,  tfilliam  Osiiood.]  In  April,  l(i77,  Symon  and  h'srompaniims  burnt 
the  house  of  Edward  h'eymoulh  at  Sturgeon  Creek,  und  iilmidcred  the  house 
of  one  Crawley,  but  did  not  kill  him,  because  he  liau  shown  kindness  tu 
Symon^s  grandmothcr.| 

Symon  was  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  Andrew,  Geoffrey,  Peter, 
and  several  others  of  the  same  com|)any,  a  circumstance  which,  with  many, 
much  aggravated  their  offences.  The  irruption  just  mentioned  is  tiius  re- 
luted  by  Mr. //utiarrf ;  §  "  S;i/MU)n  und  »'J»i</rcic,  the  two  bretliren  in  iniipiity, 
with  a  few  more,  adventured  to  come  over  Pascat^iipia  River  on  I'orlsiuouth 
side,  when  they  burnt  one  house  within  tour  or  iive  milis  of  the  town,  and 
took  a  maid  and  a  young  woman  cu])tive ;  one  of  them  huving  a  young  child 
in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled,  they  gave  leave  to  her 
that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman,  whom  the  Intliun  Symon  sj)ared 
because  he  said  she  had  been  kind  to  his  grandmothi  r;  yet  one  of  the  two 
captives  escaped  from  their  hands  two  days  ufier,  us  did  the  nthcr,  April  22, 
who  gave  notice  of  the  Indians,  (being  not  so  narrowly  looked  to  us  they 
used  to  do  others.") 

It  wtts  on  3  May,  1G7(1,  that  Symon,  Andrew  und  Peter  fell  ui)on  the  house 
of  Thomas  Kimhcd,  of  Bradford,  killed  i.im,  and  curried  otF  his  wife  and  five 
children  into  the  wilderness.||  Having  on  the  whole  cout^hided  to  make 
pence  with  the  English  while  they  could,  did,  before  the  end  of  six  weeks, 
restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  improving  the  opportunity  of  securing  their 
friendship,  the  English  seized  Svmon  and  Andrew,  and  confined  them  in  the 
jail  at  Dover.  This  treatment  they  considered,  us  very  naturally  they  should, 
only  a  precursor  of  something  of  a  different  character;  and  therefore  found 
means  to  break  jail,  und  make  good  their  escape.  They  joined  their  eastern 
li'iends,  und  hence  followed  manv  other  crnelties,  some  of  which  we  have 
already  related.  About  the  first  cIej)redation  which  followed  their  fligiitfrom 
Dover,  was  committed  at  Greenland.  One  John  Kemston  was  killed,  and  his 
house  burned.  A  writer  of  that  day,  after  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of 
the  outrage  were  Symon,  Andrew,  and  Peter,  observes  that  they  were  the  "  three 
we  had  in  prison,  and  should  have  killed,"  and  clones  with  this  exclamation, 


t  MS.  Documents. 


{  Dvlknap's  A^  Hampshire. 


Hist.  N.  England. 
Hist.  N.  England,  631. 

See  llie  very  crtilitable  History  of  Haverhill,  (p.  53.)  by  Mr  M'/rirk,  for  otJier  interesting 
pafticulurs  respecting  this  affair 


296 


SYMON.— ESCAPE  OF  CAPTIVES. 


[Book  IIL 


"r 


|.  : 


"  The  good  Lord  pardon  us."  *  Thus  some  considered  they  nai  need  of  par- 
don for  not  deaUng  witli  more  rigor  towards  tlio  Indians ! 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  wliich  S)fmon  wan  engaged  remains 
to  he  related.  Mr.  Jlnthony  Brackdt,  wlio  hvcd  ut  Back  Cove,  upon  a  large 
estate  now  owned  in  part  hy  Rlr.  Veering  of  Portland,  liad  heen  visited  by 
Symoji,  occasionally,  who,  like  Totoson,  in  the  case  of  Clarke  at  Eel  River,  in 
Plimouth,  had  made  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  his  house 
and  liimiiy.  On  the  9th  of  August,  1G7G,  some  Indians  had  killed  one  of  Brack - 
etVs  cows.  Brackett  innnediutely  complained  to  Sjjmon  of  the  outrage,  who 
promised  to  bring  to  him  tlie  peri)etrutors.  Bleamvhile  a  complaint  was  de- 
spatched to  Major  }Valdrun  at  Dover,  wiilch  might  have  heen  the  cause  of  the 
course  Symon  immediatti  alter  pursued;  ibr,  if,  when  he  had  promised  to 
aid  in  adjusting  the  aO'air,  uc  learned  tliat,  at  the  same  time,  a  force  had  been 
secretly  applied  for,  it  is  a  suflicient  reason,  in  this  rulHed  state  of  things, 
that  he  should  show  himself  an  enemy,  as  he  did,  on  the  morning  of  the 
11th,  two  days  alter  the  injury  was  done.  Friday  was  the  11  August,  and  it 
was  early  in  the  morning  that  Symon  ai)peared  at  the  head  of  a  party,  at  the 
house  of  Captain  Jlnthony  Brackett  "  Ihcsc  are  the  Indians,"  said  he,  "  that 
killed  the  cow."  No  sooner  Avas  this  said,  than  tiie  house  was  entered,  and 
the  guns  seized  upon  belonging  to  the  limiily.  Brackett  then  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  their  carriage,  and  Symon  replied,  "So  it  must  be,"  and  demanded 
of  him  whether  he  would  go  witli  them,  as  a  captiv<',  or  be  killed  ;  to  which 
he  answered,  that  if  the  case  were  so,  he  preierred  to  ser^e  as  a  ca))- 
tive ;  Symon  then  said  they  must  be  bound,  und,  accordingly,  3Ir.  Brackett, 
his  wife,  (who  was  a  daughter  of  Michael  Mitlon,)  and  a  negro,  were  bound. 
Mrs.  BracketVs  brother  JVathaniel,  only  son  of  M.  Mitton,  was  of  the 
family,  and  made  some  resistance  when  they  were  about  to  bind  him,  and 
was  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  rest,  Brackett,  his  wife  and  five  children  were 
carried  away  prisoners.  They  continued  in  captivity  until  the  November 
tbilowing,  when  some  of  them  found  means  to  eflect  an  escape ;  which  was 
singularly  fortunate,  and  worth  relating.  In  their  wanderings,  those  who 
held  them  captive,  came  to  the  north  side  of  Casco  Bay.  Here  news  reached 
the  Lidians  that  Arowsike  Island  had  been  captured  by  tiieir  brethren,  and 
they  at  once  determined  to  share  in  the  booty ;  so,  in  their  hurry,  their  eag'er- 
ness  for  the  spoil  of  Arowsike  outweighed  their  fears  of  losing  their  j)rison- 
ers.  Therefore  they  promised  Captain  Brackett  and  the  rest,  tliat  if  they  would 
come  aflcr  them,  they  should  have  a  share  in  the  good  things  which  had 
been  taken ;  and  accordingly  set  off  and  leil  them.  Mrs.  Brackett,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  their  good  leelmg,  just  before  they  left,  asked  them  for  some 
meat,  which  was  readily  granted ;  she  found  an  old  birchen  canoe,  which  had 
been  probably  abandoned  by  tlie  Indians,  by  reason  of  its  being  nearly  brok- 
en up,  but  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  an  escape :  and  with  the  help  of 
tt  needle  which  Mrs.  Brackett  also  found  in  an  old  liouse  at  that  place,  she 
was  enabled  so  to  mend  the  canoe,  that  it  walled  herself  and  child,  her  hus- 
band and  the  negro  man  to  tlie  opposite  shore  of  the  bay,  a  distance  of  eight 
or  nine  miles,  in  safety.  They  hardly  could  have  expected  but  what,  on 
landing  near  Black  Point,  they  would  have  been  in  the  vei-y  presence  of  In- 
dians, yet  it  so  happened  that  although  they  had  but  just  destroyed  the  settle- 
ments there,  they  had  all  left  the  place.  And  a  vessel,  which  happened  veiy 
fortunately  in  that  neighborhood,  took  them  in  safety  to  Portsmouth. 

The  wife  of  Cajrtain  Jlnthony  Brackett  siiould  not  be  overlooked  in  ennrae- 
ratijig  the  heroines  of  our  coiuitry.  Her  name  was  Jinn.  Slie  dii  d  aller  this 
war,  but  the  time  is  not  ascertained.  Her  husband  married  again,  a  daupliter 
of  Jlhraham  Drake,  Senior,  of  Hampton,  whose  name  was  Susannah,]  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  When  Colonel  Church  had  tiio  nieniorablo  fight 
with  the  Indians  at  Casco,  21  September,  Kitt),  Captain  Brackett  wiis  killed. 
After  this  his  wife  and  children  went  to  her  fiither's  at  Hampton,  l)nt  finally 
returned  to  their  possessions. 

We  are  now  to  commence  upon  the  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid  mas- 
sacres  any  where  recorded — tlie  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous  cliiefs  Kan- 


nut.  N.  Enghnd,  i.  158. 


t  Hubbard's  Nnr.  aii<l  U  i7/i,sV  Porllniiil,  i   \M — l.i5. 


Chap.  VIII] 


KAXKAMAGUS.— INDIAN  LETTERS. 


297 


kairutgus  atid  Massandowet,  and  the  barbarous  murder  of  Major  fr(ddron  and 
many  of  liis  people. 

K  \NKA.MAGUt5,  commonly  in  tlie  histories  called  Hos^kins,  Hawkins,  or 
Hakins,  was  a  Pennakook  saciiein,  and  an  artlul,  persevering,  faithful  man,  as 
long  as  he  coidd  depend  upon  the  English  for  protection.  15nt  when  Clovernor 
Cranfield,  of  New  Hampshire,  used  his  endeavors  to  bring  down  the  iMohawka 
to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  ltJ84,  wlio  were  constantly  stirred  up  by  tlie 
F'rench  to  commit  depredations  upon  tlx;  English,  Knnkaimtgus,  knowing  the 
Mohawks  madu  no  distinction  win  re  they  came,  tied  to  tiie  eastward,  and 
joined  tlie  Audroscoggins.  lie  had  a  fort  u|)on  that  river,  where  his  finnily 
and  that  of  another  sachem,  called  fVorombos,  or  Korombo,  lived.  IJut  belbre 
he  fled  his  country,  he  addressed  several  letters  to  the  governor,  which  dis- 
cover his  fiitelity  as  well  as  his  fears;  and  from  \\liii'h  there  is  no  doubt  but 
he  would  always  gladly  h;>ve  lived  in  his  own  couitry,  and  on  the  most  inti- 
mate and  friendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  atUiched, 
and  had  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write,  but  foi 
the  reasons  ju.'st  stated.  The  following  letters  fully  explain  the  situation  of 
his  mind  and  his  feelings,at  the  time  heexjiected  the  Alohawks  would  ravage 
his  country : — 

•'  Mail  15th,  1685,  Honor  governor  my  friend.  You  my  friend  I  desire  your 
worship  and  your  power,  because  I  hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters  this  one.  1 
am  poor  ana  naked,  and  have  no  men  at  my  place  because  I  afraid  allways  Mohoga 
he  will  kill  me  every  day  and  night.  If  your  worship  when  please  pray  help  me  you 
no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  place  at  Malamake  River  called  Pamddcog  and  Jva- 
tukkog,  I  will  submit  your  worship  and  your  power.  And  now  I  want  pouder  and 
tuch  alminishon,  shatt  and  guns,  because  I  have  forth  at  my  horn,  and  I  plant 
theare." 

This  all  Indian  hand,  but  pray  you  do  consider  your  humble  servant. 


Simon  Detookom,* 

Joseph  X  Trask, 

King  ^  Harry, 

Sam  c^  Linis, 

Wapeguanat  n^  Saguachuwashat, 

Old  X  lioBiN  , 

Mamajvosgues  f  Andra. 


JOHN  HOGKINS, 

PETEr  0*0  Robin, 

Mr.  Jorge  X  Hodunnonukgos, 

Mr.  Hope  X  HoTH,t 

John  Toneh, 

John  do  Canowa, 

John  X  Owamosimmin, 

Natonih,  {{  Indian. 


The  same  day,  as  appears  by  the  date  of  it,  Hogkins  wrote  the  followir.jf 
letter,  which  bears  the  same  signature  as  the  above  : — 

"  Honor  Mr.  Governor, — JVbfo  this  day  I  com  your  hnuse,  I  vant  se  you^  and  I 
bring  my  hand  at  before  you  I  want  shake  hand  to  youifyow  worship  when  please, 
(I en  receive  my  hand  then  shake  your  hand  and  my  hand.  You  my  friend  because 
I  remember  .d  old  time  when  live  my  grant  father  and  grant  mother  then  English- 
men com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and  Englishmen  they  ruike  a  good 
governtnent,  tliey  friend  atlwaycs,  my  grant  father  living  at  place  called  Malainake- 
rever,  oilier  name  chif  .Yatukko  and  Panukkog,  that  one  rever  great  many  7iamea 
and  I  bring  you  this  few  skins  at  this  first  time  I  loUl  giue  my  friend, 

"  This  all  Indian  liand." 

The  two  following  are  from  the  same. 

"  Please  your  worship, — /  will  infreat  you  matllier  you  mi/fiiend  now  [  J 

this  if  my  Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law,  hecaiuie  som  my  Indiana 
fool,  som  men  much  love  drunk  tlicn  he  no  know  wival  he  do,  may  be  he  do  mischief 
when  he  drunk  if  so  pray  you  must  let  me  know  wlutt  he  done  because  I  ivill  ponia 

*  Tho  same  called  lielokom  in  Gookin,  probably.^See  atUe,  Hook  11.  Chap.  vil. 
t  rurliaps  Ilopelwod. 


<  1 


298 


KANKAMAGUS.— INDIAN  TREATY. 


[Book  IH. 


Nl 


him  about  lohat  he  hauc  '^one,  you,  you  my  friend  if  you  desire  my  business,  then 
sent  me  I  will  help  you  if  I  can.  John  Hogkins." 

"Jt/r.  Mason, — Pray  I  want  speak  you  a  few  ivords  if  your  worship  when  please 
because  I  com  parfas  twill  speake  this  governor  but  he  go  away  so  r ;  say  at  last 
night,  and  so  far  I  understand  this  governor  his  power  that  your  power  now,  so  he 
speak  his  own  moidh.  Pray  if  you  take  what  1  ivant  pray  com  to  me  because  1 
want  go  hom  at  this  day.     Your  humble  servant, 

"May  1(J,  lfJ85.  John  Hookins,  Indian  sagnwr." 

About  tlie  time  these  Jetters  wer<?  written,  persons  wore  sent  among  the 
Indians  to  ascertain  whetlier,  us  was  reported,  they  were  assuming  a  warlike 
attitude.  Tliose  to  whom  the  inquiry  was  intrusted,  on  their  retui'u  report- 
ed, "  tiiat  four  Indians  came  iVoni  Ibrl  Albany  to  the  fort  at  Penacook,  and  in- 
formed tlieni  [the  Indians  tliere]  that  all  the  Mohawks  did  declare  they  would 
kill  all  Indians  Irom  Uncus  at  31ouut  Hope  to  the  eastward  as  far  as  Pegypscot 

"The  reason  of  jVutombamat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  departed  his  place  was,  be- 
cause the  same  news  was  brought  there,  as  himself  declared,  upon  reading 
my  orders  at  Penacook.  JVatombamat  is  gone  to  carry  the  Indians  down  to 
the  same  place,  where  they  were  before  departed  from  U3  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing, and  desired  Captain  Hooke  to  meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  after.  Both 
Bagamores  of  Penacook,  viz.  Wonalanset  and  Mesandourit,  the  latter  of  which 
is  come  down,  did  then  declare  they  had  no  intention  of  war,  neither  indeed 
are  they  in  any  posture  for  war,  being  about  24  men,  besides  squaws  and 
papooses.  The  reason,  they  said,  why  they  did  not  come  among  the  English 
as  formerly,  was,  their  fear,  that  if  the  Mohawks  came  and  fought  them,  and 
they  should  fly  lor  succor  to  the  English,  that  then  the  Mohawks  would  kill 
all  the  English  for  harboring  them." 

Notwithstanding  this  state  of  affairs,  commissioners  met  the  Indians  on 
tJie  8  September,  1685,  and  a  peace  was  concluded  "between  the  subjects  of 
his  Majesty  King  James  II,  inhabiting  N.  Hampshire  and  Maine,  and  the  In- 
dians iidiabiting  the  said  provinces."  The  ai'ticles  were  subscribed  on  the 
port  of  the  Indians  by 


The  mark  ^  of  Mesandowit. 
"        X  of  Wahowah, 

alias  HopEHOOD 
•♦         vl/  of  TecamoriHick, 

alias  JusiAS. 


The  mark  ^  of  John  Nomony, 

alias  Ufsawaii. 
"       3  of  Umbesnowah, 
alias  Robin. 


The  following  signers  agree  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
tlieir  neighbors  nave  done." 


fos 


The  mark  'IS  of  Netambomet, 


M 

w 


C 

0 


of  Wahowah,  alias 

HoPEHOOD. 

of  Ned  Higgon 
of  Newcome 


KANCAMAGUS,  alias 
John  Hawkins,  sagamore, 
signed  this  instrument,  19th  7ber, 
1685,  his  a  marL 

Bagesson,  alias  Joseph  Traske, 
his  ^  mark. 
within  written 


And  agreed  to  all 


Whether  Ihgltins  were  among  the  Penakooks  seized  by  Major  ^Faldron 
about  ten  year.-  lieforo,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  he  were,  it  is  not  proouble  any 
resentment  remained  in  his  breast  against  him  on  that  account,  as  tl"!  Pen- 
nakooks  were  all  permitted  to  return  home;  but  it  is  certain  tiiat  lie  as  the 
director  and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  fell  upon  ff'ai  in  not 
long  afterward,  and  which  is  as  much  chargeable  upon  the  maltreatment 
they  received  from  the  English,  at  least,  as  upon  any  agency  of  the  I'Vench. 
It  may  bo  trr.  that  many  belonging  to  the  eastward,  who  were  seized  with 
the  Pennakooka,  an(l  sold  or  left  in  foreign  count  ies,  had  found  their  way 
back  among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  tins  first  oiiportuiiity  of 
revenging  themselves  upon  the  author  of  their  unjust  expatriation. 

Major  IValdran  li"«tl  at  Dover,  then  called  by  its  Indian  name,  Qttocficcfco 


t<:      1 


Chap.  VII;.]        KANKAMAGUS.— DB:sTI{UCT10N  of  DOVER. 


299 


in  New  Hninpsliire,  in  a  strong  jrnnison-lioiise,  at  wliich  pla.e  were  also 
four  others.  Kankamagus  had  artfully  contrived  a  stratajrein  to  effect  the 
surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  others  beside  the  Pennakooks  from  ditierent 
places  ready  in  great  numbers,  to  prosecute  the  uiidertakinj;.  The  plan  was 
this.  Two  squaws  were  sent  to  each  garrison-house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  for 
the  night,  and  when  all  should  be  asleej),  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to  the 
waiTiors.  Masavdowet,  who  was  next  to  Kankamagus,  went  to  Major  H'al- 
rfron's,  and  informed  him  that  the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade 
with  him.  While  at  supjjer  with  tlie  major,  Maaandowtt  said  to  him,  with  an  air 
of  familiarity,  "  Brother  fFaldron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come.'"  To  which  he  vauntingly  replied,  " that  he  could  assemble 
an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  finger."  In  tliis  security  the  gf.tes  were 
Ojiened  at  midnight,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury.  One  garri- 
son only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They  rushed  into 
Waldron^s  liouse  in  great  numbers,  and  while  some  guarded  the  door,  others 
commenced  the  slaughter  of  all  wiio  resisted.  Waldron  was  now  80  years 
of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  himself  with  great  resolution,  and  at 
fii-st  drove  the  Indians  before  hhn  from  room  to  room,  until  one  getting  be- 
hind nun,  knocked  him  down  with  his  hatchet.  They  now  seized  upon,  and 
dragged  him  into  the  great  room,  and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair  upon  a 
table.  While  they  were  thus  dealing  with  the  master  of  the  house,  they 
obUged  the  family  to  provide  them  a  sup{)er,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  they 
took  off  his  clothes,  and  proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  man- 
ner. Some  gashed  his  breast  with  knives,  saying,  "  /  cross  out  my  account ; " 
others  cut  off  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  "  JVow  will  your  Jisl  weigh 
a  pound?" 

After  cutting  off  his  nose  and  ears,  and  forcing  them  into  his  mouth,  he 
became  faint  Irom  loss  of  blood ;  and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on  end 
upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and  thus  cndiid  his  misery. 

The  Indians  had  been  grcuily  abused  and  wronged  in  their  trading  with 
the  whites,  and  it  is  a  tradition  to  tliis  day  all  over  that  part  of  the  country, 
that  Major  fValdron  took  great  advantige  of  them  in  trade,  aufl  did  not  cross 
out  their  accounts  when  they  had  paid  him ;  and  that,  in  buying  la'aver,  his 
fist  was  accounted  to  weigh  a  pound.  Although  he  may  iiave  taken  no  nw)re 
advantage  of  the  Indians  than  the  majority  of  Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  dis- 
tant day,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for  in  impartial  accounts  of  tiie 
transactions  of  our  ancestors  with  the  Indians. 

To  enumerate  the  villunies  practised  upon  this  devotf^d  people,  won!<!  be 
to  exijose  to  everlasting  odium  the  majority  of  frontier  traders  from  the 
earliest  to  the  present  time ;  but  true  history,  now-a -days,  is  hut  little  rea<l, 
and  little  indeed  where  the  facts  militate  against  the  pride  of  ancestry.  A 
history  of  wrongs  and  suftirings  preserved  only  to  be  read  by  tho.<t;  who 
have  conniiitted  them,  must  be  an  unwelcome  record  !  It  was,  and  to  this 
day  is,  in  manv  places,  a  uniform  practice  among  speculators  or  land-jobbers, 
to  got  the  Indians  drunk,  and  then  make  their  bargains  with  them!  In  the 
time  of  P/ii/iys  war,  an  Andioscoggin  Indian  said  "that  he  had  given  an 
hundred  pnuiul  for  water  drawn  out  of  Mr.  P.  [Purchas]  his  well."*  lint  to 
return  t )  our  narrative. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their  hands. 
They  kept  the  place  until  the  ne.xt  morning,  when,  after  collecting  all  the 
plunder  they  could  carry,  took  U|)  their  march,  with  29  captives,  into  the  wil- 
derness towards  Canada;  wluire  the  chief  of  them  were  bought  by  the  French, 
and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again.  Twenty-three  were  kille*'  he- 
fore  tliey  left  the  place.  This  affiiir  took  place  t.  .  the  night  of  the  2?th  f 
Jane,  lOtiH.  Several  friendly  Indians  informed  the  English  at  Chelmsford 
of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon  Dover,  and  they  caused  a  letter  to  be  de- 

*  Hnhhard,  ii.  11.— Thomas  Purchase's  lioiiso  nl  l'(!iry|)srot  was  ninoiig  llic  first  llmt  fpjl  a 
|)rcy  Id  llie  eastum  hidiaiis  in  Philip's  war.  In  llm  li(';;i'iiiiiii{f  (ifSi'plemlwr,  about  20  ortliom 
wrnt  llicrc,  and  at  first  ofTtTcd  to  trade,  hul  Mr.  J'uixhdse  and  liis  son  !)ci-ig  Crom  liome,  llicy 
took  what  they  liked  without  even  asking  the  price  of  it  killed  a  few  sheep  and  calves,  auJ 
diiparted.     Ibid,  14,  15. 


300 


HOPEIIOOD.— ATTACK  ON  KEWICHEWANNOK.        [Uook  HI 


spntched  in  season  to  have  notified  the  people,  bui  on  account  of  some  delay 
»t  Newbury  ferry,  the  l)eiiefit  of  that  information  was  lost 

Four  years  after.  Colonel  Church  took  Worombd's  fort,  in  which  were  Kan- 
kamagxis's  wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin,  about 
25  or  30  miles  from  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a  history 
of  Church's  expedition  to  this  Ibrt.  The  prisoners  taken  here  informed  Church 
that  there  had  been  lately  a  great  council  held  there  by  the  Indians,  in  which 
"many  were  for  peace  and  many  agains:  it;  "but  they  finally  agreed  to  go 
with  yOO  warriors  to  Wells  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  to  offer  the  English 
peace,  which  if  not  accepted,  they  would  then  fall  upon  them.  "  If  they 
could  not  take  Wells,  then  they  resolved  to  attack  Piscataqua.  The  which, 
jays  Churchy  when  we  were  well  informed  of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that 
were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  them  victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own 
corn,  boiled,  and  a  little  of  our  pruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  them 
clothes  enough  to  keep  them  warme,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye 
in :  gaue  them  orders  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  we  were  to  tiicni,  biding 
them  doe  the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  peace  to  come  to  goodmaii 
SmalPs,  att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourse  them ; 
then  we  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  that  they  had  de- 
livered,] and  nine  of  theirs."* 

In  tlie  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  among  these  prisoners  were 
Kankamagus^s  wife  and  four  children.  His  brothor-in-law  was  taken,  but  he 
"  ran  away  from  them."  Among  the  slain  was  Kanknmagus^s  own  sister.  A 
girl  was  brought  away  whoso  fiither  and  mother  had  been  slain  before  her 
eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  fVoromho  were  also  among  the  prisoners,  all  of 
whom  were  carried  to  I'iinioiith.  This  expedition  upon  the  Andrcocoggii; 
was  on  Sunday,  14  Septemlwir.  1G90. 

A  few  days  after  this,  CLurch  landed  at  C.".sco,  where  the  Indians  fell  upon 
him  by  surprise,  and  were  not  beaten  off'  for  some  time,  and  then  only  by 
nard  fighfMig.  ThisAvason  the  21  Soptend)er.  Church  had  seven  men  killed 
an«l  24  wounded,  two  of  whom  died  in  a  day  or  two  after.  The  Indians  who 
made  this  attack  were  probaltly  led  by  Knnkamagus  and  Woromho. 

HopF.HOOD  was  a  chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  whom  we  have  just  sitokeii.  lie  was  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Kennebccks  geiiernlly  known  as  the  Nerigwoks.  lie  was  the  son  of 
Robinhood,  a  sachem  ol"  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  former  chapter.  Accord- 
ing to  some  writers  Hopehtmd  was  also  known  by  the  name  fVohaiva.j  The 
cai'oer  of  his  warlike  exploits  was  long  atul  bloody.  Our  first  notice  of  him 
is  in  Philip's  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house  at  Newichewannok,  since  Berwick, 
in  Maine.  Fifteen  persons,  all  women  and  children,  were  in  the  house,  and 
Hopehood,  with  one  only  beside  himself,  Andrew  of  Saco,  whom  wc;  have  be- 
fore mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with  Si/mon,  thought  to  surprise  them,  and 
but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  their  approach  by  a  young  woman  within, 
would  have  effected  their  purpose.  She  fastened  and  held  the  door,  while 
nil  the  others  escaped  unobserved.  Hopehood  and  his  companion  hewed 
down  the  door,  and  knocked  tiie  girl  on  the  head,  and,  otlierwiso  womiding 
her,  left  her  for  dea<l.  They  took  two  children,  which  a  fence  had  kept  from 
escaping.  One  they  killed,  the  other  they  carried  off  alive.  The  young 
woman  recovered,  and  was  entirely  well  afterwards. 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  which  Hopehood  was  engaged  was 
that  against  Salmon  Falls  in  New  Hampfihire,  which  is  minutely  detailed  by 
Charlevoix,  from  whose  history  we  translate  as  follows.  Three  expeditions  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  Govern  )r  tVonlenac,  the  troops  for  which  had  been  raised 
at  threo  places,  Montreal,  Tl  ree  Rivers,  and  Qiiebeclc  Those  raised  at 
Three  Rivers  were  ordered  against  New  England ;  and  such  was  the  insig- 
nificance of  that  |)lace,  that  but  52  men  could  he  raised,  including  5  Algon- 
(|iuns  and  20  Sokokis :  these  Indians  had  lately  returned  from  an  eastern 
expedition.     They  had  at  their  head  one  of  tiio  officers  of  tiie  colony,  to 

*  M!iiiu$cri|)l  Idler  written  at  tliu  time  l>y  Church,  and  sunt  to  (iovernor  Hinckley  of 
('liiniiiitli. 

t  liirris,  ill  his  Voviiirc's,  ii.  SO'J,  w  ho  snys  he  wns  a  Mum  ;  but  as  he  riles  no  nutlioritiits, 
K'C  know  not  liuw  he  cainu  liv  his  iiildniiuliuii. 


Chap.  VllI]    HOPEIIOOD— DESTRUCTION  OF  SALMON   FALLS. 


301 


whom  could  lie  intrusted  the  execution  of  an  enttrpriiic  of  such  a  nature, 
with  tlijj  greatest  conHdonce  ;  such  is  the  testimony  which  Count  Frontenae 
gave  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  at  the  time  to  .M.  de  Seignelay.  That  ofHcer 
was  the  Sicur  Herlel.  Li  the  small  company  which  he  conunanded,  he  had 
three  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his  uei)hew8 ;  viz.  The  Sieur  Crevier,  Lord 
of  S.  I'Vancois,  and  the  Sieur  Gatintau. 

He  lell  Three  Rivers  the  28  January  1G90,  proceeding  direetly  south  into 
the  country,  leaving  Lake  Champlaiu  to  his  left,  then  turning  to  the  east,  and 
after  a  long  and  rugged  ma'^ch  he  arrived  on  the  27  *  March,  near  Sahnou 
Falls,!  which  he  had  reconnoitred  by  his  spies.  He  then  divided  his  men 
into  three  companies  ;  the  fii'st,  composed  of  15  men,  was  ordered  to  attack 
a  large  fortified  house.  The  second,  consisting  of  11  men,  was  ordered  to 
seize  upon  a  tort,  defended  by  lour  bastions.  The  tliird,  which  Hertd  com- 
manded in  person,  marched  to  attack  u  still  greater  Ibit,  which  was  defended 
by  cannon.  All  was  executed  with  a  conduct  and  bravery  which  astonished 
the  English,  who  made  at  first  stout  resistance ;  but  they  could  not  with- 
stand the  fire  of  the  assailants :  the  bravest  were  cut  to  pieces,  J  and  the 
rest,  to  the  number  of  5-1,  were  made  prisoners  of  war.  It  cost  the  victors 
but  one  Frenchman,  who  had  his  thigh  broken,  and  who  died  the  next  day  : 
27  hoi  SOS  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  2000  §  domestic  animals  perished  iii 
the  barns,  which  had  been  set  on  fire. 

Salmon  Falls  was  but  six  leagues  from  a  great  town  called  Pascataqua,|! 
from  whence  men  enough  might  be  sent  to  swallow  up  Hertd,  am!  cut  off 
his  retreat.  In  fact,  upon  tlie  evening  of  the  same  day  two  savages  gave 
notice  that  200  ^  English  were  advancing  to  attack  them.  Hertel  expected 
it,  and  had  taken  his  measures  to  frustrate  those  of  his  enemy.  He  drew 
lip  his  men  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  edge  of  a  river,**  over  which  there 
was  a  very  narrow  bridge,  one  extremity  of  which  he  had  secured,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  the  Liiglish  to  come  upon  him  at  any  other  point.  They, 
however,  attempted  it,  despising  the  small  numbers  of  the  French,  whom 
tiiey  engaged  with  great  confidence.  Htrtd  suffered  them  to  advance  with- 
out firing  a  gun,  and  all  at  once  fell  upon  them,  sword  in  hand ;  8  were 
killed  and  10  wounded  in  the  first  shock,  and  the  rest  fled  with  precipita- 
tion, ft  He  lost  in  this  encounter  tlie  brave  Crevier,  his  nephew,  and  one  of 
the  Sokokis.  La  Fresniere,  his  elder  son,  was  shot  in  tlie  knee ;  the  scur  of 
which  wound  he  bore  lor  50  years.  Jf 

As  Hertd  §§  was  returning  to  Canada,  he  fell  in  with  another  ptrty  of  his 
countrymen,  which  proved  to  be  that  raised  at  Quebec,  before  mentioned, 
under  M.  de  Portnetif,\\\\  a  d  with  him  agreed  upon  an  expedition  against 

•  Belknap,  Hisi.  N.  IL  i.  132.  following'  Mather,  Ma^nalia,  vil.  68,  dates  Ihis  affair  18 
March  :  there  is  in  reality  no  error,  allowing  for  the  difTerence  of  style,  (except  one  day*,)  the 
English  not  yet  havin)(  adopted  the  Uregoriui  method,  which  the  i<rench  had.— See  Buuk  II 
Cap.  11. 

f  I'ris  d'une  bourffade  Angloise.  appelipe  Stfmenids. 

X  About  30  were  killed,  according  to  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  132. 

\  Charlevoix  has  been  misconstrued  by  some  authors,  and  made  to  say  SOOO  head  of  cattle 
vere  burned. — See  Williavison,  Hist.  Maine,  i.  6IU,  who  probably  did  not  refer  to  the  text  of 
Charlevoix,  or  perhaps  used  an  exceptionable  translation.  "  Deux  tnilU  jiUces  da  betail  peri- 
rent  dans  les  etables,  oil  I'on  avoit  nds  lefeu."     Nouretle  France,  ii.  51. 

II  Scnientels  ii'otoit  qu'd  six  lieuCs  d'une  assez  grossc  bourgade  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre, 
iioiniiK'c  Pescadouft.     Nouvelle  France,  ii.  51. 

H  "  About  140  men."    Belknap,  ii.  132. 

**  VVoosler's  River,  in  IJerwick.     Ibid. 

tt  The  English  advanced  with  ffreat  intrepidity,  and  a  warm  engagement  ensued,  which 
lasted  till  night,  when  they  retired  with  the  loss  of  tour  or  five  killed.     Ibid. 

tt  The  English,  allhongh  warned  by  the  fate  of  Schenectaday,  "  dreamt,"  says  Mather, "  that 
while  the  deep  snow  of  tlie  winter  coiilinuc<l,  they  were  safe  enough;  but  this  proved  as  vain 
IS  a  dream  of  a  dry  summer.  On  March  18,  ihe  French  and  Indians,  bcini;  half  one,  half 
t'other,  half  Indianised  French,  and  half  Frenchified  Indians,  commanded  by  RIonsieur  Artel 
and  Iloop- Hood,  fell  suddenly  upon  Salmon-falls,"  &c.     Magnalia,  vii.  68. 

64  The  English  called  him  Artel,  as  his  name  was  pronounced.     S<;e  Magnolia,  il  id. 

11  ii  The  French  wrote  English  names  queer  enough,  but  really  I  should  be  sadly  puzzled  to 
tell  which  should  laugh  at  the  other :  however,  modern  writers  should  not  copy  old  errors  of 
ignorance.  It  is  easy  to  see  how  we  come  by  the  name  of  Burneffe  in  oui  Histories  of  Net* 
England. — Sue  Hist.  Maine,  i,  621. 

26 


-4V 

•'*!l 


fi 

v|8 

T. 

i  r^B 

:t   1 

iv 

i 

302 


Iior.-.IIOOI)— Dr.STIlUCTION  OF  CASCO. 


[Book  III 


':i'/ 


C'lisco.  As  Portneiif  iii!iiclii'<l  tliroiigh  the  couiiti-y  of  the  Abenakis,  many 
ol"  them  joined  him,  iitui  hu  came  \i\lo  the  neighborhood  of  Cusco,  qccord- 
iiig  lo  (ho  Frciirh  in'coiiiit,  on  the  25  3Iuy.  On  the  following  uiglit,  he  pre- 
pared un  nmhiiHii,  and  towards  morning  tin  Englishman  fell  into  it  and  was 
killed.  The  Iniliaiid  then  rained  the  wur-whoo]),  and  about  noon  50  English 
marched  out  I'rom  the  garriBon  to  learn  what  was  the  occasion  of  it ;  they 
made  no  discovery  until  they  were  within  a  few  ])aces  of  the  ambush,  when 
tiny  were  tired  upon  ;  and  before  they  could  resist  were  fallen  upon  by  the 
French  and  Indians  with  their  swords  antl  tonialiawks  with  great  slaughter : 
but  lour  escaped,  and  these  were  badly  wounded. 

The  English  seeing  now  they  must  stand  a  siege,  abandoned  four  garri- 
sons, and  all  retired  into  one,  which  was  provided  with  cannon.  lielbie  these 
were  abandoned,  an  attack  was  made  upon  one  of  them,  in  which  the 
French  were  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  one  Indian  killed  and  one  French- 
man wounded.  Portntuf  began  now  to  doubt  of  his  ability  to  take  Casco, 
fearing  the  issue ;  for  his  commission  only  ordered  him  to  lay  waste  the 
Fnglish  settlements,  and  not  to  attempt  fortified  places ;  but  in  this  dilemma 
Hertd  and  Hopeuood  arrived.*  It  was  now  determined  to  press  the  siege. 
In  the  deserted  forts  they  found  all  the  necessary  tools  for  carrying  on  the 
work,  and  they  began  a  mine  within  50  feet  of  the  fort,  uuder  a  steej)  bank, 
which  entirely  protected  them  from  its  guns.  The  English  became  dis- 
couraged, and  on  the  28  \  May  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
There  were  70  men,  and  probably  a  much  greater  number  of  women  and 
children.  All  of  whom,  except  Captain  Davis,  who  commanded  the  garrison, 
and  three  or  four  others,  were  given  uj)  to  the  Indians,  who  murdered  most 
of  them  in  their  cruel  manner;  and  if  the  accounts  be  true,  Hopehood 
excelled  all  other  savages  in  acts  of  cruelty.  In  the  course  of  the  same 
month,  with  a  small  party  he  fell  upon  Fox  Point,  in  New  Hampshire,  killed 
about  fourteen  persons,  and  carried  away  six,  alter  burning  several  houses. 
This  was  as  easily  done,  says  Cotton  Mather,  I "  as  to  have  spoiled  an  ordinary 
hen-roost."  Two  companies  of  English  soon  collected  and  pursued  them  ; 
came  up  with  them,  killed  some,  and  recovered  considerable  plunder.  In 
this  action  Hopehood  was  wou'jded,  and  lost  his  gun.  § 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  after  this,  Hopehood  went  to  the  westward,  "  with  a 
design,  says  Mather,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his  assist- 
ance." The  Indians  of  Canada  and  the  Five  Nations  were  then  at  war, 
and  he  being  in  tlieir  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  Indians, 
who,  taking  him  to  be  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  slew  him  and  many  of  his 
companions.  He  had  been  once  a  captive  to  the  English,  and  served  a  time 
in  Boston  as  a  slave.  There  appears  to  have  been  another  Nerigwok  chief 
of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  Governor  Dudley  at  Casco,  in  1703.  J 

We  have,  in  narrating  the  events  in  the  life  of  Madokawando,  noticed  the 
voyage  of  Major  Waldron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  which  was  at  the 
close  of  Philip's  war.  How  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that  time  by 
the  Indians,  which  caused  the  English  to  massacre  many  of  them,  we  shall 
not  take  upon  us  to  declare ;  yet  this  we  should  bear  in  mind,  that  we  have 
only  the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy,  and  not  that  of  those 
who  suffered  in  it. 

Captain  Charles  Fr-^st,  of  Kittery,  was  with  fValdron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a  i)rincipal  actor  in  it ;  and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  the 
Indians  afterwards.  ||  Mr.  Hubbard  gives  this  account  of  his  taking  a  noted 
warrior  as  follows : — "  Capt.  Frost  seized  an  Indian  called  Megunnewa;/,  a 
notorious  rogue,  that  had  been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June,  at  the  falls, 

*  Madokawando  was  also  nt  the  taking  of  Casco,  as  wore  the  Doneys  and  llic  Ifisruers 
[Higgins]  Captain  Davis's  Nar.  in  3  (^oll.  Mas.  Hist.  Hoi-.  lOt,  5. — Hopehood  had  homi  taken 
prisoiiiT,  and  held  as  a  hostage,  with  ahoul  a  dozen  others,  and  was  set  nt  hl)erty  by  Amiros 
lome  lime  before,     lliid. 

t  This  agrees  with  the  Knglish  accoiir.ts,  abating  10  days,  ns  observed  in  a  note  on  the  last  page. 

t  Magnalia  Christ.  AiTKMicana,  b.  vii.  73. 

&  "An  heathen  Indian  wonhl  rather  part  with  his  head  than  with  his  gun."    Loskiel,  ii.  2H 

|l  At  his  native  place,  4  July,  1ULI7.     MS,  Utter  of  Mm  Faniier,  Esq. 


^*,V; 


Chap.  IX.] 


BOMAZEEN. 


303 


and  sir  that  brave  ntid  resolute  Capt  Tttmer,  when  he  was  slain  about 
Green  River;  and  lielped  to  kill  Thomas  Brackd*  at  Casco,  [11th]  Anpist 
last,  [11)7(5.]  And  with  the  Iielp  of  Lieut.  JViUter,  according  to  tlie  major's 
order,  carried  liiin  aboard  "  tiieir  vessel.  "  By  this  time,"  the  same  author 
continues,  "some  of  the  soldiers  were  got  ashore,  and  instantly,  according 
to  their  major's  command.,  pursued  the  enemy  towards  their  canoes.  In  the 
chase,  several  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  whose  bodies  these  [soldiers]  found 
at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven ;  amongst  whom  was  Mattaliando, 
the  sagamore,  with  an  old  powow,  to  whom  the  Devil  had  revealed,  as  some- 
times he  did  '  i  Saul,  that  on  the  same  day  he  should  be  with  him ;  for  he 
had  a  little  before  told  the  Indians,  that  within  two  days  the  English  would 
come  and  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  the  very  same  time  verified  upon 
himself."  Here  we  must  acknowledge,  notwithstanding  our  great  respect 
for  this  author,  tliat  his  commentary  upon  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous. 
He  might  have  considered  that  Satds  among  the  English  would  not  be  want- 
ing of  whom  parallels  might  be  made.  Indeed,  the  nistorian  of  Kanknmagus 
might  say  the  Deoil  was  less  deceitlul  with  this  powwow  than  he  was  after- 
wards in  the  case  of  Major  Waldron. 

The  Englisii  took  mucli  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
which  were  al)out  1000  lbs.  of  dried  beef,  and  various  other  commodities. 
Meffunneivaif,  after  having  fallen  into  their  hands  as  we  have  stated,  was  shot 
without  ceremony. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

KoMAZGKN — Treachery  of  the  whites  totearda  him — Ts  imjrrisoned  at  Boston — Saves 
the  life  of  a  female  captive — Captures  Snco — Is  killed — Arruhawikwabkmt — 
His  capture  and  death — Eoeremet — Seized  at  Femmaquid — Barbarously  mur- 
dered— Treachery  of  Chuhh — Its  requital — Captain  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — 
DoNv — His  fort  captured  byColonel  Church — Events  of  Church's  expedition — Captain 
SiMMO — Treats  with  the  English  at  Casco — f/wspeecA— Wattanummon — Captain 
Samuel — His  fight  at  Dumaris  Cove — Heoan — One  of  the  name  barbarously  de- 
stroyed by  the  whites — Mogg — Westbrook  bums  Kerigwok — Some  account  of  the 
Jesuit  Rasle — Moulton's  expedition  to  J^erigiook — Death  of  Movg — Dealli  of  Father 
Rasit — jYotice  of  Moulton — Charlevoix's  account  of  this  affair — Paugus — Bounty 
offered  for  Indian  scalps — Captain  John  Lovewell's  first  expedition — His  second 
hunt  for  Indians — Falls  in  with  Pacgcs — Fights  him,  and  is  slain — Particulars  of 
the  affair — Incidents— Songs  composed  on  the  event. 

We  will  continue  here  our  catalogue  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  east,  which, 
though  a  remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  than  any  other ;  and  the  first  of 
them  which  we  shall  introduce  was  called,  by  the  whites, 

BoMAZEEN,  who  was  a  sachem  of  a  tribe  of  the  Canibas,  or  Kennebecks, 
wliose  residence  was  at  an  ancient  seat  of  sagamores,  upon  a  river  bearing 
their  name,  at  a  place  called  JVorridgewock.  f  Whether  Botnazeen  were  the 
leader  in  the  attack  upon  Oyster  River  in  New  Hampshire,  Groton  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  many  other  places,  about  the  year  1694,  we  cannot  determine, 
but  Hulchinson  says  he  was  "a  principal  octor  in  the  carnage  upon  the 


•^r 


*:^^ 


i  ■ 

A- 


V 


"  He  was  brother  to  Anthomi,  ami  was  killed  the  11  August,  as  we  have  mentioned  in  our 
account  of  Sijimm.  These  Indians,  or  some  of  their  party  [that  captured  Anthony  Bracket] 
went  over  upon  the  neck,  where  they  shot  John  Miinjoy  and  Isaac  Wakely.  Three  men,  who 
wore  going  to  reap  at  Anthomj  Bractfi's,  having  heani  from  Munjoy  and  W'ij/Sre/t/ of  the  trans- 
action llicre,  loft  tlicm  to  return,  when,  hearing  tlie  guns,  they  turned  towards  Tlwmas  Bracket's, 
who  lived  near  Clark's  Point,  where  they  had  left  their  Ccinoe,  having  probably  crossed  over 
from  Purpooduck.  Here  they  saw  Tlwmas  Bracket  shot  down,  and  his  wife  and  children 
taken;  they  then  made  their  escape  to  ^/(/n/ow'«  garrison,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  neck,  which 
hnil  become  a  place  of  refuge.  WiV/iV*  Hist.  Portland,  i.  144. — This  was  an  extensive  depre- 
dation, 34  persons  having  been  killed  ami  carried  into  captivity.  , 

t  Nerigwok  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  way  of  spelling  the  name  of  this  place,  as 
agreeing  best  with  its  orthoPnv ;  at  least,  with  that  heard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  it,  at  this 
dky,  as  pronounced  by  the  oldest  inhabitants.  It  is  a  delightful  place,  and  will  be  founri  else> 
where  described. 


>i% 


I 


IW'  ■    '.       ■! 


S't'  '<"■' 


B'-    ,  J 


304 


ARRUHAV.lKVVAnEMT.— TAKEN  AND  KILLED.         [Book  IIL 


English,"  after  the  treaty  which  lie  luul  made  with  Governor  Phips,  in  IHPS. 
In  16<J4,  he  curiie  to  the  Ibrt  at  I'eniniaqiiid  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  was 
treacherously  seized  by  those  who  coniniundcd,  and  sent  prisoner  to  lioston, 
where  he  remained  some  montlis,  in  a  loathsome  prison.  In  17(M1,  new  bar- 
barities were  committed.  Chehnsibrd,  Sudbiirj',  Groton,  Exeter,  iJover,  and 
many  other  places,  siiliered  more  or  less.*  Many  captives  were  taken  and 
carried  to  Canada,  and  many  killed  on  the  way.  A  poor  woman,  one  liebecca 
Taylor,  who  had  arrived  at  the  Kiver  St.  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  lian{:ed 
by  her  master,  an  "  overgrown  Indian,"  named  Sampson,  The  limb  of  the 
tree  on  which  he  was  executing  his  purpose  gave  way,  and,  while  he  was 
making  a  second  attenipt,  Bomazeen  happened  to  be  passing,  and  res- 
cued her. 

We  hear  of  him  just  after  the  death  of  Jirruhamkwahtmt,  in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco  with  (50  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  peojtle, 
and  carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a  "  notorious  iellow," 
and  yet  but  few  of  his  acts  are  upon  record.  Some  time  after  the  peace  of 
1701,  it  seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  Bomazeen,  and  another 
principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  Iriars  were  urgin<f  them  to  break  their 
union  with  the  English,  "  iiwi  that  theu  had  made  no  impression  on  them,  for 
they  loere  asfrni  as  the  mountains,  and  should  continue  so  as  long  as  the  sun  and 
nwon  endured."  On  peace  being  made  known  to  the  Lidians,  as  having  taken 
place  between  the  French  and  English  nations,  they  came  into  Casco,  with 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  soon  after  concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
dated  13  .luly,  1713.     Bomazeen^s  name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Captain  Moidton  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  they  fell  in  with 
Bomazeen  about  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  him  as  he  was  escaping  through 
the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter  were,  in  a 
barbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the  mother  taken. 

We  pui'posely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mather^s  account  of  Bomazeen^s  conversation 
with  a  minister  of  Boston,  while  a  prisoner  there,  which  amounts  to  little 
else  than  his  recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which  the  French 
of  Canada  had  made  many  Indians  believe,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he 
said ;  as  that  Jesus  Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  \'ir"in  Mary  a  French 
woman  ;  that  the  French  gave  them  poison  to  drink,  to  inflame  them  against 
the  English,  which  made  them  run  mad.  We  hear  of  otiiers,  who,  to  excite 
them  against  the  English,  endeavored  to  make  them  believe,  among  other 
absurdities,  that  they  put  Jesus  Christ  to  death  in  London. 

Arruhawikwabemt,  just  mentioned,  was  a  sachem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norridgewock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  particidars 
of  him,  but,  i'rom  the  fate  he  met  with,  it  is  presumed  he  had  been  very 
instrumental  in  continuing  or  bringing  about  the  eastern  war  of  1710.  In 
that  year.  Colonel  fValton  made  aii  expedition  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  encamped  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of  their 
fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indians  into  their  hands,  among  whom  was  Jlrru- 
haudkwahemt.  Penhallotv  says,  he  was  "an  active,  bold  fellow,  and  one  of  an 
,  tmdaunted  spirit;  for  when  they  asked  him  several  questions,  he  made  them 
no  reply,  and  when  they  threatened  him  with  death,  he  laufrhed  at  it  with  con- 
tempt! At  which  they  delivered  him  up  unto  our  friendly  Indians,  who  soon 
became  his  executioners.  But  when  the  squaw  saw  the  destiny  of  her 
husband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and  freely  discovered  where  each  party 
of  them  encamped."  The  savage  perpetrators  of  this  act  called  themselves 
Christian  warriors !  and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  civilization  gains 
nothing  in  contrasting  tho  conduct  of  the  whites,  under  Walton,  and  that 
of  Bomazeen  towards  a  captive,  just  related. 

Egeresikt,  as  we  have  seen,  was  chief  sachem  of  Kennebeck  in  1G90, 
and  his  priuciiml  residence  appears  to  have  been  at  Machias.  This  chief, 
and  HoNQLiD,  with  three  or  four  othrrs,  having  been  invited  to  a  conference  at 
Peminaquid,  were  treacherously  murdered  there,  IG  February,  1G96.  Their 
seizure  and  murder  could  not  have  bceu  outdone,  by  the  greatest  barbarians, 

•  Bomazeen  was  supposed  to  have  led  the  party  llint  allackcd  llic  south  part  of  Oyster  River, 
now  Durliam,  in  wliicli  10  persons  were  killed.     This  was  on  27  April, 


Chap.  IX.] 


EGEREMET. 


30.1 


for  faithlessness ;  and  we  shall  learii  that  its  author  paid  for  it  in  due  time 
with  his  lite.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  transactions  which  are  iu 
themselves  sufficiently  horrihie,  but  wo  will  venture  to  give  tiie  account  aa 
we  find  it  in  Dr.  C.  Maihtr's  decennium  litctuosum : —  * 

"  Let  us,  before  the  year  be  quite  gone,  see  some  vengeance  taken  upon 
the  heads  in  the  house  of  the  wicked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  Capt.  .March 
petitioning  to  be  dismissed  from  his  command  of  the  fort  at  Peiiima([uid, 
one  Chub  succeeded  him.  This  Chtib  found  an  opportunity,  in  a  |)retty 
chubbed  manner,  to  kill  the  famous  Edgeremet  and  Abenquid,  a  couple  of 
principal  sagamores,  with  one  or  two  otlier  Indians,  on  a  Lord's  day.  Some 
that  well  enough  liked  the  thing  which  was  now  done,  did  not  altogetiior 
like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  there  was  a  pretence  of  irentif  between 
Chub  and  the  sagamores,  whereof  he  took  his  advantage  to  lay  violent  hands 
on  them." 

Thus  the  manner  is  seen  in  which  this  horrid  and  cold-blooded  act  is 
related  ! !  Few  are  the  instances  that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  Indian 
treachery,  as  it  is  termed,  can  go  before  this.  The  reverend  author  adds,  "  W 
there  were  £my  unfair  dealing  (which  I  know  not)  in  this  action  of  Chub, 
there  will  be  another  February  not  far  off,  wherein  the  avengers  of  blood  will 
take  their  satisfaction."  By  this  innuendo,  what  befell  Captain  Chubb  after- 
wards is  understood,  and  of  which  we  shall  presently  give  an  account 

The  point  of  land  called  TrotVs  JVeck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of  Maine, 
was  sold,  in  1685,  by  Egertmet  and  several  other  sachems.  In  1(393,  on  the 
II  August,  with  12  other  chiefs,  he  made  a  treaty  f  with  Sir  JVillinm  Phips,  at 
Pemnmquid,  to  which  their  names  stood  as  follows,  and  without  marks,  iu 
the  printed  account 


Edgeremett. 
SIadockawando. 
Wassambomet  o/"  JVoridgicock, 
Wenobson  of  Teconnot,  in  behalf 

of  MOXDS. 
Ketterramogis  of  jYarridgwock. 
Ahanquid  of  Penobscot. 
bomaseen. 
Nitamemet. 


Webenes. 
awansomeck. 
Robin  Doney. 
Madaumbis. 

Paquaharet,  alias  Nathaniel. 
John  Hornybrook. 
John  Bagatawawongo,  alias 
Sheepscott  Johuv 
Phill.  Dunsttkis,  Squaw,  i' 
terpretera. 

Before  this,  in  1G91,  "  New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath,"  says  Dr. 
C.  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sachems 
and  Messrs.  HiUchinson  and  Townsend,  of  Boston,  and  others  of  the  eastern 
coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  by  them,  and  the 
English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a  woman  by  the  name  of 
Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having  written  letters  on 
various  occasions,  such  as  their  affairs  required,  and  with  whom  they  re- 
gretted much  to  part  Another  was  MUhaniel  ffhite,  who  had  been  bound 
and  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut  off,  and,  instead  of 
food,  he  was  forced  to  eat  them,  after  which,  but  for  this  time  y  treaty,  tlie 
sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed  upon  him.  This  truce 
stipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the  English  until  May,  1692,  and  that, 
on  the  first  of  that  mouth,  they  would  deliver,  at  Wells,  all  English  captives 
in  their  hands,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  would  inform  of  any  plots  that  they 
miglit  know  of  the  French  against  the  English.  Egeremet  being  the  chief 
sachem,  and  most  forward  in  this  business.  Dr.  Mather  utters  his  contempt 
for  him  by  saying,  "  To  this  instrument  were  set  the  paws  o(  Egeremet,  and 
five  more  of  their  sagamores  and  noblemen."  J 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Collections  of  the  Mass.  Hist  Soc, 
but  is  dated  one  year  earlier  than  it  is  in  the  Magnalia.  The  fact  tiiat  it  was 
niade  ujjon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.  Mather  says,  and  as  we  have  quoted  in  the 
life  of  Madokawando,  appears  from  the  lust  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 

*  Mag-iialia,  b.  vii.  89.  f  It  may  be  seen  in  the  Magndia,  vii.  83. 

1  Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  book  vii.  art,  zzviii.  p.  94. 

26*  U 


I     ■   ! 


(r'" 


y^ 


306 


EGEREMET.— KILLED  AT  PEMAQUID. 


[llonK  III. 


which  is  in  these  words : — "  Signed  and  sealed  interchangeahly,  upon  tlie 
water,  in  cunoes,  at  Sackatchock,  when  the  wind  blew."  It  was  lieadod,  "  At  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  eastwanl  Indian  enemy  sagamores."  The  otlier  fivo 
sachems,  beside  Eiieremd,  were  ToquelmtU,  fVatumbomi,  ff^atombamet,  Walumht, 
[yVorom.boa,'\  and  John  Hawkins,  [or  Kankamagus?[  The  places  for  which  they 
stipulated  are,  according  to  the  treaty, "  Pennecook,Winnepisseockeege,  Ossepe, 
I'igwocket,  Amoscongen,  Pechepscut,  Kcnnebeck  River,  and  all  other  places 
adjacent,  within  the  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-named  sagamores.'' 
The  witnesses  were,  Dewando,  [the  same  called  Miwando,  by  Penhallow 
jtrohably,]  Aed  Higon,  John  ^Iden,  jr.,  and  JVathaniel  Mden. 

The  next  year,  Egeremet  was  with  Madokawando,  Moxus,  and  a  body  of 
French  under  Labrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  which  will  bo  found  recorded  in  the  last  chapter. 

We  will  now  inform  the  reader  of  the  wretched  fate  of  Captain  Pasco  Chub. 
It  was  not  long  after  he  committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the  Indian  sag- 
amores, before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the  French  and  Indians.  He 
was  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered  much  disgrace 
for  his  treachery  with  the  Indians.*  He  lived  at  Andover  in  Massachusetts, 
where  about  30  Indians  made  an  attack  in  1698,  on  22  February,  in  which 
he,  with  othere,  was  killed,  and  five  were  captivated.  It  was  not  thought  that 
they  expected  to  find  him  there ;  but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him 
it  gave  them  as  much  ioy,  says  Hutchinson,  "  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole 
town,  because  they  had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy 
and  barbarity  to  their  countrymen."  They  shot  him  through  several  times 
after  he  was  dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldmixon  speaks  of  this  event.f  He  says, 
"  Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  the  false  w»etch  who  surrendered  Pemmaqiiid 
Fort.  The  governor  kept  him  under  examination  some  time  at  Boston,  and 
then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  Andover,  the  Indiana 
surprised  him  and  his  wife,  and  massacred  them  ;  a  just  reward  of  his  trea- 
son." The  author,  we  think,  should  have  added,  according  to  the  jurispru- 
dence of  savages. 

The  most  favorable  accoimt  given  of  the  conduct  of  Chub,  and  indeed  the 
only  one,  follows :  "  An  Indian  sagamore's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
Cajit.  Chub  went  out  to  tliem  without  arms,  man  for  man.  An  Indian  asked  for 
rum  and  tobacco:  the  captain  said,  'A'b;  it  is  Sabbath  day.'  They  said, 
'  JVe  will  have  rum,  or  we  tcill  have  rum  and  you  too.'  Two  Indians  laid  hold  on 
the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall  on,  for  God's  sake.  Then  he 
made  signs  to  his  men,  to  cokne  from  the  fort  One  of  the  English  had  a 
hatciiet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and  killed  an  Indian;  and  then  jurs 
killed  two  more  Indians,  and  took  another  alive,  and  wounded  another,  sup- 
posed mortally.  Then  many  of  the  enemy  came  near  to  the  English,  who 
retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort."  X 

There  was  another  sagamore  of  the  same  name,  noticed  in  the  following 
wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites ;  it  was  proba- 
bly he  who  sometimes  bore  tlie  name  of  Moxus. 

*  Harris's  Voyages,  ii.  305,  (ed.  17C4,)  says  Chub  was  arrested  by  Colonel  Gedney,  who  was 
sent  east  wilti  three  ships  of  war,  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort,and  that  no  French  or 
Indians  could  be  found  ;  that  after  he  strengthened  the  garrison,  he  returned  home. 

"  Col.  Gedney  had  been  by  land  with  600  men,  to  secure  the  eastern  frontiers.  Finding  the 
enemy  gone,  he  strengthened  the  garrisons,  which  were  not  taken.  He  also  arrested  Pasco 
Chubb,  for  surrendenng  Pemaquid  Fort,  while  under  his  command  in  July,  and  had  him 
brought  to  Boston.  Here  Captain  C/u/AA  was  confined,  till  it  was  decideclthal  he  should 
lose  nis  commission,  and  not  be  eligible  for  any  other.  This  unfortunate  man,  with  his  wife 
Hannah,  and  three  others,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  Hi,  1698."  Rev.  Mr. 
Felt's  Annals  of  Salem. 

A  naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  lime  ;  hence  the  accounts  are  not  altogether  irrecon- 
cilable. Three  men-of-war  were  sent  out  in  pursuit  of  the  French,  "  but  meeting  with  con- 
trary winds,  they  could  never  gel  sight  of  tliem."     Neal,  His.  N.  Eng.  ii.  661. 

t  Hrilish  Empire  in  America,  i.  77,  78. 

i  Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  written  in  the  following  month.  As  it  was 
written  at  a  great  distance  from  the  place,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  Tittle  reliance  can  be 
placed  uponlt.     Ii  may  have  been  Cliub's  report  of  the  case. 


CAPTAIN  TOM— DONEY. 
Indii 


307 


CiiAr.  IX.] 

Ill  the  Iiidinn  war  of  1703,  tlioro  wna  a  great  Indian  captain  who  resided 
soiiu'wlieie  to  tlu;  eiist  of  PaMcataqtia  River,  who  iriado  his  name  dreaded 
among  the  scttieiiientH  in  tiiat  region,  h'  some  bloody  cxpeditiona  which  he 
condncti'd.     lie  wan  called,  hy  tiie  Kngli.sh, 

Cai'Tai.v  Tom.  On  17  August  of  this  year,  this  daring  war-captain,  with 
aliout  30  others,  surprised  a  part  of  Hampton,  killed  five  p<>rsnns,  whereof 
one  was  a  widow //iwaey, "  who  was  a  reinarkuhle  speaking  (.luaker,  and  much 
lamented  by  her  sect."  At\er  sacking  two  houses  near  the  garrison,  they 
drew  otr.* 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newbury,  was  owned 
by  Greet/  Tom.  lie  is  supposed  to  have  lieen  the  last  Indian  proprietor  of 
lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he  styles  himself,  "  I  Great  Tom 
Indian."  f 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern  history. 
It  has  been  generally  su|)posed  that  the  name  Dony,  or  Doney,  was  tha  name 
of  an  Indian  chief,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was  a  Frenchman,  who 
look  up  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  as  Baron  de  St.  Casteins  did.  There 
appears  in  our  history,  in  lt>45,  a  "Monsieur  Dony"  who  had  some  difficulty 
with  Lord  de  la  Tour,  alnjut  their  eastern  possessions,  and  he  was,  doubtless, 
the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account  afterwards,  in  the  war  of  lt)lK),  with 
the  eastern  Indians.  At  this  time,  there  were  two  <if  the  name  in  Maine, 
fatiier  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps,  like  Casteins  the  yomiger,  was  half  Indian, 
but  of  this  we  are  not  sure ;  nevertheless,  to  preseiTt?  our  narrative  of  the 
events  of  Colonel  Churches  expedition  of  1090,  we  shall  notice  them  among 
others. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  12  September,  before  day,  and,  after  a  wet, 
fatiguing  march  into  the  woocls  of  about  two  days,  on  the  south-west  side  of 
the  Androscoggin,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  a  fort.  They  came  upon 
an  Indian  and  his  wife  who  were  leading  two  captives ;  and  immediately  pur- 
suing and  firing  upon  them,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who  proved  to  be  the 
wife  of  Younf^  Doney.X  We  can  only  hope  it  was  not  their  design  thus  to  have 
killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it  was  that  fired  upon  them  (for  they 
divided  themselves  into  three)  is  unknown,  and  we  in  charity  must  suppose 
that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much  confusion,  it  was  dfficult  to  know 
an  Indian  man  from  a  woman. 

As  Church  expected,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort,  and  out  at  the 
other,  giving  the  alarm  so  eftectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped.  They 
found  and  took  prisoners  "  but  two  men  and  a  lad  of  about  18,  with  some 
women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  ibur  of  which  were 
killed.  The  lad  of  18  made  his  escape  up  the  river."  The  whole  numl)er 
killed  in  this  action  was  "six  or  seven."  The  English  had  but  one  womided. 
They  took  here,  at  this  time,§  a  considerable  quantity  of  corn,  guns,  and  ammu- 
nition, and  liberated  Mrs.  Huckings,  widow  of  Lieutenant  Robert  Hucktnsrs, 
taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Bar'^ard,  wife  of  Benjamin  Barnard,  of  Sahriou 
Falls,  ^nne  Heard,  of  Cocheco,  a  young  woman,  daughter  of  one  Willis,  of 
Oyster  River,  and  a  lx)y  belonging  to  Ext^ter.  These  captives,  says  Church, 
"  were  in  a  miserable  condition."  They  learned  by  them  that  most  of  their 
men  were  gone  to  VVinter  Harbor  to  get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy  In- 
dians. This  information  was  given  by  a  prisoner  taken  in  the  fort,  who  also  sal;! 
that  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the 
spring.  "I'he  soldiers,  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  Indian's  lile, 
wnile  in  examination  ;  inteniling,  when  he  had  done,  that  hb  slioiild  be  exe- 
cuted. But  Capt.  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman,  ('own  on  their  knees 
and  t>He!red  for  liim.  saying,  that  he  had  been  a  means  of  saving  their  lives, 
and  a  great  many  more  ;  and  h;u1  heljted  seveml  to  opportunities  to  run  away 
and  make  their  escape ;  and  that  never,  since  he  eaine  annngst  them,  had 
fought  against  the  Englisii,  but  being  related  to  Hakin's  \\  wife,  kept  at  tlie 

•  Penlmlli'w,  liul.  Wars,  8 ;  Farmer's  IMknap,  i.  1G7. 

t  MaiHiscript  Hist.  Newlmry,  by  J.  Coffin. 

X_  And  llio  saiiK!  oallod  in  the  Masjimlia  Robin  Uoney. 

Says  my  record,  which  is  a  inaiuiscripl  loltor  Ironi  Church,  wrilicn  at  that  time. 

'I'lie  same  callud  KatiJcunutnta. 


^       11 


'J 

r> 


308 


DONEY.-^APTAIN  SIMMO. 


[Book  HI. 


W--    'v 

m 


m ' 


fort  with  then  I,  liaviiij?  iM^eii  tlu-re  two  years ;  l)iit  lii.s  liviicj  was  to  tho  west- 
ward of  JJoHtoii.    So  upon  their  rnqiiewt,  Iuh  life  wiw  Mpurt'd." 

Two  oiil  H(|imws  W).'re  leil  in  tht;  fort,  proviiled  witli  proviBioiis,  unu  iistriict- 
ed  to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were  determined 
to  do.  They  then  putybitr  or  five  to  death,  and  dccnini)ed.  Tliosc,  we  nnist 
biijipose,  were  ciiiefly  women  and  children  !  "  Knocked  on  the  head  for  an  ex- 
uinple."  We  know  not  that  any  excuse  tan  be  given  for  tiiis  criminal  ait ;  and 
it  ii  degrading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  nni»t  he  sujiposed  to  imagine  tliut 
they  can  prevent  Imrharities  by  being  wretchedly  barbarous  themselves. 


ley  can  pi 
Old  Do 


_  NEY,  as  he  is  culled,  was  next  to  b<!  hunted.  Ab  they  were  em- 
Imi'kingatMaqiiait,  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket  *  came  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them 
to  take  him  on  board,  which  they  did.  He  learning  that  an  English  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Lulians,  with  whom  he  had  been  some 
time  a  prisoner.  The  .leet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harbor,  from  whence 
they  despatched  a  detachment  of  GO  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When  they  cume 
near,  they  discovered  Doney's  company  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  who 
chiefly  made  their  escape.  A  canoe,  with  three  Indians,  was  ol)served  coming 
over  the  river  ;  they  did  not  see  the  Englisli,  and  were  fired  upon,  and  "  all 
tiiree  perished."  Tliis  gave  the  first  alarm  to  Doney's  company.  They  did 
not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning  the  fire  ol"  the  English,  by 
which  Lieutenant  Hunnewell  was  shot  through  the  thigh.f  When  the  parties 
fired  u[)on  each  other.  Old  Doney,  with  an  English  captive,  was  higher  up 
the  river,  who,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down  tu  see  what  it  meant ;  and  thus 
he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to  escape.  Doneti  fled  from  the 
canoe,  leaving  his  captive,  who  came  to  the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas 
Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at  Scarborough. 

There  were  many  other  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  in  which 
they  got  much  plunder,  and  which  tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  among 
them,  and  their  final  determination  to  return  home.  Church  urged  a  longer 
continuance,  but  was  outvoted  in  a  council  of  officers,  and  thus  ended  the 
expedition^  Many  in  the  country  rej)roached  Church  with  cowardice,  and 
almost  every  tiling  but  what  we  should  have  looked  for.  If  putting;  to  death 
captives  had  been  tlie  iliarge,  many  might  have  accorded  Amen!  But  we  do 
not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Two  years  after  this,  in  l(il);3,  Robin  Doney  became  reconciled  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Pcmma()uid.  But  within  a  year  after, 
he  became  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we  know  not,  ond 
coming  to  the  Ibrt  at  Saco,  probaiily  to  settle  tlio  difticultj',  was  seized  by  the 
English.  What  his  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but  tlie  days  of  forgiveness 
and  mercy  were  not  yet 

Among  the  chiefs  which  we  shril  next  proceed  to  notice,  there  were  seve- 
ral of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Ca])tain  Simmo's  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicuous.  We 
shall,  theretbre,  go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  his  life,  after  a  lew  preliminary 
obseiTtttions. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  Europe, 
their  colonies  in  America  were  involved  in  its  calamities,  to  an  unknown  and 
fearful  extent.  This  was  the  aspect  which  affairs  wore  in  1703.  W^ith  the 
first  news,  therefore,  of  its  flame,  the  New  Englanders'  thoughts  were  turned 
towards  the  Lidians.  Governor  Diullejj  immediately  despatched  messengers  to 
most  of  the  eastern  tribes,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  pen- 
insula in  Falmouth,  on  the  20  Jvne,  His  object  was  so  to  attach  them  to  the 
English,  that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  the 
wishes  of  the  English,  a  vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
the  chiefs  Adiwando  and  Hi:gnn  for  the  Pemiakooks,  Wattanummon  for  the 
Peqiiakets,  Mesambomelt  and  fVexar  for  the  Androscoggins,  Moxus  and  Hope- 
hood  (perhaps  son  of  him  killed  by  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Nerigwoks,  Bonut' 
zeen  and  Captain  Samuel  lor  the  Kennebecks,  and  If'arrungunl  and  IFanadu- 

•  Son  o(  ArUhomj,  who  was  killed  by  the  Indians,  as  we  have  related,  ante. 
t  Official  letter  in  MS.  Troni  the  expedition. 


Chkt.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  SAMUEL. 


301) 


gxmhverU  for  tlie  Penobscots.  After  a  short  ppecch  to  them,  in  which  the 
fiovcrnnr  e.xnresscd  brotherly  affection,  and  a  desire  to  Hettle  every  ditliciilty 
"whicfi  hud  happened  since  tiic  hist  treaty,"  Captain  Simmc  rej)iied  bb 
foMows: — 

"  If'e  thank  you,  good  brother,  for  coming  so  far  to  talk  with  tut.  It  is  a  gnat 
favor.  Thf  doiulsjUu  and  darken — but  we  still  sing  toilh  lure  the  songs  of  peace. 
Jfe.ievp  m>j  words. — So  fak  as  the  su.v  is  above  the  earth  are  olr 
THorciiTs  from  war,  or  the  least  rupture  between  us."* 

The  jrovoriior  was  tiieii  presented  witli  a  belt  of  wampum,  was  to  confirm 
tiie  tnitii  of  wiiut  liad  been  said.  At  a  previous  treaty,  two  lieaps  of  small 
stones  jiud  been  thrown  together,  near  by  the  treaty  ground,  and  called  the 
Two-brothers,  to  signify  that  the  Indians  and  Knglish  were  brothers,  and  were 
eonsidercd  by  the  parties  in  the  light  of  seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now 
repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and  each  increased  their  tnagnitude,  by  tho 
addition  of  other  stones.  Thus  was  happily  terminated  this  lamous  treaty. 
Some  jiarado  and  rejoicing  now  commenced,  an«l  a  circumstance  transpired 
which  threw  the  Knglish  into  great  fear,  and,  perhaps,  greater  suspicion.  A 
grand  salute  was  to  be  tired  upon  each  side,  at  jiarting,  and  the  English,  od- 
visedly,  and  very  warily,  it  must  be  confessed,  but  in  oiipearance  comj)liment- 
ary,  expressed  their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  fust.  The  Indians 
received  the  compliment,  and  discharged  their  guns ;  to  their  great  surprise, 
the  Englisli  found  they  hud  been  loaded  with  bullets.  Tiiey  had  before 
doubted  of  their  sincerity,  but,  owing  to  this  discover)',  considered  their 
treacherj'  certain,  and  marvelled  at  their  escape.  However,  it  can  only  be 
presumed,  tliut,  according  to  the  maxim  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  hud  come 
pre|mred  to  treat  or  fight,  as  the  case  might  require;  for  no  doubt  their  guns 
were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  otherwise  why  did  they  not  fire 
upon  the  English  when  they  saluted  them  ? 

What  became  of  Ca])tain  Simmo  we  have  as  yet  no  account.  Several  of 
the  other  chiefs  who  attended  this  council  were,  perliaps,  etpiully  con- 
spicuous. 

Wattaxummon  being  absent  when  the  council  first  met  on  the  20  Jiuie, 
no  business  wjis  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confirmed  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  the  conference,  but  that  they  exjtected  daily  a  reinforcement  of  200 
French  and  Indians,  and  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  English,  and 
ravage  the  country.  Whether  this  were  merely  a  rumor,  or  the  real  state 
of  the  case,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  ffattamimmon  was  8U|)posed 
to  have  been  once  a  Pennakook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  his  name  about  u 
mile  fi-om  the  state-house  in  \e\v  Hamjtshire.f 

Captain  Samuel  was  an  Indiun  of  great  hraverj',  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
ward in  endeavoring  to  hdl  the  flarsof  the  English  at  the  great  council  just 
mentioned.  What  gave  his  |>retensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his  coming 
with  lioniazeen,  and  giving  some  hiforniation  about  the  designs  of  the  Frenclu 
They  said, 

"  Jllthongh  several  missionaries  have  come  among  vs,  sent  by  the  French  friars 
to  break  the  peace  between  the  English  and  vs,  yet  their  words  have  made  no  iinpre^- 
ffionttpon  tis.     We  are  as  firm  as  the  mountai.ns,  a.nd  will  so  continue, 

AS  LONG  AS  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  ENDURES." 

Notwithstanding  these  strong  exiu-essions  of  friendship,  "within  six  weeks 
after,"  says  Penhallow,  "  the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  conflagration, 
no  house  standing  nor  garrison  unattacked."  The  Indians  were  no  doubt 
induced  to  commit  this  depredation  from  the  influence  of  the  French,  many 
of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  it  is  not  probable  that  those 
Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  were  idle  spectators  of  the 
scene;  but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  engaged  in  the  aftair,  we  know 
not.  A  hundred  and  thirty  people  were  said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken, 
within  that  time. 

Cajjtain  Samuel  was  either  alive  20  years  after  tliese  transactions,  or  another 

•  This  is  Mr.  Wit/iamson's  version  of  the  speech,  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  3G. 
i  MS.  conununicuiion  of  J.  Farmer,  Esq, 


m 


310 


IIEGAN.— MOGG. 


[Book  III 


la! 


W: 


of  the  name  made  liiiiiself  conspicuous.  In  June,  1722,  this  wanior  chief,  at 
tiie  head  of  Hve  others,  boarded  Lieutenant  Tt7/on,  as  he  lay  at  anchor  a  fishing, 
near  Daniaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  and  his  brotlier,  and  beat  them 
very  sorely  ;  but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  released  the  other,  who  then  fell 
with  great  fury  upon  the  Indians,  threw  one  overboard,  and  mortally  wound- 
ed two  more.*  Whether  Captain  Samud  were  among  those  killed  is  not 
mentioned. 

There  was  a  Captain  Sam  in  the  wars  pf  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  St. 
George's,  Lieutenant  Proctor,  at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a  skirmish  with  tJie 
Indians,  5  Sept.,  in  which  two  of  their  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel  Morris 
and  Captain  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Job  was  taken  captive ;  the  latter  being  sent 
to  Boston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his  relatives,  the 
government  made  his  widow  a  valuable  present  after  the  peace,  f 

W«;  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief,  who 
was  present  at  the  famous  treaty  mentioned  above ;  we  refer  to 

Hegan.  His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  and  Heigon.  There  were  several 
of  the  name.  One,  called  Mogghdgon,  son  of  Walter,  was  a  sachem  at 
Saco,  in  1664.  This  chief,  in  that  year,  sold  to  Wm.  Phillips,  "  a  tract  of 
land,  bemg  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Kcnnebunk 
River  on  tlie  S.  W.  side."  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco  River  to  Salmon 
Falls,  and  up  the  Kcnnebunk  to  a  point  opposite  the  former.  No  amount  is 
mentioned  for  which  the  land  was  sold,  but  merely  "a  certain  sum  in 
goods."  J  One  Sampson  Hegon  attended  the  treaty  of  Pemmaquid,  in  1698  ; 
John,  that  at  Casco,  in  1727 ;  JVcd  was  a  Pennakook ;  Walter,  brother  of 
Mogg ;  §  The  fate  of  one  of  the  name  of  Hegon  is  remenjbered  among  the 
inhabitants  of  some  j)arts  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  a  horse 
with  spurs  on  his  heels,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  spurs  continually  goaded 
the  animal.  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously  through  an 
orchard,  and  the  craggy  limbs  of  the  trees  tore  him  to  pieces.  Mather,  in 
his  Decennium  Luctuosum,  ||  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the  kind, 
whicli  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1694,  where  the  Indians,  having  taken  some 
horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  on  which  "  a  son  of  tiie 
famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount."  "But  being  a  pitiful  horseman,  he 
ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  f'aist  under  the  horse's 
belly.  No  sooner  was  this  beggar  set  on  horseback,  and  the  spark,  in  his  own 
opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettlesome  horse  furiously  and  ])resently 
ran  with  him  out  of  sight.  Neither  horse  nor  man  was  ever  seen  any  more. 
The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of  their  nobility,  disappearing  by 
Bucli  an  unexpected  accident.  A  few  days  after,  they  found  one  of  his  legs, 
(and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  in  Cai)t.  Brachtt  s  cellar,  with  abundance 
of  lamentation." 

Here  we  cannot  but  too  plainly  discover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narrator, 
which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  who  laughs  at  crime 
is  a  particijjator  in  it. — From  these,  we  i)ass  to  affiiirs  of  far  greater  notoriety 
in  our  eastern  history ;  and  shall  close  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most 
memorable  events  in  its  Indian  wariiire. 

MouG,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  1724,  may  very  appropri- 
ately stand  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event.  IIow  long  lie  had 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  English  historians,  as  the  old  chief  of  Norridgewok  at  tliat  time. 
Notwitiistanding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok,  or, 
as  Father  Cliarlevnix  writes  it,  Narantsoak,  there  was  a  French  priest  settled 
here,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  all  devotedness ;  and  it  is  believed  that 
they  •nidertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent.  The 
name  of  this  man,  according  to  our  English  authors,  was  RalU,  but  accord- 
ing to  his  own  historian,  Charlevoix,  it  was  Rasle.^  The  depredations  of 
the  Alu'-naquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived  among  them, 


•  Penliallow's  Tnd.  Wars,  8C. 

i  .MH.  among  ilic  files  in  our  state-liousc. 

IiMagnalia,  vii.  87. 
Hist.  Gen.  lie  la  Nouv.  Fr.  il.  3S0,  et  suiv. 


t   IVillianuion's  Ilisl.  Ble.  ii.  241. 
^  MS.  k'llcr  of  John  Fanner,  Esq 


Chap.  IX-l 


MOGG.— DESTRUCTION  OF  NERIDGWOK. 


311 


were,  tlicrefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Father  Rash ;  hence 
their  first  step  was  to  oft'er  a  reward  for  his  Lead.*  The  object  of  the  expe- 
dition of  Colonel  IVesthrook,  in  1722,  was  ostensibly  to  seize  upon  him,  but  he 
Ibund  the  village  deserted,  and  nothing  was  effected  by  the  expedition  but 
the  burning  of  the  place.  Father  Raale  was  the  last  that  left  it,  which  he 
did  at  the  same  time  it  was  entered  by  the  enemy ;  having  first  secured  the 
sacred  vases  of  ins  temple  and  the  ornaments  of  its  altar.  The  English 
made  search  for  the  fugitives,  but  without  success,  although,  at  one  time, 
they  were  witlnn  about  eight  fbet  of  the  very  t:ce  tliat  screened  the  object 
for  which  they  sought.  Thus  the  French  considered  that  it  was  by  a  remark- 
able interposition  of  Providence,  or,  as  Charlevoix  expresses  it,  par  tine  inain 
invisible,  that  Father  Rasle  did  not  fall  into  their  hands. 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Lidians,  which  was  tiie 
head-quarters  of  the  whole  eastern  countiy,  at  this  time,  the  English,  two 
years  after,  1724,  sent  out  a  force,  consisting  of  208  men  and  tlu-ee  Moiiawk 
Lidians,  under  Captains  MouUon,  Harman,  and  Bourne,  to  humble  them. 
They  came  upon  the  village,  the  23  August,  when  there  was  not  a  man  in 
arms  to  oppose  them.  They  had  leit  40  of  their  men  at  Teconet  Falls, 
which  IS  now  within  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  the  Kennebeck,  and  about 
two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  tlie  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
The  English  had  divided  themselves  uito  three  squadrons :  80,  under  Har- 
man, proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  surj)rise  some  in  their 
corn-fields,  while  Moxdton,  with  80  more,  proceeded  directly  for  the  village, 
wliich,  being  surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be  seen  until  they  were  close 
upon  it.  All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  English  advanced  slowly  and 
in  perfect  silence.  When  pretty  near,  an  Indian  came  out  of  his  wigwam, 
and,  accidently  discovering  the  English,  ran  in  and  seized  his  gun,  and 
giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a  few  minutes  the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and 
advancing  to  meet  them.  Moulton  ordered  his  men  not  tc  fire  until  the 
Indians  had  made  the  first  discharge.  This  order  was  obeyed,  ami,  as  he 
expected,  they  overshot  the  English,  who  then  fired  upon  them,  in  their 
turn,  and  did  great  execution.  When  the  Indians  had  given  anotiier  volley, 
they  fled  with  great  i)recipitatiou  to  the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  tiieir 
women  and  children  had  also  fled  diu'ing  the  fight.  Some  of  the  lliiglish 
])ur.sued  and  killed  many  of  them  in  the  river,  and  others  liill  to  |)illugiiig 
and  burning  the  village.  Mogg  disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  pos- 
session of  a  wigwam,  from  which  he  fired  upon  tiie  pillagers.  In  one;  of 
his  discharges  he  killed  a  Mohawk,  whose  brother  observing  it,  nislied  upon 
and  killed  him ;  and  thus  ended  tJie  strife.  There  were  about  (JO  warriors 
in  the  place,  about  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Rasle  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fired  upon 
tiie  English  ;  and,  having  wounded  one.  Lieutenant  Jar/itc^jtolNewbury,  {  burst 
open  the  door,  and  shot  him  through  the  head ;  although  Moulton  had  given 
orders  that  none  should  kill  him.  He  had  an  English  boy  with  him,  about 
14  years  old,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  I'rom  the  frontiers,  and 
whom  the  English  reported  Rasle  was  about  to  kill.  Great  brutality  and 
ferocity  are  chargeable  to  the  English  in  this  affair,  according  to  their  own 
account;  such  as  killing  women  and  children,  and  scalphig  and  mangling 
tiie  Ixidy  of  Father  Rasle. 

There  was  here  a  handsome  church,  with  a  bell,  on  which  the  English 
committed  a  double  sacrilege,  first  robbing  it,  then  setting  it  on  fire  ;  herein 
Hurpussing  the  act  of  the  first  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  depredations 
upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  Anitiica ;  for  he  only  took  away  the  gold  and 

*  "  Apr^s  plttsieurs  tentalives,  d'ahord  pour  engagi'.r  ens  sauvagos  jf-tr  /fs  ojfrcs  el  Iri 
promesses  [es  plus  sMuisanles  h  le  lirrer  mix  Ariglois,  ou  du  mains  a  le  lenvoijer  a  (iiiebfc,  et 
i\  pri'tidre  en  sa  place  U7i  de  letirs  ministres  ;  ensiiile  pour  le  surpetulre  et  pour  I'etde.rer,  let 
AiKj^tois  v'solus  de  s'en  di'J'aire,  quoiqu'il  lew  en  diit  coliter,  varenl  sa  tete  a  prix,  et  promirenl 
mille  livres  sterling  h  celui,  qui  la  leur  porteroil."     Charlevoix,  ut  supra. 

t  Who,  I  ronrludo,  wns  n  volunteer,  as  I  do  net  thiil  his  immc  upon  tlio  return  made  by 
Moulton,  which  is  npoii  file  in  the  Rarrel,  west  wing  of  our  slulc-house. 

X  Miuiuscripl  History  of  Newlmry,  by  Joshua  Cojin,  S.  H.  S.,  which,  should  the  world 
evi>r  bu  so  foriuunie  as  to  see  in  print,  we  will  insure  them  not  only  great  gratification,  but 
u  luiid  of  amusement. 


:U 


312 


PAUGUS— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


[Book  IIL 


H   ■• 


w. 


silver  vessels  of  a  church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  was  of  massy  gold,  set 
about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  the  advice  of  his  chaplain.  "  Thia 
might  pass,"  says  a  reverend  autlior,  "for  sea  divinity,  but  justice  is  quite 
aiiotiior  thing."  Perhaps  it  will  be  as  well  not  to  inquire  here  what  kind  of 
divinity  would  authorize  the  acts  recorded  in  these  wars,  or  indeed  any  wars. 

Upon  this  memorable  event  in  our  early  annals,  Father  Charlevoix  should 
l»e  heard.  There  were  not,  says  he,  at  the  time  the  attack  was  made,  above 
50  warriors  at  Neridgewok ;  these  seized  their  arms,  and  run  in  disorder,  not 
to  defend  the  place  against  an  enemy,  who  was  already  in  it,  but  to  liivor  the 
flight  of  the  women,  the  old  men  and  the  children,  and  to  give  them  time  to 
gain  the  side  of  tiie  river,  which  was  not  yet  in  possession  of  the  English. 
Father  Rasle,  wai-ned  by  the  clamors  and  tumult,  and  the  danger  in  which 
he  tbund  his  j)roselytes,  ran  to  present  himself  to  the  assailants,  hoping  to 
draw  all  their  I'ury  upon  him,  that  thereby  he  might  prove  the  salvation  of 
his  flock.  His  hope  was  vain ;  for  hai'dly  had  he  discovered  himself  when 
the  English  raised  a  great  shout,  which  was  followed  by  a  shower  of  shot, 
by  wiiich  he  fell  dead  near  to  the  cross  which  he  had  erected  in  the  centre 
of  the  village :  seven  Indians  who  attended  him,  and  who  endeavored  to 
shield  him  with  their  own  bodies,  (ell  dead  at  his  side.  Thus  died  this 
charitable  i)astor,  giving  his  life  for  his  sheep,  after  37  years  of  painful  labors. 

AlthougJi  the  English  shot  near  2000  muskets,  tliey  killed  but  30  and 
wounded  40.  They  spared  not  the  church,  which,  afler  they  had  hidignanfly 
proljincd  its  sacred  vases,  and  the  adorable  body  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  set  on 
fire.  They  then  retired  with  precipitation,*  having  been  seiziid  with  a  sud- 
den panic.  The  Indians  returned  immediately  into  the  village ;  and  their 
fir.st  care,  while  the  women  sought  plants  and  herbs  proper  to  heal  the 
wounded,  was  to  shed  tears  upon  the  body  of  their  holy  niissionarj".  They 
found  him  pierced  with  a  thousand  shot,  his  scalp  taken  of^^',  his  skull  frac- 
tured with  hatchets,  his  mouth  and  eyes  filled  with  dirt,  the  bones  of  his 
legs  broken,  and  all  his  members  mutilated  in  a  hundred  difl'erent  ways,  f 

Such  is  the  accouut  of  the  fall  oi'  Rasle,  by  a  brother  of  the  faith ;  a  deplo- 
rable picture,  by  whomsoever  related !  Of  the  truth  of  its  main  particulars 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  above  transla- 
tion with  the  account  preceding  it  There  were,  besides  Mogg,  other  chief 
Indians,  who  fell  that  day ;  "  Bomazeen,  Mogg,  Wissememet,  Job,  Cara- 
BESETT,  and  Bomazeen's  son-in-law,  all  famous  warriors."  The  inhumanity 
of  the  English  on  this  occasion,  especially  to  the  women  and  children, 
cannot  be  excused.     It  greatly  eclipses  the  lustre  of  the  victory. 

Harman  was  the  general  in  the  expedition,  \  and,  for  a  time,  had  the  honor 
of  it ;  but  MoiUton,  according  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  achieved  the  victory,  and 
it  was  aflerward  acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a  prisoner,  when  a 
mall  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those  taken  at  the 
destruction  of  York,  in  1092.  He  died  at  York,  20  July,  17G5,  aged  77. 
The  township  of  Moultonborough,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  named  from 
him,  and  many  of  his  posterity  reside  there  at  the  present  day. 

Under  the  head  Paugiis,  we  shall  proceed  to  narrate  our  last  event  in  the 
present  chapter,  than  which,  may  be,  lew,  if  any,  are  olVener  mentioned  in 
New  England  story. 

Pauous,  slain  in  the  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  Captain 
Loveu'cll,  in  172.1,  was  chief  of  the  Pequawkets.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine,  now 
iiiphides  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place  where 
the  hattle  wiis  ibiight.  Jt  was  near  a  considerable  body  of  water,  called 
Saco  Pomi,  which  is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  same  name.  The  cruel 
and  harhaioiis  iiiiird(>rs  almost  daily  conunitted  by  the  Indians  upon  the 
drti-nceli'ss  lionlier  inhabitants,  caused  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
to  ofler  a  bounty  of  £100  l()r  every  Lidian's  scalp.     Among  the  excursions 


*  They  encamped  the  rollowiii^  night  in  tiie  Indian  wigwams,  under  a  guard  of  only  40 
men.     Jfutchiiuion,  ii.  'M'i. 

t  Hisloire  Genoralo  <lc  Nouvolic  Franco,  ii.  382— '1. 

I  He  did  not  arrive  at  the  village  till  near  night,  when  tlic  action  wasovr.  lltUcMm- 
ton,  ii.  313. 


HAP.  IX.] 


'AUGUS— LOVFWELLS  FIGHT. 


313 


performed  by  Lovewell,  previous  to  that  in  wliicli  he  was  Itilled,  tlic  most 
important  was  that  to  tlie  head  of  Suitiioii-fhli  lliver,  now  Wakefield,  in 
New  Hampshire.  *  With  40  men,  he  came  upon  a  small  company  of  ten 
Indians,  wlio  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and,  by  stationing  his  men  advan- 
tageously, killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed  was  performed  near  the 
shore  of  a  pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  LovewelCs  Pond. 
Afler  taking  off  their  scalps,  these  40  wairiors  marched  to  lioston  in  great 
triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended  upon  hoojts,  displayed  in  the  Indian 
manner,  and  for  which  they  received  £1000.  This  exploit  was  the  more 
lauded,  as  it  was  sup[)08ed  that  these  ten  Indians  were  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  English  upon  the  frontiers;  having  new  guns,  much  ammuni- 
tion, and  spare  blankets  and  moccasons,  to  accommodate  captives.  This, 
however,  was  mere  conjecture;  and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or 
enemies,  was  not  quite  so  certain  as  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Paugus  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  and  per- 
sonally to  many  of  LoveweWs  men.  That  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the 
frontiers,  we  have  no  doubt ;  and  that  his  api)earance  at  Pequawket,  when 
met  by  Lovewell,  was  enough  to  have  struck  terror  into  all  tliat  beheld  him, 
may  not  be  questioned,  we  will  let  the  poet  f  describe  him. 


I.  'Twas  Paugus  led  the  Pequ'k't  tribe  : 
As  runs  the  t'ox,  would  Paugus  run  ; 
As  howls  (he  wild  woKj  would  he  howl ; 
A  huge  bear-skin  had  Pauints  on. 


2   But  Chamberlain,  of  ThmslMc, 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay, 
Mel  J'angus  by  the  water-side, 
And  shot  iiiin  dead  upon  that  day. 


The  second  in  command  among  the  Indians  on  that  memorable  day  was 
named  Wahwa,  but  of  him  we  have  no  particidars.  Captain  Lovewell 
marched  out  from  Dunstable  with  40  men,  about  the  16  April,  17^5,  of  which 
event  the  poet  thus  speaks : — 


3.  What  time  the  noble  Lovewell  came, 
With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 
The  cruel  Pequ'k't  tribe  to  lame. 
WiUi  arms  and  bloodshed  terrible. 

4.  With  Loveioellhtavc  John Harwood  came; 
From  wife  and  babes'  twas  hard  to  pari ; 
Young  Harwood  look  her  by  the  hand, 
And  bound  the  weeper  to  his  heart. 

6.  "  Repress  that  tear,  my  Mary,  dear. 
Said  Harwood  to  his  loving  wife; 
It  tries  me  hard  to  leave  thee  here, 
And  seek  in  distant  woods  the  strife. 

6.  "  When  gone,  my  Mary,  think  of  me, 
And  pray  to  God  that  I  may  be 
Such  as  one  ought  that  lives  for  thee, 
And  come  at  last  in  victory." 


7.  Thus  left  young  Ilanrood,  babe  and  wife; 
With  accent  wild  she  bade  ailicu: 

It  grieved  those  lovers  much  to  part, 
So  fond  and  fair,  so  kind  and  true. 

8.  John  llanvood  died  all  bathed  in  blood, 
When  he  hail  fought  till  set  of  day ; 
And  many  inoio  we  may  not  name, 
Fell  in  that  bloody  bailie  fray. 

9.  When  news  did  corne  to  Ilaneood's  wife 
That  he  with  Lorewell  fought  and  died ; 
Far  in  the  wilds  had  given  his  life 

Kor  more  would  in  this  home  abide  ; 

10.  Such  grief  did  seize  upon  her  mind, 
Such  sorrow  filled  her  faithful  breast, 
On  earlh  she  ne'er  found  peace  again, 
But  followed  Harwood  lo  his  rest. 


They  arrived  i.ear  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find  Indians,  on  the 
7  May;  and,  eariy  the  next  morning,  while  at  prayers,  heard  a  gun,  which 
they  riglidy  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  Paugus's  men,  and  imme- 
diately prepared  for  an  encounter.  Divesting  themselves  of  their  jmcks, 
they  marched  forward  to  discover  the  enemy.  lUit  not  knowing  in  what 
direction  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from  the  In- 
dians. This  gave  Paugus  great  advantage ;  who,  following  tiioir  tracks, 
soon  fell  in  with  their  packs,  fiom  which  he  learned  their  strength.  Being 
encouraged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Pmtgus  courted  the  conflict,  and  pur- 
sued the  English  with  ardor.    His  number  of  luvn  was  said  to  huve  been 

*  In  December  of  the  previous  year,  (1721,)  wilh  n  few  followers,  he  made  an  expedition  lo 
(he  north-east  of  Winnipisiogce  Lake,  in  whicii  he  killed  one  and  look  unollier  prisoner.  For 
these  he  received  the  bounty  ofterod  by  government. 

t  The  editors  or  publishers  of  Iho  N.  H.  collections  have  inserted  the  above  lines,  in 
imitation  of  the  ancient  Chevy  Chase  ;  but  whence  lliey  were  obiained,  or  who  was  their 
author,  they  do  not  inform  us;  perhaps,  like  that  of  which  Ihey  are  an  iinitntion,  the  autlioi 
remaius  uuknown.     We  give  it  entire. 

27 


^1 


n 


'i 


;it 


iip^ij<w.ijiwiiji. .   .1,  i^>wnwwpww!tiwwwi 


314 


T'AIJOUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT, 


[Boot  III 


a  i-»,r 


80,  while  that  of  the  Englisii  consibted  of  no  more  than  34,  having  left  ten 
in  a  fort,  which  they  huiit  at  Ossipee ;  and  one,  an  Indian  named  Toby,  had 
before  returned  home,  on  account  of  lameness.  The  fort  at  Ossipee  was  I'or 
a  retreat  in  case  of  emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a  deposit  of  part  of  their 
provisions,  ol'  which  they  disencumbered  themselves  before  leaving  it. 

After  marching  a  considerable  distanc?^  from  the  place  of  their  encamp- 
ment on  the  morning  of  the  8  *  May,  Ensign  flyman  discovered  an  Indian, 
who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  fowls  he  bad  just  killed,  and 
in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be  no  probability  that  he  tliought  of  meeting 
an  enemy,  but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the  English,  than  several  guns 
were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  Seeing  that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  this 
valiant  Indian  resolved  to  defend  himself  to  his  last  breath ;  and  the  action  was 
as  speedy  as  the  thought :  his  gun  was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  Lovewell 
was  mortally  wounded.  Ensign  Wyman,  taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  the  poor 
hunter;  which  action  our  pout  describes  in  glowing  terms  as  follows* : 


II,  Seth  Wtjman,  who  in  Woburn  lived, 
A  marksman  he  of  courage  true, 
Shot  the  first  Indian  whom  ihey  saw ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  tlie  bullet  Hew, 


12.  The  savage  had  been  seeking  game ; 
Two  guns,  and  eke  a  knife,  he  bore, 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  his  l)and; 
He  shrieked,  and  liell  to  rise  no  more. 


He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another,  and  then  they  marched 
again  by  the  way  they  came,  to  recover  their  packs.  This  movement  was 
expected  by  the  wily  Paugus,  and  he  accordingly  prepared  an  ambush  to 
cut  tliem  off,  or  to  take  them  prisoners,  as  fortune  should  will. 


13.  Anon,  there  eighty  Indians  rose, 

Who'd  liid  themselves  in  ambush  dread ; 
Their  knives  they  shook,  tlieir  guns  they 

aimed. 
The  famous  Paugus  at  their  head. 


14.  John  Loveicell,  captain  of  the  hand, 

His  sword  he  wav<-d,  that  glittered  bright. 
For  the  last  time  he  cheered  liis  men. 
And  led  them  onward  to  the  fight. 


Wlien  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
English,  but  seemed  loath  to  begin  the  fight ;  and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes 
tliat  the  English,  seeing  their  numbers,  would  yield  without  a  battle  ;  and, 
therefore,  made  towai'ds  tliem  with  their  guns  presented,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  They  then  held  up  ropes  which  they  hud  provided  for  secur- 
ing captives,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  have  quarter.  This  only  encour- 
aged the  English,  who  answered  "only  at  the  muzzles  of  their  guns;"  and 
they  rushed  toward  the  Indians,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and,  killing  many, 
drove  them  several  rOds.  But  they  soon  rallied  and  fired  vigorously  m 
their  turn,  and  obliged  tlie  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
woui  lied,  where  the  battle  began.  Lovewell,  though  mortally  womided  be  • 
fore,  had  led  his  men  until  this  time,  but  fell  before  the  retreat 

Although  we  transpose  the  verses  in  the  song,  to  acconnnodate  them  to 
the  circumsttmces  of  the  fight,  yet  we  cannot  avoid  entirely  their  irregular- 
ity in  reference  to  it.  By  li\e  next  that  follow,  it  would  seem,  that  Lovewell 
received  a  second  wound  before  he  fell. 

15.  "  Fight  on,  fight  on,"  brave  Lox-ewell  said  ; 
"Figlil  on,  while  Heaven  shall  give  you 

breath!" 
An  Indicia  ball  then  pierced  him  through, 
And  l.in-ewrll  closed  his  eyes  in  death. 

In  this  Kith  vcrtse  the  poet,  perhaps,  had  referer<;e  to  the  morning  prayer, 
which  Mr.  t\ye,  the  chaplain,  made  before  marching,  on  the  day  of  the 
battle ;  or,  perhaps,  more  probably,  to  the  ejaculations  he  made  on  the  field 
after  he  was  mortally  wounded.  In  the  morning  he  prayed  thus  patriotically : 
"  We  came  otit  to  meet  the  enemy ;  we  have  «l!  along  |)rayed  God  we  might 
find  them  ;  we  had  rather  trust  Providence  with  otir  lives ;  yea,  die  for  our 
country,  than  try  to  return  without  seeing  them,  if  we  might ;  and  be  called 
cowards  for  our  pains."  \ 


16.  Good  heavens  !  is  this  a  time  for  prayer  t 
Is  this  a  time  to  worship  God  ; 
When  LoK&wetl's  men  are  dying  fast. 
And  Pausus'  tribe  liath  IcUUie  rod  ? 


*  This  was  O.  S.  and  corrospoiids  to  May  19,  N.  S. — Sec 

*  Address  of  C  S.  Davis,  (p.  17,)  delivered  at  Fryebiirg, 


vote  in  li.sl  chapter. 
lUO  yours  al'iur  the  fijjjht. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


31 


o 


17.  The  chaplain's  name  was  Jonathan  Frye ; 
III  Aiitluver  his  father  dweh, 
And  oil  with  LoveweU's  men  he'd  prayed, 
Before  the  mo.tal  wound  he  felt. 

iii.  A  man  was  he  of  comelv  form, 

Polished  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind  j 
Old  Harvard's  learned  halls  he  left, 
i  ar  in  the  wilds  a  grave  to  find. 

19.  Ah !  now  his  blood-red  arm  he  lifts, 
His  closing  lids  he  tries  to  raise ; 
And  speak  once  more  before  he  dies, 
In  supplication  and  in  praise. 

5!0.  He  prays  kuid  Heaven  to  ^ant  success, 
Brave  LoveweU's  men  to  guide  and  bless, 
And  when  they've  shed  their  hearts'-blood 

true. 
To  raise  them  all  to  happiness. 


21.  "  Come  hither,  Farwetl,"  said  young  Frye, 
"  You  see  that  I'm  about  to  <fie  j 

Now  for  the  love  1  bear  to  you, 

Wlien  cold  in  death  my  bones  shall  lie  ; 

22.  "  Go  thou  and  see  my  parents  dear. 
And  tell  them  you  stood  by  me  here ; 
Console  them  when  they  cry,  Alas'. 
And  wipe  away  the  falling  tear." 

23.  Lieutenant  Farwell  took  his  hand. 
His  arm  around  his  licck  he  threw, 

And  said,  "Brave  chaplain,  I  could  wish 
That  Heaven  had  made  me  die  for  you." 

24.  The  chaplain  on  kind  FartcelPs  breast. 
Bloody,  and  languishing,  he  lell ; 

Nor  after  that,  said  more  but  this, 

"  I  love  thee,  soldier;  fare  thee  well  I  " 


"  The  fight  continued,"  says  the  Reverend  Mr.  Symmes,  "  very  furious  and 
obstinate  till  towards  night.  Tlie  Indians  roaring  and  yelling  and  howling 
like  wolves,  barking  like  dogs,  and  making  all  sorts  of  hideous  noises :  the 
English  frequently  shouting  and  huzzaing,  as  they  did  after  the  first  round. 
At  one  time  Captain  yVyman  is  confident  they  were  got  to  Powawing,  by 
their  striking  on  the  ;/roimd,  and  other  odd  motions ;  but  at  length  fVytnan 
crept  up  tovards  tl  em,  and,  firing  amongst  them,  shot  the  chief  Powaw,  and 
broke  up  their  meeting."  ♦ 


S5.  Good  heavens!  they  dance  the  powow 
dance. 
What  horrid  yells  the  forest  fill ! 
The  grim  bear  crouches  in  his  <len, 
The  eagle  seeks  the  distant  hill. 


26. "  What   means  this   dance,  this   powow 
dance  ?  " 
Stern  Wyman  said  ;  with  wondrous  art, 
He  crept  full  near,  his  ride  aimed, 
And  shot  the  leader  through  the  heart. 


The  first  of  the  following  stanzas  is  very  Lappily  conceived,  and  although 
not  in  the  order  of  the  poet,  is  as  appropriate  here,  as  where  it  originally 
stood. 


27.  Then  did  the  crimson  streams,  that  flow'd, 
Seem  like  the  waters  of  tlie  brook, 
That  briirhtly  shine,  that  lou'lly  dash. 
Far  down  the  dills  of  Agiochook.  t 


28.  Ah  !  many  a  wife  shall  rend  her  hair, 
And  ma-  y  a  child  cry,  "  Woe  is  me," 
When  messengers  the  news  shall  bear, 
Of  Loi>eweU's  dear-bought  victory. 


*  Narrative  of  the  fight  at  Piggwacket,  vii. 

t  The  Indian  name  of  the  White  Mountains,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  would 
say.  White  Hil's.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  of  these  mountains  (o  be  inhabited  by 
invisible  beings,  but  whether  good  or  evil  we  are  not  informed.  Nor  is  it  of  much  importance, 
since  they  reverenced  the  one  as  much  as  the  other. 

It  is  alw  lys  highly  gratifying  to  the  curious  to  observe  how  people  primitively  viewed 
objects  which  have  become  familiar  to  them.  We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  Mr. 
Josselyn's  description  of  the  White  Mountains,  not  for  its  accuracy,  but  for  its  curious  exirava 
gance.  "  Vour  score  miles,  (upon  a  direct  line,)  to  the  N.  W.  of  Scarborow,  a  ridge  of 
mountains  run  N.  VV.  and  .\.  E.  an  hundred  leagues,  known  by  the  name  of  the  White 
Mountains,  upon  which  lieth  snow  all  the  year,  and  is  a  landmark  twenty  miles  ofl'at  sea.  It 
is  a  rising  ground  from  the  sea  shore  to  these  hills,  and  they  are  inaccessible  but  by  the  gul- 
lies whicli  the  dissolved  snow  hath  maile.  In  these  gullies  grow  savcn  bushes,  which  beinjj 
taken  hold  of,  are  o  good  help  to  the  climbing  discoverer.  Upon  the  top  of  the  highest  ot 
these  mountains,  is  a  large  level,  or  plain,  of  a  day's  iourney  over,  whereon  nolhiiig  grows 
but  moss.  At  the  farther  end  of  this  plain  is  another  iiill  called  the  Sugar-loaf,  to  outward 
appearance  a  rude  heap  of  massic  stones  piled  one  upon  anotlier,  and  you  may,  as  you 
nsrend,  step  from  one  stone  to  another,  as  if  you  were  going  up  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  winding 
still  about  tlie  hill,  till  you  come  to  the  top,  which  will  require  half  a  day's  time,  and  yet  it  is 
net  above  a  mile,  where  there  is  also  a  level  of  about  an  acre  of  ground,  with  a  pond  of 
rioar  water  in  the  midst  of  it,  which  you  may  hear  run  down,  but  how  it  ascends  is  a  mystery, 
rrom  this  rocky  hill  you  may  see  the  whole  country  rounil  about ;  it  is  far  above  the  lower 
clouds,  and  from  hence  we  beheld  a  vapor,  (like  a  groat  pillar,)  drawn  up  by  the  sun-beams 
out  of  a  great  lake,  or  poiul,  into  the  air,  wliere  ii  was  formed  into  a  cloud.  The  country 
bevond  these  hills,  northward,  is  daunliiig  terrible,  being  full  ol  rockv  hills,  as  thick  as  mole- 
nills  in  a  meadow,  and  cloalhed  with  infinite  thick  woods."  Ano  tin^lnniVs  Rarities,  3,  4, 
Sad  recollections  are  associated  with  the  name  of  thesr.  mountains.     Th<?  destruction  of  lives, 


'1 


■>..■« 


m  ^ 


316 


PAUGUS.—LO*^ WELL'S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III 


\  :  ^^' 


I'll 

11  ■  -       ' 


29  With  footsteps  s'ow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  Lorewell's  pond  shines  clear  and 

bright, 
And  mark  the  plaie  where  those  are  laid, 
Wlio  tell  in  Lovewell's  bloody  figiit. 


30.  Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  and  say 
"  Sad  was  the  hour  and  terrible, 
When  Lovewell,  brave,  'gainst  Paugtu 

went, 
With  fiAy  men  from  Dunstable." 


If  miracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  be  induced  to  ])asij 
to  tlieir  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded  English- 
men. Solomon  Keyes,  having  received  three  wounds,  said  he  would  hide  him- 
self, and  die  in  a  secret  place,  where  the  Indians  could  not  find  him  to  get 
his  scalp.  As  he  crawled  upon  the  t^liore  of  the  pond,  at  some  distance 
from  the  scene  of  action,  he  found  u  canoe,  into  which  he  rolled  him- 
self, and  was  drifted  away  by  the  wind.  To  his  great  astonishment,  he 
was  cast  ashore  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  at  Ossipee,  which  he  Ibund 
means  to  recover,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions ;  and,  gaining 
strength,  returned  home  with  them. 

Those  who  escaped  did  not  leave  the  battle-ground  until  near  midnight. 
When  they  arrived  at  the  fort,  they  expected  to  have  found  refreshment,  and 
those  they  had  lell  as  a  reserve ;  but  a  fellow,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 
who  deserted  the  rest  when  the  battle  began,  and  fled  there,  so  frightened 
tiiem,  that  they  fled  in  great  confusion  and  dismay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place  was  50  miles  from  any  white  inhab- 
itants; and  that  any  should  have  survived  the  famine  which  now  stared 
them  in  the  face,  is  almost  as  mirucuious  as  that  tlicy  shotild  have  escaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageous  warriors  of  Paugus ;  yet  14  lived  to 
return  to  their  friends. 

Filly  men,  from  New  Hampshire,  afterwards  marched  to  the  scene  of 
action,  where  tiiey  found  and  buried  tiie  dead.  They  found  but  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  was  Paugus.  The  rest  were  stipposed  to  have  been 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  from  the  battle. 

Thus  progressed  and  torminatcd  the  expedition  against  the  Pequawkets. 
And  although  the  whites  could  scarcely  claim  the  victory,  yet,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Narragansets,  the  Nortiiern  Indiuiis  nceived  a  blow  from  which  they 
never  recovered.  With  the  Aiidroscoggiiis,  the  Petiuawkets  soon  after  retired 
towards  the  sources  of  the  Connecticut  River.  After  remaining  in  those 
regions  about  two  years,  tliey  sej)arated,  and  the  Androscoggins  removed  to 
Canadti,  where  they  were  afterwards  known  as  the  St.  Francis  tiibe.  The 
Pequawketa  remained  upon  the  Connecticut,  who,  in  the  time  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  were  under  a  chief  named  Philip.  In  1728,  a  tract  of  country, 
since  Pembroke,  N.  II.,  was  granted  to  the  men  that  went  out  with  Loveivdl, 
and  it  for  some  time  bore  the  name  of  LoveweWs  Town. 

Wo  had  here  nearly  conchided  to  close  our  account  of  this  affair,  but 
cannot  relieve  ourself  easily  of  the  recollection  of  the  following  song,  with- 
out inserting  it,  although  we,  and  others,  have  elsewhere  published  it.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  composed  the  same  year  of  the  fight,  and  for  several 
years  afterwai'ds  was  the  most  beloved  song  in  all  New  England : 

1.  Of  worthy  Captain  Loreirell  I  purpose  now  to  sing, 
How  valiantly  he  served  his  ouiuilry  and  his  king ; 

He  and  his  valiant  soldiers  did  range  the  woods  lull  wide, 
And  hardships  tliey  endured  to  quell  the  Lidian's  pride. 

2.  'Twas  nigh  unto  Picwackct,  on  the  eighth  day  of  May, 
They  spied  a  rebel  Indian  soon  after  break  of  day  3 

He  on  a  bank  was  walking,  upon  a  neck  of  land, 
Which  leads' into  a  pond,  as  we're  made  to  understand. 

3.  Our  men  resolved  to  have  him,  and  travelled  two  miles  round. 
Until  they  met  the  Indian,  who  boldly  stood  his  ground ; 

Thrn  speaks  up  Captain  Lovewell,  "  Take  you  good  hsed,"  says  he; 
"  'I'his  rogue  is  to  decoy  us,  I  very  plainly  see. 


occasioned  by  an  avalanche  at  the  celebrated  Notch,  in  182(5,  vlil  not  soon  he  forgollcn. 
Mr.  Moore,  of  Concord,  has  published  an  interesting  account  of  it  in  the  Coll.  IN.  H.  Hist.  iSoc, 
vol.  iii 


CHAf.  IX.]  PAUGUS.— l.OVEWELL'3  FIGHT.  317 

4.  "  The  Indians  lie  in  ambush,  in  some  place  nigh  at  hand, 
In  order  to  surround  us  upon  diis  neck  of  land  ; 
Tli("re(i)ro  we'ii  marrh  in  order,  and  each  man  leave  his  pacic, 
Thai  we  may  briskly  fight  them  when  llley  shall  us  attack." 

5.  They  rnme  unto  this  Indian,  who  did  them  thus  defy  j 

As  soon  as  they  came  nigh  him.  two  mnis  he  did  let  fly, 
Which  wounded  Captain  Lorewell,  anu  likewise  one  man  more  j 
Dut  when  lliis  rogue  was  running,  they  laid  him  in  his  gore. 

C.  Then  having  scnined  the  Indian,  they  went  back  to  the  spot, 

Where  they  had  (aid  their  packs  down,  but  there  thev  found  them  not ; 
For  the  Indians  having  spied  them,  when  ihcy  them  down  did  lay, 
Did  seize  ihcm  for  their  plunder,  and  carry  tliem  away. 

7.  These  rebels  lay  in  ambush,  this  very  place  hard  by, 
So  that  an  English  soldier  did  one  of  them  espy. 

And  cried  out,  ■'  Here's  an  Indian  I  "  with  that  they  started  out, 
As  fiercely  as  old  lions,  and  hideously  did  shout. 

8.  With  that  our  valiant  English  all  gave  a  loud  huzza. 
To  shew  the  rebel  Indians  they  feared  them  not  a  straw; 
So  now  the  fight  began,  as  fiercely  as  could  be. 

The  Indians  ran  up  to  them,  but  soon  were  forced  to  flee. 

9.  Then  spake  up  Captain  Lovetcell,  when  first  the  fieht  began, 
"  Fight  on,  my  valiant  heroes  !  you  see  they  fall  like  raiu." 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  the  Indians  were  so  thick, 

A  man  could  scarcely  fire  a  gun  and  not  some  of  them  hit. 

10.  Then  did  the  rebels  try  their  best  our  soldiers  to  surround 
But  they  could  not  accomplish  it,  because  there  was  a  pond, 
To  which  our  men  retreated,  and  covered  all  die  rear; 

The  rogues  were  forced  to  flee  them,  although  they  skulked  for  fear 

11.  Two  logs  there  were  behind  them  that  close  together  lay. 
Without  being  discovered,  they  could  not  get  away ; 
Therefore  our  valiant  English  they  travelled  in  a  row, 
And  at  a  handsome  distance  as  they  were  wont  to  go. 

12.  'Twas  ten  o'olock  in  the  morning  when  first  the  fight  begun. 
And  fiercely  did  continue  till  the  setting  of  the  sun, 
Excepting  that  the  Indians,  some  hours  before,  twas  night. 
Drew  ofl*  into  the  bushes  and  ceassd  a  while  to  fight. 

13.  But  soon  again  returned  in  fierce  and  furious  mood. 
Shouting  as  in  the  morning,  but  yet  not  half  so  loud. 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  so  (hick  and  fast  they  fell. 
Scarce  twenty  of  their  number,  at  night  did  get  home  well. 

14.  And  that  our  valiant  English,  till  midnight  there  did  gtay, 
To  see  whether  the  rehels  would  have  another  fray  { 
But  thev  no  mure  retumin<<;.  ttiey  mi'te  nSF  tnwani*  th^r  home. 
And  brougnt  away  their  wounded  as  tar  as  they  cuma  cunie. 

15,  Of  all  our  valiant  English,  there  were  but  thirty-four, 
And  of  the  rebel  Indians,  there  were  about  four  score. 
And  sixteen  of  our  English  did  safely  home  return : 
The  rest  were  killed  and  wounded,  for  which  we  all  must  mourn. 

16.  Our  worthy  Captain  Lorevjell  among  them  there  did  die  5 

They  killed  Lieutenant  Robbins,  and  wounded  good  young  Frytf 
Who  was  our  English  chaplain  ;  he  many  Indians  slew. 
And  some  of  them  he  scalped  when  bullets  round  him  flew. 

17   Young  Fullam  too  I'll  mention,  because  he  fought  so  well ; 
Endeavoring  to  save  a  man,  a  sacrifice  he  fell. 
And  yet  our  valiant  Englishmen  in  fight  were  ne'er  dismayed, 
But  still  they  kept  their  motion,  and  iVynum  captain  made  ; 

18.  Who  shot  the  old  chief  Paugi;s,  which  di<l  the  foe  defeat. 
Then  set  his  men  in  order,  and  brought  olT  the  retreat ; 
And  braving  many  dangers  and  hardships  in  the  way. 
They  safe  arrived  at  Dunstable,  the  thirteenth  day  of  May, 

a?* 


,1  ■ 


1 ' '  I 
I  u 


318 


ST.  FRANCIS  DESTROYED. 


CHAPTER  X. 


[BuOK  III 


77ie  St.  Francis  Indians— Ko frets'  expedition  against  than — Philip — Sabatis— • 
Arnold's  expedition — Natanis — The  modern  I'cnubscots — Aitteon — Nehtunk— 
Captain  Francis — Susup  murders  mi  Englishman — Specimen  of  the  Penubscoi 
language. — Rowi-es — his  prophixy — Di.inu  Win, — Killed  by  the  Muhatcks — As- 
8ACAMB0IT — Visils  France  and  is  knighted  by  the  king — Mtuctis  and  burns  Havet' 
hill — His  death. 


11  . 


Towards  the  close  of  tlie  last  chapter,  mention  was  made  of  the  St- 
Francis  Lidians,  and,  as  tlicy  were,  a  i)art  of  them,  the  remnant  of  the  once 
respectable  Androscoggins,*  tlieir  history  will  here  be  resumed.  We  have 
already  related  some  of  their  hardships  and  sufferings,  both  in  Philip's  war 
and  the  French  wars  afterwards,  when  they  had  to  contend  with  the  old 
experienced  chief.  Colonel  Church;  and  also  their  severe  disaster  in  opposhig 
Lovcwdl. 

After  their  arrival  upon  the  Lake  St.  Francis,  from  which  their  village  took 
its  name,  they  were  under  the  influence  and  guidance  of  French  ecclesias- 
tics. Tlieir  village,  in  1755,  consisted  of  about  40  wigwams  and  a  church, 
and  a  friar  resided  among  them.  What  time  the  Androscoggins  joined  the 
St.  Francis  tribe  has  not  been  discovered ;  but  whenever  war  existed  between 
France  and  England,  they  generally  had  some  participation  in  it,  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  which  at  length  ended  in  their  almost  total  destruction, 
in  1759. 

Before  the  capture  of  Quebec,  in  that  year,  and  while  the  English  army 
under  General  Jlmherst  lay  at  Crown  Point,  an  expedition  against  St.  Fraiii'" 
was  ordered  by  him ;  being  so  "  exasperated,"  says  Colonel  Rogers,  "  at  the 
treatment  Capt.  Kennedy  had  received  from  those  Indians,  to  wliom  he  had 
been  sent  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  proposals  of  peace,  who  had  been  by 
them  made  prisoner  with  his  party,  that  he  determined  to  bestow  upon  them 
a  signal  chastisement."  This  does  not  appear,  however,  to  be  all  that  was 
charged  against  them,  for  Major  Rogers  continues,  "  They  had,  within  my  own 
knowledge,  during  the  six  years  past,  killed  and  earned  away  more  than 
600  persons."  Accordingly  Major  Rogers  was  despatched  upon  tliis  enter- 
prise with  142  effective  men,  including  officers,  and  a  few  Indians  of  the 
Pequawket  tribe,  under  Philip,  their  chief.  It  was  a  most  perilous  undertak- 
ing ;  near  300  miles  of  wild  country  to  be  passed,  late  in  October,  1759. 
When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  town,  towards  evening,  on  the  5  October, 
the  inhabitants  were  dancing  about  in  great  glee,  celebrating  a  wedding. 
Half  an  hour  before  sunrise  the  next  morning,  the  English  fell  suddenly 
upon  them,  in  three  divisions,  and  completely  surprised  them,  killing  200 
Indians,  and  (capturing  a  few  women  and  children.f  With  such  secrecy  and 
promptitude  did  the  English  act  on  this  occasion,  says  our  author,  "that  the 
enemy  had  no  time  to  recover  themselves,  or  take  arms  in  their  own  defence, 
until  they  were  mostly  destroyed."  Some  few  ran  down  to  the  river  to  es- 
cape by  swimming  or  in  their  canoes,  but  were  pursued  and  destroyed 
Their  village,  except  tliree  houses,  was  burnt,  and  many  persons  in  it  By 
seven  o'clock  the  butchery  was  ended,  and  a  retreat  was  immediately  com- 
menced.   Two  Indian  boys  were  brought  away  prisonei-s,  one  of  whom  was 


*  "  At  St.  Franijais,  from  some  of  Zans^he'darankiae,  or  people  from  the  month  of  this  Hrrr, 
I  Icnriipd,  thai  they  call  >t,  or  rather  its  hanks,  Amilcunfrantvfuoke,  or  banks  of  the  river 
tdiniivdinsin  dried  meat."     Kendal's  Travels,  lii.  1*}. 

t  I  hitcly  received  a  letter  from  a  ffentlemaii  who  siibscrihed  himself  "  Joseph  Alex. 
Mdsta,  an  huliau  of  the  St.  F'rancis  trioe,"  complainins  of  the  inaccurate  account  g^ivcn  by 
Major  Rogers  of  tlie  destruction  of  that  tribe ;  but  as  the  author  of  the  letter  dors  not  frive 
an  account  himself,  nor  direct  me  where  I  can  obtain  one,  belter  than  1  have  used,  I  ain  con- 
strained to  reprint  my  account  without  much  emendation.  The  only  facts  which  1  run  (father 
from  Ills  letter,  are,  that,  "  before  this  event  [Rojfors's  Expedition]  took  place,  the  St.  Francis 
tribe  numbered  from  18(X)  to  2000  inhaliilaiils  ;  but  since,  this  iiinnbcr  has  made  rapid  decline, 
and  at  present  on  the  point  of  total  dissolution."     J.etttr,  dated  Vinceimes,  Vi.  2'}  April,  iH36. 


riiAP.  X  I     rniLip  op  pigvvoket.— Arnolds  expedition. 


319 


nHined  Sthalis.  The  English  coiTimandcr  snys,  "  We  found  GOO  scalps  Imng- 
iiig  upon  jioles  over  tlie  doors  of  their  wigwams." 

Altiioiigii  the  Englisli  had  made  siicli  liavoc  among  the  Indians,  yet  a 
wretcliod  calamity  awaited  them  in  their  homeward  march.  They  hnd  but 
one  of  tiieir  numbor  killed,  who  was  an  Indian,  and  six  wounded,  during  the 
iiiussacre,  but  ou  their  return  many  were  lost  in  the  wilderness,  starved  and 
frozen  to  death.  The  scenes  of  individual  sufFering,  could  they  be  I.nown, 
would  probably  exceed  those  which  followed  LoveutWa  fight.  Having  mis- 
taken the  Upper  for  the  Lower  Coos,  some  set  off  by  poiut  of  comimss,  at  d 
were  never  heard  of  alter,  and  the  enemy  followed  and  cut  off  others.  But 
Philip,  at  the  head  of  his  company,  made  good  his  retreat  without  losing  a 
mun  in  the  way. 

Besides  this  expedition,  in  which  Philip  was  one  of  "  Rogers'  rangers,"  he 
was  ut  the  capture  of  Louisburgh,  under  General  Amherst,  and  was  the 
first  man  that  took  possession  of  the  fortress.* 

In  the  winter  of  1757,  when  the  English  and  French  armies  had  gone  into 
winter  quartere,  Colonel  Rogers  was  left  in  command  of  Fort  Edward, 
and  had  several  severe  battles  with  the  French  and  Lidians  in  scouting 
exjxditions.  In  one  of  these,  he  fell  in  with  a  superior  force  to  his  0',vn, 
near  Ticonderoga,  and  lost  many  of  his  men,  in  UMIed  and  prisoners.  This 
was  on  21  Januarj'.  The  chief,  Philip,  was  in  tnat  aflliir,  and  acted  as  ser- 
geant. Concerning  this  ciiief,  it  is  further  said  tliat  he  was  but  "half  Indian," 
and  that  in  the  revolution,  he  joined  the  Americans,  saying  "he  was  a  whig 
ludiau." 

Mention  has  been  made  cf  an  Indian  of  the  name  of  Seeatis  or  Sabatis. 
There  were  several  of  the  name,  and  doubtless  it  was  peculiar  to  the  Abena- 
quies ;  and  hence  that  Sabatis,  captured  at  St.  Francis,  was  desceiuled 
"om  an  Abenaquis  iiimily,  who  had  settled  there.  It  is  possible  also,  that 
e  may  be  the  same  who  afterwards  resided,  near  the  head  waters  of  the 
Keniiebeck,  with  a  brother  named  JS/atamis,  wlio  is  brought  to  our  notice 
in  the  accounts  f  of  General  JlrnoliTs  expedition  through  that  region  in  the 
fail  of  1775 ;  but  this  is  conjecture.  However,  what  is  known  of  these  two 
brothers  follows. 

General  Arnold  having,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Kennebeck  River,  ordered  a 
small  band  to  proceed  in  advance  of  the  army,  to  discover  and  mark  out  a 
route  for  it,  gave  strict  orders  that  JVatanis  should  be  captured  or  killed.  This 
order  had  been  given,  because  the  general  had  been  informed  that  he  had 
been  fixed  there  by  the  English  of  Canada,  as  a  spy,  to  give  information 
if  an  enemy  should  approach  in  that  direction.  But  this,  at  it  proved,  was 
false  information,  and  JVatanis  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans,  as  also  was 
his  brother  iSofta/w,  who  lived  about  seven  miles  higher  ur  the  river,  above 
him. 

The  residence  of  JVatanis  was  a  lonesome  place,  '^pon  the  bank  of  the 
river ;  his  cabin,  situated  in  the  centre  of  a  green,  the  border  of  which  was 
beyond  musket  shot  from  it,  was  a  discovery  which  added  to  the  suspicions 
of  the  party,  who,  having  arrived  in  the  neighborhood,  4  October,  surrounded 
it  at  every  point,  and  run  in  upon  it  with  great  eagerness;  expecting,  without 
doubt,  to  have  taken  him  prisoner.  In  this  they  were  disappointed,  for  it  ap- 
peared that  the  place  had  been  deserted  a  week.  Near  by,  at  the  shore 
of  the  river,  a  map  drawn  upon  birch  bark,  was  found  in  the  top 
of  a  stake,  very  accurately  delineating  the  courses  of  the  rivers  towards 
Cauadf ,  and  lines  denoting  places  of  crossing  from  one  to  another.  Tl  is 
greatly  surprised  them,  but  they  profited  much  by  it.  Nothing  was  seen  of 
any  Indians  during  t  le  excursion  of  the  ex|)loring  party,  who, "after  about  2^ 
days,  in  which  they  suffered  every  thing  but  tieath,  rejonied  the  army. 

When  the  army  had  arrived  within  the  bounds  of  Canada,  which  was  on 
the  4  November,  "we  for  the  first  time,"  says  Mr.  Henry,  "had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  the  worthy  and  respectable  Indian,  JVatanis,  and  his  brother,  Saba- 


*   Rni^cr.i'  Reminiscences, 
f  Si;e  thai  of  Jtulffe  Jolin  J. 
S09,  niul  Col.  Maine  Hist.  Sor 


cndix  to  new  edition. 
leiiri/,  32,  to  3(!,  and  11,  &.c. 

i.  m. 


See  also  Shallu's  IVhIes,  ii. 


320 


NATANIS—SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT  INDIANS.  [Hook  II!. 


I 

M 


im 


tis,  with  some  others  of  tlieir  trihe."  jYatanis  went  to  each  of  the  compatiiea 
of  s\)'wt>,  iiiiil  shook  tluMii  by  the  haiul,  as  though  lie  liad  been  formerly 
ncquaiiituil  with  th(;m.  He  explained  liiniself  by  telling  them,  that  he  liad 
kcjit  close  to  them  all  the  time  they  were  making  their  discovery  iK-yond  hia 
renidcrice,  and  until  they  returned,  but  did  not  dare  to  make  himself 
known,  for  ii;ar  thoy  would  kill  him — a  wise  resolution. 

Natams  and  yABATis,  with  17  otliers  of  their  tribe,  joined  the  army 
on  the  Iliver  Clmudiere,  and  marched  with  it  to  Canada.  When  the  attacK 
on  Quebec  was  made,  81  December,  1775,  Ab/anw  was  wounded  by  a  shot 
through  the  wrist,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  general,  Carleton, 
who  innnediately  si*  him  at  liberty.  These  were  the  first  Indians  employed 
in  the  revolutionary  contest  by  the  Americans.* 

We  caimot  jjass  over  the  momentous  undertaking  of  Arnold,  without  re- 
questing the  reader  to  notice  how  many  men  of  note  and  eminence  survived 
its  ruins — General  Daniel  Morgan  of  Virginia,  then  a  captain — General  Henry 
Dearhorti  of  Massachusetts,  of  like  rank — TiTnoihy  Bigelow  of  Massachusetts, 
a  major — Return  J.  Meigs,  father  of  the  late  postmaster-general,  of  the  same 
rank — Samuel  Spring,  1).  D.  of  Newburyport,  a  chaplain— -^aron  Burr  of  New 
Jersey,  and  General  Benedict  ^rnoW  of  Connecticut.f  Numerous  others  de- 
serve equal  notice ;  but  it  is  not  our  province  to  enumerate  them  here.  And 
from  this  digression  we  return  to  notice  another  chief  nearly  similar  in  name 
to  the  last. 

At  the  treaty  of  Gfeorgetown,  on  Arrowsik  Island,  held  by  the  eastern 
tribes  with  the  English,  9  August,  1717,  Saft5a<ii>,  as  his  name  was  then  writ- 
ten, appeared  for  the  Androscoggins.  Also  at  tlie  treaty  of  Casco,  dated 
25  July,  1727,  we  find  among  the  signers  Sahatisls  of  Arresagontacook.J 
What  part  Sabalis  acted  in  the  tragedies  from  1722  to  1725,  does  not  appear. 
In  the  History  of  Maine§  we  find  the  following  passage  concerning  Sab- 
batisl,  as  he  is  there  called.  "  In  1730,  a  chaplain  was  allowed  at  Fon  George ; 
and  it  was  in  this  place,  where  Sabbalist,  the  Anasagunticook  sagamore,  re- 
quested government  to  keep  some  supplies:  for,  said  he,  in  ^cold  ivinters  and 
deep  snows,  my  Indians,  unable  to  go  to  Fort  Richmond,  sometimes  suffer.''  " 

We  now  pass  to  our  own  times  to  notice  some  modern  Indiana  in  the 
state  of  Maine.  In  1816,  the  Penobscot  tribe  at  Old  Town,l|  having  lost  its 
sachem,  entered  upon  the  election  of  another.  It  was  some  months  before 
they  could  agi'ee  upon  a  successor,  although  it  is  their  custom  to  elect  a  near 
relation  of  the  deceased.  At  length  party  spirit  having  run  unreasonably 
hig''  their  priest,  who  is  a  Roman  Catholic,  interfered,  and  they  forsook  the 
rival  candidates,  and  elected  John  Jiitteon.  This  man,  it  is  said,  was  a  de- 
scendant of  Baron  de  Saiiii  Castiens.  The  induction  into  office  took  place 
19  September,  1816.  At  the  same  time  John  JVej)lune  was  constituted  his 
lieutenant,  and  Captain  t^rancis  and  another  were  confirmed  as  chief 
captains. 

A  specimen  of  modem  oratory  among  these  Indians  is  given  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liamson, who  heard  it,  in  his  History  of  Maine.  It  was  made  in  a  court, 
by  John  JVeptune,  in  extenuation  of  the  murder  of  one  Knight,  by  Peol  Susup, 
The  case  was  nearly  as  follows :  In  the  evening  of  28  June,  1816,  this  Indian 
was  intoxicated,  and  at  the  tavern  of  said  Knight  at  Bangor,  (whether  he  had 
procui'od  iiquor  there  with  which  to  intoxicate  himself,  we  are  not  informed,) 
and  being  noisy  and  turbulent.  Knight  endeavored  to  expel  him  from  his 
house.  Having  thrust  him  out  of  door,  he  endeavored  to  drive  him  awuy, 
and  in  the  attempt  was  stabbed,  and  immediately  died.  On  his  arrest,  Susup 
acknowledged  his  guilt,  but  said  he  was  in  liquor,  and  that  Knight  abused 

*  Judge  Henry,  75. 

t  Henry,  our  aiilliorily  before  mentioned,  was  a  private,  aged  but  16,  who  ran  away  from 
his  father,  and  joined  the  army  clandestinely;  he  died  in  1810,  aged  32.  Morgan  tlicd  in 
1G02,  ml.  05;  Dearborn  in  \W,  .tI.  78;  Mries  in  1323;  Spring  m  1819,  set.  73  j  Arnold  in 
1801,  at  London,  nfl.  (il ;  Uiirr  died  in  New  York,  in  1836. 

X  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  ii.  2«.  2C0.  $   Williamson,  ii.  159. 

11  In  1011,  this  tribe  consiste<l  of  bnl  67  families,  and  2U  persons.  In  1820  there  were  277 
iouls.  Their  increase,  says  I)i.  Morse,  Appendix  to  Indian  Report  65,  is  owing  to  ail 
•bligatioD  of  the  chiefs  imposed  upou  tiieir  young  men  to  marry  early. 


Chap.  X] 


A ITTEON  — N  E  PT  U  N  E. 


321 


liim,  or  ho  had  not  done  it.  Being  brought  to  triul  in  June  the  next  year  at 
CiiHtiiic,  by  U''vi(-e  of  counsel,  lie  pleaded  no<  ^()% ;  and  alter  a  day  Mpent  in 
his  trial,  a  verdict  waa  rendered,  according  to  the  defence  Het  up,  mutt- 
tlatighter.  Susup  had  a  wife  and  severd  children ;  four  of  whom,  with  their 
mother,  were  present,  as  were  many  other  Indians  from  St.  Juhns  and  PasHn- 
maquoddy,  besides  a  great  crowd  of  whites. 

Atler  sentence  was  declared,  Susup  was  as'.ied  by  the  court  if  he  !  ad  any 
thing  to  say  for  himself;  to  wiiich  he  replied,  "John  Neptune  will  sjicuk  for 
ttK."  Neptune  rose  up,  and,  having  advanced  towards  the  judges,  delib- 
erately said,  in  English, 

"  You  knoiD  your  people  do  my  Indiana  great  deal  torong.  They  ahuae  them 
vert)  much — yes  they  murder  them ;  then  they  walk  right  ojf— nobody  touches  thtm. 
This  makes  my  heart  bum.  Well,  then  my  Indians  say,  we  mil  go  kill  your  very 
had  and  wicked  nun,  Ab,  ItelPem  never  do  that  thing,  we  are  brothers.  Some 
time  ago  a  very  bad  man*  about  Boston,  shot  an  Indian  dead.  I'oiir  people  said, 
surely  he  should  die,  but  it  was  not  so.  In  tlie  great  prison  house  he  eats  and  lives 
to  thts  day.  Cei  '.ainly  he  never  dies  for  killing  Indian.  My  brothers  say  let  that 
bloodyman gofr. e — I'eol  Susup  too.  So  we  toish.  Hopeflls  the  hearts  of  us 
all—'Feace  w  good.  These,  my  Indians,  love  it  well.  They  smile  under  its  shade. 
The  white  men  and  red  men  must  be  always  friends.  The  Great  Spirit  is  our 
father. — Ispi'ak  what  Ifeel.^^ 

"  Susup  was  sentenced  to  another  year's  imprisonment,  and  required  to  find 
sureties  lor  keeping  the  peace  two  years,  in  the  penal  sum  of  500  dollara ; 
when  JohnMeptuixe,  Squire  Jo  Merry  JVeptune,  of  his  own  tribe,  Cajit.  Solmond, 
from  Passamaquoddy,  and  Capt.  Jo  Tomer,  from  the  River  St.  Johns,  became 
his  sureties  in  the  cognizance."  f 

Captain  Francis,  the  first  captain  of  the  tribe,  has  been  mentioned,  and 
who,  according  to  the  historian  of  Maine,  is  a  man  of  good  understanding.  If 
the  inlbrmation  he  has  given  concerning  the  eastern  Indians  be  correct, — and 
we  see  no  cause  to  doubt  it, — it  is  of  much  value,  and  no  less  interest.  He 
assured  Mr.  Williamson,  "  that  all  the  tribes  between  the  Saco  and  the  St. 
Johns,  both  inclusive,  are  brothers;  that  the  eldest  lived  on  the  Saco;  that 
each  tribe  is  younger  us  we  pass  eastward,  like  the  sons  of  the  same  father, 
though  the  one  at  Passamaquoddy  |  is  the  yovjgest  of  all,  proceefling  from 
those  upon  the  River  St.  Johns  and  Penobscot.§  '  Always^  he  affirms, '  /  could 
understand  all  these  brothers  very  tcell  when  they  speak ;  but  ivhen  the  Mickmaks  or 
the  Mgonquins,  or  Canada  Indians  talk,  I  cannot  tell  all  what  they  saiy.' " 

Before  dismissing  tlie  interesting  Tarratines,  it  may  be  proper  to  present  a 
specimen  of  their  language. 

Metunk^senah,  ouwa^ne,  spum^keag-aio,  kee\iuck  tle-we-seh,  keaW-daheV'-dock., 
now-do^-seh,  keah'^-olct-hauVtt  mon-a,  numah-zee,  nCse-taK'-mah,  Vhah-lah-wee^- 
keunah,  spum^-keag-aio,  me-leu^neh,  neo^ah,  ne-quem-pe-bem-geesWcoque,  mnje^ 
me,  gees^-cool,  ar'CoTi,  mus-see-a^tos^see,  neo^iah,  commont^en-esk-sock,  H-hnh-lah- 
wee-keunah,  num-e-se-comele^ent,  tah-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-che-ke^-cheek,  a-que-hc\ 
a-que-ah-lah-ke-mje-sah!'coque,   n^gaJCne,   numa-zee\    nea-nah,   neoje,    saiv-got. 

*  "  He  alluded  to  one  L'rermore,  who  had  received  sentence  of  death  for  killing  an  In- 
dian, which  was  commuted  t:  hard  labor  for  life  in  the  state's  prison."     Williamson. 

An  Indian  named  Crevay,  a  Penobscot  of  the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  to  avoid  being-  dis- 
tressed by  the  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  with  his  wife  wandered  down  into  MassarUi- 
setts,  and  erected  a  wigwam  on  the  shore  of  Spot  Pond,  in  the  town  of  Stoneham,  where  tl.ny 
lived.  At  length  some  abominable  while  rutlians,  on  the  night  of  the  23  November,  181.3, 
shot  him  while  he  wew  asleep,  and  badly  wounded  his  squaw.  Not  being  killed  outright,  this 
Indian  crawled  from  his  wigwam,  and  was  found  the  next  day  almost  lifeless  and  in  great 
agony,  and  he  expired  in  a  few  days  after.  The  names  of  the  murderers  I  will  not  give,  for 
I  abhor  to  sully  my  page  with  them.  Four  were  giiilty.  One  fled  from  iustire,  two  were 
tried  and  contlemncd  to  be  hanged,  December  25tli,  following.     Report  of  the  Trial. 

\  Ibid. 

X  The  Indians  said.  Pascodiim-oqiton-keag.  Pascodum  mcanl  pollock ;  ofjuon,  catch 'err 
great  many ;  eae,  lam  or  place. 

^  Penops,  rocKt ;  keag,  &  place  of. 


•rf  'X\ 


;  .s  ■« 


•mn^mf—^^ 


322 


ROWLS.— BLIND-WILL. 


Iris  ■; . 


1^?"' 


[Book  ni 


ivoo-saiv^me,  keah-dabeliT-ock,  ego-mahy  keeloah\  noa^chee,  done-ak''le,  sazooa^ 
neah^kts,  qnoa^-que,* 

In  Hprnking  of  the  New  Hampshire  sactiemf,  it  was  not  intended  thut  sn 
conspicuous  a  chief  as  Rowls  should  liuve  l)C(>n  silently  passed  over,  and 
Iherelore  we  will  give  him  a  pluco  here.  This  chief  has  of  lute  years  hecoine 
noted,  from  the  circumstunre  of  his  name's  heing  found  to  tiie  celebrated 
/f'Aee/wn'jf/ii  deed  of  1G29.  That  deed,  it  maybe  projier  to  remark,  ])iirported 
to  have  been  given  by  Passaconaway,  RunaatoiU,  fVehanownoivit,  and  Howls. 
The  tract  of  country  conveyed  was  included  between  the  Pus<-ataqua  and 
Merrimack  Rivers, and  bounded  iidand  by  aline  from  "Pawtucket"  Falls 
in  tlie  latter,  and  Newichawannok  in  the  Ibrmcr.  It  is  pretty  certain,  now, 
tliat  these  sachems  gave  no  such  deed  at  the  time  specified. 

Rowls  was  sach(jm  of  the  Newichawannoks,  and  his  dwelling-place  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  the  Pascataqua,  not  ibr  from  Quampeagan  Falls,  in 
ijerwick,  then  Kittery.  "  In  1643,  he  conveyed  the  lands  of  his  vicinity  to 
Humphreif  Chadhourn ;  and  others  afterwards,  to  Spencer ;  the  former  being 
the  earliest  Indian  deed  found  upon  our  records.  It  is  certain  that  all  the 
Indians  ui)on  the  river  to  its  mouth,  were  his  subjects,  though  ho  was  under 
Passaconaway  ."f  Mr.  Hubbard  I  says,  "There  was  within  the  compass  of  the 
seven  years  now  current,  [about  1070,]  a  sagamore  about  Kittary,  called 
RotUs  or  Rolles:  who  laying  very  sick,  and  beurid,  (being  an  old  man,)  he  ex- 

t)ected  some  of  the  English,  thut  seized  upon  his  land,  should  have  shown 
lim  that  civility,  as  to  have  given  him  a  visit  in  his  aged  infirmities  and  sick- 
ness. It  matters  not  much  whether  it  was  totally  neglected  or  not ;  to  be 
sure  at  the  last,  he  sent  for  the  chiefs  of  the  town  and  desired  a  favor  of  them, 
viz.  that  though  he  might,  as  he  said,  challenge  [claim]  all  the  plantation  tor 
his  own,  where  they  dwelt,  that  yet  they  would  please  to  sell  or  give  him  a 
small  tract  of  land,  possibly  an  hundred  or  two  of  acres,  and  vvitlmll  desired 
it  might  be  recorded  in  the  town  book,  as  a  public  act,  that  so  his  children, 
which  he  left  behind,  might  not  be  turned  out,  like  vagabonds,  as  destitute  of 
an  habitation  amongst,  or  near  the  English,  adding  this  as  a  reason  :  Thut  he 
knew  there  would  shortly  fall  out  a  war  between  the  Indians  and  the  English, 
all  over  the  coimtry,  and  that  the  Indians  at  the  first  should  prevail,  and  do 
much  mischief  to  the  English,  and  kill  many  of  them :  But  after  tlie  third 
year,  or  after  three  years,  all  the  Indians  which  so  did,  should  be  rooted  out, 
and  utterly  destroyed."  This  account,  the  same  author  says,  "  is  reported  by 
Maj.  JV(ddron,  Mr.  Joshua  Moody,  Capt.  IVost,  that  live  upon,  or  near  the 
place." 

A  chief  named  Blind-ioill  was  successor  to  Rolls,  and  in  Philip's  war  served 
the  English.  Why  the  word  blind  was  prefixed  to  his  name  is  not  mentioned, 
but  proltably  he  hud  lost  an  eye. 

Li  1677,  the  wretched  expedient  was  resorted  to  by  the  whites,  of  employing 
the  Mohawks  against  the  Tarratines,  and  two  messengers.  Majors  Pinchon 
and  Richards,  were  despatched  to  their  country.  They  were  kindly  received 
by  them,  and  promised  their  assistance.  "Accordingly  some  parties  of 
them  came  down  the  country,  about  the  middle  of  March,  and  the  first 
alarm  \\as  given  at  Amuskeeg  Falls ;  where  the  son  of  Wonolanset  being 
hunting,  discovered  15  Indians  on  the  other  side,  who  called  to  him  in  a  lan- 
guage which  he  did  not  understand;  upon  which  he  fled,  and  they  fired 
near  30  guns  at  him  without  effect.  Presently  after  this  they  were  discovered 
in  the  woods  near  Cochecho.  Major  Waldron  sent  out  eight  of  his  Indians, 
whereof  Blind-will  was  one,  to  make  further  discovery.  They  were  all 
surprised  together  by  a  company  of  the  Mohawks ;  two  or  three  escaped, 
the  others  were  eithpr  killed  or  taken.  Will  was  dragged  away  by  his  hair ; 
and  being  wounded,  perished  in  the  woods,  on  a  neck  of  land,  formed  by  the 
confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ising-glass  Rivers,  which  still  bears  the  name 
of  Blind-vnlVs  Neek."§     Such  were  the  exploits  of  the  allies  of  the  Englisli 


•  Williamson^  Maine,  i.  513. 
^  Belkiuxp,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  li^, 


t   Williainson,  i,  4(50. 


X  Indian  Wars,  ii.  &' 


Chap.  X.] 


ASSACAMIUIIT. 


323 


at  this  time;  nor  do  we  fiiiil  that  nny  others  wore  performed  of  a  ditTcmil 
churuftcr.  iNotwithstiiiidiiif;,  tlie  Miime  inisoriildt^  |M)liry  was  tnlki'd  of  iif^ain 
iihoiit  nine  ycar.t  atler ;  hut  we  do  not  learn  that  it  was  carried  into  |)ri.ctiee. 

It  way,  perhaps,  at  the  tinn;  of  wliich  we  have?  been  s|)eakin>r,  that  tiie  Nur- 
ragansct  chief  Ptssacus  was  intiriUired,  as  lias  been  mentioned.* 

We  had  not  tlms  loiij?  delayed  our  notice  of  ont;  of  the  most  renowned 
chiefs,  hut  from  the  luitoward  eircumstanee  of  having  mislaid  a  vahialile 
communication  concerning  him.f  The  sachem  of  wliom  we  are  now  to 
^|/«ak  was  known  amon<^  the  French  hy  the  name  of  J^'escambioitit,  but 
among  the  Englisii  he  wari  calhtd 

AssACAMBUiT,  t  and  Jlssacombuit.\  This  chief  was  as  faithful  to  tho 
French  as  one  of  their  own  nation  ;  and  our  account  of  him  bcfrins  in  KMK!, 
when,  with  IhervUle  and  the  iiunons  Monl!^^/,  he  rendered  important  service 
in  the  reduction  of  the  English  Fort  St.  Joiins,  .'JO  November,  of  that  year. 
Heing  ap|>rized  of  the  approach  of  the  French  and  Indians,  tiie  English  sent 
out  88  men  to  oppose  then),  who,  on  the  28,  were  met  and  attacked  by  a  part 
of  Ibervillt's  army,  under  Montifpv/  and  JVescambioiiit,  and  defeated  with  tho 
loss  of  M  men.  On  the  night  before  St.  Johns  capitulated,  Iberville,  with 
.Wscambioiiit  as  his  second,  at  the  head  of  30  men,  made  a  sally  to  burn  one 
part  of  the  town,  while  D'.^fitys  and  Montis;n}i,  with  00  others,  were  ordered 
to  fire  it  at  another  point.     Jloth  i)arties  succeeded.  § 

In  l(>i)"J,  he  is  noti'-  -d  for  some  cruelty,  which,  it  was  said,  he  inflicted  upon 
a  child,  named  Tho'  lasin  ifoiwp.  He  having  ordered  it  to  carrj' something  to 
the  water  side,  it  cried ;  he  took  a  stick  and  struck  her  down,  and  she  lay 
for  dead.  He  then  threw  lier  into  the  water,  but  she  was  saved  by  another 
Indian.  She  was  an  English  captive,  and  was  soon  alter  restored.  This 
account  was  handed  Dr.  Mather,  by  one  who  had  just  returned  from  Casco 
Bay,  where  he  liad  biien  to  hold  a  treaty  with  tiie  Indians.  The  account 
closes  in 'leso  words:  "This  ^Issaronibuit  hath  killed  and  taken  this  war, 
(they  tell  me,)  150  men,  women  and  children.     A  bloody  Devil."  || 

It  is  said  that  Mauxis,  Wanuriironet,  and  Jlssaconihuit,  were  "  three  of  tlie 
most  valiant  and  puissant  sachems  "  of  the  east.t  Their  attack  upon  the  ibrt 
at  Casco,  in  August,  1703,  has  been  mentioned.**  In  1704,  some  of  the  Ahe- 
naquis,  having  est^iblished  themselves  in  Newfoundland,  were  attacked  by  the 
English,  and  some  of  them  killed.  Whereupon  they  applied  to  Govenior 
VaitdreuU  for  assistance  to  repel  them,  and  he  sent  Montigny  with  a  few 
Canadians,  who  joined  themselves  with  about  50  Abenaquis  under  AesramW- 
oiiil,  and  attacked  the  English  with  great  success.  They  pillaged  and  burnt 
one  fort,  and  took  many  prisoners,  ft 

In  1705,  M.  Subercase,  having  succeeded  M.  Brouillon  in  the  government 
of  Newfoundland,  endeavored  to  make  thorough  work  with  the  remaining 
English  there.  Their  success  was  neai'ly  complete,  and  here  again  A'escnm- 
hiouit  is  noticed  as  acting  a  conspicuous  part  Subercase's  army  consisted  of 
400  men,|t  in  all,  and  they  set  out  from  Placentia  15  January,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  with  20  days'  provisions.  They  suffered  much  from  tlie  rigor  of  the 
weather,  and  did  not  fall  upon  the  English  until  the  26,  which  was  at  a  place 
called  llebou.  They  next  took  Petit  Havre.  At  St.  Johns  they  found  some 
resistance,  where  the  English  now  had  two  forts,  which  were  supplied  with 
cannon  and  mortars,  and,  after  losing  five  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence  of  want  of  powder;  having  dam- 
aged much  of  what  they  brought  with  them  in  wading  rivers.  They  next 
attacked  Fonillon  and  took  it.  §§    This  was  5  March.    Here  was  also  a  fort, 

*  See  B.  II.  p.  68.  note  §.  f  From  Rev.  Mr.  Felt,  of  Hamillon.         t  Penlinlhir. 

^  Charlevoix,  ii.  193.  |{  Magnalia,  vii.  95.  ''  I'cnhatiow  fi. 

**  Page  lOi,  lib.  iii.  ft  Charlevoix,  ii.  •Z\n. 

XX  This  is  according  to  Charleroix,h\A  Penhallow  says5(X).  ami  Aiuiixtrh, {H'isi.  Newfound 
and,  1^23.)  ahoitt  500.     Charlevoix  is,  doubtless,  nearest  tlic  truth. 

§^  Le  tionrff/iit  brfili',  apres  i/iioi  Montignv,  qui  avnil  amenr  h  rette  expedition  sonJidHt 
NESCAMBiouiT,yH<  Ataclic  orec  Ics  sauvusies,  et  vne  partie  Jes  Canailieus,  f/eitr  atler  (lit  Cut4 
de  Carhonniere,  et  de  Honneviste,  avc  order  de  hruler  et  de  detruire  loiile  le  dile,  re  qu'i 
fxecHta  sans  verdre  un  sad  twmme,  tant  la  terreur  etoit  grandt  paniii  les  Aii^luis.  N 
France,  ii.  .100. 


.M 


Vi      ill 


Ii  »l 


.'?  ii 


i 


m 


324 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


[Book  III. 


into  wliicli  the  inliabitaiits  at  first  retired,  aud  endeavored  to  defend  themselves, 
but  soon  surrendered  prisoners  of  war,* 

Not  long  after  tiiesi;  se:  vii:es  J^escamhioiiit  sailed  for  France,  and  in  1700 
visiti'd  his  majesty.  King  Louis  XIV,  at  Versailles.  Here,  among  other  emi- 
nent j)ersonages,  lie  became  known  to  the  historian  Charlevoix,  f  The 
king  having  preaented  him  an  elegant  sword,  he  is  reported  to  have  said, 
holding  up  his  hand,  "This  hand  has  slain  one  hundred  andfoHijofyovr  majes- 
ty's enemies  in  JVew  England;" I  and  that  whereupon,  the  king  forthwith 
knighted  hir-  and  ordered  tliat  henceforth  a  pension  of  eight  iivres  a  day  be 
allowed  him  ior  life. 

JVescambioiiil  returned  to  America  in  1707,  and  the  next  year  accompanied 
Rouville  to  attack  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts.  The  French  had  intended  a 
mi'ch  more  formidable  conquest,  and  had  engaged  bands  of  Indians  from 
ft)ur  nations  to  cooperate  with  tliem,  and  all  were  to  rendezvous  at  Lake 
Nikisipi(jue,  as  they  called  Winnipesauke  or  Winnipisiogee.  But  all  except 
tlie  Algonquins  and  Abenaquis  under  JVescamiioiiit,  having  failed  and  deserted 
them,  they  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  their  entei-prise  altogether. 
Having  made  known  their  situation  to  Governor  Vaudreuil,  and  requested 
his  orders,  he  directed,  that  though  all  the  Indians  deserted  them,  they  should 
not  give  "  /er  the  expedition.  Des  Chaillons  having  communicated  this  intel- 
ligence to  the  Indians,  they  entreated  him  to  lead  them  forward,  and  said  they 
would  foii -w  him  wherever  he  chose  to  go. 

From  Nikisipique  they  maiched,  at  last,  with  200  men,  fell  upon  Haver- 
liili,i  and  sacked  it.  The  attack  was  made,  sun  about  an  hour  high,  29 
August,  1708.  The  contest  was  short  as  the  opposition  was  feeble.  The 
Faglish  lost  about  100  persons  by  this  irruption,  40  or  50  of  whom  were 
killed  at  Haverhill.  JVescamhioilit,  in  this  aflair,  fought  by  the  side  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  performed  prodigies  of  valor  with  the  sword  which 
he  brought  from  France. 

Having  burned  the  fort  and  many  of  the  buildings  in  the  village,  ||  they 
began  to  retrace  their  steps,  with  precipitation.  The  English,  having  rallied, 
formed  an  ambush  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  froifi 
the  town,  attacked  them  vigorously,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  them.  In 
the  ambush  v^uc  60  or  70  English,  who,  aller  hanging  ui>c!i  their  flanks  for 
near  an  hour,  retreated.  In  this  last  affair  the  French  suffered  most.  In 
both  encounters.  18  men  were  wounded,  three  Indians  and  five  Frenchmen 
killed.  In  th-'  arv.hvish  fell  Hertel  of  Chanibly,  and  Vcrcheres,  both  oflicers  of 
exjterience  ;  fciid  the  renow!)^d  A'^sacambuit,  as  though,  elsewhere,  like  Mill- 
ies, invulnerable,  was  woundid  by  a  shot  in  the  foot.  This  lust  attack  had 
the  happy  effect  of  iinmcdiately  restoiing  many  of  the  prisoners. 

From  1708  to  1727,  we  hear  nothing  of  Assacambiiit.  In  June  of  the  latter 
year,  his  death  is  recorded,  accompanied  with  a  short  account  of  him,  in  a 
news[)aper  of  that  time.  Mention  is  made,  imong  other  things,  that,  like 
Hercules,  he  had  a"lamous  club"  which  lie  always  carried  witii  him,  on 
which  were  98  notches,  denoting  the  number  of  "  English  "  he  had  killed  ; 
that  he  was  knighted  wli'le  in  France,  the  insignia  of  which,  on  his  return 
Imiiie,  he  wore  upon  his  breast  in  largo  letters.  In  this  newspaper  commu- 
nication he  is  styled  '  Old  -L'scaj/jfemV,"  "  formerly  the  principal  sagamore  of 
(the  now  dispersed)  tribe  of  the  Saco  or  Pigwacket  Indians."  He  probably 
went  to  reside  among  the  St.  Francis  tribe  about  1700.  He  was  restless  when 
there  was  no  war,  and  our  account  says,  "  when  there  was  something  of  a 
prosjiect  of  settled  peace,  about  30  yeais  ago,  [1700,]  he  marched  off  the 


*  Arispixch,  124.  t  Ilisl.  Gen.  dc  la  Nouv.  Franre,  ii.  32G. 

f  J'eiiliattow,  40.  This  must  ho,  wc  think,  a  great  misrepresentation  of  his  real  spcerli, 
as  sul)sei|uenl  details  will  lead  one  to  suppose.     Perhaps  he  might  have  sn\i\  forty. 

^  "  Us  prirent  alors  le  parti  de  viarcher  caiitre  tin  village  appellt'  IIawukuii.,  compose  de 
rintcinq  h  Irente  maisons  bien  hAtis,  arec  nn  fort,  on  logeoit  le.  goavenienr.  Ce  fort  avoit  line 
garrison  de  tretite  soldals,  et  il  y  en  aroit  an  inoiiis  dix  dans  chaqne  maison." 

II  Charlevoix  says,  "  Toutes  les  maisons  se  d^fendirem  anssi  trh-bien,  et  enrent  le  mfmt. 
sort,  ll'y  eitt  environ  cent  An^lois  de  tii^s  dans  ces  dijprentes  attaques ;  pinsienrs  aiitres,  qui 
atlendirent  trop  tard  h  sortir  da  fort  et  des  mahnna,"y  (yiteM  briMos."  None  of  the  English 
account:}  mention  lliis,  and  il  was  douhllcss  supposition,  without  I'uuudatiou  in  fact. 


UllAP.   XI.] 


DESTRUCTION   OF  DEEIUIKLD. 


325 


pronnd  as  .1  disbanded  officer,  left  liis  brethren  and  travelled  towards  the  Mis. 
sissippi,  where  lie  was  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  and  never  heard  of  till 
the  last  fall  he  returned  to  those  [eastern]  parts."  This  was  [irohably  the 
report  among  the  English  of  New  England ;  but  in  truth  he  was  with  the 
Frerch  in  Canada,  as  we  have  seen.  Had  PENiiAiiLOW[)ubiished  his  Indian 
VVa  j  one  year  later,  he  would  not,  probably,  have  closed  his  account  as  he 
did  concerning  him.  He  says  that,  at  his  return  Irom  France,  he  was  so 
exalted  that  he  treated  his  countiynieu  in  the  most  haughty  and  arrogant 
manner,  "  murdering  one  and  stjibbing  another,  which  so  exasperated  tliose 
of  their  relations,  that  they  sought  revenge,  and  would  have  instantly  exe- 
cuted it,  but  that  he  fled  his  countiy,  and  never  returned  alien" 


4'" 


9i0^e 


CHAPTER  XL 


Destruction  of  Dcerficld,  and  captivity  of  Reverend  John  Williams  and  family, 

in  1704. 


Sometimes  in  a  volume,  and  sometimes  in  a  pamphlet,  the  narrative  of 
this  affair  had  often  been  given  to  the  world  previous  to  1774,  by  one  of  the 
})rincipal  actors  in  it,  whose  name  is  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  and 
which  is  doubtless  familiar  to  every  reader  of  New  England  legends.  The 
edition  of  Mr.  Williams's  work,  out  of  which  1  take  this,  was  prej)ared  by  the 
renowned  New  England  annalist,  the  Reverend  Thoirxts  Pnnce,  and  was  the 
.5th,  [)rinted  at  Hoston  "  by  Jokn  Boijk,  next  door  to  the  Three  Doves  in  Marl- 
borough Street,  1774."    It  was  a  closely  printed  8vo.  pamphlet  of  70  pages. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  relate  some  important  facts  of  historical  value 
before  proceeding  with  the  narrative.  As  at  several  other  times,  the  ])lan 
was  laid  early  in  1708,  in  Canada,  for  laying  waste  the  whole  English  fron- 
tier, but  like  former  and  later  plans,  laid  in  that  region,  this  but  partially 
succeeded.  TJiough  the  eastern  settlements  from  Casco  to  Wells  were 
destroyed,  and  l!iO  i)eo|)le  killed  and  captivated,  the  sunnner  before,  yet  the 
towns  on  the  Connecticut  had  neglected  their  precautionary  duty.  And 
altiiough  Governor  Dudleif  of  Massachusetts  had  but  little  while  before  been 
notified  of  the  design  of  the  French,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  guard  the 
eastern  coast  against  the  attack.  Deerfield  had  been  palisaded  and  '^0 
soldiers  ])laced  in  it,  but  iiad  been  quartered  about  in  different  houses,  and, 
entirely  forgetting  their  duty  as  soldiers,  were  surprised  with  the  rest  of  the 
town.  The  snow  was  deep,  wliich  gave  tfie  enemy  an  easy  entrance  over 
the  pickets.  The  French  were  commanded  by  Hertel  de  Rouville,  but  tiie 
couuiianders  of  the  Lidians  remain  unknown. 

Mr.  liiltiams  tiiiis  begins  his  narrative:  "On  Tuesday  the  2i)th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1703-4,  not  long  before  break  of  day,  the  enemy  came  in  like  a  flood 
upon  us;  our  watcii  being  unfaitliful :  an  evil,  vvliose  awful  eflects,  in  a  siu-- 
pri/fd  of  our  fort,  should  bespeak  all  watchmen  to  avoid,  as  they  would  ncit 
bring  tiie  charge  of  blood  upon  themselves.  They  came  to  my  housts  in  tiie 
beginning  of  the  onset,  and  by  their  violent  endeavors  to  break  open  do'jrs 
and  windows,  with  axes  and  hatchets,  awakened  me  out  of  sleep;  on  which 
I  l(>ii|)cd  o'lt  of  bed,  and  rimnitig  towards  tlu;  door,  pcrceiveil  the  enemy 
making  their  cntranoc  into  the  house.  I  called  to  awaken  two  soldiers  iii 
the  chamber;  and  returning  toward  my  bedside  fVir  my  arms,  the  enemy 
immediately  brake  into  my  room,  I  judge  to  the  nmnher  of  '20,  with  painted 
tiices,  and  hideous  acclamations.  I  reached  up  my  hands  to  the  betl-tester, 
for  my  pistol,  uttering  a  siiort  petition  to  God,  expecting  a  jirescnt  passagis 
through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  deatli."  "Taking  down  my  pisiol,  1 
cocked  it,  and  |)Ut  it  to  the  breast  of  the  first  Indian  who  came  up;  but  my 
pistol  misshig  fire,  I  was  seized  by  3  Lidians  who  disarmed  me,  and  hounil 
me  naked,  as  I  was,  in  my  shirt,  and  so  I  stood  for  near  the  space  of  an 
hour."  Meanwhile  the  work  of  destruction  and  piilairi!  was  carried  (ui  with 
great  fury.  One  of  the  three  who  captiu'ed  Mi;,  ff'illiams  was  a  captain, 
28 


* 


li  'J 
-  1 


!^HK  ; 

1  l^^^^^^H)                  • 

J^^Hi. 

■  1 

I^^Bi' 

"■'   !  .* 

il 

326 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


[RUOK   111. 


o'F* 


aj,'aiiist  \vl;oin,  nijs  our  captive,  "the  jiulginent  of  God  did  not  long  slunibci* 
(or  hy  stiii-risiiig  Jie  received  a  inoi'tul  shot  from  my  next  neighl)or'8  house." 
This,  tiiough  not  u  garrison,  and  containing  but  seven  men,  withstood  tlic 
ellbrts  of  the  (300  Frencli  and  Lidians  whicli  now  beset  them.    That  lumsc 
remains  to  this  day,  bearing  ujion  its  front  door  the  marks  of  the  hatchet.'* 

Alter  about  two  hours  tlie  enemy  took  up  their  march  from  the  town, 
having  phindered  and  burnt  it,  and  ])Ut  47  persons  to  deatli,  including  tlio.se 
Killed  in  making  del'ence.  Mrs.  WUliama  having  lately  lain  in,  was  fceblt', 
which,  without  the  scene  now  acting  beibre  her,  rendered  her  case  hopeless ; 
i)iit  to  this  was  added  the  most  shocking  murders  in  her  presence — two 
o<"  her  children  were  taken  to  the  door  and  killed,  also  a  black  woman  be- 
longing to  the  family. 

"  About  sun  an  hour  high,"  continues  the  redeemed  captive,  "  we  were  all 
carried  out  of  the  house  for  a  march,  and  saw  nmny  of  the  houses  of  my 
neighbors  in  flames,  perceiving  the  whole  fort,  one  house  excepted,  to  be 
taken !"  "  We  were  carried  over  the  river,  to  the  foot  of  tlie  mountain,  about 
a  mile  from  my  house,  where  we  found  a  great  nund)er  of  our  christiaii 
neighbors,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of  100 ;  nineteen  of 
whom  were  altenvard  murdered  by  the  way,  and  two  starved  to  death  near 
Coos,  in  a  time  of  great  scarcity,  or  famine,  the  savages  underwent  there. 
When  we  came  to  the  loot  of  our  mountain,  they  took  away  our  shoes,  and 
gave  us  Indian  shoed,  to  prepare  us  for  our  journey."  The  army  had  Icll 
their  packs  at  this  place,  and  while  they  tVGve  getting  ready  to  decamp,  tlie 
few  English  that  had  escaped  at  the  town,  and  a  few  from  Hatfield,  who  had 
been  notified  of  the  fate  of  Deerfield  by  one  or  two,  who  had  escaped  there, 
pursued,  and  in  a  meadow  between  the  town  and  the  main  body,  met  a  party 
of  the  enemy,  and  a  sharp  fight  ensued.  The  small  band  of  Englishmen 
did  not  retreat  until  the  main  body  under  Rouville  were  about  to  encircle 
them,  and  then  they  le/l  nine  of  their  number  slain.  Such  was  the  success 
of  the  English  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  that,  fearing  a  defeat,  Rouville 
had  ordered  the  captives  to  be  put  to  death;  but,  fortunately,  the  bearer  of 
the  iiital  message  was  Killed  by  the  way. 

'J'hree  hundred  miles  of  a  trackless  wilderness  was  now  to  be  traversed, 
and  tliat  too  at  a  season  of  all  others  the  most  to  be  dreaded ;  boughs  of 
trors  formed  the  beds  of  enceinte  women  and  little  children  for  40  days, 
which  was  the  time  taken  lor  the  journey.  The  first  day's  journey  was  but 
about  four  miles,  and  although  one  child  was  killed,  in  general  the  children 
were  treated  well ;  probably,  the  historians  say,  that  by  delivering  them  at 
Canada,  the  Indians  would  receive  a  valuable  ransom  for.  them.  Mr.  Williams 
proceeds:  "God  made  tlie  heatiien  so  to  j)ity  our  children,  that  though  they 
had  several  wounded  persons  of  their  own  to  carry  upon  their  shoulders, 
for  30  miles  before  they  came  to  the  river,  [the  Connecticut  30  miles  above 
Deerfield,]  yet  they  carried  our  children,  uucapable  of  travi  ling,  in  theii 
arms,  and  upon  their  shouldiers." 

At  the  first  encampment  some  of  the  Indians  got  drunk  with  liquor  they 
found  at  Deei-field,  and  in  their  rage  killed  Mr.  fVilliams's  negro  man,  and 
caused  the  escape  of  a  Mr.  Jlleiandcr.  In  the  morning  Mr.  Williams  was 
ordered  befbre  the  commander-in-ciiief,  (he  considering  him  the  princijjal  of 
the  captives,)  and  ordeied  to  inlbrm  the  other  captives,  that  if  any  more  at- 
tiMnpted  to  escape,  the  rest  should  be  |)ut  to  death.  In  the  second  I'liy's  inareli 
oecnrred  the  death  ofMrs.  Williams,  the  affecting  account  of  which  W(^  will  give 
nearly  in  the  language  of  her  husband.  At  the  upper  part  of  Deerfield 
meadow  it  became  necessary  to  cross  Green  River.  The  Indian  that  cap- 
tured Mr.  Williams  was  unwilling  that  lie  should  speak  to  the  other  captives  ; 
but  on  the  morning  of  the  second  day,  that  Indian  cajrtain  being  appointed 
to  command  in  the  rear,  he  liad  another  master  put  over  him,  who  i.oi  only 
allowed  him  to  speak  to  others,  but  to  walk  with  his  wife,  and  assist  her  aloiii; 
This  was  their  last  meeting,  and  she  very  calmly  told  him  that  her  strength 
was  failing  Itist,  and  that  he  would  soon  lose  her.     She  sjioke  no  discoura- 

*  See  (^c)l.  Iloi/I's  Aiil.  lli-scnr.  wliicli,  wc  aro  gluil  lo  oUscrvc,  is  llie  Uusl  voliiint*  of  Now 
Ellglaii'l  liiiliiui  wars  llial  lias  yd  a|i|it'iii'0(l. 


Chap.  XL] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIEL1>. 


327 


ging  words,  or  complained  of  thn  Imrdness  of  her  fortiino,  Tlie  company 
soon  came  to  a  halt,  and  Mr.  Williams's  old  niastor  resumed  his  Ibrnier 
Btution,  and  ordered  him  nto  the  vaii,  and  his  wife  was  obliged  to  travel 
nnaided.  They  had  now  arrived  at  Green  River,  us  we  have  related.  'J'hia 
tiny  passed  by  wading, although  the  current  was  very  rapid,  (which  was  the 
cause,  no  doubt,  of  its  not  Iveii^g  frozen  over,)  and  about  two  feet  in  depth. 
Alter  passing  this  river,  they  hud  to  ascend  a  steep  mountain.  "No sooner," 
suys  Mr,  Williams,  "  had  i  overcome  the  difficulty  of  that  ascent,  Ijut  I  was 
permitted  to  sit  down,  r,nd  be  unburthened  of  my  pack.  1  sat  pitying  those 
who  were  behind,  and  intreatcd  my  master  to  let  me  go  down  and  help  my 
wife,  but  he  refused.  I  asked  each  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  passed  by  luc, 
after  her,  and  heard,  that  passing  through  tlie  above  said  river,  she  fell  down 
and  Avas  ])lunged  all  over  in  the  water ;  alter  which  she  travelled  not  liir, 
for  at  the  foot  of  that  mountain,  the  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  savage  who  took 
hiT slew  her  witl:  his  hatcixit  atone  stroke."  The  historians  have  left  us  no 
record  of  the  character  of  this  lady,  but  from  the  account  left  us  by  her 
husband,  she  was  a  most  amiable  cofnpaniou.  She  was  the  only  daughter  of 
Reverend  Eleazer  Mather,  minister  of  Northampton,  by  Ifis  wife  lOsthcr, 
daughter  of  Reverend  John  tVarham,  who  came  from  England  in  KiJBO. 

Tlie  second  night  was  spent  at  an  encampment  in  the  northerly  part  of 
what  is  now  Rcrnanlstown,  and  in  the  course  of  the  jjreceding  day" a  young 
woman  and  child  were  killed  and  scalped.  At  this  camp  a  council  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  putting  Mr.  Williams  to  death,  but  his  master  i)revuiled 
on  the  rest.to  save  his  life  ;  for  the  reason,  no  doubt,  that  he  should  receive 
a  high  price  for  his  ransom.  The  fourth  day  brought  them  to  Connecticut 
River,  about  30  miles  above  Deoi-fit-hL  Here  the  wounded,  children  and  \m'i- 
gage  were  put  into  a  kind  of  sleigh,  and  passed  with  facility  upon  ilit;  river. 
Every  day  ended  the  suffering  and  captivity  of  one  or  more  of  the  |)risoner.". 
The  case  of  a  young  woman  naiiifd  Marij  Brooks,  was  one  to  excite  excess- 
ive pity,  and  it  is  believed,  that  had  the  Indians  been  tlie  sole  directors  of  the 
captives,  such  cases  could  hardly  have  occurred.  This  young  woman,  being 
enceinte,  and  walking  upon  the  ice  in  the  river,  oflen  fell  down  upon  it, 
probably  with  a  burthen  upon  her;  which  caused  premature  labor  the  fol- 
lowing night.  Being  now  unfitted,  for  the  journey,  her  master  deliberately 
told  her  she  must  be  put  to  death.  With  great  composure  she  got  liberty  of 
him  to  go  and  take  leave  of  her  minister.  She  told  him  she  was  not  aliaid  of 
death,  and  after  some  consoling  conversation,  she  returned  and  was  executed ! 
This  was  March  8. 

At  the  mouth  of  a  river  since  known  as  IViUiams's  River,  upon  a  Sunday,  the 
captives  were  permitted  to  assemble  around  their  minister,  and  he  prea(;licd  a 
sermon  to  them  from  Lam.  i.  18.  At  the  mouth  of  White  River  Rouville  di\  ided 
liis  force  into  several  jiarties,  and  they  took  different  routes  to  the  St.  Lawreni-e. 

In  a  few  instances  the  captives  were  ])urchased  of  the  Indians,  by  the 
French,  and  the  others  were  at  the  different  lodges  of  the  Indians. 

During  his  ca|)tivity,  Mr.  WUliam^  visited  various  [)laces  on  the  St.  I-aw- 
reiicc.  At  Montreal  he  was  humanely  treated  by  Governor  Vaudrcuil.  In 
his  interviews  with  the  French  Jesuits  he  uniformly  found  them  using  every 
endeavor  to  convert  him  and  otliers  to  their  religion.  However,  most  of  the 
cuptives  remained  steady  in  the  Protestant  faith.  And  in  17(X),  fifty-seven 
of  them  were  by  a  flag-ship  conveyed  to  Boston.  A  considerable  inimber 
r(;maiiied  in  Cimada,  and  never  returned,  among  whom  Avas  Eunice  Williams, 
daughter  of  the  minister.  She  became  a  firm  catholic,  married  an  Lidian, 
by  whom  she  had  several  children,  and  sj)ent  her  days  in  a  wigwam.  She 
visited  Deerticld  with  her  Indian  husband,  dressed  in  Indian  style,  and  was 
kindly  received  by  her  friends.  All  attempts  to  regain  her  were  ineffectual. 
Reverend  Eleazer  Williams,  late  a  missionary  to  the  Groenbay  Indians,  is  a 
descendant.     He  was  educated  by  the  friends  of  missions  in  New  England. 

In  the  History  of  Canada  by  Charlevoix,  the  incursions  imdertaken  by  thi! 
French  and  Indians  are  generally  minutely  recorded ;  but  this  against  l)eer- 
lield  he  has  unaccountably  summed  up  in  a  dozen  lines  of  his  work.  The 
following  is  the  whole  passage: 

In  the  end  of  autumn,  1703,  the  English,  despairing  of  securing  the  lu- 


I   I 


I'I'f '  •  1 


i  *^>'^ 


U:^  '. 


328 


MONEY  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  III 


dians,  made  several  excursions  into  their  country,  and  massacred  all  such  as 
they  could  surprise.  Upon  this,  the  chiefs  demanded  aid  ofM.  de  Vaudiexdl, 
and  he  sent  thorn  during  tlie  winter  250  men  under  the  coiumand  of  tlie 
Sieur  Hertcl  dc  Rouville,  a  reformed  lieutenant,  wlio  tooic  the  place  of  his 
already  renowned  f'lther,  whose  age  and  infirmities  prevented  his  under- 
taking sucli  great  expeditions.  Four  others  of  liis  children  accom|>anied 
RouvUie,  who  in  their  tour  surprised  the  Englisii,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
made  140  of  them  prisoners.  The  French  lost  but  three  soldiers,  and  some 
ravages,  but  Roiwille  was  himself  wounded.* 


Hi§t 


CHAPTER  XIL 


A' 


Various  incidents  in  the  history  of  the  JVew  England  Indians,  embracing  several 
important  events,  with  a  sequel  to  some  previous  memoirs. 

He  felt  liU  lifo'a  blood  froezing  fist ; 

Ho  ^'rasped  liif)  bow,  liix  lance,  und  steel ; 
Ho  win  ol"  Wampanoiifi's  lu^t. 

To  die  wero  easy  —  not  to  ylidd. 
HU  eyns  were  fixed  upon  the  sky  ; 

He  pimped  lis  on  tlic  ground  be  full ; 
None  lint  his  Ibes  to  see  him  die  — 

None  but  bid  foes  bis  duutb  to  tell. 

The  perfornmnces  of  one  Cornelius,  "the  Dutchman,"  in  Philip's  war,  are 
very  obscurely  noticed  in  the  histories  of  the  times,  none  ol"  thoni  giving  iis 
even  his  surname;  and  we  have,  in  a  former  chapter,  given  the  amount  of 
what  has  before  been  published.  I  am  now  able  to  add  concerning  him,  that 
his  name  was  Cornelius  Consert;  that  the  last  time  he  went  out  against  the 
Indians,  he  served  about  six  weeks ;  was  captain  of  the  forlorn  hope  in  the 
Quabaog  expedition,  in  the  autumn  of  the  first  year  of  Philip's  war;  marched 
also  to  Groton  and  Chelmsford,  and  was  discharged  from  service,  "being 
ready  to  depart  the  country,"  October  13,  1G75.  It  was  prol)ably  in  his 
Quabaog  expedition  that  he  committed  the  barl)aroiis  ex|)ioit  u|)on  "an  old 
Indian,"  the  account  of  which  has  been  given ;  it  was  doubtless  during  the 
same  expedition,  which  appears  to  have  terminated  in  September,  that  "  he 
brought  round  five  Indians  to  Boston,"  who,  being  cast  into  prison,  were 
afterwards  "delivered  to  Mr.  Stmiiel  Shrimpton,  to  be  under  his  (inplov  on 
Noddle's  Island,"  subject  "lo  the  order  of  tlie  council."  I  shall  here  pass  to 
tSmo  further  account  of  the  money  of  the  Indians. 

We  have  quoted  the  comical  account  of  the  money  of  the  Indians  of  New 
England,  by  John  Josselyn,  and  will  now  quote  the  graphic  and  sensible  one 
given  by  the  unfortunate  John  Lawson,  in  his  account  of  Carolina,  of  the 
money  in  use  among  the  southern  Indians.  "Their  money,"  he  says,  "  is  of 
different  sorts,  but  all  made  of  slndls,  which  are  found  on  the  coast  of  Caro- 
lina, being  very  large  and  hard,  and  difficult  to  cut.  Some  English  smiths 
Jiave  tried  to  drill  this  sort  of  shell  money,  and  thereby  thought  to  get  an 
advantage,  but  it  proved  so  hard  that  nothing  could  be  gained;"  and  Morton^ 
in  .his  New  English  Canaan,  says  that,  although  some  of  the  English  in  Now 
EngicitiU  have  tried  "  by  example  to  make  the  like,  yet  none  hath  ever  attained 
to  any  perfection  in  the  composure  of  them,  so  but  that  the  salvages  have 
found  a  great  difference  to  he  in  tlte  one  and  tlie  other;  and  have  known  the 
counterfeit  beads  from  those  of  their  own  making;  und  have,  and  doe  .flight 
tliein"  Hence  the  conclusion  of  Joxsclj/n,  before  extracted,  namely,  thut 
"  neither  Jew  nor  devil  conid  counterfeit  the  money  of  the  Indians."  Mr. 
ZirtU'SOJi  continues:  "The  Indians  often  make,  of  the  same  kind  of  shells  as 
those  of  which  their  money  is  made,  a  sort  of  gorget,  which  they  w(!ar  about 

*  Ilislciirt!  (ic'iicriilo  do  la  ISoiiv.  France,  ii.  2',I0. 


Chap.  XII] 


CORMAN— NANUNTENOO. 


329 


their  necks  in  a  string:  so  it  hangs  on  their  collar,  whereon  soinotinies  w 
engraven  a  cross,  or  some  ochi  sort  of  figure  which  conies  next  in  their  fiincy 
There  are  otlier  sorts  valued  at  a  doeskin,  yet  tlie  gorgets  will  sotneiimes  sell 
for  three  or  four  huckskins  ready  dressed.  There  be  others,  that  eight  of 
them  go  readily  for  a  doeskin  ;  but  tlie  general  and  current  species  "f  all  the 
Indians  in  Carolina,  and  I  believe,  all  over  the  continent,  as  Itir  as  the  bay  of 
Mexico,  is  that  which  we  call  Peak,  and  lionoak,  hut  Peak  more  especially. 
This  is  that  which  at  New  York  they  call  Wampum,  and  have  used  it  as 
current  money  amongst  the  iidiabitants  for  a  great  many  years.  Five  cubits 
of  this  purchase  a  dressed  doeskin,  pud  seven  or  eight  buy  a  dressed  buck* 
skin.  To  make  this  Peak  it  cost  the  English  five  or  ten  tiiues  as  much  as 
they  could  get  fur  it,  whereas  it  cost  the  Indians  nothing,  because  they  set 
no  value  upon  their  time,  and  therefore  have  no  com|)etition  to  fear,  or  that 
othcra  will  take  its  manufacture  out  of  their  hands.  It  is  made  by  grinding 
the  pieces  of  shell  upon  stone,  and  is  smaller  than  the  small  end  of  a  tobacco- 
pipe,  or  Ip-ge  wheat-straw.  Four  or  five  of  these  make  an  inch,  and  every 
one  is  to  be  drilled  through  and  made  as  smooth  as  glass,  and  so  strung,  as 
beads  are.  A  cubit,  of  the  Indian  measure,  contains  as  much  in  length  as 
will  reach  from  the  elbow  to  the  end  of  the  little  finger.  They  never  stand 
to  ({uestion,  whether  it  he  a  tall  man  or  a  short  one  that  measures  it.  If  this 
wampum-peak  be  black  or  purple,  as  some  part  of  that  shell  is,  then  it  is 
twice  the  value.  The  drilling  is  the  most  difiicult  and  tedious  part  of  the 
manufacture.  It  is  done  by  sticking  a  nail  in  a  cane  or  reed,  which  they  roll 
upon  their  thighs  with  their  right  hand,  while  with  their  left  they  apply  the 
hit  of  shell  to  the  iron  point.  But  especially  in  making  their  ronoak,  four  of 
which  will  scarce  make  one  length  of  wampum.  Such  is  the  money  of  the 
Indians,  with  which  you  may  buy  all  they  have.  It  is  their  mammon,  (as  our 
money  is  to  us,)  that  entices  and  persuades  them  to  do  any  tiling,  part  with 
their  c,  pi>es  or  slaves,  and,  sometimes,  even  their  wives'  and  daughters' 
chastity.  WrJi  it  they  buy  ofT  murderers;  and  whatever  a  man  «'an  do  that 
is  ill,  this  wampui*}  will  quit  him  of,  and  make  him,  in  their  opinion,  good 
and  virtuous,  though  rever  so  hlack  before."     To  retinii  to  tiie  cliiefs. 

Of  the  Narraganset  biJian  Corinan  very  little  had  been  found  when  he  was 
noticed  before,  and  it  is  biU  little  that  we  can  now  add  concerning  the 
"cheiife  counceller"  of  the  "old  crafty  sachem"  of  Niantik.  It  appears  that 
in  the  month  o(  September,  1675,  Carman  was  in  Boston,  whither  he  had 
been  sent  as  an  ambassador  by  the  Narraganset  sachems,  and  especially  by 
Ninigret;  and  although  Ninigret  was  a  peace-maker,  and  had  not  been  any 
how  implicated  in  the  war  then  going  on,  yet,  such  was  the  rage  of  the  popu- 
lace agains'.  all  Indians,  that  it  was  not  deemed  safe  for  even  a  friend  fi'om 
among  thei  i  to  walk  alone  in  the  streets  of  the  town.  On  the  evening  of  the 
28th  of  Sej  temher,  as  Carman,  now  an  old  man,  was  walking  through  one 
of  tlie  stree  s,  guarded  by  persons  on  each  side  of  him,  a  certain  miscreant, 
named  IVilliim  Smith,  ran  furiously  against  him,  and  thus  separating  him 
from  those  about  him,  did,  by  another  motion,  strike  his  feet  fiom  under  him 
in  such  a  manner  that  his  head  and  shoulders  came  in  violent  contact  with 
the  ground,  very  seriously  injuring  Inm.  Complaint  having  been  made  to 
the  governor  and  council,  they  had  both  Smith  and  Cormnn  hronuht  before 
them  the  next  day,  and  the  charge  against  the  former  being  established  by 
the  evidence  of  Mrs.  Sarah  Pickerini;,  who  siw  the  fiict  conunitted.  "the 
court,  in  hearing  of  the  case,  judged  it  meet  to  bear  due  testimony  against 
such  abuse,  and  seniciicc  the  said  Smith  to  pay,  as  a  fine  to  the  country,  the 
sum  of  forty  shillings,  cr  be  whipt  with  ten  stripes;  also  to  pay  the  said 
Carman  for  his  damage  the  siun  of  ten  shillings  in  money."  It  is  very  diffi- 
cidt  to  understand  the  grounds  of  the  decision  of  the  honorable  court,  unless 
they  seriously  thought  that  the  grounf/  on  which  jioor  old  Corman  fell  was 
hurt  four  times  as  much  as  he  was!  If  this  was  not  its  reason,  why  should 
forty  shillings  be  paid  to  the  rauntry  and  oidy  ten  to  Gorman  ? 

As  new  local  and  other  histories  appear,  and  the  «lecaying  manuscrijits  arc 
put  in  a  situation  and  condition  to  he  conveniently  considted,  new  lights  are 
daily  reflected  on  the  dark  passages  of  our  history.    The  inrs'nce  o\'A''(inun 
lenoo  at  the  battle  of  Pawtucket,  or,  as  it  is  more  commoulv  called,  Peirst'a 
28* 


fit, 


"'■tl 


330 


COLONF.I,  CHURCH.— INDIAN  LETTERS. 


[nooK  in 


figlit,  Ims  been  f|ucstionc(l  l)y  a  v(>ry  exrellent  local  liistorian,  Mr.  Bliss,  in 
liis  liistory  of  Keliobotli,  but,  uM  appreliciitl,  I'rom  a  luiscoiistiuction  of  some 
passajrus  in  Hubbard's  Narrative,  fs|)eciuliy  iiom  tbat  passage  wbire  it  ia 
Baid  tliat  Nanutiteiioo,  wiien  surprised  by  Deiiisoii's  men,  "was  divertisiiig 
himself  vvitb  the  recital  of  Captain  Peirse's  slaughter,  surprised  by  his  men  a 
few  days  liefbre."  It  is  true  that  this  sentence  will  admit  of  two  construc- 
tions, either  that  the  chief  was  diverting  himself  by  recounting  to  his  meu 
his  jiarticular  acts  in  that  tragedy,  or  by  a  general  account  of  its  progress,  or 
that  they  were  diverting  him;  the  fbrnicr  would  be  by  no  means  improbable, 
especially  if  some  of  those  about  him  hud  not  been  in  the  action,  which 
woidd  not  be  at  all  strange,  as  nunil)ers  of  them  were,  doubtless,  strolling 
upon  hunting  and  other  expeditions  when  the  buttle  was  lought.  That 
Nanuntenoo  did  not  leave  the  Connecticut  River  until  the  "first  week  in 
April"  cannot  be  true,  nor  In  that  loosely  stated  date  does  Hubbard  reftr  to 
his  leaving  the  Connecticut,  but  to  "about  the  time"  of  his  capture.  If  he 
refers  to  the  time  of  his  leaving  the  river,  he  reli'rs  to  his  men  also,  vnIio,  he 
Buys,  did  not  leave  until  alter  he  tiid;  but  it  was  his  men  that  defeated  I'eir^e. 
These  are  all  the  lights  we  arc  able  to  throw  on  that  great  event,  and  must 
here  leave  it  in  the  same  doubt  we  found  it,  and  which  is  ever,  most  likely, 
to  shroud  it. 

It  would  be  highly  gratifying  to  be  nble  to  give  sketches  of  some  of  the 
prominent  English  ca})tiiins,  or  others,  who  were  cons|)icuous  in  Indian 
history,  but  our  design  and  limits  both  preclude  such  digressions,  and  we 
cannot  indulge  in  but  a  few.  In  a  recent  rand)le  in  the  Hill  burying-ground, 
in  Middleborough,  I  discovered  the  grave  of  a  Lieutenant  Nathaniel  Hourh- 
worth,  ui)on  the  head-stone  of  which  it  is  inscribed  that  he  died  January 
14,  1710,  in  his  G'2d  year;  he  was  tlierefbre  about  28  in  the  time  of  rhilij)'s 
war,  and  is,  very  probably,  the  same  who  distinguished  himself  on  many 
occasions  under  Ca|)tain  Cliiuch.  He  lies  among  a  group  of  graves  of  his 
family  cojinections.  We  did  not  intentionally  omit  to  notice  the  death  of  his 
commander  in  anotlier  cha])ter.  Colonel  Church  died  on  the  17  of  Jiinuaiy, 
1718,  in  the  78th  year  of  his  age,  and  lies  buried  ut  Compfon  in  Massa- 
chusetts. He  was  born  ut  IMymouili  in  Uiii\},  and  not  long  after  removed  to 
Duxbury  with  his  father.*  He  was  a  housewriglit  by  trade,  as  were  his  fiitlier 
and  one  or  two  of  his  brothers.  How  many  he  had  I  am  not  sure,  but  Caleb 
and  Joseph  are  mentioned,  und  a  sister  who  married  an  Irish,  and  liv(<d  in 
Compton.  In  1G74  he  bought  land  of  the  government  and  j-emoved  to 
Sogkonate,  the  then  Indian  name  of  the  tract  of  country  since  Compton. 
Here  he  was  pros|)erously  making  a  fiu'ui  when  Philip's  war  broke  out,  and 
was  obliged  to  quit  his  improvements.  Possessing  a  remarkably  active  mind, 
vigorous  body,  and  glowing  ))atriotism,  he  was  n^  long  an  idle  sj)ectator  of 
the  war,  engaging  in  it  withf)Ut  reward  as  a  volunteer;  and  our  previous 
pages  have  shown  that  he  raised  himself  to  the  chief  military  place  in  the 
country,  und  several  civil  offices  of  honor.  Ader  Philip's  war  Colonel  ChiU'ch 
resided  at  Bristol,  then  at  Fall  River,  and,  lastly, again  at  Sogkonate;  in  each 
of  which  places  he  left  a  good  estate.  In  his  latter  years  he  had  become 
very  corpulent,  and  burdensome  to  hiinstlf.  The  morning  before  his  death 
he  visited  his  sister,  Mrs.  Irish,  about  two  miles  from  his  residence,  on  horse- 
back; returning  home,  his  hor.-;e  stundiled,  and  threw  him  with  such  force 
upon  the  ground  that  a  blood-vesssd  was  broken,  and  he  died  in  about  Vi 
hoiu's  alter.  Hi-  married  Mrs.  Alice  Soutbwortii,  by  whom  he  had  fi\e  sons 
and  one  daugliei-.  One  of  his  sons,  Thomas,  publii-:h',d  "The  Entertaining 
History  of  Phiii|/s  War,"  which  has  bf.yn  published  in  4to.,  8vo.,  12nio.,  and 
ia  authority  in  all  matters  where  Church  was  himself  concerned. 

We  have  next  to  recur  to  the  subject  of  the  Indian  letters,  pending  tlu; 
redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson.  Those  given  in  the  third  cha])ter  f)f  this 
book  were  copied  from  a  transcript  made  at  the  time  they  were  nutiivid  fiom 
the  Indians,  but  a  recurrence  to  the  originals  bus  supplied  the  following 
additions,  yrpiinet,  when  sent  out  on  the  3  April,  1070,  as  noted  on  |iuge 
iX),  ha<l  with  him  the  following  letter  from  Governor  Leverett: 

*  His  biogra[)lii'rs  hiivc  saiil  llml  he  was  l)orii  at  Diixhiirv  ;  bill  Judge  Davis  iiil'ornicd  me 
tliat  lie  WHS  burn  ut  I'lymoutli,  uiul  tliat  stiiiic  rocurils  lie  had  secu  (here  were  his  pudiufiiv 


ch\p.  xri.] 


INDIAN    I.F/nr.ItS  —  M.VDOKAWANDO 


331 


"  For  the  Ind'utn  Sas;anwres  nnd  people  Vmt  are  in  wnrre  aixainit  us,  —  Iiitelli- 
goiicj!  is  come  to  lis  that  you  liiive  soiiio  i'^iii^lisli,  C'spcciiilly  womoii  iiikI 
cliUlreii,  ill  P!i|iti\ity  umong  you.  We  iiave  tlicrefbre  si'iit  tlie  iiujsstMijtcr 
offi'iiiii,'  to  icdeeiii  tlieiii,  either  for  payment  in  goods  or  wainpom,  or  hy 
exchange  of  prisoners.  VVe  desire  your  answer  J)y  this  our  niesseuirer,  wiiut 
l)rice  you  demand  for  every  man,  woman,  nnd  cliild,  or  if  you  will  exchange 
for  Indiaiia.  [f  you  liave  any  among  you  tliat  can  write  vour  answer  to  tliis 
our  message,  we  desire  it  in  writing;  and  to  tliat  end  have  sent  paper,  pen 
and  incke  by  tiie  messenger.  If  you  lett  our  messenger  iiave  free  accest^e  to 
you,  lieedome  of  a  safe  retiirne,  wee  are  willing  to  doe  tlie  hlte  by  any  mes- 
senger of  yoiire,  provided  he  come  unarmed,  and  carry  a  white  flag  upon  a 
static,  visible  to  be  scene,  which  we  take  as  a  flagge  of  truce,  and  is  used  by 
civilized  nations  in  time  of  warre,  when  any  messengers  are  sent  in  a  way 
of  treaty,  wJiicli  we  have  done  by  our  messenger.  In  testimony  wliereof  I 
have  set  to  my  hand  and  seal. 

John  Leverett,  Gov^r. 

Boston,  3]  March,  1676.     Passed  liy  the  council. 

Edward  Rawsox,  Sea-etary" 

The  answer  returned  to  this  letter  is  that  printed  on  page  90,  which  does 
not  differ  essentially  from  the  original;  nnd  the  English  at  Boston  imme- 
diately complied  with  the  request  of  the  Indians,  by  sending  two  messengers 
to  renew  the  negotiation.  By  these  messengers  an  answer  was  returned, 
written  by  James  tlie  Printer,  as  follows: 

^^ For  the  Governor  and  Council  at  Boston:  —  The  Indians,  Tom  JVepcnomp 
and  Peter  Tatatiqunea,  hath  brought  us  letter  from  you  about  the  English 
captives,  especially  for  Mrs.  Rolanson.  The  answer  is,  I  am  sorrow  that  I 
have  don  much  wrong  to  you:  and  yet,  I  say,  the  fault  is  lay  upon  you ;  for 
when  we  begun  to  quarrell  at  first  with  IMiinouth  men,  I  did  not  think  that 
you  should  have  so  much  trouble  as  now  is :  therefoi-e  I  am  willing  to  liearo 
your  desire  about  the  captives.  Therefore  we  desire  yon  to  sent  Mr.  Rolon- 
son  and  goodman  Kettle  (for  their  wives)  and  these  Indians,  Tom  nnd  Peter, 
to  redeeine  their  wives:  They  shall  come  and  go  very  safely:  Whereupon, 
woe  ask  Mrs.  llolonson,  how  much  your  husband  willing  to  give  for  you.' 
Shee  give  on  answer,  ^0  pound  in  goods :  but  John  Kettel's  wife  could  not 
tt  1.    And  the  rest,  cuptives,  may  lie  spoken  of  hereatlcr." 

When  this  letter  was  taken  to  Boston,  the  governor  immediately  dcspatclied 
anotlior.  "  To  the  In  Han  Sachems  about  fFachuset.  —  We  received  your  letter 
by  Tom  and  Peter,  which  doth  not  answer  ours  to  you ;  neither  is  it  sub- 
scribed hy  the  sachems;  nor  hath  it  any  date,  which  we  know  your  scribe, 
James  Pirnter,  doth  Wfll  understand  should  be.  We  have  sent  the  said  Tom 
nnd  Peter  ngaine  to  you,  expecting  you  will,  speedily,  by  them,  give  us  a  plaine 
and  direct  answer  to  our  last  letter,  and  if  you  have  any  thing  more  to  pro- 
pound to  us,  wee  desire  to  have  it  from  you  under  your  hands,  by  these  our 
messengers,  and  yoii  shall  have  a  speedy  answer.  Dated  at  Boston,  28  April, 
1()7()."  Such  are  all  the  additions  we  are  able  to  make  to  that  memorable 
negotiation,  which  was  one  of  the  immediate  causes  of  Piiilip's  reverses  and 
final  overthrow. 

Of  a  chief  so  prominent  as  Madokaicando,  we  are  glad  to  he,  able  at  nny 
time  to  extend  our  memoir,  for,  in  our  opinion,  finv  leadera  of  nny  country 
npj)ear  to  better  advantage.  Taking  nothing  but  what  his  enemies  have  said 
of  him,  we  have  much  to  admire.  No  warrior  was  ever  more  humane  to 
I'risoiierH  than  Madokawando,  where  he  commanded  in  [lerson.  He  entered 
into  the  war  against  the  English  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  but  when  he 
hnd  once  "stepped  in,"  they  found  him  no  commnn  foe.  Repeated  depreda- 
tions from  the  whites  at  length  brought  him  into  the  field ;  the  desolation  of 
Y(irk  followed;  its  inhabitants  were  nearly  nil  killed  or  led  into  captivity,  the 
p\rti(Milar8  of  which  we  have  ulrendy  related.  Before  Wells  he  was  not  so 
successful,  but  (or  that  failure  he  is  not  accountable,  as  the  e.v|)edition  against 
It  was  under  the  direction  of  two  prominent  French  officers.  Ifis  preservti- 
tion  and  liberation  of  Thomas  Cobbet  were  acts  of  pure  humanity. 


m 


~m 


%. 


332 


MOXUS  TAKES  PEMMAQUID. 


[Book  III 


K') 


ill 


I"' 

m 


vr 


i 


Whether  the  expedition  against  Groton  was  under  the  immediate  direction 
of  Mudokuwando,  or  not,  we  are  not  informed,  hut  it  was,  without  doubt, 
executed  under  the  command  of  one  of  his  ciiief  captains,  the  noted  Moxus, 
or,  as  lie  was  sofnc-times  called,  Toxus.  Tiiat  place  was  laid  waste  on  the 
!27ih  of  July,  1<J94;  23  people  were  killed,  and  13  led  into  captivity.  The 
scalps  of  the  unfortunate  slain  were  said  to  have  been  presented  to  Governor 
FiotUe^iac  by  Mndokawando  himself. 

At  the  destruction  of  York  was  taken  the  family  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Dummer 
and  our  authority  made  us  say  that  Mrs.  Dummer  died  in  captivity,  but  we 
ai*e  now  assured,  by  other  testimony,*  that  slie  lived  to  return  out  of  captivity, 
having  been  redeemed.  For  such  termination  of  a  wretched  fate  she  was, 
no  doubt,  indebted  to  Madokawando. 

This  chief  seems  to  have  had  unlimited  control  over  the  country  upon  the 
Penobscot  River,  as  has  been  seen  from  what  we  have  already  before  stated ; 
judging  from  the  amount  of  property  paid  him,  from  time  to  time,  for  sundry 
tracts  of  his  country.  Yet,  though  we  are  satisfied  that  the  amounts  he 
received  were  large,  still  they  are  expressed  in  such  vague  terms  that  it  is 
impossible  to  arrive  at  any  thing  like  a  tolerable  notion  of  their  extent.  One 
testifies  that,  far  a  certam  tract  of  land,  Madokawando  "received  a  large 
amount  of  money ; "  another,  that  he  received  a  hatful ;  and  a  third  states  it 
to  have  been  "a  hatful  of  pieces  of  eight."  j 

We  have  said  that  the  great  sachem  was  succeeded  at  his  death  hy  Wena- 
movet,  and  at  tlie  same  time  "  JV/oxwa  seemed  his  successor."  We  find  nothing 
yet  to  vary  this  statement,  but  in  explanation  we  would  note  that  Wenamovet 
appears  not  to  have  been  a  war  chief,  or  in  any  other  way  very  conspicuous, 
except  as  a  counsellor ;  and  though  in  name  the  successor  of  J>/arfoAai«rtnrfo, 
yet  was  willing  to  let  "fierce  Moxus"  bear  his  well-earned  title  of  chief  in 
all  matters  of  war. 

One  of  the  most  signal  ex])loits  ot'Morus  was  the  capture  of  Pemmaquid, 
on  the  2d  of  August,  IGSt).  From  this  place  his  men  led  16  of  the  English 
into  a  most  miserable  captivity,  whence  but  very  few  ever  returned.  A  con- 
siderable number  were  killed  before  the  foit  was  taken,  among  whom  was 
the  worthy  Ciptuin  Gj/les;  three  other  captains  were  also  slain,  and  the  fort 
capitulated  the  second  day,  and  all  within  it  were  suffered  to  leave  it  and 
return  to  the  English  settlements  in  safety.  J 

We  have  seen  that  the  chief  Bomazeen  was  intrapped  and  thrown  into 
prison  in  Boston,  in  161)4.  He  was  also  a  prisoner  there  lour  years  after, 
having  jjrobably  been  retained  all  this  time  to  restrain  acts  of  barbarity  on 
white  captives;  and  it  was  rumored  that  he  had  been  the  leader  at  Groton, 
which  probably  had  some  influence  in  lengthening  his  captivity,  but  it  is  not 
now  a  question  who  the  leader  was  in  that  sanguinary  exploit.  Mr.  John 
Gyles  returned  out  of  a  ten  years'  captivity  in  1698,  and  on  the  14lh  of  Octo- 
ber of  that  year,  he  says  he  was  sent  for  by  Lieutenant-Governor  Stoughton, 
to  interpret  a  conftreiice  with  liomozeen  and  other  Indians  then  in  jail.  This 
same  Mr.  Gyles,  afterwards  ca|)tain  of  Fort  George,  went  as  interpreter  with 
Captiiin  Southack  in  the  province  galley  to  the  eastern  shores,  for  the  ransom 
and  exchange  of  captives.  Our  chief  was  at  this  time  exchanged,  and  the 
galley  returned  to  Boston  in  December,  1698. 

Whether,  upon  mere  suspicion,  injury  was  added  to  crime  in  the  case  of 
Bomazeen,  we  cannot,  upon  our  slender  evidence,  aver ;  but  if  it  were  a  parallel 
case  to  that  of  the  seizure  and  death  of  Egeremet  and  HonquiJ,  or,  as  others 
write  his  name,  Jihanquid.,  Jihenqxiid,  &c.,  it  could  scarcely  be  surpassed  in 
atrocity.  There  are  no  facts  to  show  that  Jlbenquid  had  been  an  enemy  to 
the  E'nglish,  or,  if  an  enemy,  that  he  had  been  engaged  in  any  depredations. 

Notwithstanding  it  is  a  custom  among  some  tribes  of  Indians  to  obliterate 
all  remembrance  of  the  dead,  their  near  connections,  it  was  by  no  means 
common  among  all  tribes,  for  we  have  Iiad  occasion  to  mention  many 
instances  where  the  name  of  a  noted  chief  has  been  perpetuated,  both 

*  (frei'iileiif's  Erclcsiastir.ij  Skololios  of  Maiiifi,  p.  10. 

f  Ti."  prinled  treaty  of  ITK,  and  authorilips  vt  svpra. 

i  Narrative  oi  John  Gyles,  as  publislicd  in  our  "  Imlian  riptivities." 


M 


Chap.  Xil.] 


AnENCll'lD.— INDIAN   TREATY   OF   1723. 


333 


among  tlie  western  ns  well  ns  among  the  eastern  Indi;nis.  Jihenquid  was 
killed  l>y  Captain  Chuhb  in  lOiKj,  and  in  172.1  there  was  another  chief  of  the 
same  name,  of  equal  distinction.  And  he  deserves  some  notice  in  this  place, 
as  do  many  others.  While  Captain  Lovewell  was  on  his  march  against  the 
l'e<|nawkcts,  measures  were  being  devised  in  JJoston  for  a  |>eace  with  the 
eastern  Indians,  There  were,  at  the  same  titnc,  several  Indians  there,  some 
as  ])ri<oners  and  others  as  hostages,  and  the  English  concluded  to  send  some 
of  tlieni  out  to  inviti?  their  countrymen  to  come  to  Boston  to  settle  diflictilties; 
accordingly  Sitqua.cxia  and  JVibine,  one  a  hostage  and  the  other  a  captive, 
wtre  despatched  npf  .i  that  business.  Tliny,  "alter  some  time,"  returned  and 
reported,  "that  'lie  Indians  were  generally  disposed  to  a  peace,  for  that  the 
losses  tliey  m<  i  with,  and  the  daily  terror  they  were  niKler,  made  their  lives 
miserable.  After  this  they  went  out  again,"  and  meeting  with  several  others 
of  their  .  ountrynien,  received  further  assurances  of  a  general  desire  for 
peace.  Whertiipou  commissioners  were  sent  with  those  two  Indians  to 
Fort  St,  (Jieorge,  to  procun;  a  meeting  of  chiefs  and  to  make  a  treaty.  They 
arrived  there  on  the  2il  Jidy,  and  on  the  14th  thirteen  chiefs  had  assemiiled, 
not  at  the  (brt,  but  at  a  safe  distance  therefrom,  tearing  treachery  from  their 
white  brethren  on  a  more  extended  scale  than  they  had  experienced  not 
many  days  before.*  However,  after  consi<lerabIe  |mrleying,  in  which  the 
Indians  made  the  English  swear  by  their  God,  in  the  most  solenm  manner, 
that  their  intentions  were  of  a  tenor  with  their  pretensions,  the  parties  came 
together. 

The  battle  of  Pequawket  was  recent,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians 
had  become  conscious  of  their  weakness,  and  did  not  urge  their  wrongs  at 
this  meeting,  although,  as  it  were,  in  their  own  country,  l)ut  seemed  deter- 
mined to  have  peace  on  any  terms.  They  did  iiideetl,  to  the  detnand  of  the 
Engli.sh,  "Why  they  had  made  war  nj)on  them?"  reply,  that  it  was  because 
thi'V  had  taken  up  their  land,  even  to  Cape  Newagen ;  and  not  only  seized 
upon  their  lands  to  that  ])lace  westward,  but  that  they  had  there  beaten  two 
of  their  men  to  death.  To  this  the  English  conimissioners  answered :  "The 
hinds  are  ours,  and  we  can  show  you  they  were  liiirly  bought  of  your  fiithers; 
and  if  your  men  were  beaten  to  death  by  the  English,  it  was  your  business 
to  complain  to  our  g^vernmeHt,  and  not  to  make  war."  This  seems  to  have 
silciiced  the  poor  Indians,  and  we  hear  nothing  i'urther  from  them  at  this 
time  but  an  earnest  desire  that  peace  might  be  concluded,  or  that  a  cessation 
of  arms  might  take  place.  The  commissioners  intbrmed  them  that  they  had 
not  power  to  grant  a  cessation  of  arms,  but  said  that,  j)robably,  if  a  deputation 
of  their  chiefs  would  go  to  Boston,  it  might  be  granted  by  their  government. 
It  was  finally  agreed  that  the  two  chiefs,  Loron,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes 
called,  Sa^iiaarain,  now  an  old  and  venerable  chief,  and  Ahanquid,  should 
return  with  the  English  to  Boston,  and  see  what  could  be  done  towards  a 
general  peace. 

Loron  and  Ahanquid  having  come  to  Boston,  it  was  soon  after  settled 
that  these  two  chiefs  should  go  iuto  their  country,  and  return  in  40  days  with 
a  sufficient  number  of  chiefs,  with  whom  a  proper  treaty  might  be  made. 
Meanwhile  several  depredations  having  been  committed  on  both  sides,  the 
time  of  the  return  of  the  Indians  was  considerably  protracted  in  consequence : 
and,  as  we  have  in  a  previous  chapter  mentioned,  the  forty  days  had  nearly 
twice  expired  before  their  reappearance;  but,  in  the  begitniing  of  November, 
the  fiiithful  Loron  and  .Vmnquid  returned  to  Boston,  bringing  with  them 
Jirexm,  IVancis  Xnvicr,  and  JMarnnumba,  representatives  from  the  eastern 
Indians,  clothed  with  full  power  to  negotiate  of  peace.  More  than  a  month 
was  passed  by  these  chiefs  in  Boston  before  a  treaty  was  signed.  This  wa3 
done  on  the  15  December,  1725,  and  peace  was  thereby  restored  lo  Iho 
eastern  frontiers. 


*  "  And  indeed  tliey  had  cause  of  bciiia;  so,  for  tliiil  about  10  days  before,  ['20  June,  st-YS 
Vi'illiamson,  ii.  IW,]  niidcr  a  lln^  of  Iriice,  some  of  the  English  treacherously  atlcmplcd  ';c 
lay  violent  hands  upon  iheiii.  but  lost  one  in  the  skirmish  and  had  another  wrundcd,  '»i.  ,ii 
was  the  occasion  of  the  like  luihappy  disaster  that  afterwards  happened  uuto  Caotain  Sau,^^  t 
in  Penobscot  Bay."    PenlicUlow,  120. 


-1; 


r[  f- 


1i 


834 


CAPTAIN   TOM— WAFIWA. 


[Book  III 


w. 


III  our  notice  of  Captniii  Tom  in  a  J^^  ioiiH  clinjUer,  and  his  deprcdatic;!  '.O 
Hniii[>ton,  it  siioiild  Imvc  been  ntnted  tii.  '  s  hml  ubiiiuiant  excuse  for  ro'-,!;'.;- 
tioiis  of  tin-  nature  there  de8(-ril)ed.  I  ^^'th  of  time,  to  whatever  number 
of  years  extended,  is  no  guaranty  tlial  ^  injury  will  not  i)e  repaid  by  an 
IiKhan,  with  Iiuriaii  interest;  and  //ciiiJiiW  did  not  more  strictly  observe  his 
vow  to  war  against  liie  Koinans.  lliaii  tiie  savage  of  America  adiiered  to  liie 
resohition  of  revengiii>(  an  insult,  even  though  its  origin  were  reinived 
several  generations  from  him.  In  tlie  chapter  already  referred  to,  we  liave 
detail(!d  tiie  expedition  of  Colonel  CInirch  u,)on  tlie  Androscoggin,  and  his 
rapture  and  destruction  of  a  fort  some  30  or  40  miles  up  that  river.*  Tliic 
fort  was  the  residence  of  Aoamcus,  more  generally  known  among  the  English 
as  Gnat  Tom.  This  chiefj  according  to  my  antiiority,  was  taken  cajitivc  at 
the  time  of  the  assault  by  Church,  "but  he  slijit  away  from  the  liands  of  his 
tiio  careless  keepers,  which  was  a  disaster  they  much  complained  of.  But 
if  tills  ])iece  of  carelessness  did  any  harm,  there  was  another  which  did  some 
pood;  for  Great  Tom  having  terrilily  scared  a  part  of  his  men  with  the 
tidings  of  what  liad  hap[>oned,  and  an  English  lad  in  their  hands  also  telling 
tlumi  some  truth,  they  betook  themselves  to  such  a y/ig-Zii  in  their /ng-Zi/,  as 
gave  ^\r.  Anthoni)  Bracket,  then  a  p.isonerwith  them,  an  o|)portunily  to  fly 
four  score  miles  another  way."  P. it  we  have  recorded  tlie  escape  of  poor 
Jlnlliomi  Braikii,  who,  says  Ur.  Mi'iher,  "if  he  had  not  <bnnd  one  of  Clinrcli''» 
vessels  aproiind  at  Maquait,  \vo»dd  have  been  miserably  aground  liimselt;" 
afler  all  liis  severe  travel  and  siifl'erings  to  effi^ct  an  escape.f  And  imw  we 
have  arrived  at  llie  extent  of  our  intbrmation  concerning  Jigamcxis. 

Wahwa  shall  here  receive  additional  notice.  He  maybe  tlie  same  spoken 
of  before,^  though  there  the  name,  if  it  be  the  same,  lias  another  8yllal)le  in 
it.  He  was  the  renowned  Hopehood,  doubly  celebrated  by  the  stroke  of 
oblivion  aimed  at  his  Jiead  by  the  classic  Magnalian.  But  Wahwa  could 
liardly  have  lieen  Hoprhood  of  Ki/ii,  §  as  he  would  have  been  very  old  at 
Z<oi'firc//'s  fight,  in  17^5;  yet  it  is  not  impossible,  notwitiistanding  lie  is  made 
to  die,||  by  the  hand  of  the  Moliawks,  not  long  af\er  the  capture  of  Salmon 
Falls,  in  KWO,  "while  on  his  way  westward  to  bewitch  another  crew  at 
A(|uadocta."  His  name  of  Ifupehood  had,  very  jirobably,  been  mannflictured 
out  of  an  Indian  name  ap|)roachiiig  it  in  sound,  as  are  many  otiiers  we 
possess. 

He  did  not  leave  the  scenes  of  his  exploits  until  the  summer  of  1(190,  as 
we  have  seen :  H  he  was  the  leader  at  Fox  Point,  in  Newington,  in  May  of 
that  year;  and  he  very  probably  had  the  direction  of  the  party,  if  he  did  not 
lead  it,  who,  on  the  4tli  of  July,  killed  eight  people  as  they  were  mowing  in 
a  tiehl  near  Lamprey  River,  and  took  a  boy  captive.  On  the  5th  tJiey 
attacked  Cafitain  Hillov^s  garrison  at  Exeter,  but  Lieutenant  Bancro/?,  arriving 
to  its  reliefj  beat  oft'  the  Indians  "with  the  loss  of  a  few  of  his  men."  One 
man  they  were  forced  to  leave  without  scalping,  and  though  shot  in  9 
places,  was  still  alive.  To  these  desperate  wounds  they  had  added  two 
blows  witli  the  tomahawk  at  his  neck,  endeavoring  to  sever  his  head  from 
his  body;  "which  blows,  you  may  be  sure,"  says  blather,  "added  more  enor- 
mous wounds  unto  the  port-hoUs  of  death  already  opened,  and  fr<im  which 
his  life  was  running  out  as  fast  as  it  could."  When  discovered  by  his  friends 
he  was  looked  upon  as  dead,  but  on  being  stirred  was  observed  to  gasp; 
•'whereupon  an  Irish  fellow  then  present,  advised  them  to  give  him  another 
dab  with  a  hatchet,  and  so  bury  him  with  the  rest."  Yet  this  man  recovered, 
and  was  afterwards  well.  His  name  was  Simon  Stone.  There  are  daily 
occurrences,  which  in  those  dajs  would  have  been  viewed  as  miracles,  or  as 
retaliations  of  the  Creator  upon  miserable  wretches  for  thoughtless  acts  of 
expressions.  Upon  all  such  as  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Collon  Mather  lie 
laid  his  potent  hand  with  manifest  saticfiiction.  IJoubtless  the  poor  Irishman 
thouglit  it  would  have  Immmi  a  flivor  to  the  wounded  man,  who  could  not  live, 
to  put  hiin  out  of  lii>s  misery;  but  this  weighed  nothing  in  the  mind  of  the 

"  Flirt  "  Amotinscoinriii,"  arcordiii!;  to  the  Magnalia,  alioiil  '10  miles  np  llic  livor. 

t  Ma-siHiVui,  ib.        t  Page  105,  lit,  121-,    -..(e         &  Pago  IIG.        II  liv  Mather,  Magiialia 

%  P".oO  118. 


5  H 


CitAP.  XII. 1 


iiorrnooD— SF.VF.UF.  iiattle. 


335 


liiHtoriun.  "Tcapiie,"  lie  snys,  "oh  he  wna  foolishly  pulling  a  canoe  ashore, 
about  tills  time,  with  the  cock  of  his  fruii,  it  went  oHJ  hreiiking  hia  arm  with 
u  fi-arlul  wound,  hy  which  he  was  made  a  cripjile  ever  alter." 

By  a  council  of  war  held  at  Portsmouth,  occutsioned  by  these  de|)re<l«iiona  of 
'that  nicmorahle  tiger  Hopehood"  it  was  ticcided  that  Captain  H'iswitll  shoidd 
po  out  in  search  of  him  with  a  large  scouting  party.  Several  other  prom- 
inent men,  being  emulous  of  the  service,  oHering  to  join  him  in  command 
with  another  party,  it  by  lot  fell  on  Captain  Floyd,  Having  rendezvoused  at 
Dover  to  the  number  of  alrout  one  himdred  men,  they  marched  into  the  woods 
on  the  since  memorable  day,  July  4tli,  MM.  On  the  (Jtli,  having  sent  out 
tlieir  scouts  "  before  breaktiist"  in  the  morning,  they  "Immediately  returned 
with  tidings  of  breakfast  enough  lor  those  who  jiad  their  stomachs  sharp  stt 
•or  lighting."  The  piuties  inunediately  met  at  a  place  called  WlieelwriL'ht'a 
I'ond,  in  Lee,  and  an  obstinate  battle  ensued,  which  lasted  from  two  to  three 
hours.  Owing,  however,  to  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  adopted  by  the 
Knglisli,  comparatively  but  few  were  killed.  Neither  party  could  boast  of  a 
victory,  for,  as  at  Pequawket,  each  was  glad  to  retreat  from  the  other.  Of 
the  whites  above  30  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  which  15  were  of  the  Ibrmer 
nundier.  Among  these  were  included  Captain  Wwwnll,  his  lieutenant,  Flae^, 
and  Sergeant  IValker.  Captain  Floyd  maintained  the  light  until  most  of  Tiis 
men  had  retreated,  which  obliged  him  to  retreat  also.  "  For  this  some  blamed 
him,  who,  jirobably,  woidd  not  have  continued  it  as  long  as  he  did."  Captain 
Converse  visited  the  battle  ground  the  next  morning,  and  brought  off  seven 
wounded  still  alive,  but  the  Indians  had  removed  all  of  theirs,  and  it  could 
never  be  known  how  many  of  them  were  killed.  There  was  no  doubt  about 
the  ])recipitaucy  of  their  retreat,  as  they  lell  much  of  tlieir  plunder  upon 
the  field. 

The  same  week  "these  rovers  made  their  descent  as  far  as  Aniesbury, 
where  Ca[>tain  fhot  being  ensnared  by  them,  they  tortured  him  to  d(uitli. 
This  so  alarmed  the  other  inhabitants,  that  they  Hew  from  their  beds  to  their 
garrisons,  otherwise  before  the  next  morning  they  had  found  their  beds  their 
graves.  However,  they  killed  three  persons,  burnt  three  houses,  and  many 
cattle.  In  fine,  from  the  first  mischief  done  at  Lamprey-eel  River,  (on  July 
4th,)  to  this  last  at  Aniesbury,  all  belonging  to  one  Indian  expedition,  forty 
Enirlish  iieoi)le  were  cut  oftl" 

Thus  Hupehood  is  considered  the  leader  in  all  these  transactions,  although 
our  chroniclers  of  that  day  do  not  mention  him,  excelling  where  we  have 
done  so,  nor  do  they  mention  the  names  of  any  other  Indians.  He  was  the 
commander  of  his  countrvinen  at  tlie  taking  of  Casco,  on  which  event  the 
garrisons  of  Purpooduck,  Spurwink,  Black  Point,  and  Blue  Point,  drew  off 
to  Saco,  and  in  a  lew  days  from  Saco  tln^y  retreated  to  Wells,  "twenty  nules 
within  the  said  Saco,  and  about  half  Wells  drew  off  as  far  as  Lieutenant 
Storer's.  But  the  arrival  of  orders  and  soldiers  from  government  stojiped 
them  from  retiring  any  farther;  and  Hopehood,  with  a  party  that  staid  for 
farther  mischief,  meeting  with  some  resistance  here,  turned  about,  and  having 
first  had  a  skirmish  with  Captain  Sherburn,  they  a[)peared  the  next  Lord's- 
day  at  Newichawannok  or  Berwick,  where  they  burnt  some  houses  and  slew 
a  man."  This  last  event  was  three  days  previous  to  the  massacre  at  Fox 
Point,  before  related. 

We  now  are  to  speak  again  of  Wahiva^  and  as  we  have  before  considered 
him  a  different  chief  from  Hopehood  Jf'ahotvah,  we  shall  still  do  so,  yet  the 
character  of  his  exploits  agrees  well  with  those  of  that  chief;  but  that  argues 
nothing  as  to  his  identity,  for  numerous  other  chiefs  correspond  equally 
as  well. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  1726,  a  band  of  seven  Indians  surprised  the  family 
of  Philip  Dnrell  at  Kennebunk,  capturing  ten  persons,  eight  women  and  two 
children,  and  can'ied  them  off.  The  attack  was  made  late  in  the  allernoon, 
while  i\Ir.  Dnrell  was  absent.  On  his  return  he  found  his  house  in  flames, 
r^Iiairs  piled  on  the  fire,  trunks  split  to  pieces,  but  no  traces  of  his  wile  ancl 
children.  The  Indians  had  been  watching  for  an  opjiortunity  to  attack  when 
Mr.  Dnrell  should  be  absent,  fearing,  it  was  thought,  his  powerful  arm,  if  made 
when  he  was  at  home.    Twenty-three  years  before  Mrs.  Durill  had  been  a 


'«1 


336 


ACTKON— WAHWA. 


iOooK  IIL 


EI^HHI-i 

<•  ;-^ 

U^HIB. 

t » .- 

HHf 

1  J  '.' 

ilBlli^ 

i  •   i! 

■(:■*, 

i.   '>  ^  * 

rnptivo,*  but  unlike  most  of  licr  Hex  in  like  circuniHtanceB,  aho  foreboded  no 
ovil  of  a  like  kind  from  tlie  Iiuiiani',  lint  looked  ujion  lier  former  eMptnre  by 
tlicm  UH  \v(!  do  npcHi  a  inaludy  tliut  never  attacks  u  second  time;  bnt  in  tliid 
case  it  waM  otlicrwi.xe. 

Tlie  j)er|)etrul(»rH  were  iinrHiied  with  vijror  the  next  niorninp,  wliicli  caused 
tlie  IndianH  to  put  most  ol  tlieir  captives  to  death,  by  which  means  they  were 
able  to  make  ^mod  their  (li^dit. 

It  was  li>r  some  time  doubtful  what  Jndiaiis,  or  how  many,  iiad  committed 
this  horrid  act,  but  it  was  finally  ascertained  that  the  bloody  "  H'tiliira,  J'nu- 
cnunaumpoijte,  formerly  a  Mohegan,  JHeon,  aHerwards  known  as  Captain 
JMoses,  an  Arisaffuntacook,  Omhorowees,  Mnnncenhotchiu,  J'ier,  Siinp;ebnv<j:iinilo, 
probal)ly  of  the  same  tribe,  though  one  or  more  was  of  Wowenok,  but  then 
residing  among  the  Ht.  Francis  Indians.  Yet  five-and-twenty  years  or  n)ore 
nllerwards,  (,'olonel  Job,  a  noted  orator  and  chief  sjieaker  at  Governor  i^hirleifs 
treaty  in  1754,  denied  that  ^'kteon  was  an  Arisagnntacook,  and  said  he  was  an 
Albany  Indian ;  but  as  Job  was  accused  of  telling  lies  in  his  talk  at  the  treaty 
by  one  of  bis  own  party,  not  much  dei)endence  can  be  given  to  what  be  tlid 
Buy.f  liut  it  appears  that  he  was  a  Norridgewok,  but  having  taken  an  Aris- 
agnntacook woman  for  a  wife,  became  one  of  them.  He  was  the  s^anie  chief 
wlio,  on  the  28  April,  175$i,  with  a  i)arty  of  10  or  12  of  that  tribe,  fill  upon 
lour  men  on  a  branch  of  Contoocook  River,  shot  one  of  them  dead,  one 
escaped,  and  the  otlier  two  were  taken  and  carried  to  Canada ;  but  this  aflair 
we  shall  notice  more  at  large  i)resently. 

We  hear  of  but  one  that  ever  returned  of  those  taken  at  Kennebunk.  His 
name  was  John  Ihirell,  son  ol' Philip,  wliose  fiimily  were  destroyed;  and  be, 
though  be  was  redeemed  in  about  two  years,  was,  according  to  the  historian 
of  Kennebunk,  "ever  afler  more  of  an  Indian  than  n  white  man."  He  was 
•ilive  when  (jlovernor  Sullivmi  wrote  his  bistory,  and  resided  there.  It  was 
not  long  after  WuhwiCs  depri.'dation,  that  two  fi'ieiKily  Indians,  Qiiinoi.ie,  of 
Wowenok,  and  Of^icsand,  were  sent  by  the  governor  of  3Ii'ssachns.'!ts  to 
lenrn  the  filter  of  the  ca|)tives,  as  well  as  what  Indians  had  done  the  misehief; 
these  and)assadors,  fi'om  causes  not  e\plai)ied,  though  doubtle>s  no  uneommoii 
ones  on  such  undertakings,  were  not  heard  of  ibr  nciU'ly  a  year  after,  and  then 
could  give  no  satisfiictory  accoimt  in  the  l)u.<iness  they  undertook.  At  the 
treaty  of  (.'asco,  in  1727,  Jhiyniivwwwclt,  chief  speaker  of  the  Arisagunfai'ooks, 
said  be  bad  learned  that  a  boy  taken  at  that  time  was  among  the  French. 
Tbis  was  probably  John  Durdl. 

Aflcr  peace  was  made,  and  intercourse  commenced  again  between  the 
Indians  and  the  settlers,  it  seems  U'nhwa  nsed  frequently  to  visit  Kennebunk, 
and  oflen  talked  familiarly  with  the  friends  of  those  be  had  massacred.  Like 
most  other  Indians,  he  would  get  drunk  when  he  could  get  licpior.  On  one 
occasion,  as  he  lay  drunk  at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Baxter,  whose  wife  was  among 
the  murdered  in  the  exploit  above  related,  some  of  Baxter's  acquaintances 
advised  him  to  tumble  him  into  the  well,|:  but  he  had  too  nuich  humanity  to 
wish  to  immortalize  his  name  by  an  act  so  dastardly.  And  ff'alnm  remained 
a  monument  of  bis  own  cruelty,  but  not  a  more  despised  one  than  the 
advisers  of  his  death ;  while  the  injm-ed  man,  deprived  of  his  nearest  friends, 
remained  n  moniunent  of  humanity. 

We  now  return  to  Adeon,  and  his  expedition  to  Contoocook.  A  small 
company  of  yotmg  men,  four  in  nimdjer  only,  went  out  early  in  tlie  sjjring 
of  the  year  1752,  to  bunt  in  the  north-western  part  of  New  Hampshire.  Their 
names  were,  Jimos  Eastman,  of  Concord,  John  and  William  Stark,  of  Du)d)ar- 
ton,  and  David  Stinson,  of  Londonderry.  What  we  are  about  to  relate  will  be 
of  more  interest  to  the  reader,  doubtless,  if  he  is  told  that  John  Stark,  of  this 
party  of  hunters,  was  the  same  who  afterwards  defeated  Colonel  Banvi  at 
Bennington,  in  the  early  part  of  the  revolutionary  war.  These  young  men, 
wandering  far  beyond  the  confines  of  civilization,  were,  on  the  28tli  of  April, 

*  Uradbiiry's  History  of  Knincliniik  Port,  120,  121. 

t  He  was  a  fearless,  bolil  follow  ;  accused  Governor  Shirlei/  of  "  letting  liis  young  men  act 
the  Deiii's  part  by  doing  mischief  to  the  bulians,"  iiutwilhstanding  his  protestations  of  justice 
to  ihrm. 

J  History  of  Keiuicbunk  Port.  121. 


Chap.  XII.] 


ST.VRKS  CAPTIVITY. 


337 


|>ui*suiii{j  their  nnliinim  oinployment  on  a  brnncli  of  tlie  Pt'ini)rpwiisct,  railed 
Jiikur's  River,  in  wimt  is  .xiiicu  Riiiiiiioy,  when  Huddeiily  they  wero  Hnr|iri.-ied 
l)y  t(!ii  Indians  nndi-r  tlio  limioiis  Adeon,  who  at  this  time  wa.s  known  by  tlio 
naini)  of  Captain  Mosat.  The  whites  had,  bnt  little  while  lu-foro,  di.-ieovcTcd 
traces  of  Indians,  and  had  become  alarmed,  and  were  determintid  to  leave 
tiii'ir  position.  Aeeor(bni,'ly,  John  Stark  went  out  very  early  in  the  morning 
to  collect  their  trap.^,  and  while  thus  separated  from  his  companions,  was 
m:id(!  prisoner.  As  soon  as  he  was  secured,  he  was  ordered  to  direct  them 
to  his  friends.  This  he  undertook  to  do,  but  purposely  led  them  two  miles, 
farther  tiom  tiiem,  iioping  that,  l)y  some  means,  they  might  take  the  alarm 
and  escape ;  but  it  was  not  to  be  ended  so.  They  seem  not  to  have  im« 
ajfined  that  John  was  taken  by  Inilians,  and  soon  l)egan  to  shoot  off  their 
tmis  '  >  direct  him  where  they  were.  This  also  dire(!ted  tiie  Indlan.s,  and 
tney  i.muediately  p/toceeded  down  the  river,  beyond  the  whites,  and  taking  u 
(Station,  wayiaiil  them  as  tiiey  came  down.  All  that  had  now  passed  had  not 
tJikim  lip  much  time,  for  about  Himrise  the  party  appeared,  two  in  a  boat,  fyU- 
tiam  Slfirk  and  Sliiuion,  and  Hiuflnvm  on  the  shore,  who  ne.xt  fell  into  the  In- 
diaii.s'  liands.  They  now  ordered  John  to  hail  his  friends  in  the  boat,  to  decoy 
tli(!iii  to  tiie  shore;  but,  with  v  boldness  characteristic  of  great  minds,  ho 
called  to  them,  and  instead  of  requesting  them  to  land,  told  them  ho  was 
tiikeii,  and  ordered  them  to  save  themselves  by  pulling  to  the  opposite  shore. 
They  piilhid  accordinglj',  and  were  (piickly  fired  upon  by  four  of  the  Indians, 
whose  guns  were  loaded.  Like  u  truly  heroic  spirit,  without  regarding  the 
risk  he  ran,  at  the  moment  of  the  shot  John  knocked  up  tv/o  of  the  Indians' 
giiiis,  and  repeated  the  munojiivre  when  the  rest  cf  tho  [larty  fired  a  second 
volU'v.  He  then  hallooed  to  his  brother  in  the  Ijoat  to  fly  with  all  his  might, 
lor  all  the  guns  were  discharged.  He  did  so  successfully;  regained  the  shore 
and  es(  aited.  Poor  Slinson  was  killed,  and  the  boat  and  oars  were  pierced 
with  bullets.  John  was  sorely  beaten  and  ill  used  at  first,  lor  the  liberties  lie 
had  takiMi  in  giving  their  .-ihots  a  ial.se  direction;  but  they  al\erwards  used 
him  kindly. 

The  wiiites  had  collected  a  considerable  quantity  of  furs,  of  which  the  In- 
dians |)osscssed  themselves,  and  commenced  their  retreat.  TlniV  made  ' 
stop  at  Lower  Coo.s  about  the  jJivsent  vicinity  of  Haverhill,  N.  H.,  where  they 
had  letl  two  of  their  l)arty  to  prepjire  provisions  agi  inst  their  return.  After 
one  night's  stay  here  tiiey  [)roceeded  to  Upper  Coos.  From  this  place  Cap- 
tain .Moses  despatched  three  of  his  men  with  Eastman  to  St.  Francis,  while 
the  rest  of  the  company  hunted  on  a  small  stream  in  that  neighborhoocL 
Stark  was  meantime  closely  watched,  and  every  night  confined.  They  al- 
lowed him  to  himt,  and  he,  having  shot  one  beaver  and  caught  another  in  a 
trap,  was  ai)probated  by  a  present  of  their  skins. 

At  length,  on  the  9  of  July,  Captain  Moses  returned  with  his  prisoner  to  St 
Francis.  Here  the  two  captives  were  compellrid  to  run  the  gantlet.  East- 
man  fared  hard  in  that  business ;  but  Stark,  understanding  Indian  play  better 
seized  a  club  from  an  Indian  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  ranks  through  whicl 
he  was  to  run,  and  laid  it  about  him  with  such  force,  that  running  the  gant- 
let was  wholly  on  the  part  of  tlie  Indians;  for  they  were  glad  to  escape  and 
leave  the  ground  to  him,  mud.  to  the  delight  of  the  old  Indians,  who  were 
seated  at  a  distance  to  witness  the  sport. 

Fortunately,  Stark  and  Eastinan^s  captivity  was  not  a  long  one.  In  about 
si-Y  weeks  irom  Stark^s  arrival  at  St.  Francis,  there  arrived  Captain  Stevens,  of 
No.  Four,  and  Sir.  }Vheelwriji:U,  of  Boston,  in  search  of  some  captives,  who 
had  been  taken  from  Mas.sachusetts,  and  not  finding  any,  redeemed  Stark  and 
Eastman,  who  arrived  home,  by  way  of  Albany,  in  August  following.  The 
same  Indians  accompanied  them  to  Albany,  where  they  sold  the  fiirs  they 
had  taken  from  them,  to  the  amount  of  £500,  old  tenor.  Stark  paid  for  his 
ransom  103  dollars,  and  Eastman  GO  dollars.  The  names  of  two  others  of  the 
Indians  who  did  this  mischief,  were  Francis  Titigaw,  and  Peer,  a  young  chiefi 
each  of  whom  has  been  mentioned  as  chief  in  the  capture ;  but  it  is  not 
material. 

■U  the  treaty  of  17^7,  wiiich  the  preceding  relation  required  us  to  notice, 
a  entiou  was  made  by  the  chiefs,  p^  that  treaty,  of  a  great  many  Indians,  and 

a9  w 


338 


SIEGE  OF   WALPOLE,  N.  II. 


[Book  III 


H'noiig  others,  of  one  of  consideruble  note,  of  whom  we  have  before*  said 
doinethiiig,  it|  indeed,  he  he  the  snine,  namely,  Sabatis.  Tliis  Indian  Jiad  pre- 
viously, tiiouf;h  perhajjs  not  long  bctbrc  that  treaty,  with  otliers,  taken  many 
captives  m  their  depredations  on  the  English  frontiers.  At  tliis  time  he  was 
living  at  St.  Francis  in  Canada,  and  had  two  cajitives  with  him ;  but  their 
names  we  cannot  learn,  lie  was  of  a  bloody  disposition,  and  the  act  which 
terminated  his  career  was  by  a  hanl  ndt  less  bloody,  though,  perhaps,  more 
necessarily  so.  We  have,  on  another  occasion,  and  in  another  work,t  related 
the  circumstances  of  it,  mid  shall  therefore  pass  it  over  here.  lie  was  killed 
in  175:3,  and  we  have  before  expressed  the  opinion  that  he  was  the  father  of 
him  brought  away  a  eajjtive  from  St.  Francis  by  Captain  Rogers  in  17r)l>,  and 
who  in  1775  followed  the  fbitnnes  of  Arnold's  expedition  against  Quebec. 

As  noted  an  exploit  as  we  have  passed  over  in  our  history  is  that  which 
was  enacted  at  Walpole,  N.  II.,  in  the  year  1755.  If  Philip,  the  leader  of  the 
Indians  on  that  occasion,  be  the  samq  that  we  have  beltre  given  some  account 
nf,  his  patriotism  as  well  as  his  courage  must  have  u'u^crgone  an  imirartant 
change ;  but  as  we  cannot  settle  that  matter  to  tlio  satisfiiction  of  the  critical 
antiquary  without  spending  more  time  than  we  shall  get  credit  for,  we  will 
relate  the  affair  at  VValpole  as  we  have  heard  it. 

One  John  Kilbum  had  settled  at  that  j)lace  in  174[»,  and  thorgh  far  beyond 
any  other  settlement,  and  frequently  watched,  avid  sometimes  annoyed  by  the 
Lidians,  jet  no  hostile  act  was  attenqjted  upon  him  until  1755.  When  it  be- 
came certain  that  war  would  soon  begin  between  England  ard  France,  meas- 
ures were  takiMi  by  CJeneral  Shirleij  to  warn  the  settlers  ah  ng  *!ie  exteiisive 
frontier  of  Ntnv  England  of  the  ap[)roaching  calamity,  15ut  the  Indians  seem 
to  have  known  or  expected  it  sooner  than  the  English,  frt  jefbre  the  latter 
had  receivetl  word  from  General  Shirley,  the  cunning  /I  ■  /),  in  the  capacity 
of  a  s])y,  had  visited  every  ])rincipal  settlement,  under  the  pretence  of  trading 
ibr  flints  and  other  hunting  munitions,  all  'long  the  Connecticut  River;  and 
it  was  not  until  two  Indians,  employed  by  ituieral  Shirlci/,  had  inlbrin(>d  the 
settlers  that  400  or  500  Iiidiims  were  preparing  in  Canada  to  make  a  descent 
uj)on  them,  that  Philiji's  expedition  for  trade  was  understood  in  its  real  char- 
acter. 

Kilbum  lived  in  a  good  garrison-house,  and  on  the  day  Philip  ajipeared 
against  it  with  some  300  Indians,  he,  with  three  otlu-r  men,  were  at  work 
some  (iistarice  from  it ;  but  k(  ei)ing  a  good  watch,  the  ludians  were  discov- 
ered in  time  to  afi()rd  them  sufbcieiit  o[)portunity  to  regain  the  garrison  with- 
out moUistation.  The  timely  discoveiy  was  made  about  mid-day,  August  17, 
and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  after,  they  were  surrounded  by  I'J7  fierce  war- 
riors, flushed  with  confidence  of  an  easy  and  speedy  victory ;  the  remainder 
of  the  Indians  forming  an  ambush  of  reserve  at  the  mouth  of  Cold  Kiver 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  garrison. 

Meanwhile  Philip  I'tid  endeavored  to  cut  off  Colonel  liellotvs,  who,  w  ith 
30  men,  was  milling  r.bout  a  mile  east  of  Kilbuni's;  but  in  this  he  was  foiled 
by  a  masterly  manu'uvre  of  the  colonel.  His  men  were  returning  fiom  the 
:nill,  each  with  a  bag  of  meal  ujx)!!  his  back,  when  his  dogs  by  their  growling 
gave  timely  notice  of  the  neighborhood  of  an  enemy,  and  tlu;  thoughts  of  an 
ambush  at  tin;  same  moment  passed  through  his  mind:  he  as  soon  knew 
what  to  do.  He  orderi'd  his  men  to  throw  off  their  bags,  advance;  to  a  cer- 
tain emincMice  over  which  their  path  lay,  and  about  which  he  doubted  not  the 
Lulians  wci-c  preparei^  for  him.  The  ground  contiguous  was  covenul  with 
high  s\\v'''l  li'in.  I'p  to  these;  liellows  and  his  nam  crawled,  into  tlie  very 
presence  of  the  (iiemy.  They  now,  agreeably  to  the  jilan  |)ropose(l  at  tia; 
discovery,  sprung  upon  their  fi'f.-t,  and  giving  a  tremendous  whooi),  alter  the 
nianncr  of  their  adversary,  dropped  down  aijain  the  same  instant.  The  In- 
ifi""  •  .ii  titt.  very  moment  rose;  up,  forming  a  thick  fi'ont  across  tlie  path  in  a 
semicircle.  V.nv\\  oi'  liellows' s  nam  had  now  an  Indian  in  his  power;  and 
i^uch  was  the  efliM-t  oftlie  first  fin;  of  these  HO  men,  that  Philip  and  his  whole 
|)arty  pn^cipitately  retreated,  and  the  victors,  without  waiting  Ibr  a  further 


*  A:itr,  p:iu;n  inr),  VX,  of  lliis  flnok. 

\  l\\  the  Ai>i»enilix  to  my  ediiiun  of  Church's  Philip's  War,  &c.,  page  337. 


Ch>p.  Xll.] 


SIKOE  OF  WAI.roi.E.   N.  11. 


339 


displiiy  of  luetics,  regained  their  garrison,  not  liaving  one  of  tiieir  nunilier 
kiil<!(l  or  woiiudoil.    Of  the  loss  of  the  InihtmH  no  mention  is  made. 

Finding  so  warm  a  reception  from  Colontd  Bellows,  Philip,  it  would  seem, 
as  well  as  the  colonel,  had  no  notion  of  taking  a  second  hand  at  the  san)« 
game,  and,  as  we  have  said,  immediately  appeared  lielbre  KUburrCs  garrison, 
whore  he  hoped  lor  better  success.  Philip  was  an  old  ac(iuaintanco  here, 
and  approac.iiing  the  house  as  near  as  he  could  find  a  tree  for  shelter,  called 
out  to  Killium,  "  Old  John,  young  Jchn,  come  oiU  here.  He  give  you  good  qmtr- 
Icr.''  Philip  is  representea  as  of  jreat  stature,  and  proportionate  strength; 
and  Kilhum  was  not  his  inferior.  1  le  answered  tl»e  warrior  "  with  a  voice  of 
thunder,"  that  flowed  over  the  adjacent  hills,  "Uuarter!  you  black  rascals! 
begone,  or  we'll  quarter  you." 

'i'lnis  stood  the  affiiir  which  was  shortly  to  decide  the  fate  of  W'alpole, 
between  six  English,  four  men  and  two  women,  and  about  400  Indians,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  siege.  Philip  returned  to  his  men,  and,  alter  a  short 
pauise,  the  silence  was  broken  by  yells  and  whoops  of  the  whole  body  of  In- 
dians, which  appeared,  as  we  have  heard  the  old  people  express  it,  "a«  though 
all  the  devils  in  hell  had  broke  loose."  A  liuiotis  onset  was  now  begun,  and  m 
a  lew  minutes  the  roof  of  the  house  was  perforated  like  a  sieve.  As  usual  in 
their  attacks  on  gan-isons,  they  employed  stratagems,  but  when  the  whole 
atlernoon  was  sj)ent,  they  found  they  had  made  no  impression,  but  were 
greatly  weakened  themselves,  and  at  night  drew  off,  thus  ending  their  inglo- 
rious expedition. 

Huch  deeds  could  a  few  men,  well  provided,  perform,  well  knowing  it  was 
not  numbers  that  could  save  them  in  times  of  peril,  while  many  others,  rely- 
ing upon  the::-  numbers,  neglecting  their  duties,  have  liUlen  an  easy  i)rey  to 
an  enemy  not  half  equal  to  themselves.  Kilbum  had  extra  guns  in  his  house, 
and  his  wile  and  daughter  cast  bullets,  and  performed  every  other  service  in 
their  power.  When  one  of  the  men's  guns  became  too  nuich  heated  to  Ijo 
used  with  safety,  a  woman  exchanged  it  for  another,  so  that  every  man  was 
every  moment  at  his  place.  When  their  lead  began  to  grow  short,  blankets 
were  suspended  in  the  roof,  to  catch  the  balls  of  the  enemy,  with  good  suc- 
cess; and  thus  many  of  the  Indians  fell  by  their  own  bidlets !  To  use  their 
powder  without  loss  of  time,  they  poured  it  into  hats,  which  were  placed  close 
at  hand  ;  by  such  means  an  incessinit  fire  was  kept  up,  which  jirobahly  de- 
ceived the  Indians  in  regard  to  their  mnnbors.  They  found  time,  heiiire 
drawing  off,  to  kill  all  the  cattle,  burn  and  destroy  all  the  hay  and  grain  he- 
longing  to  the  settlement;  but  this  was  looked  upon  as  nothing,  scanMsly  to 
be  considered  towards  the  price  of  their  deliverance.  We  do  not  learn  as  it 
V,-,,-,  ever  known  to  the  English  what  the  loss  of  the  Indians  was;*  but  the 
garrison  lost  Mr.  Peak,  who,  exposing  himself  too  nuich  l)efore  a  port-hole, 
was  shot  in  the  hij).  The  wound  would  probably  have  been  cincd  if  good 
surgical  aid  could  have  luicn  had  ;  hut  it  jtroved  mortal  in  five  days  atler  the 
battle.  Each  of  these  men,  A'i7/>i(ni  and  PcnAr,  had  a  son  with  them  in  the 
garrison;  and  such  was  the  force  opposed  to  that  army  of  Indians !  Jouv 
Kii.mii:>f  lived  to  he  85  years  of  nge,  and  died  on  the  8  April,  178!>,  and  lies 
buried  in  the  Walpole  hurying-ground.  The  son  [John)  attained  the  same 
age,  and  died  at  his  residence,  in  .Shrewsbury,  Vt.,  in  18!«.f 

Only  two  days  atb;r  tlu!  battle  of  IJunker's  Hill,  there  arrived  at  Cambridge, 
the  head  <piiu'ters  of  the  Americans,  a  tlcpntation  from  the  Penobscot  Indians, 
ol"  wliom  the  cch^hrated  Orono  was  chief.  An  order  was  ])assed  lor  their 
entertainment  while  there,  an<l  "for  their  return  home."  They  came  to  ten- 
der tlicir  services  to  the  Americans  in  the  war  now  begun,  which  was  done 
by  Orono,  in  a  six-ech  to  a  i'onnnitl(^e  of  the  provincial  congress,  on  the  iil 
.lunc,  1775.  "In  iiehalf  <>f  iIk;  whole  Penobscot  trihc,"  the  chief  said,  if  the 
gri('\!nces  mider  wliich  his  people  labored  we're  removcMJ,  they  would  aid 
with  their  whole  l()rce  to  deliMul  tlie  coinilry.  Those  grievances  were  briefly 
stated,  and  consisted  chiefly  of  trespasses  by  the  wliiteT  upon  lliei.'  titrl  !•" 


*  Kilhui-n,  during'  llic  cnffnifoiiipiil,  had  n  dolibcriiti'  sliol  al  a  !  '.rg'^  in  li '.n,  ^vllo^l  lit)  >ai 
fiill,  and  he  Ix-licvcd  i(  was   I'liilip  himscIC 

♦  C'hifdy  from  llie   Cols.  N.  Hist.  Soi:  ii.  5.! — J8. 


m- 


i'  ■ 


340 


NATANIS.— SABATIS. 


[Book  III 


Inndfl,  cheating  them  in  trade,  &c.  The  committee  returned  an  affenionate 
address ;  and  although  the  groans  of  the  dying,  from  the  late  terrible  field  (if 
iMittle,  were  sounding  in  their  ears,  they  say  nothing  about  engaging  the  Lidiana 
in  the  war,  but  assured  them  that  "  as  soon  as  they  could  take  breath  from 
their  present  fight,"  their  complaints  should  receive  attention.  Some  of  the 
Peiiobiscota  did  eventually  engage  in  the  war,  but  we  have  no  pat  aculars  of 
them. 

We  have  said  before,*  upon  authority  which  will  generally  be  received, 
that  JVo/anw  and  Sabalis  were  the  first  Indians  employed  by  the  Americana 
in  the  revolution,  and  we  see  no  reason  yet  to  form  a  different  opinion,  al- 
though our  attention  has  been  called  again  to  the  subject,t  and  some  facts 
state'l  for  our  consideration,  which  have  elicited  further  investigations  and 
comparisons,  of  which  the  following  is  the  resultf  Of  a  chief  named  Swau- 
sen,  or  Swashan,  well  known  on  the  borders  of  New  Hamjjshire  in  the  latter 
French  wars,  we  have  before  given  some  noiice  ;§  at  that  time,  or  about  the 
I"  lose  of  those  wars,  he  retired  to  St.  Francis.  When  the  revolution  began,  he 
seems  to  have  decided  on  taking  the  part  of  the  Americans ;  and  with  a  few 
followers  marched  to  Kennebeck,  and  with  some  of  the  Norridgewoks  ren- 
dezvoused at  Cobbossee,  now  Gardiner,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cobbosseeconta 
River.  Over  the  Norridgewoks,  or  Pequawkets,  or  some  of  both,  was  a  chief, 
named  Paul  Higffins,  who,  though  a  white  man,  had  lived  so  long  among  In- 
dians, that  to  all  intents  he  was  one  of  them.  He  was  born  at  Berwick,  but 
had  been  taken  captive  when  quite  young,  and  spent  most  of  his  days  with 
them.  This  company  set  out  for  Cambridge,  the  head  quarters  of  General 
Washington,  about  the  beginning  of  August,  1775,  under  the  direction  of  one 
Reuben  Cobunu  There  were  20  or  30  of  them,  "  and  they  were  rowed  down 
in  canoes  to  ftlerrymeeting  Bay  by  tiieir  squaws ; "  here  they  left  them,  and 
proceeded  to  Cambridge  on  loot,  where  they  arrived  about  the  13  August.|| 
They  tendered  their  services  to  the  general,  who  gave  them  all  the  encour- 
agement he  could,  consistently,  but  evidently  advised  them  to  remain  neu- 
ti'al.H  SwaslMii  said  half  of  his  tribe  was  ready  to  join  the  Americans,  and 
that  four  or  five  other  tribes  stood  ready,  if  wanted,  and  that  the  Canadians 
were  in  favor  of  the  Americans  also ;  and  this  was  the  general  opinion,  and 
corresponds  with  accounts  given  by  intelligent  settlers  on  tlie  frontiers. 
They  say,  "  We  have  had  jwsitive  accounts  from  many  of  the  Lidian  tribes, 
who  have  been  ai)plied  to  J)y  Governor  Carlcton  to  distress  the  settlements  • 
but  they  say  they  have  no  offence  fiom  the  people,  and  will  not  make  war  on 
them.  The  French,  too,  say  it  is  a  war  of  our  own  raising,  and  they  will 
have  no  part  in  it,"**    We  hear  no  more  of  Swashan. 

Of  AssACAMBUiT,  an  extended  account  has  been  givcn,tt  and  we  should 
not  again  recur  to  him,  hut  to  correct  the  statement,  that  "  nothing  was  heard 
of  him  fi'om  1708  to  the  time  of  his  death."  We  have  since  found  that  in 
1714,  he  Wds  at  Portsmouth,  upon  a  friendly  visit  with  several  other  Indians. 
On  the  10  May  of  that  year,  as  the  Indians  were  nhont  to  leave  the  place, 
"  the  council  of  N.  H.  ordered  their  treasurer  to  iurnish  him  and  his  jompan 
ions  with  necessary  provisions  and  liquors  to  carry  them  io  their  severa 
habitations." 

*  Piige  136,  ante,  of  tliis  Book. 

t  III  a  polite  and  obliiring  inninicr,  by  Rev.  Wm.  S.  Bartlett,  of  Little  Falls,  N.  Y 

t  As  early  as  May  I'Jtli,  1775,  the  provir.rial  congress  of  Mas.snchuse  ts  "Voted,  That 
Captain  John  Lane  iiave  enlisting  papers  delixcred  to  him,  for  raising  a  company  of  In- 
dians at  the  easlwnid." 

«  r-  Is.  N.  H.  Soc.  ill.  76   7. 

II  l»..j>.  communication  of  Rev.  W.  S.  Bart.-ett. 

If  liotta,  i.  228. 

**  Aliron's  Remembrancer,  i.  147 — 149. 

tt  Book  HI.  p.  13!)— 141. 


;,< 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA 


BOOK  TV. 


X^) ' 


T 


::i; 


,1       J: 


<'ig 


..>'* 


BOOK   IV. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF   THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS. 


u  I  wi)'   ">  to  my  tent,  and  lie  down  in  deapair ; 
I  wil. ,  jint  me  witli  biacic,  and  will  sever  my  hair ; 
I  will  sit  on  the  shore  where  the  harrican*  blows, 
i^^nd  reveal  to  the  God  of  the  tempest  my  woes ; 
I  will  weep  for  a  season,  on  bitterness  fed, 
For  my  kindred  are  gone  to  the  mounds  of  the  dead ; 
But  they  died  not  by  hunger,  or  wasting  decay : 
The  steel  o(  the  white  man  hath  swept  them  away," 


AlfORTMOUI. 


CHAPTER  L 

Preliminary  observations  respecting  the  country  of  the  southern  Indians — Wisaink, 
the  first  Virginia  chief  knoicn  to  the  English — Destroys  the  first  colony  settled 
there — Menatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second  colony  abandons  -the  country — 
Tobacco  first  carried  to  England  by  them — Curious  account  of  prejudices  against  it 
— Granoanemeo — His  kindnesses — His  family — His  death — Powhatan — Boun- 
daries of  his  country — Surprises  the  Payankatanks — Captain  Smith  fights  his  people 
— Opekanlcanough  takes  Smith  prisoner — The  particulars  of  that  c^air — He  marches 
him  about  the  country — Takes  him,  at  length,  to  Powhatan,  who  condemns  him  to  be 
put  to  death — Smith's  life  saved  at  the  intercession  of  Pocahontas — Insolence  of 
Powhatan  increased  by  ^femporC s  folly — Smith  brings  him  to  terms — A  croion  sent 
over  to  him  from  England — Is  crowned  emperor — Speech — Uses  every  stratagem  to 
kill  Smith — Is  baffled  in  every  attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speeches — Pocaiiontas 
again  saves  Smith  and   his  comrades  from  being  murdered   by  her  father — 

ToMOCOMO. 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  the  southern  nations  and  the 
Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  he  seen  by  all  such  as  have  but  very 
partially  taken  a  survey  of  them,  and  considered  their  wandering  habits. 
Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a  sachem  to  his  original 
family  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  in  excuse,  that  we  have  gone  according 
to  our  best  information.  But  we  have  endeavored  to  draw  a  kind  of  natural 
boundary  between  the  above-mentioned  nations,  distinguishing  those  people 
l)P\ond  the  Chesapeake  and  some  of  its  tributaries,  as  the  southern  Indians, 
1111(1  those  between  that  boundary  and  the  Hudson,  by  the  name  Iroquois. 
To  tlicir  respective  tcmtories  inland,  we  shall  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix 
I  founds,  in  our  present  business.  We  arc  aware  that  some  writers  suppose 
•liiit  all  the  Indians,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Hudson,  and 
even  to  the  Connecticut,  were  originally  of  the  same  stock.  If  this  were  the 
case,  tlio  period  is  so  remote  when  they  spread  themselves  over  the  country, 
that  tJM'se  great  natural  divisions  had  long  since  caused  quite  a  difference  in 
the  inluiliitants  which  they  separated;  and  hence  the  propriety  of  noticing 
them  according  to  our  plan. 


344 


M'INGINA —SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


[r?ooK  IV. 


II'.', 


).«! 
|'..:i*l 


It  is  said  tliut  tlie  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Alleghany,  and 
from  tlio  most  soutiiern  waters  of  James  River  up  to  Patiixent,  in  tlie  state 
of  fliaryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  different  nations,  and  that  the  language 
of  each  diffi'red  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called  these 
nations  by  tlie  unmes  Powhatans,  Manahoc',  and  Monacans',  these  were  the 
Tusciiroras.  The  Povvhntans  were  the  most  powerful,  and  consisted  ot 
several  trii)es,  or  coinmunities,  who  possesged  the  country  from  the  Bea-coa«t 
to  the  fails  of  the  rivers.* 

To  give  a  tolerable  catalogiie  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 
Virginia,  the  Caroliiias,  and  thence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  far  exceed  oiir 
plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  pass  to  notice  the  chiefs  of  such  of  those  nations 
ris  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their  localities,  and 
wnulevcr  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as  we  pass,  and  as  we 
have  done  in  the  ])receding  books. 

WiNoi.N'A  was  first  known  to  the  English  voyagers  Amidas  and  Barlow, 
who  landed  in  Virginia  in  the  summer  of  1584,  uj)on  an  island  called,  by  the 
Inclians,  JVokokon.  They  saw  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third  day,  when 
three  weic;  observed  in  a  canoe.  One  of  them  got  on  shore,  and  the  Englisli 
went  to  liini.  He  showed  no  signs  of  feai',  "but  spoke  much  to  them,"  then 
went  boldly  on  board  the  vessels.  After  they  had  given  him  a  shirt,  hat, 
wine,  and  some  meat,  "he  went  away,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  had  loaded  his 
canoe  with  fish,"  which  he  immediately  brought,  and  gave  to  the  English. 

Wingina,  aX  this  time,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  had  lately 
received  in  battle,  probably  in  his  war  with  Piamacum,  a  desperate  and  bloody 
chief. 

Upon  the  death  of  Granganemeo,  in  1585,  Wingina  changed  his  name  to 
Peinissapan.  lie  never  had  much  faith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the  English, 
■ind  to  him  was  mainly  attributed  die  breaking  up  of  the  first  colony  which 
settled  in  Virginia 

It  was  upon  tne  return  to  England  of  the  Captains  Amidas  and  Barloio, 
from  the  couiitiy  of  Jf^wgina,  that  Queen  Elizabeth,  fi-om  the  wonderful 
accounts  of  that  fruitful  and  delightful  jdace,  named  it,  out  of  respect  to 
herselfj  Virginia ;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  from  her  living  unmar- 
ried. But,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  "Because  it  still  seemed 
to  retaui  the  virgin  purity  and  plenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the  people 
their  primitive  innocency  of  life  and  manners."!  Waller  referred  to  this 
country  when  he  wrote  this : — 

"  So  sweet  the  air,  so  moderate  the  clime, 
None  sickly  lives,  or  dies  before  his  time. 
Hcav'n  sure  has  kept  this  spot  of  earth  uncurst, 
To  show  how  ail  thmgs  were  created  first." 

Sir  Richard  Greenvil,  stimulated  by  the  love  of  gain,  next  intruded  himself 
upon  the  shores  of  Wingina.  It  was  he  who  committed  the  first  outrage 
upon  the  natives,  which  occasioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony  which  he 
left  behind  him.  He  made  but  one  short  excursion  into  the  country,  during 
which,  by  foolishly  exposing  his  commodities,  some  native  took  from  him  a 
silver  cup,  to  revmge  the  loss  of  which,  a  town  was  burned.  He  left  108 
men,  who  seated  themselves  upon  the  island  of  Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a 
military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and  Captain  Philip  Amidas,  lieutenant- 
governor  of  this  colony.  They  made  various  excm-sions  about  the  coimtry, 
in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious  metals;  in  which  they  were  a  long 
time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their  ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  compelling 
them  to  i)ilot  them  about.  Wingina  bore,  as  well  as  he  coidd,  the  provoca- 
tions of  the  intruders,  luitil  the  death  of  the  old  chief  Ensenore,  his  father. 
Under  pn>teiice  of  honoring  his  funeral,  he  assembled  1800  of  his  p(>ople, 
with  the  intention,  as  the  English  say,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore, 
upon  the  information  o£  Skiho,  son  of  the  chief  Menatonon,|  fell  U|)on  them, 
and,  after  killing  five  or  six,  the  rest  made  their  escape  into  the  woods.     This 


*  From  a  commiiiiicniioii  of  Secretary  Tliompson  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  appended  to  the 
Notes  on  Virginia,  ed,  of  1801. 
t  Slith,  11.  X  Smith  calls  him  Uio  "  lame  king  of  Moratoc.'' 


Chap.  I] 


WINGINA.— DEATH  OF  ENSENORE. 


345 


was  done  upon  the  island  where  IVingina  lived,  and  the  English  first  soiz(>d 
upon  the  boats  of  liis  visitants,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  the  island,  with 
the  intention,  no  doubt,  of  murdering  them  all.  Not  long  after,  "  fVingina 
was  entrapped  by  the  English,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  his  chief  men." 

SIenatonon  was  king  of  the  Chawonocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
meokea,  "a  powerful  nation,  possessing  all  that  country  from  Albeniarle 
Sound  and  Chowan  River,  quite  to  the  Chesapeakes  and  our  bay."*  At  tins 
time,  Menatonon  was  lame,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  most  sensible  and  luider- 
standing  Indian  with  whom  the  English  were  at  first  acquainted.  It  was  he 
that  made  Lane  and  his  followers  helieve  in  the  existence  of  the  mine  already 
mentioned.  "Socager  were  they,"  says  Mr.  Slith,  "and  resolutely  bent  n|)on 
this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  he  persuaded  to  return,  as  long  as 
they  liad  one  pint  of  corn  a  man  left,  and  two  mastiff"  dogs,  vvhieli,  bi  ing 
boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  might  afford  them  some  sustenance  in  their  way 
back."    After  great  sufferings,  they  arrived  upon  the  coast  again. 

The  reason  why  Menatonon  deceived  the  English,  was  berause  they  made 
him  a  prisoner  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  them  in  making  disrovcries. 
After  he  was  sot  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  them.  Two  years  after, 
when  Governor  HTiite  was  in  the  country,  they  mention  his  wife  and  child  af 
belonging  to  Croatun,  but  nothing  of  him. 

Jf'hite  and  his  company  landed  at  Roanoke,  522  July,  1587,  and  sent  20  men 
to  Croatan,  on  Point  Lookout,  with  a  friendly  native  called  Ma.nteo,  to  see 
if  any  intelligence  could  be  had  of  a  former  colony  of  50  men  left  there  Ity 
Sir  Richard  Greenvil.  They  learned,  from  some  natives  whom  they  met,  that 
the  people  of  Dassamonpeak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator  River,  had  attacked 
them,  killed  one,  and  driven  the  others  away,  but  whither  tliey  had  gone 
tione  could  tell.  One  of  their  present  company,  a  principal  man  of  tlieir 
government,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  same  Indians.  Tiiis  tribe  and 
several  others  had  agreed  to  come  to  Roanoke,  and  submit  themselves  to  the 
English ;  but  not  coming  according  to  appointment,  gave  the  English  an 
opportunity  to  take  revenge  for  former  injuries.  Therefore,  Captain  Stafford 
and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a  guide,  set  out  upon  that  business.  On  coming 
to  their  village,  "  where  seeing  them  sit  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  tJiem.  The 
miserable  soules  amazed,  fled  into  the  reeds,  where  one  was  shot  through, 
and  we  thought  to  have  been  fully  revenged,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  they 
were  our  friends  come  from  Croatan  to  gather  their  corn  ! "  "  Being  thus 
disappointed  of  our  purpose,  we  gathered  the  fruit. we  found  ripe,  left  the 
rest  unspoiled,  and  took  Menatonon,  his  wife  with  her  child,  and  the  rest  with 
us  to  Roanoak."  f    But  to  return  to  Wingina. 

While  the  English  were  upon  the  errand  we  have  been  speaking  of,  Win- 

fina  •pretended  to  be  their  friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  opportunity, 
y  giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  course  and  purpose,  and  urging 
them  to  cut  them  off.  He  thought,  at  one  time,  that  the  English  were 
destroyed,  and  thereupon  scoffed  and  mocked  at  such  a  God  as  theirs,  who 
would  suffer  it.  This  caused  his  father,  UHseno/e,  to  join  their  enemies,  but  on 
their  return  he  was  their  friend  again.  He,  and  many  of  his  people,  now 
believed,  say  the  voyagers,  that  "we  could  do  them  more  hurt  being  dead, 
than  lining,  and  that,  being  an  himdred  myles  from  them,  shot,  and  struck 
them  sick  to  death,  and  that  when  we  die  it  is  but  for  a  time,  then  we  return 
again."  Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  submitted  theinselves  to  the  f-ng- 
lish,  and,  among  others,  Ensenore  was  persuaded  again  to  become  their  friend, 
who,  when  they  were  in  great  straits  for  provisions,  came  and  planted  their 
fields,  and  made  wears  in  the  streams  to  catch  fish,  which  were  of  infinite 
benefit  to  them.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  1586,  and,  says  Lane,  "  we  not 
having  one  corn  till  the  next  harvest  to  sustain  us."  What  added  greatly  to 
their  distresses,  was  the  death  of  their  excellent  friend  Ensenore,  who  died 
20th  of  April  following.  The  Indians  began  anew  their  cons])iracies,  and  the 
colony  availed  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to  li^nglaiid, 


*  Slith's  Virginia,  It.    By  "our  baj  "  is  meant  Junes  River  Bau, 
\  Smith's  Hist.  Virginia. 


1. 


346 


GRANGANEMEO.— HIS  KINDNESS  TO  THE  ENGLISH.    [Iook  IV 


vhjch  was  in  the  fleet  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  which  touched  there  in  its  way 
lioni  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.* 

Tiie  conduct  of  Lane  and  his  company  in  this  fruitless  attempt  to  establish 
themselves  in  Virf^inia,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  reprehensible.  They  put 
to  death  sonif!  ot  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  cnarges,  and  no  wonder 
they  wens  driven  out  of  the  country,  as  they  ought  to  have  been.f  While 
tlicy  w<'ro  there,  they  became  acquainted  with  the  use  of  tobacco,  and,  taking 
it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use  soon  rendered  it  a  great  article 
of  coinmerce.  And  here  it  will  not  be  improper  to  notice  how  many  different 
persons  have  !iad  the  credit,  or,  perhaps,  I  should  say  discredit,  of  introducing 
this  "  Indian  weed"  into  England  ;  as.  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Sir  Waller  Ralegh, 
Ralph  Lane,  and  some  others.  Now,  as  some  writer  observes,  the  reader  may 
father  it  upon  whom  he  pleases,  as  it  is  evident  Sir  Francis  Drake  took  Ralph 
Lane  u  '■  tobacco  both  together  into  England  ;  and  no  one  will  dispute  the 

'cTicy  oi'  the  gallant  knight.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  for  he  sent  out  Lane  in  his 
*;()  j'l>y  Mr.  John  Josselm,  in  his  "Two  Voyages  to  N.  England,"  has  this 
P"c~nge  "Others  will  nave  tobacco  to  be  first  brought  into  England  fram 
i     .1  bj  S  <•  r-ancis  Drake's  marine:  s." 

'iliere  we  i  •  uiy  who  affected  a  violent  disgust  towards  the  use  of  tobac- 
co ;  the  rnoHt  coii,si)icuous  was  Kin  ;  James,  whose  mind  seems  to  have  been 
just  weak  enough  to  fight  windmill  j.  He  even  wrote  a  book  denouncing  its 
'jse  in  the  severest  terms  he  could  c  ommand.  It  grew  spontaneously  in  Win- 
gandacoa,  (Virginia,)  and  the  natives  called  it  Uppowoc.  It  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  called  tobacco  from  the  island  Tobago,  but  this  derivation  is  much 
questioned,  t 

Granganemeo  was  a  chief  very  favorably  spoken  of.  As  soon  as  the  arrival 
of  the  English  was  made  known  to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  40  of  hia 
men,  who  were  very  civil,  and  of  a  remarkably  robust  and  fine  api)earance. 
When  they  Imrl  left  their  boat,  and  came  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship, 
Granganemeo  spread  a  mat  and  sat  do^vn  upon  it.  The  English  went  to  him 
armeil,  but  he  discovered  no  fear,  and  invited  them  to  sit  down  ;  after  which 
he  performed  some  tokens  of  friendship ;  tlien  making  a  speech  to  them,  they 
presented  him  with  some  toys.  None  but  four  of  his  people  spoke  a  word, 
or  sat  down,  but  maintained  the  most  perfect  silence.  On  being  shown  a 
pewter  dish,  he  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  purchased  it  with  20  deer- 
skins, which  were  worth,  in  England,  one  hundred  shillings  sterling!  !  The 
dish  he  used  as  an  ornament,  naking  a  hole  through  it,  and  wearing  it  about 
his  neck.  While  here,  the  English  entertained  him,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  board  their  ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl, 
which  reached  to  lier  middle.  Shortly  after,  many  of  the  peo|)le  came  out  of 
the  country  to  trade,  "  but  when  Granganemeo  was  present,  none  durst  trade 
but  himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads  as  he  did."  He 
was  remarkably  exact  in  keeping  his  promise,  "  for  oft  we  trusted  him,  and 
he  would  come  within  his  day  to  keep  his  word."  And  these  voyagers  further 
report,  that  "  commonly  he  sent  them  every  day  a  brace  of  bucks,  conies, 
liares,  and  fish,  and  sometimes  melons,  walnuts,  cucumbers,  pease,  and  divers 
roots." 

In  their  wanderings.  Captain  Amidas  and  seven  others  visited  the  island  of 
Roauoake,  wliere  they  found  the  family  of  Granganemeo  living  in  great  com- 
fort and  plenty,  in  a  little  town  of  nine  houses.  The  chief  was  not  at  home, 
"  but  his  wil(3  entertained  them  with  wonderful  courtesy  and  kindness.  She 
made  some  of  her  people  draw  their  boat  up,  to  prevent  its  being  injured  by 
tlic  beating  of  the  surge ;  some  she  ordered  to  bring  them  ashore  on  their 
liiicks,  and  others  to  carry  their  oars  to  the  house,  for  fear  of  being  stole. 
When  they  came  into  the  house,  she  took  off"  their  cloathcs  and  stockings, 
and  washed  them,  as  likewise  their  feet  in  warm  water.  When  their  dinner 
was  ready,  they  were  conducted  into  an  inner  room,  (for  there  were  five  in 


*  Relation  of  Lane,  printed  in  Smith's  Virginia. 

t  Herriot'.i  Obsorvniioiis,  (one  of  Lane's  company,)  printed  'n  Smitli. 

X  Stith's  Hisl.  Virginia,  19.— See  Book  ii.  Cliap.  ii. 


wt^ 


VLLN  ^ 


rttifwur 


i*'iil 


MG 


GRANGANEMEO.— HIS  KINDNESS  TO  THE  ENGLISH.    [1  ook  IV 


•  "  'Ml  UfUlllhl   V, 

I  :■■■   .       •■.[..  I  1.;'  I.nnr  .tiul  liix 
tlichi!'  \\>  -  .11  Vir;:iiiia,  'VW.  ■' 
to  il>  Kill  s«)iiif  lit"  ihi!  imt>- 
fiiv;^  v\i:ic   (Irivi'li   ou.t   ol'    ' 
tin  y  H>'r»'  ilicri',  tliey  >»<  ■ 
it  it>  Liij^liiiiil,  iih  iriti'"''! 

Ill  riililllll'JTO.      A"'! 

]»  :  '(Ills  lin> '"  li;i.  . 
'I'i.s  ••  lti<li;kii  v» 
Hnl/ih  lidh* 
(iil'i'  (■  il  .!• 


w..,,.>  uhi)  aflertei!     • 

i'iill>il>i«'tMi:»l  \^tk*    K 


III 


-I      I!.    It. 
.illM'll   '"li. 


iliita,;  .i:..l 


,.,.  II    I.  ,ii'f     1    '■..  J      ., 
'Ji  fniJtlfl.-H   Utti  /?|J  1  ti>  . 

■utmr,  ri'i)!-t:li('ii!jiulc.     'I  M'  ■ 
•Vunli.ii.i  ( liurgcs,  and  i>o  ^\    ;   ■ 

rl.y    0\>g]\t    to  llJlVt;  Ix-fll.  t        W 

i((i  tin:  use  ot  toliai.co,  nnii.  rnkii..; 
•  i<ooii  j«:mJi..ictl  il  a  grp       •■    <■ 
j.i(>I>«'r  to  noiiiii  liow  iii.-ii._^ 

P.f/Tj/M  ))iike,  "^ir  }f':iUtr  iiol'tc'-, 

;  oIa-it*  ■  •,  tlic  rcutli'i  in  i» 

"^Vfiti/n'f  />/(/t.  took  Jtaiiifi 

:  <■   A{\\  (lir^puto  til  • 

•  i.nf  /.(..  -  in  Ilia 

■■f\,'-    hlii   'b\6 

•     -If'-mid     111   '■! 


'.i«  of  fill  .. 

■  lnni'  U'l-n 

'■'■:       ■■•.        •:■..'.     :;    i/-  v-ii  i;*  ji'iil.K-il;^'    its 

..itin.l.     it  gic»vsptii;tnn<'Ousl\  itiUin- 
nllcfl  it  f'l'jioiruc.     Il  Is  ^'cntrally  sup- 


»jmf..  ti  ;ii  (If  iv.lltul  it){>ii(<'o  iVuin  t]iu  islajul  Too  ji-,  but  i!»is  (i*  rivuiiui!  is  inu--), 
<jii:'.-'tiiinril.  * 

(JK^'HANKMKO'Mis  n  cliit  f  vt  TV  l"i  vomliiy  i^|icik(;ii  of!  As  sooti  r.s  tlie  ii^rnnl 
of  'Iici  Kiiuiisli  wiui  nimli;  Ivnown  I'l  iiini,  liu  vi-^il-'il  llitiii  \\iili  kIjuiu  40  ul'  iuit 
mill,  \v1h)  wfic  vrrj'  civil,  iwid  ■  f  a  ittuiui'l^Hbly  robust  mvl  ftue  ;ijii>(.'aruii«'t'» 
Wiicfi  tln^y  hoil  l"ft  llt»»ir  f«-iBt.  oii'l  '•n'lio  lipr.ri  tl'fi  ^iiorf  ueur  thf  sliip, 
(Irnnifaiifmrn  tsy.rfiui  <<     •■  r   '■  ''' ■  '  "■       ' '•• 

U^UIIul,  1)1  If   ll!'  iiir.f', 

iio  ,icr('!- 

.     ,  .  !  witji  It,  (un^  {  '1  • .  ill)    . 

►  .itii-',  *M»i»:.  v.i^rv  V'.-'ij,  111  i.i  iriand,  oil"'  )iuiictr*;>(  hJii'-h:  ',--  M«-r'uit'!  ;  I'lm 
'5i;«li  if  u.<i  ll  as  an  •iciinniLJil,  niakiiiff  a  iutli'  tlin"  ^h  iu  aii'l  vvi  aiiiiir  it  uliout 
iu.s  iii-fji,  VVI  iie  }ii  n-,  tiH'  Ell>;li^l^  enn  I.  til  d  J.iiii,  with  iiis  .vilu  aiifl 
ctiiMnii,  '111  bo.  nl  tin  ir  ^hip.  Hi^  \vi*i;  htul  lu  iier  vr-*  bracelets  of  jn arl, 
w  Ir  II  rt'ii'-iii^il  to  h»;r  mitiillf.  i"'liiirtly  alb.r,  lufiuy  of  lii-  iieoplo  fniiio  oiii  <•' 
ihi'  loiuiiiv  (I)  tniilif,  "but  whcu  '/'r.;«4ru«emfo  wns  |i:-fM'!,i.  none  durst  tnut<; 
l;iit  liiiii.H.ir.  rii;-!  !li-rv.  tbof  w  (.'••;  r<i[  *■  j-'j-.n   oil  iht-.i;    i  i  m!-;  us  I,.' iliil."     Ho 


w 


nidJ.ii-.;-'!' 

,(i>ii  I  r 


•■■I'lfi 


lii^ 
I. 


.11 '1 

liw',  "  * 

irusied  liiiii,  aid 

-.  ..• 

■rd."      • 

■,.!:;.  r5  I'lirtl.fr 

•.  V   flHJ    ■•>    i 

OiClji'S. 

lUN,  ii;':ij!i; 

i       \r|-b 

'. .:•  '  -nd  <A' 

ill  rmti- 

.  ;!■■    .  ■■■    •  ■•;  .■:!  boini', 

i  coiiri*-^'  »  I'.l  i.iiidnissi.    Sin. 

...  I'l  pii"'  1  lit  (I*  iK'iiig  ini'iivd  by 

<■'   •'     *,rit  .'  •■      I         '     r  '  no  iboil* 

",i   'I.  1  r.'-\ 

;i,  at'  !ikowisc-  :!.'';  iVi't  lO  wairr  wiafr  .inir  •tinii  ' 

\>  <.,         •  iluctcd  into  :ii;  mv.<^:    ■   •  were  tivo  m 


sufgc  ;  ist'im:  slir  urdt  r 
>'.:i'H  U>  eari'V   .   -  o   oriry  ro 
nir"  into  tlio  ii.  :^    ,  si'c   ;  •  i 


I  i/.v:.  prir.U  iLi.    >V«i</'i'.i  \  .ijf.r.     . 
«<'n  i'li  .<i.  i  ■(!'-'  I  >  Aunt's  con. ,>;»«),)  pri:;' 
M-i.  Vlr/jic'S,  I'.'-  —J^'e  Itook  ii.  CIiajj   ii. 


.vnitt. 


^^ 


•^i 


,<' 


fe 


r/)     -N 
/(nvhftfrtr, 


e 


'II, 


(fill  vt'r/i' 


^s-ix.^ 


(    llatonj(S    "<\    yieuee/ut,  a(iiu//(fr  to    the     rinr/fity     ^//•irirc^ 
yow/iitfan      I'jWp^rnur   of    ^litiinoiif^',>'/\rinonrl!  his    vtrain/f/ 
'rtfit     iiiirf    hiintirf-tu    in    f/ii'   I  r/vistntn  /f/ttj ,  and 


I'l/IVff 


HI 


Chap.  I] 


DKATII  OF  MANTEO— POWHATAN. 


347 


the  hoiiHO,  <!ivi(le<l  by  inat.f,)  where  they  found  hominy,*  boiled  veni.soii,  mid 
roafited  fi.li ;  uiid,  ns  a  dcHtnt,  niuioiia,  boiled  rootx,  ancl  fruits  of  various  Horts. 
Wliilo  t!iey  were  at  meat,  two  or  tiirce  of  her  men  came  in  with  their  bows 
»<nd  a'^rows,  wiiicli  made  tlie  Eiigiittli  take  to  their  arms.  But  nhe,  perceiving 
their  distrust,  ordered  tlieir  bows  and  arrows  to  Iks  broken,  and  tliemscives  to 
be  beaten  out  of  the  gate.  In  the  evening,  tlie  Enghsh  returned  to  tiieir  iioat ; 
and,  putting  a  little  oif  from  shore,  hiy  at  anciior ;  at  whicii  slu;  wits  iinich 
concerned,  and  brought  their  supper,  half  boiled,  pots  and  all  to  the  nliore: 
and,  seeing  their  jealousy,  slie  ordered  several  men,  and  HO  women,  to  sit  all 
night  upon  tlie  shore,  as  u  guard  ;  and  sent  five  mats  to  cover  them  from  the 
weather,"  \  Well  hath  the  poet  demanded,  "  Cull  ye  them  savage  ?  "  If  the 
wife  of  Granganemeo  waa  savage,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  tlio  term, 
where  shall  we  look  for  civilization  ? 

Sir/t.  GrcenvU,  having  arrived  on  the  coa.st  in  1585,  anchored  off  the  island 
Wokokon,  2G  May,  and,  by  means  of  Manteo,  had  some  intercouree  with  the 
inhabitants.  At  lluttera.s,  where  they  staid  a  short  time,  soon  after,  Gmn- 
ganemeo,  with  Mantto,  went  on  board  their  ships.  This  waa  tlie  lust  visit  ho 
made  to  the  English,  for  ho  died  very  soon  oiler. 

This  must  close  our  account  of  the  excellent  fiimily  of  Grangantmeo,  and 
would  that  the  account  of  the  English  would  balance  as  well, — but  they  exhibit 
their  own, — and  one  item  more  from  it,  and  we  close  the  comparison.  For  a 
small  kettle  they  took  50  skins,  worth  in  England  £12  10s.  sterling.}: 
We  have  now  arrived  at  the  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  history. 
Powhatan  was,  of  all  the  chiefs  of  his  age,  tlie  most  famous  in  the  regions 
of  Virginia.  Tlie  English  supposed,  at  first,  that  his  was  the  name  ot'  the 
country ;  a  common  error,  as  we  have  seen  in  several  cases  in  the  previous 
books  of  our  biography,  but,  in  this  case,  unlike  the  others,  the  error  pre- 
vailed, and  a  part  of  his  people,  ever  ufler  the  settlement  of  the  English,  were 
called  the  Pmchalans,  A  great  river,  since  called  the  James,  and  a  bay  re- 
ceived his  name  also.  §  He  hud  three  brothers,  OpUchepan,  Opekankanough, 
and  Calatanugh,  and  two  sisters.  His  principal  residence  was  at  a  place 
called  fVerotvocomoco,  when  the  English  came  into  the  country ;  which  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Queen's  Creek,  and  about  25  miles  below  the 
fork  of  the  river.  [|  He  lived  here  until  the  English  began  to  intrude  them- 
selves into  his  vicinity,  when  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Orukakes. 

Powhatan  was  not  his  Indian  name,  or  rather  ori^'inal  name;  that  was 
Wahunsonacock,  He  is  described  as  tall  and  well-proportioned — bearing  an 
aspect  of  sadness^-exceedingly  vigorous,  and  possessing  a  body  capable  of 
sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was,  in  1607,  about  GO  years  of  age,  and  his 
hair  was  considerably  gray,  which  gave  him  a  majestic  appearance.  At  his 
I'csidence,  he  had  a  kind  of  wooden  form  to  sit  upon,  and  his  ornamental 
robe  was  of  raccoon  skins,  and  his  head-dress  was  composed  of  many  feath- 
eis  wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He  swayed  many  nations  upon  the  great 
rivers  una  bays,  the  chief  of  whom  he  hud  con(|ueied.  He  originally  claimed 
only  the  places  called  Powhatan,  (since  named  Huddihaddocks,)  Arrohattocn, 
(now  Appomattox,)  Youghtanund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  Werowocoinoco, 
and  Kiskiuk ;  at  which  time,  his  chief  seat  was  at  Powhatan,  near  the  falls  of 
James  River.  But  when  he  had  extended  his  conquests  a  great  way  north, 
he  removed  to  Werowocomoco,  as  a  more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  country  ujion  James  River, 
from  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  brunches,  was  the  boundary  of  his 
country,  southerly — and  so  across  the  country,  "  nearly  as  high  as  the  falls  of 
all  tlie  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in  Muiyland,"  and 


*  "  A  food  made  of  Indian  corn,  or  maize,  beaten  and  carefully  liuskcd,  something  like 
urinely  in  England ;  and  is  an  excellent  dish  various  ways." 

t  Slith's  Hist.  Virginia,  10,  11.  t  Smith's  Hist.  V 

^  These,  according  to  Heckewelder,  Philos.  Trans.  31,  should  have  been  called  f 
"which  would  signify  the  river  of  progeny,  fruilfulness,  the  fruitful  river.'' 

II  About  two  miles  below  where  Rirhmond  now  stands.     The  farm  of  a  gentle 
niunc  oi  Mayo  included  the  site  of  a  part  of  his  town,  in  1813. — Campbell's  Virginia. 


mia. 
'latlian, 

of  th« 


h 


348 


POWHATAN.— SURPRISES  PAYANKATANK. 


[Book  iV 


Bomo  of  the  nations  on  the  north  shore  of  tlie  Chesapeake.  Ilis  (]ori)inioiii^ 
according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  children,  but  to  hiii 
brothers,  and  then  to  his  sisters',  (the  oldest  firet,)  thence  to  the  heira  of  tiie 
oldest ;  but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  iriules. 

He  usually  kept  a  guard  of  40  or  50  of  the  most  resolute  and  well-foniu'd 
men  about  him,  especially  when  he  slept;  but,  after  the  English  came  into  liis 
country,  he  increased  them  to  about  200.  He  had  as  many,  and  such  wonun 
as  he  j)le:'.scd  ;  and,  when  he  sl('|)t,  one  sat  at  his  head  and  another  at  his  tret. 
When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  bestowed  them  upon  such  of  his 
men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New  England  chiefs,  he  had  many  jjlaccs 
where  he  j)assed  certain  seasons  of  the  year;  at  some  of  which  he  had  very 
spacious  wigwams,  30  or  40  yards  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provided 
against  his  coming. 

In  1008,  he  surprised  the  people  of  Payankatank,  who  were  his  neighliors 
and  subjects.  Captain  Smith,  in  the  account,  "  tcrit  with  his  own  hand,''^  says, 
"  the  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was  thus."  He  sent  sev- 
eral of  his  men  to  lodge  wiUi  them  tlje  night  on  which  he  meant  to  fall  upon 
them;  then,  secretly  surrounding  them  in  their  wigwams,  conunenced  a  horrid 
slaughter.  They  killed  24  men,  took  off  their  scalj)s,  and,  with  the  women 
and  children  prisonei-s,  returned  to  the  sachem's  village.  The  scal[)s  they 
exhibited  upon  a  line  between  two  trees,  as  a  trophy,  and  the  loerowance  (their 
name  of  a  chief)  and  his  wife  Powhatan  made  his  s^jrvants. 

Up  to  the  year  1(307,  every  attempt  to  settle  a  colony  hi  Virginia  had  failed ; 
and,  at  this  time,  would  have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled  perseverance 
of  one  man.  1  need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  Captain  John  Smith.  The 
colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  the  planting  season  was  over ; 
and,  in  a  short  time,  they  found  themselves  in  a  suffering  condition,  from  want 
of  suitable  provisions.  Smith,  therefore,  undertook  to  gain  a  sup{)Iy  by  traffick- 
ing with  the  Indians  back  in  the  country,  who,  being  acquainted  with  his 
situation,  hisulted  him  and  his  men  wherever  they  came  ;  offering  him  but  a 
handful  of  corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread,  for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "But  seeing  by 
trade  and  courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such 
concKisions  us  necessitie  inforced,  though  contrary  to  hia  commission."  So 
he  fired  upon  them,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He  then  marched 
to  their  village.  There  they  found  corn  in  abundance,  which,  after  some 
inancBuvring,  he  succeeded  in  traduig  for,  and  returned  with  a  sui)j)ly  to 
Jamestown. 

Smith,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Chikahaniania. 
When  he  had  [)as8ed  up  as  far  as  it  was  navigable  for  his  barge,  he  left  it  in  a 
wide  place,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore,  and  ordered  his  men  not  to  go 
on  shore  on  any  condition.  Taking  two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians,  he 
proceeded  to  complete  his  discovery.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  his  men  went 
on  shore ;  one  was  killed,  and  the  rest  hardly  escnped.  Smith  was  now  20 
miles  into  the  wilderness.  Opekankanovgh,  with  300  warriors,  having  leainetl, 
fiom  the  men  they  had  just  taken,  which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  huu, 
and  came  upon  the  two  Englishmen  belonging  to  his  company,  and  killed 
them  both  wlr' J  asleep,  he  being  absent  to  sIkiuI  some  fowls  for  provisions; 
they  then  continued  their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  from  his  canoe, 
anil  endeavored  to  retreat  to  it,  but,  being  hard  pressed,  made  a  shield  of  one 
of  his  Indians,  anu,  in  this  manner,  fought  upon  die  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divere  others.  Being  obliged  to  give  all  his  attention  to 
his  pursuers,  he  acciilentally  fell  into  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  deep  that 
he  could  not  extricate  himself.  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands  upon  him  ; 
and  those  whom  their  own  numbers  forced  nearest  to  him,  were  observed  to 
tremble  with  fear.  The  Indian  he  had  hound  to  his  arm  with  his  garters, 
doubtless  saved  him  .'rom  being  killed  by  their  arrows,  irom  which,  owing  tv. 
his  Indian  shield,  he  received  but  very  little  hurt,  except  a  wound  in  his 
thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  full  of  them. 

When  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with  cold, 
he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suffered  them  to  come  and  take  him.  After 
pulling  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  ■  >  the  i)lace  where  his  men  had 
just  been  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire.    They  now  showed  him  kindnesa. 


Chap.  1.] 


POWHATAN.— SMITH'S  CAPTIVITY. 


349 


rubl)ing  liis  benumbed  liml)s,  and  warming  him  by  the  fire.  ITo  a.sked  for 
their  chief,  and  Opekankanoup^h  ai)peared,  to  whom  lie  gave  a  small  coiiipass, 
Tiiis  amused  them  excecthngly.  "Mncii  tliey  marvelled  at  the  |)Iayinjr  of  the 
fly  and  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  plainly,  and  yet  not  touch  it,  hecause 
of  the  gliiss  that  covered  them.  ]hit  when  he  demonstrated,  by  that  glohc-like 
inwei>,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth,  and  skies,  the  spheare  of  the  sunne,  and 
niooiie,  and  starre.s,  and  how  the  sinnie  did  chase  the  night  round  aliout  the 
world,  continually — the  greatnes.se  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  divci"sity  of  the 
nations,  varietie  of  complexions,  and  how  wc  were  to  them  antipodes,  and 
many  other  such  like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  with  admiration!' 
Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had  sucli  success  in  explaining  to  them  his  knowledge 
of  geograi)hy  and  astronomy,  (how  much  of  it  they  understood  we  will  not 
mulertake  to  say,)  within  an  liour  aller,  they  tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  nultitude 
of  them  seemed  prepared  »o  shoot  him.  But  when  their  bows  \\<-rc  bent, 
Opckankanongh  hekl  up  his  comita.ss,  and  they  all  laid  down  their  weapons. 
They  now  led  him  to  Orai)akas,  or  Orakakes,  a  temporary  seat  of  Powhatan, 
on  the  north  side  of  Chikahominy  swamp,  in  what  is  now  Gloucester  county 
on  York  river.*     Here  they  feasted  him,  and  treated  him  w.ll. 

When  they  marched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up  in  a  row,  with  their 
chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  and  swords  they  had  taken  from  the 
Englisli  were  Ijorne.  Sinilii  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men  hold  of  each 
arm,  ani'  on  each  side  six  more,  with  tlieir  arrows  notched,  and  ready,  if  he 
siiould  attem])t  to  escajie.  At  the  town,  they  danced  and  Rung  about  him,  and 
then  put  him  into  a  large  house,  or  wigwam.  Here  they  kept  him  so  well, 
that  he  thought  they  W(!re  fatting  him  to  kill  and  eat.  They  took  him  to  a 
sick  man  to  cure  him  ;  but  he  told  them  he  coidd  not,  uidcss  they  would  let 
him  go  to  .Jamestown,  and  g(!t  something  with  which  he  could  do  it.  This 
they  would  not  consent  to. 

The  taking  of  .Jamestown  was  now  resolved  upon,  and  they  made  great 
preparations  for  it.  To  this  end,  they  endeavored  to  get  Smilh^s  assistance, 
by  making  large;  promises  of  land  and  women  ;  but  he  told  them  it  coukl  not 
be  done,  and  .iescribod  to  them  the  great  difticulty  of  the  undertaking  in  such 
a  manner  that  they  were  greatly  terrilied.  With  the  idea  of  procm-ing  some- 
thing curious,  Smith  [)revailed  upon  some  of  them  to  go  to  Jamestown  ;  which 
join-ney  they  performed  in  the  most  severe  frosty  and  snowy  weather.  IJy 
this  means,  he  gave  the  peojile  there  to  understand  what  his  situation  was,  and 
what  was  intended  against  them,  bj'  sending  a  leaf  from  his  pocket-book,  w  itii 
»(  few  words  written  upon  it.  He  wrote,  also,  for  a  few  articles  to  he  sent, 
which  were  duly  brought  by  the  messenger;.  Nothing  had  caused  such 
astonishment  as  their  bringing  the  very  articles  Smith  had  promised  them. 
That  he  could  talk  to  his  friends,  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  utterly  hicompre- 
hensible  to  them. 

Being  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying  Jamestown,  they  anuised 
themse'vcs  by  taking  their  captive  from  ])lace  to  |)lace,  in  great  ])oiu}>  and 
triumph,  and  showing  him  to  the  difierent  nations  of  the  dominions  of  Poic- 
hnlan.  They  took  him  to  Youghlamnmd,  since  called  Pamunhcy  River,  the 
country  ovc"  which  Oiiekavkunoiif^h  was  chief,  whose  j)rinci|ial  residence 
was  where  the  town  ot  I'annmkey  since  was  ;  thence  to  the  Mattaponies, 
I'iaukatanks,  the  Naiitaiightacimds,  on  l{appahanock,  the  Nominics,  on  the 
I'atowniack  Ilivm* ;  thence,  in  a  circuitous  course,  through  several  other 
nations,  back  again  to  the  resi(len(!e  of  Opekankanough.  Here  they  laaciised 
coujurations  upon  him  for  three  successive  days;  to  ascertain,  as  tiiey  .said, 
whether  he  iiuendi'd  them  good  or  evil.  This  ])roves  they  viewed  him  as  a 
kind  of  god.  A  bag  of  gunpowder  having  fidlen  into  their  hands  tln'y  pre- 
served it  with  great  care,  thinking  it  to  he  a  grain,  intending,  in  the  spring,  to 
phmt  it,  as  they  did  corn.  He  was  here  again  fea.sted,  and  none  could  eat 
until  he  had  done. 

Bering  now  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  the  mancenvres  and  pranks 
with  him  they  could  think  of,  tlusy  i)roceeded  to  Powhatan.  "Here  more  than 
200  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondcu'ing  at  him,  as  he  had  bei^n  a  monster, 


30 


liancro/t'n  Ilisl.  U.  Slates,  i.  lUi, 


3o0 


l»OCAlIONTAS  SAV1.S  THE   LIPK  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IV 


till  Powhalan  aiici  liis  trayne  had  put  themselves  in  their  greatest  braveries. 
He  was  Siutcd  hcfore  a  fire,  upon  a  seat  like  a  bedstead,  having  on  a  robe  of 
raccoon  nkins,  "  iind  all  the  tayles  hanging  by.*'  On  each  side  of  him  sat  a 
yonnjj;  woiiiiin  ;  and  n])on  each  side  of  the  house  two  rows  of  men,  and  with 
as  niiiiiy  women  behind  them.  These  last  had  their  lieads  and  shouldei'S 
painted  red — some  of  whose  heads  were  adonied  with  white  down  ;  and  aboui 
their  necks  white  beads.  On  Smith's  being  brought  into  (he  presence  of 
Poivhntan,  all  present  joined  in  a  great  shout.  "The  queen  of  Apamatuck  was 
a|)|)oint(;d  to  l)ring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  brought  him  a 
bunch  of  fenthere,  inslmnd  of  a  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then,  having  feasted  him 
again,  "ailcr  their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a  long  consultation  was 
lield,  but  the  conclusion  was,  two  great  stones  were  brouglit  before  Powhalan 
— tiicn  as  many  as  could  lay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them  and  thereon 
laid  his  head,  and  being  ready,  with  their  clubs,  to  beat  out  his  brains,  Poca- 
hontas, iho  king's  dearest  daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  prevail,  got  his 
head  in  her  amies,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  from  death." 

Powhalan  was  unable  to  resist  the  extraordinary  solicitations  and  sympathetic 
entreaties  of  his  kind-hearted  little  daughter,  and  thus  was  saved  the  life  of 
Captain  Smith ;  a  character,  who,  without  this  astonisliing  deliverance,  was 
sufficiently  renowned  for  escapes  and  adventures. 

The  old  snchem,  having  set  the  sentence  of  death  aside,  made  up  his  mind 
to  employ  Smith  as  an  artisan ;  to  make,  for  himself,  robes,  shoes,  bows,  arrows, 
and  pots ;  and,  for  Pocahontas,  bells,  beads,  and  copper  trinkets.  Poivhatari's 
son,  named  N'antaquaus,  was  very  friendly  to  Smith,  and  rendered  him  many 
important  services,  as  well  after  as  during  his  captivity. 

"Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself  in  the  most  fearfullcst 
manner  he  could,  caused  Captain  Srmth  to  be  brought  forth  to  a  great  house  in 
the  woods,  and  there,  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left  alone.  Not  long  after, 
from  bchinde  a  mat  that  divided  the  house,  was  made  the  most  dolefuliest 
noyse  he  ever  heard ;  then  Powhatan,  more  like  a  Devill  tlian  a  man,  with 
some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came  unto  him,  and  told  him,  now  they 
were  friends ;  and  presently  he  should  go  to  Jamestowne,  to  send  him  two 
great  gmuies,  and  a  gi7ndestonc,  for  which  he  would  give  him  the  countiy  of 
Capahowosick  [Capahowsick],  and  forever  esteem  him  his  sonne,  JVantuquond, 
So  to  Jamestowne,  with  12  guides,  Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they 
quartered  in  the  woods,  he  still  ex.  acting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of 
his  imprisonment,)  eveiy  hour  to  oe  i)ut  to  one  death  or  another."  Early  the 
next  nioniing,  they  came  to  tiie  fort  at  Jamestown.  Here  ho  treated  hi.-; 
guides  with  the  greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  ofiered  Rawhunt,  in  a 
jesting  manner,  and  for  the  sake  of  a  little  sport,  a  huge  mill-stone,  and  two 
deiiii-ciilverins,  or  nine  pound  cannons,  to  take  to  Powhatan,  his  master  ;  thus 
fitljillins  his  engagement  to  sejid  him  a  grindstone  and  two  guns.  This 
Rawhunt  was  a  sachem  under  Powhatan,  and  one  of  his  most  faithful  captains, 
and  who,  it  seems,  accompanied  Smith  in  his  return  out  of  captivity. 

"They  found  them  somewhat  too  heavie,  but  when  they  did  see  him  dis- 
charge them,  being  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughs  of  «  great  tree 
loaded  with  isickles,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so  tumbling  down,  that  the 
|)nt)ie  salvages  ran  away  half  dead  with  fear.  But,  at  last,  we  regahied  some 
coiil'ercnce  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and  sent  to  Powhatan,  his 
women,  and  children,  such  pi-esents,  and  gave  them  in  generall  full  content."  * 

Powhatan  was  now  completely  in  the  I'higlisli  interest,  and  almost  every 
other  (lay  sent  his  daughter,  Pocahontas,  with  victuals,  to  Jamestown,  of  which 
riey  were  greatly  in  need.  Smith  had  told  Potvhatan  that  a  great  chief,  which 
was  Captain  Kcwport,  would  arrive  from  England  about  that  time,  which 
coming  to  pass  as  he  had  said,  greatly  increased  his  admiration  of  tlie  wisdom 
)f  the  I'liglish,  and  h(^  was  ready  to  do  as  tliey  desired  in  every  thing,  and, 
out  for  llie  vanity  and  ostentation  of  JVewjwrt,  matt(^i's  would  have  gone  on 
well,  and  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advantage.  Ihit  he  lavished  so  many 
pn^senls  upon  Powhatan,  that  he  was  in  no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon 


*  This  is  ('ii|iliiin  Smitli's  own  iircoiiiit,  wliirli  I  simll  follow  iiiiiiutt'ly ;  adding  occasioiiallj 
from  t^lilli,  lo  iiliistrale  tlie  geograpliy  of  llio  coMnlr_)'. 


Chap.  I.] 


POWH A 1  AN.— NEWPORT  S  FOLLY. 


361 


began  to  slinw  Iiis  liiiiif!;litinos.i,  by  demanding  five  times  tlio  value  'ifan  iirticlf, 
or  his  r()iitoiii[)t  for  what  was  ofli-red. 

By  JVcwporfs  iniprndcnce  and  folly,  what  liad  rost  Smith  so  fiiiifh  tdil  ;iiid 
pains  to  acliiove,  was  blown  away  l)y  a  single  breath  of  vanity.  Ntvcitliclcss, 
Ilia  great  iriind,  continually  exereiscd  ih  difficult  mattei-s,  l)r()uglit  l'ii>  siihile 
chief  again  to  'is  own  tcsrins.  Himself,  with  JVewport,  inu\  about  tiO  others, 
went  to  Poioliatan^s  residence  to  trade  with  him.  "  VVlierojn  Powhatan  inrrird 
himself  so  proudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his  salvage  uianner,)  as  made  us  ail  to 
admire  his  natural  gifts."  He  pretended  that  it  was  far  beneath  his  dignity  to 
trcuie  as  his  men  did.  Thus  his  cratl  to  obtain  from  J\''ewpnrt  his  goods  tiir 
whatever  he  plctiaed  to  give  in  rctiu-n.  Smith  sjiw  through  Powhutan''3  ( iiifr, 
and  told  JVeinport  how  it  would  turn  out,  but  Ix-ing  determined  to  show  liiin- 
self  as  dignified  as  the  Indian  chii'f,  repeuted  of  his  folly,  lik<!  too  niiuiy  others, 
when  it  was  too  late.  Smith  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  ^yur/KiH 
the  chief.  Poiohalan  made  a  speech  to  him,  when  they  were  about  to  enter 
upon  trading.  He  said,  "Captain  JVctvport,  it  is  not  agri-eable  to  my  greatness, 
in  this  jieddling  manner,  to  trade  for  trifles;  and  I  (.'sleejii  you  also  a  great 
wcrowance.  Therefore,  lay  me  down  all  your  commodities  togethi'r;  wh.it  1 
like  I  will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I  think  fitting  their  value." 
Accordingly,  JVeii^ort  gave  him  all  his  goods,  and  received  in  return  only 
about  three  l)ushels  of  corn ;  whereas  they  expected  to  lur,i>  obtained  twenty 
liogsheads.  Tliis  transaction  created  some  hard  thoughts  between  Smith  and 
JVtivport, 

If  it  add  to  raise  Poichatan  in  our  admiration,  it  can  detract  nothing  fl-om 
the  character  of  iSmiV^,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Iiwlian  chief. 
For,  with  a  few  blue  beads,  which  'le  pretended  that  he  had  shown  him  only  by 
accident,  and  which  be  would  hardly  |)(u-t  with,  as  he  prerended,  because  diey 
were  of  great  j)rice,  and  worn  oidy  by  great  kings,  he  completely  got  his  (-nd, 
at  this  time,  answered.  Tantali/ation  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Powhatan  was 
so  infatuated  with  the  lin-e,  that  he  was  almost  beside  himscdf,  and  was  ready 
to  give  all  he  had  to  possess  them.  "  So  that,  ere  we  tiepaited,"  says  my 
relation,  "  for  a  pound  or  two  of  blew  beades,  he  brought  over  my  king  fi/r  )i 
or  300  btishells  of  corne." 

An  English  boy  was  lefl  with  Powhatan,  by  Ca|)tain  JVcwporl,  to  learn  the 
language,  maimers,  customs  and  geogra|)by  of  his  country  ;  and,  in  return, 
Powhatan  gave  him  JVamontack,  one  of  his  servants,  of  a  shrewd  luid  subtle 
cajiacity,  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England.  Powhatan  hecauK!  olli'iided 
with  Cajjtain  Smith,  when  JVewport  li'fl  the  con:  ry,  in  JfiOH ;  at  whose  depart- 
ure he  sent  him  20  turkeys,  and  denifiiuied,  in  return,  20  sword.s,  which  were 
grant(!d.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  the  same  number  to  Smith,  expecting  the  like 
return  ;  but,  being  disn|)pointcd,  ordered  his  men  to  seize  the  iMiglish  wher- 
ever th(W  could  find  them.  This  caused  ditH(;idty — niimy  of  the  English 
being  rolbed  of  their  swords,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  forts,  'fhey  contiinied 
their  depredations  until  Smith  surprised  a  mimber  of  them,  from  whom  he 
learnc'  that  Powhatan  was  endeavoring  to  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power,  to  bo 
able  to  massacre  the  English.  When  he  found  that  his  |)lot  was  discovered, 
lie  si'iit  Pocahontas,  with  i)resents,  to  excuse  himself^  and  pretended  that  the 
mischief  was  done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable  chiefs.  He  directed  her  to 
endeavor  to  effect  the  release  of  liis  men  that  wen;  prisoners,  which  Smith 
consented  to,  wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  Iter  account;  and  tlivs  penct;  was 
restored,  which  had  been  continually  interrupted  for  a  co;..-i,l"i.d)le  tiuie  before. 

On  the  10th  of  Septend)er,  KiOB,  Smith  was  elected  goveri/or  of  Virginia. 
jYcwport,  going  ofttsn  to  England,  had  a  large  share  in  direct!. ig  the  afliiiis  of 
the  cdioiiy,  from  bis  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He  arrived  about  this  time, 
iuul,  among  other  baubles,  brought  over  a  crown  for  Powhatan,  with  direeiioiis 
for  his  coronation  ;  which  bad  the  ill  effect  to  make  him  value  himself  more 
than  ever.  JVttiyporl  was  instructed  to  discover  the  country  of  the  MonacaJis, 
a  niition  with  .vhom  Pcwhalan  was  at  war,  and  whom  they  would  aygist  him 
against,  if  be  would  aid  in  the  business.  Cajitain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to 
invite  him  to  Jiunestown  to  receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  luriv- 
ing  at  Werowocomocn,  and  delivering  his  mi'ssag(!  to  the  old  chief",  be  rejilied, 
"  if  your  king  have  sent  me  presents,  I  aliio  am  u  king,  and  this  is  my  land. 


1-"' 


•t 


352 


POWHATAN.— ORDERS  THE  DEATH  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  ,'V. 


l]ii;lit  (lays  I  will  stay  to  receive  them.  Your  father  [meaning  A"  y^;,  I]  'is  «>:) 
rotno  to  nie,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  wi".  I  bif^  »i!  puc)i  a 
bate.  As  for  the  Monacans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuries;  an  J  as  f(  r  Jlt- 
quanachuck,  where  you  say  yoiu"  brother  was  slain,  it  is  a  contrary  way  from 
tiio.se  jmrts  you  suppose  it ;  but,  for  any  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  the 
relations  you  have  iuul  ii*om  my  people  are  false."  Some  of  tlie  hidianB  had 
made  the  Enghsh  believe  that  the  South  Sea,  now  called  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
\vas  but  a  short  distance  back.  To  show  Smilli  the  absurdity  of  the  stoiy,  ho 
drew  a  map  of  the  country,  upon  the  grouuil  Smith  returned  as  wise  as  lie 
>\  t  nt. 

A  house  was  built  for  Poic/ffl/an,  about  tliis  lime,  by  some  Germans,  who  ■  ime 
over  with  JVewport.  These  men,  thinking  that  tlio  I'iUglish  could  not  subsist 
in  the  coiuitry,  wantonly  betniyedalltlic  serr.-ts  of  tlieir  condition  to  Powhukm, 
which  w.ts  again  the  source  of  much  trouble.  They  even  urged  him  to  put 
till  the  English  to  death,  agreeing  to  live;  with  him,  and  assist  him  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  horrible  i)roject.  Powhatan  was  plea.sed  at  the  proposition,  and 
thought,  by  their  assistance,  to  effect  what  lie  had  formerly  hoped  to  (lo  liy 
engaging  Smith  in  such  an  enterj)rise.  Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captain 
Smith  ;  by  which  act,  the  chief  obstacle  lo  success  would  be  removed  ;  and, 
accordingly,  they  took  every  means  in  their  jjowci  to  cfft'ct  it 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  Ibr  corn,  hoping  an 
oppoilunity,  in  that  busine.'^s,  would  offer.  That  his  design  might  not  be  mis- 
trusted, Powhatan  promised  to  load  his  ship  with  corn,  if  he  would  liring  him 
a  grindstore,  .TO  sword.s,  some  nuisket.s,  a  cock  and  a  hen,  and  i  quantity  of 
copper  and  beads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  as  though  sure  of 
meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Warrasqiieake,  and  wee  informed, 
by  the  .sachem  of  that  place,  of  Powhatan's  intentions.  That  sac'uM.  kindly 
entertained  them,  and,  when  they  departed,  fm-nished  them  with  giiidcs.  On 
account  of  extreme  bid  weather,  they  were  obliged  to  soend  near  a  week  at 
Kic(piotan.  This  obliged  them  to  keep  their  Christinas  among  the  Indians, 
and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a  merry  Christmas  it  was ;  having  been 
"  never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  better  fires,  or  ted  with  greater 
jilenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fish,  ffesh,  and  wild  fowl." 

Having  arrived  at  Werowocomoco,  after  much  hardship,  they  ftcnt  to  Pow- 
Imtan  lor  provisions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  bi;t  three  or  (bur 
days'  supj)ly  along  with  liiem.  The  old  chief  sent  them  immediately  a  supply 
of  bread,  turkeys,  and  ve  dson,  and  soon  after  made  a  feast  for  them,  accord- 
iUp.  to  custom. 

Meanwhile,  Powhatan  pretend.  ,!i  '  p,  had  not  sent  for  the  English  ;  telling 
them  he  had  no  corn,  "iuid  hi,-;  jiiofie  much  less,"*  and,  therefore,  intimated 
tiiat  he  wished  they  would  go  fli'  j.'.'.in.  But  Smith  ])ro(luced  the  messenger 
that  he  had  sent,  and  so  confronted  him  ;  Powliatan  then  laughed  heartily, 
and  thus  it  passed  lor  a  joke.  He  then  asked  for  their  conunodities,  "  but  he 
liketl  nothing,  excei)t  guns  and  swords,  lUid  valued  a  basket  of  corn  higher 
than  a  basket  of  copper ;  saying,  he  cotild  rate  his  corn,  but  not  the  copper." 
Ca|)tain  Smith  then  made  a  speech  to  him,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  work 
u|)on  his  feelings  and  sense  of  honor ;  said  he  had  sent  his  men  to  build  him 
a  house  while  his  own  was  mgiected  ;  that,  because  of  his  promising  to  liup- 
ply  him  with  corn,  he  had  neglect(;d  to  sujjply  himstlf  with  i)rovisions  when 
he  might  have  done  it.  Finally,  Smith  reproached  him  of  divers  negligences, 
dt'ce])tions,  and  jirevarications ;  but  the  main  cause  of  Powhatan''s  refusing 
to  trade  seems  to  have  betiu  because  the  English  did  not  bring  the  articles 
le  most  wanted, 

\\  hen  Smith  had  done,  Powhatan  answered  him  as  follows: — "We  have 
but  little  corn,  but  what  we  can  spare  shall  be  l)rought  i.vvo  days  hence.  As 
to  your  coming  here,  1  have  some  doubt  about  thi^  reason  of  it.  I  am  told,  by 
my  men,  that  you  came,  not  to  trade,  but  to  invade  my  peojile,  and  to  jjossess 
my  country.    This  makes  me  less  ready  to  relieve  you,  and  frightens  my 


*  Tlio  PMiIci  iii:\y  wi-iultT  how  (Ills  could  be,  but  it  is  ao  in  llic  old  history,  by  Stitli,  8(5. 


Chap.  I.] 


POWHATAN  -HIS  SPEECHjS. 


ItfMiole  irom  brinting  iti  tlieir  corn.  And,  therefore,  to  relieve  tlieni  of  iiia< 
I'e.ai,  leave  j  iiir  iiriiis  aboard  your  bni  ts,  since  they  are  needless  here,  wliint 
we  are  all  friends,  and  forever  Powliutans." 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  spent  the  first  dny.  "  Mil  J 
vvliilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wraufrlcd  Powhatmi 
out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  for  a  copper  kettle;  which  the  president  sieiii;' 
him  much  affect,  [value,]  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  greater  value  ;  yet,  in 
regard  of  his  scarcity,  he  would  accept  that  quantity  at  present ;  jjrovided  ho 
should  have  as  nnieh  more  the  next  year,  or  the  IManakin  country,"  were  tiiat 
condition  not  complied  with. 

This  transaction  will  efpial  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  histniy  of  New 
England,  but  wo  will  let>ve  the  reader  to  make  his  own  comment. 

At  the  same  rime,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  were  soint! 
very  singular  passages,  as  reported  by  Sniiih,  One  was,  that  he  hail  seen  tlie 
death  of  all  his  people  three  times  ;  and  that  none  of  those  thr'-e  generations 
was  then  living,  exee|)t  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to  make  the  Kng- 
lish  think  him  something  more  than  human.  The  old  chief  then  went  on 
and  said, 

"lam  now  grown  old,  and  must  soon  d'e ;  and  the  succession  must  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opilchapan,  Opekankanou<!;h,  and  C'atitt(tiiii;h,* 
and  then  to  my  two  sisters,  and  their  two  daughters.  I  wish  their  experience 
was  equal  to  mine;  and  that  yoiu"  love  to  ms  might  not  be  less  than  ours  to 
you.  Why  should  you  take  by  ibrce  that  from  us  which  you  can  have  by 
iove?  Why  should  yon  destroy  us,  who  have  provided  you  with  food? 
What  can  you  get  by  war?  We  can  hide  our  provisions,  and  lly  into  the 
woods;  and  then  you  must  consequently  famish  by  wronging  your  frijsuds. 
What  is  the  cause  of  your  jealousy.'  You  see  ns  unarmed,  and  willing  to 
supi>ly  your  wants,  if  you  will  come  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  not  with 
swords  and  guns,  as  to  invade  an  enemy,  I  am  not  so  simple,  as  not  to  know 
It  is  better  to  eat  good  meat,  lie  well,  and  sleep  quietly  with  my  women  and 
eliililren ;  to  laugh  and  be  merry  with  the  English  ;  and,  being  their  friend, 
to  have  copper,  hatchets,  and  whatever  else  I  want,  than  to  lly  iiom  all,  to  lie 
cold  in  the  woods,  feed  upon  acorns,  roots,  and  such  trash,  and  to  be  so 
hunted,  that  I  cannot  rest,  eat,  or  sleef).  In  such  circumstances,  my  nu.a 
must  watch,  and  if  a  twig  should  but  break,  all  would  cry  out,  ^  Here  comes 
Capt.  Smith;*  and  so,  in  this  miserable  maimer,  to  end  my  miseral)le  life; 
and,  Capt.  Smith,  this  mi^ht  be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  your  rasl  ^ss  tiiKi 
iinadvisedness.  I,  therefore,  exhort  yoii  to  peaceable  councils;  and,.''  )Ve  :'.M, 
I  insist  that  the  guns  and  swords,  the  cause  of  all  our  jealousy  and  n>  c  -..ics.s, 
be  removed  and  sent  away." 

Smith  interpreted  this  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  ^vhat  1  \;M'essed, 
and  it  rather  contirmcd,  than  lessened,  his  former  suspirions.  He,  lioweve;, 
made  a  speech  to  Powhatan,  in  his  turn,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  '■t  uvineo 
him  that  the  English  intended  him  no  hurt;  nriiing,  that,  if  they  li.ui,  bo;v 
easily  they  might  have  eifected  it  long  before;  and  that,  as  to  their  p  rishi  i;.j 
with  want,  he  would  have  him  to  understand  that  the  English  hir.'  vays  to 
supply  themselves  indinown  to  the  Indians;  that  as  to  his  sending  awa_\  tlie 
arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  Indians  were  always  allowed  to 
bring  theirs  to  Jamestown,  and  to  kecj)  them  in  their  li'Uids.  Seciiiig  .S'mii'Vs 
inflexibility,  and  des|)airing  of  accomi)liBhing  his  intended  masbacre,  he  spoke 
again  to  Smith  as  follows: — 

"Capt.  S:iiith,  I  never  use  any  worowanee  so  kindly  as  yourself;  yet  f  i:ri 
you  I  receive  the  least  kindness  of  any,  (^apt.  J\''ewport  gave  me  swords,  tip- 
per, clothes,  or  whatever  else  I  desired,  ever  acce|)ting  what  I  oflereil  I  ii"  • 
and  would  send  away  bis  guns  when  n-quested.  No  one  refuses  to  lit-  (it  my 
feet,  or  do  what  I  demand,  but  you  only.  Of  you  I  can  have  nothliig,  but 
what  you  value  not ;  and  yet,  yon  will  have  whatsoever  you  pleus(>,  Capt. 
jVewport  you  call  fiither,  and  so  you  call  me;  but  I  see.  in  spite  of  us  both, 
you  will  do  what  you  will,  and  we  must  both  study  to  humor  and  content  you. 
But  if  you  intend  so  friendly,  as  you  say,  send  away  your  arms ;  for  yon  sew 


30 


Calaimugli,  IblUli, 


1 


W' 


4^ 


354  POWHATAN.— HIS  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  TOMOCOMO.       [Book  IV. 

my  iiiidesigning  simplicity  and  friendship  cause  me  thus  nakedly  to  forget 
myself." 

Smith  now  was  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Powhatan  only  trifled  away  the 
time,  that  he  might,  by  some  means,  accomplish  his  design.  The  boats  of 
llio  English  were  kept  at  a  distance  from  the  shore,  by  reason  of  ice  Smith, 
therefore,  resorted  to  deception  ;  he  got  the  Indians  to  break  the  ice,  that  his 
men  might  come  in  and  take  on  board  the  corn  they  had  bought,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gave  orders  to  tliem  to  seize  Powhatan ;  Smith,  in  the  mean  time, 
was  to  amuse  him  with  false  promises.  But  Smithes  talk  was  too  full  of 
flattci-y  not  to  bo  seen  through  by  the  sagacious  sachem ;  and,  before  it  was 
too  Ir.te,  he  conveyed  himself,  his  women,  children,  and  effects,  into  the 
woods;  having  succeeded  in  his  deception  better  than  Smith;  for  two  or 
three  squaws  amused  him  while  Poivhatan  and  the  rest  escaped.  Unwilling, 
liowever,  to  renounce  his  purjiose,  Powhatan  sent  Smith,  soon  after,  a  valuable 
l)racelet,  as  a  present,  by  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excuse  the  conduct 
of  his  sachem ;  he  said  Powhatan  ran  off  because  he  Avas  afraid  of  the  liUg- 
lish  uriiis,  and  said,  if  tlioy  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  come  with  his  peo- 
ple, and  briiif  corn  in  abundance.  At  length,  finding  all  artifices  -iain,  Pow- 
hatan resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  th(!ir  cabins,  on  the  following  night. 
J}ut  here,  again,  Pocahontas  saved  the  life  of  Smith  and  his  attendants.  She 
came  alone,  in  a  dismal  night,  through  the  wooils,  and  informed  Smith  of  her 
father's  design.  For  this  most  signal  favor,  he  ofliered  her  such  articles  as  ho 
tlioi  gilt  would  please  her;  but  she  would  accept  of  nothing,  and,  with  tears 
standing  in  her  eyes,  saiil  if  her  father  should  see  her  with  any  thing,  he 
would  mistrust  what  she  had  done,  and  instant  death  would  be  her  reward  ; 
and  sin-  retired  by  herself  into  the  woods,  as  she  came. 

Powhatan  was  so  exasperated  at  the  failure  of  his  plots,  that  he  threatened 
death  to  his  men  if  they  did  not  kill  Smith  by  some  means  or  other.  Not 
long  alter,  a  circumstan(;e  occurred,  which  gave  him  security  the  rest  of  his 
administration.  One  of  Powhatan's  men,  having,  by  some  means,  got  a 
quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  he  could  manage  it  like  the  English. 
Several  came  about  him,  to  witn  /^s  his  exploits  with  the  strange  commodity, 
when,  by  some  means,  it  took  fire,  "and  blew  him,  with  one  or  two  more,  to 
death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  the  Indians,  and  so  amazed  and 
ti  ightcned  Powhatan,  that  his  people  came  from  all  directions,  and  desired 
peace;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  articles  that  the  English  had  never 
belbre  missed.  Powhatan  would  now  send  to  Jamestown  such  of  his  men 
as  had  injured  the  Eiiglish,  that  they  might  be  dealt  with  as  they  deserved. 
The  same  year,  1609,  he  sent  them  nearly  half  his  crop  of  corn,  knowing 
then;  to  be  in  great  want. 

Captain  Smith,  having,  by  accident,  been  shockingly  burned  by  his  powder- 
bags  taking  fire,  for  want  of  surgical  aid,  Avas  obliged  to  leave  the  country 
and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  published  the 
account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Vu'ginia,  and  his  own  adventures,  which  is 
al"ost  the  only  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country.  lie  died  in 
London,  in  l(i;i],f  in  the  52d  year  of  his  age. 

The  l)utchn)on  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  so  assiduous 
to  bring  ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One  of  them  died 
'»■  \,j;"tchedness,  and  two  others  had  then"  brains  beat  out  by  oi-der  of  Powha- 
tan. ?i  r  their  decej)tion. 

Afii )  Smith  had  left  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made  to  believe  that  he  was 
dead,  rowhatan  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  after,  ordered  one  of  his 
cO'inseJ!<!i3, named  Utlamatomakin,\  or  Tomocomo,^  whom  he  sent  to  England, 
to  find  I'it,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instnicted  him,  also,  to  note  tho 
mmiher  of  the  people,  lo  leta-n  the  state  of  the  country,  and,  if  he  Ibund  Smith, 
to  make  him  show  him  the  God  of  the  English,  and  the  king  hm\  (jueen. 
Vhen  he  arrived  at  Pliniouth,  he  took  a  long  stick,  and  began  to  perfurm  a 
paif  of  his  mission  by  cntting  a  notch  for  every  person  he  should  see.     Ihit 


•  Dill  not  the  Eiig;lisli  of  Now  Eiiglauti  owe  tlicir  safety  lo  Massasoit  ami  Miunfunnomoli's 
fear  of  (I'c  same  arliclo  ? 
t  Jossilyn,  N.  Eiiy.  Karities,  IOC.  J:  Or  Uttamaccomack ,  Smith.  J  Purchas. 


Chap.  II.] 


DKATII  OF  POWHATAN— ins  SUCCESSORS. 


3: 


>•> 


he  soon  gave  up  tlint  biisiiirss.  And,  wlien  lie  rpliimed  to  his  own  cc  initry, 
his  chief  usked  him,  uiiiong  otiicr  things,  to  give  him  an  account  of*  tiic  nnm- 
ber  of  the  inhohitants  in  Kngland.  liiw  answer  to  tliat  inquiry,  we  iiaziu'd  nut 
niucli  in  .saying,  is  nearly  as  ext<'nsively  known  as  the  golden  rule  of  Confu 
cius.  It  w'lxa  as  h)llows:  "  Count  the  slurs  in  the  ski/,  the  leaves  on  the  trees,  and 
the  sand  upon  the  sea-shore,— for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  Ens^land." 

ToMOCOMO  had  married  a  sister  of  Pocahov.tas,  and,  probably,  accompanied 
her  to  England.*  While  there,  the  famous  antiquary,  Samufl  Purrhas,  had 
an  interview  with  him,  and  from  whom  he  colle(;ted  many  facts  relating  to 
the  mannei-s  and  customs  of  his  countrymen ;  the  result  of  ■which  he  atler- 
wards  published   (i  his  Pilgrims,  f 

The  difficulties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Potchatan  and  the  English 
very  little  time  passed,  while  he  lived,  hut  what  was  full  of  broils  and  di.s.satis- 
luction,  on  the  one  part  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have  iidlen  under 
our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as  Powhatan.  He 
died  at  peace  with  the  Eng.ish,  in  April,  1018,  and  was  succeeded  by  Opitcha- 
van,  his  second  hrother,  who  wa.s  known  afterwards  by  the  name  Ilopntin. 

Our  readers  will  be  com()clled  to  acknowledge  that  Captain  Smith  was 
barbarous  enough  towards  the  Indians,  but  W(!  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  hoiTiiile,  in  the  coin-se  of  his  proceedings,  as  was  exhibited  by  his 
successor.  Lord  De  La  iVar.  This  gentleman,  instead  of  taking  a  mean 
course  between  tli';  practices  of  Smith  and  jVewport,  went  into  the  worst 
extreme.  Finding  Powhatan  insolent,  on  his  arrival  in  the  country,  he 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  him  to  unconditional  .submission.  Having, 
therefore,  got  into  his  hands  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  caused  his  i-ight 
hand  to  be  cut  off.  In  this  maimed  and  horrid  condition,  ho  sent  him  to 
Powhatan ;  at  the  same  time  giving  the  sachem  to  understand,  that  all  his 
subjects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience  any  longer; 
telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  the  cotmtry  should  be  immediately 
destroyed,  which  was  just  then  ripe.  J:  This  wretched  act  increased,  as 
reasonably  it  should,  the  indignation  of  Powhatan,  and  his  acts  were  governed 
accordingly. 


9ei0e 


CHAPTER  n. 


Reflection  vpnn  the  charncter  of  Powhatan — Pocahontas — She  singnhirhj  entertains 
Captain  Smith — Disaster  of  a  boat's  crew — Smith's  attempt  to  surprise  Poir/iatan 
frustrated  in  consequence — Pocahontas  saves  the  life  of  IViiffin — littraijed  into  the 
hands  of  the  English — Japazavs — Mr.  liolfc  marries  Pocahontas — Opachisco — 
Pocaliontas  visits  England — Her  intcrv.cin  with  Smith — Dies  at  Gravesend — ITtr 
son — OpEKANKANouGH — Made  prisoner  bij  Snith — Is  set  at  libertij — Nkmattanow 
— Murders  an  Englishvuin — Is  mvrdcred  171  his  turn — His  singular  conduct  at  his 
death — Conducts  tlie  massacre  of  lt>!<J2 — Plots  the  extirpation  of  the  Eni'lisb — Can- 
ducts  tlie  horrid  massacre  of  lG-14 — Is  taken  prisoner — His  conduct  upon  the 
occasion — liarharonshj  reounded  hi/  the  guard — Last  speech,  and  magnaniviitii  in 
death — lieflections — Nickotawavck — Totopotomoi — Joins  the  Engli; h  against 
^     tlie  Rcchahccrians — Is  defeated  and  slain. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  ■  'en  the  conduct  of  the  great 
Powhatan  towards  the  English,  had  In-  been  treated  by  them  as  he  ought  to 
have  been.  The  unconmionly  luniable,  virtuous,  and  feeling  disposition  dt' 
his  daughter,  will  always  he  brouglit  to  tnind  in  reading  his  history  ;  and,  mit- 
wiilistanding  he  is  described  by  the  historians  as  possessing  a  sour,  nmrnse, 
and  savage  dis|)osition,  fvdl  of  treachery,  dei-eit  and  cumiing — and  whose 
word  was  never  to  be  dejiended  upon — yet,  on  the  vi^y  Jiag*;  that  he  is  thus 

■*  INIr.  O/i/m/.rdfi  (Hril.  l'"m|iirc,  i.  i;8.j. )  snys,  " 'rii:il  wlicii  Ihi"  priiii'css  Pnraiinntns  rariii; 
lor  F.ii!>Uiii<l,  11  com  arousa.  or  lord  of  lu-r  own  luilioii.  uUtutk'il  Ikt;  his  name  was  L'tlamarco- 

f/,„H:'' 

t  Vol.  V.  b.  viii.  cliap.  vi.  page  935.  J  Ilarrit,  \'ovagcs,  ii.  226. 


:!•■ 


l->;'' 


no6 


POCAHONTAS— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A  CAPTIVE.       [IJook  IX 


rcprosmted,  we  shall  finil  the  same  faults  set  Ijiin  as  examples  by  the  Eiij;lisli 
thcnisclves. 

The  first  and  most  mcmoral)le  events  in  the  lifi;  of  Pocahontas  have  neces- 
sarily been  dftailud  in  the  aecoiint  of  her  (iitlipr;  tlierelore  we  shall,  under  her 
own  iiniiif,  f(iv(!  those  wliieh  are  more  disi-oimectcd  with  his. 

PO( 'AllONTAS  was  born  about  the  year  ]5!)4  or  5,  and  henee  was  no  more 
than  12  or  13  yeai-s  old  when  she  saved  the  lifJ;  of  Captain  Smith,  in  ](>07. 
Mnc  ry  jiartirnlar  of  that  most  extraordinary  scene  has  been  exhibited.  The 
name  Pocohiintcs  or  Pockohi'mtes,  says  Hccli^welder,  means  a  run  between  two 
hills.  It  has  been  nuintioned,  that,  at  the  sugfj^stion  of  Captain  JVewport,  Smith 
went  with  a  few  men  to  Werowocomoeo,  to  invite  Powhatan  to  Jamestown 
to  rec(!ive  presents,  hoj'ing  thereby  to  influence  him  to  open  a  trade  in  corn 
witli  them. 

When  ho  arrived  at  that  place,  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  but  was  at  the 
distance  of  30  niili^s  off.  Pocahontas  and  her  women  received  him,  and  while 
li(!  waited  for  her  father,  they  thus  entertained  him: — "  In  a  fayre  j)laine  field,  (says 
Smith,)  they  made  a  tire,  before  which,  he  sitting  upon  a  mat,  suddaiidy  amongst 
the  Avoods  was  heard  such  a  hydeous  noise  and  shrecking,  that  the  English 
bctookc  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  seized  on  two  or  three  old  men  by 
them,  sn|)posing  Powhatan,  with  all  his  ])ower,  was  come  to  sur|)rise 
tln;m.  Ihit  [)resently  Pocahontas  came,  willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any  hurt 
were;  intended  ;  and  the  behelders,  which  were  men,  women  and  children, 
satisfied  the  captain  there  was  no  such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were 
jtresented  with  this  anticke  ;  30  young  women  came  naked  out  of  the  woods, 
onely  covered  behind  and  before  with  a  few  greene  len-ies,  their  bodies  all 
painted,  some  of  one  color,  some  of  another,  but  all  differing.  Their  leader 
liad  a  fayre  ])ayre  of  buck's  homes  on  her  head,  and  an  otter-skiime  at  her 
girdle,  and  another  at  her  arme,  a  quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a  bow  and 
arrows  in  her  hand.  The  next  had  in  her  hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  club, 
another  a  pot-stieke,  all  horned  alike  ;  the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerall 
devises.  These  fiends,  with  most  liellish  shouts  and  cryes,  rushing  from 
among  the  trees,  cast  themselves  in  a  ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing 
with  most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oil  falling  into  their  infernall  jiassions,  ami 
soieuudy  again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  neare  an  hourc  in  this 
mascarado,  as  they  entred,  in  like  manner  they  departed."  After  a  short  lime, 
they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  >\igwams.  Here  they  were  more 
tormented  than  before,  "Avith  crowding,  pressing,  hanging  about  them,  mot 
teiiionsly  crying,  'Love  you  not  me?  love  you  not  me  ?' "  When  they  had 
finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best  victuals  their  country 
utlbrded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Captain  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country,  with  an 
intention  of  surprising  Powhatan,  there  happened  a  mi^lancholy  accident  at 
home,  to  a  boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe  weather,  by 
one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  mattci's.  In  the  boat  were 
Captain  ff'aldo.  Master  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  .finthonr) 
GosnfAd,  brother  of  the  well-known  Bartholomew  Gosnold,*  and  eight  others. 
Uy  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  these  all  perished,  and  none  knew  what  had  become 
of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found  by  the  Indians.  The  very  men  on 
whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at  the  fort  for  liis  succor,  in  ease  he  sent  for 
them,  were  among  the  number.  Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this 
expedition,  somebody  nnist  be  sent  to  apprize  Smith  of  the  catastrophe.  None 
volunteered  for  the  hazardous  service,  but  IMr.  Richard  lf)lffin,  who  was 
obliged  to  undertake  it  alone.  This  was  a  time  when  PowluUan  was  very 
insoK'nt,  and  urged  daily  the  killing  of  Smith  upon  his  men.  Nevertheless, 
after  many  difliculties,  he  arrived  at  Werowocomoeo.  Here  he  found  himself 
amidst  prej)arations  for  war,  and  in  still  greater  danger  than  he  had  yet  been. 
Ihit  Pocahontas  appeared  as  his  savior.  Knowing  the  iiiteniion  of  the  war- 
riors to  kill  him,  she  first  secreted  him  in  the  woods,  and  then  directed  those 
who  sought  him  in  an  opposite  direction  from  that  he  had  gone  ;  so,  by  this 

*  Who  had  miserably  pt'rishcd  by  disease  and  famine  at  Jamestown,  2i  Aufj.,  1G07  Sea 
Bancroft,  U.  Stales,  i.  114. 


riiu'.  II.]    POCAHONTAS.— nCTRAYED  TO  THC  ENGLISH. 


357 


means,  Iio  osrapod,  and  got  safe  to  Smith  at  Paniunkcy.    Tins  was  in  the 

WilitiT  of  1(.0!». 

\\v  next  licar  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Ihnrjj  Spilmmi,  who  was  one  of  [il 
tliiit  went  to  trade,  upon  the  confidence  of  Powliutan,  but  who  wen;  nil,  cxrejtt 
Spilman,  killed  l>y  liis  people. 

Such  was  the  wretched  state  to  wliich  the  colony  of  Virginia  was  now 
reduced,  that  scarce  a  jmrallel  in  the  ainiais  of  the  world  can  Ur  found.  Ao 
sooner  had  Smith  left  the  countrj',  but  all  was  in  confusion.  OtKcers  spent 
their  time  in  riotings,  while  the  niiMi  seem  to  have  taken  no  ni(;ans  for  delence 
or  preservation  ;  so  that  the  Indians  made  constant  spoil  upon  their  domestic 
animals,  and  whatever  else  had  been  provided  for  their  snpjiort.  Insonnich, 
that  whi'n  Ca()tain  Smith  had  been  gone  six  months,  the  colony  was  reduced 
from  above  500  to  almut  GO  persons.  Herbs  and  roots  were  eaten  to  sustain 
life,  in  the  early  |)art  of  their  (listresses  ;  but  as  the  famine  increased,  the  skins 
of  liorses  were  eagerly  devoured,  and  an  Indian,  who  had  been  some  time 
dead,  was  di.-iinterred  and  eaten  by  these  miserable  creatures.  Iri  one  instance, 
a  wretched  man  killed  his  own  wife,  and  preserved  the  body  by  salt,  which 
enormity  was  not  discovered  liiitil  it  had  been  chiefly  devoured.* 

It  was  dining  this  soasf)n  of  horror  that  Captain  Ratdiff  went  out  with  30 
men,  who  were  fre|»amied  as  we  have  related.  This  was  in  the  begiiming  of 
the  year  KilO.  Spitmiin  lived  many  j-ears  afterwaj'ds  among  the  Patowamack 
Indians,  by  the  cart;  of  Porahnntas.f 

l''rom  HM\  the  time  Smith  left  tlie  country,  nntil  IGll,  PocaJiontas  was  not 
seen  at  Jamestown.  In  the  latter  year,  she  was  trt.'acherously  taken  prisoner 
by  Captjiiu  ./Jr^ifj/,  and  kept  by  the  English  to  j)revent  Powhatan  from  doing 
them  injury,  tnid  to  e.vtort  a  great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  terms  of  peace 
as  tiiey  should  dictate.  At  the  time  she  was  betrayi'd  into  the  han<ls  of  Cap- 
tain ..'h-fral,  she  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  chief  of  Potomack,  whose  name 
was  Jiipazaws,  a  |)articular  friend  of  the  English,  and  an  old  acquaintance  of 
Captain  Smith,  Whether  she  had  taken  up  her  residcmce  here,  or  whether  she 
was  here  only  ujion  a  visit,  we  are  not  informed.  But  some  have  conjectured, 
that  she  retii'cd  hen;  soon  after  Smith''s  (le()aitnre,  that  she  might  not  witness 
th(!  frequent  min'ders  of  the  ill-governed  English,  at  Jamestown.  Captain 
.Irs'il  was  in  the  J'otomack  River,  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  with  his  ship, 
when  he  learned  that  Poahonlas  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether  Japa- 
zntcn  had  acquired  his  treachery  from  his  intercourse  with  the  English,  or 
whether  it  were  natural  to  iiis  disposition,  we  will  not  imdertake  to  decide! 
heri' ;  but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  n-ady  to  practise  it,  at  the  instigation  of 
>lr<s'iL  And  i()r  a  copper  kettle  lor  himself,  and  a  few  toys  for  his  sepiaAV,  lit; 
enticed  the  innf)cent  girl  on  hoard  ^/fu/'s  ship,  and  betrayiid  her  into  his 
hands,  ^t  was  efl'ected,  however,  witlu.'.it  compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  his  S(|uaw. 
The  caj)  ain  had  jirevioiisly  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  and  that 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  ti.Mulerness.  This  circumstance  should  go  as  tar  as 
it  may  to  excuse  Jnpnzmvs.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board  was  well  contrived. 
Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  S(;e  a  ship,  having  before  seen  many, 
Jajiazaws^  wife  |»retended  a  great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but  would  not  go  on 
lioard  unless  Poraliontas  woidd  accomi)any  her.  To  this  she  cons(!nt''tl,  but 
with  some  hesitation.  The  attention  with  which  they  were;  receiviMl  on  board 
soon  dissi|)ated  all  fears,  .''nd  Pocahou.as  soon  straye<l  from  her  betrayers  into 
the  gun-room.  The  captain,  watching  his  op[)ortunity,  told  her  she  was  a 
pri.soner.  When  her  confinement  was  known  to  Japazawi  and  his  wife,  they 
feigned  more  lam(;ntation  than  she  did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  tin;  plot ; 
and,  alter  receiving  tiie  ])rice  of  theii  i)erfidj',  were  sent  ashore,  and  .'Iri^ttl, 
with  his  pearl  of  great  price,  sailed  tor  Jamestown.  On  l)<;ing  informed  of  the 
reason  why  she  was  thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  suicided. 

The  first  sle|)  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  the  captivity  of  his 
daughter,  and  to  d(;mand  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  whicli  he  and  his 
people  had,  from  time  to  time,  taken  and  stolen  from  them.  This  iinex|)('ctr'(l 
news  threw  'die  old,  stern,  calculating  chief  into  a  great  dileimiia,  and  what 
course  to  take  he  knew  not ;  and  it  was  three  months  btsfore  he  returned  any 


•  Keitli's  Hist.  Virginia,  121. 


t  Stillt,  Hist.  Virginia,  IIG. 


358 


POCAHONTAS— MAia.ir.S   AN   EISGI-ISIIMAN. 


[DooK  IV 


nnswi  r.  At  tlu;  tiid  of  tliis  time,  by  tlie  advice  of  liis  council,  lin  w.'nt  l».ick 
Ki'ven  Kiiglisliiiifii,  witii  cacii  n  pun  wiiuii  had  Imjcii  spoiled,  and  tliiH  answer 
lli.st  wlitii  tiiey  slmidd  rctii'-M  his  danglitcr,  he  would  make  full  satislaction 
iiiid  f^ive  tiieiii  SUO  biishi'ls  of  com,  and  he  llicir  fiiciid  forever;  that  lie  liad 
iiii  luore  guns  to  return,  the  rest  being  lost.  They  sent  him  word,  that  they 
would  not  restore;  her,  until  he  had  coinj)lied  wilh  tlu^ir  demand  ;  and  that,  an 
lor  the  guns,  they  did  not  believe  they  were  lost.  Seeing  the  determination  of 
tlie  r-uglish,  or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  we  upprehciul,  why  they 
"  heard  no  more  from  him  fi)r  a  long  time  al\er." 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  ItiV.i,  Sir  Thomas  Dale  took  Pocahontas,  and  went. 
with  a  ship,  up  PowhaUui's  River  to  Werowocomoco,  the  residence  of  her 
father,  in  hopes  to  etfeet  an  exchange,  ami  bring  about  a  peace.  Poivhalnn 
Wfts  not  at  home,  and  they  met  with  nothing  but  bravadoes,  antl  a  dispof^iiion 
to  fight  from  all  the  Indians  they  saw.  AJler  burning  many  of  their  ha! lifa- 
tions,  and  giving  out  threats,  some  of  the  Indians  came  and  made  peace,  as  they 
called  it,  which  opened  the  way  for  two  of  Pocahontas's  brothers  to  come  on 
board  the  ship.     Their  joy  at  seeing  their  sister  may  be  imagined. 

A  i)articidar  friendship  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahontas  and  a 
worthy  young  Englishman,  by  the  name  of  John  Rolfe ;  which,  at  length, 
growing  into  a  sincere  attachment,  and  being  tnutual  between  them,  he  made 
known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  companion.  This  being  highly  approved 
of  by  Sir  Tliomas  Dale,  and  other  gentlemen  of  high  standing  and  authority,  a 
consunnnation  was  soon  agreed  n|)on.  Acquainting  her  brother  with  her 
(letermination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  her  father  also;  who,  as 
higldy  approving  of  it  as  the  English,  immediately  sent  Opachisco,  her  luicle, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  tlie  performance,  and  to  act  as  her  servants 
upon  the  occasion  ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  April,  1G13,  the  marriage  was 
t^olenniized  according  to  api)ointment.  Potvhatan  was  now  their  friend  in 
reality  ;  and  a  friendly  intercourse  commenced,  which  was,  without  mucli 
inti-rruption,  continued  until  his  death. 

Porrthonlns  lived  happily  with  her  liusband,  and  became  a  believer  in  the 
Englisii  religion,  and  expressi;d  no  desire  to  live  again  among  thos(' of  her 
own  nation.  When  Sir  Thomas  Dale  retunied  to  England,  in  IGKi,  Pocahon- 
tas accompanied  him,  with  her  husband,  and  several  other  young  natives. 
They  arrived  at  Plimouth  on  the  12th  of  June  of  that  year.  She  met  w  itii 
much  attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court  by  the  Lord  and  Lady 
Delaware,  and  others  of  di-tinction.  She  was,  at  this  time,  called  the  Ludy 
Rebecca.  Her  meeting  with  Ca|)tain  Smith  was  affecting ;  more  es]><'cially  as 
she  thought  herself,  and  very  justly,  no  doid)t,  too  slightly  noticed  by  him, 
which  caused  her  much  grief.  Owing  to  the  barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times. 
Smith  did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  father,  being  afraid  of  giving  ott'ence  to 
royalty,  by  as,suming  to  be  the  father  of  a  king's  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not 
intend  any  cause  of  offence,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  make  her  Iia|)py.  At 
their  first  interview,  affer  remaining  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  "  You 
promised  my  father,  that  what  was  yours  shmtld  be  his ;  and  that  you  and  he  tcould 
be  all  one.  liein^  a  stranger  in  our  country,  you  called  Powhatan ya//ier;  and  I. 
for  the  same  reason,  will  now  call  you  so.  low  were  7wt  afraid  to  come  into  my 
father's  countrtj,  ami  strike  fear  into  cveni  body  but  myself;  and  are  you  here  afraid 
to  let  me  call  you  fat  ker?  I  tell  you,  then,  I  mil  call  you  father,  and  you  shall  call 
vie  child ;  and  so  I  will  forever  f>e  of  your  kindred  and  country.  They  always  told 
US  that  you  tcere  dead,  and  I  knew  not  othenoise,  till  I  came  to  Plimouth.  But 
Powhatan  commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and  knoio  the  truth,  because 
your  countrj/men  are  much  given  to  lying." 

The  useful  and  worthy  yoimg  Pocahontas,  oeing  al)Out  to  embark  for  her 
native  comitry,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1U17,  fell  sick  at  Gravesend,  and 
died  ;  having  attained  only  the  age  of  22  yeai-s.  She  left  one  son,  whose  name 
was  Thomas  Rolfe,  very  young ;  and  whom  Sir  Leiois  Steukly,*  of  Plimouth 

*  "  As  lo  the  infamous  Sir  I.ciri.s  f!liir!fii.  who  hail  belrayod  Ritlerrh,  he  was  taken  soon 
nflcr  [Riih\i;k  was  Ix-liended]  in  Wliiu  liiill.  cliiipinj^  the  very  gold  wliirli  was  the  produce  of 
\\U  inlaniy,  and  tried  and  coiidonincd  lor  it ;  ajid  having  stripped  liimsell'  to  his  shirt  to  raise 
Tniiney  to  purchase  liis  |)ardon,  hi^  hani^hrd  hiniscH"  to  the  Inland  of  Snndy,  where  he  died. 
riDlh  mad  and  a  heirg'nr.  in  less  than  two  years  alter  Sir  WalUr  Raleigh."— •Prince's  Worthiej 
of  Devon,  611.— Harding's  iXaval  Hiogiapliij,  \.  330. 


Chap.  II]       OPEKANKANOUOII-SEIZED  BY  CAPTAIN  SMITH. 


;r>9 


(Ichiicd  to  he  lilY  with  liiiii,  tlmt  lui  ini^'lit  direct  his  ('(iticatioii.  Hiif,  fn»iii  tlio 
iiuiimiily  jmrt  this  }fciitl(!iiian  took  agaiiiMt  tlie  iiiifortmiatt!  lidlifrh,  iio  wtiH 
hroiif^ht  into  such  merited  disrepute,  that  he  found  iiinisek'  ohh{.'(il  to  turn  all 
his  attention  to  his  own  preservutmn  ;  and  the  son  of  IWalumlini  was  taken  to 
London,  and  there  cdueated  by  his  unele,  Mr.  Hettrji  IlolJ'e.  lU:  aOerwa'-ili 
came  to  America,  to  the  native  country  of  his  mother,  where  he  iMcame  a 
pentleman  of  great  distinction,  and  possessed  an  nini)le  fiirlime.  lie  left  an  only 
(laughter,  who  married  Colonel  Robert  Bollhiff,  and  died,  leaving  an  only  son, 
Major  Jo/in /io//i;i^,  who  was  the  father  of  Colonel  John  Holliiifr,  iu\t\  several 
dangliters;  one  of  whom  married  Colonel  Richard  Randolph,  from  whom  are 
descended  the  distinguished  John  llANnoLi-H,  and  those  bearing  that  name  in 
Virginia,  at  this  day.* 
Barlow  thus  notices  Pocahontas  .•^• 

"  Rlcst  Pocahontas !  fear  no  liirkinp  cuile  ; 
Thy  luTo's  love  slinll  well  reward  liiy  sniiln. 
All,  sodilie  the  wandorer  in  his  (lespcrale  pliK'i', 
Hide  him  hy  day,  and  mini  his  fares  liy  niylil; 
Tlio'  suvaf^o  nalioiis,  with  thy  ven;fet'ul  sire, 
I'lirsui'  difir  victim  wilh  nnccasinif  ire — 
And  llio'  their  threats  ihy  startled  ear  assail, 
l.et  virtue's  voice  o'er  filial  tears  prevail," — Coi.cmhiai). 


OPEKANKANOUGH  has  already  received  our  notice.  Tie  was  n  very 
conspicuous  character  in  his  time,  and  was  styled,  by  tht;  Virginians,  King  of 
the  I'lununkies.  The  dreadtiil  massacre,  of  which  he  was  author,  brings  to 
mind  his  name  oflener  than  almost  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  be  some  contradiction,  or  ditlercncc  of  opinion,  with  regard 
to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Somt;  of  the  Indians  rejOTrted  that  he  caiiK!  frtJiii 
the  west,  and  was  not  ti  brother  of  Powhatan ;  but  that  story,  we  jinlge,  is 
merely  a  fable,  invented  and  told  by  his  enemies,  to  influence  the  English 
against  him,  tliiit  tiiey  might  destroy  him. 

Opekaiikanous^h  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Mnns;opeomen  in  1(521,  t  fi 
circumstance  unnoti(;cd  by  most  historians,  and,  therefore,  we  conclude  that  it 
prevailed  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even  among  them  lill  into 
disuse  soon  allcr. 

Opitchai'an,  called  also  Oetan,  and  lastly  Sa/iauopeomen,t  was  the  sticcessor 
of  Powhatiiit,  but  he  seems  never  to  have  been  otherwise  noted.  "The  dcf'cts 
of  the  new  emperor,"  says  Mr.  iiurAr,  "were  aggravated  in  the  minds  of  the 
Indians,  by  a  comparison  with  the  accomi)li8hed  Optkankttnoiiich,  who,  in  the 
coinicil  and  the  field,  was  the  most  conspicuous  warrior  amongst  the  I'owlwi- 
tans  ;  and  who,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  late  cm|)eror,  had  pro(Mir(,'d  from  the 
free  tribe  of  the  Chickahominies,  the  title  of  their  king."  The  same  author 
calls  Opitrhapan  a  "feble  and  decrej)id"  chief,  who  "was  little  calculated  to 
secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience."  § 

In  1()08,  the  Indians  had  become  universally  at  variance  with  the  Englis'i, 
and  insulted  them  whenever  they  appeared  abroad  ;  knowing  their  miserable, 
half-starved  condition.  Insult  fallowed  insult,  upon  both  sides,  and,  hut  lur 
the  never-tiring  perseverance  of  Smith,  this  colony,  like  the  first,  would  hiive 
been  sf)on  destroyed.  The  Indians  woidd  promisu  to  trade  with  them,  but 
w  hen  they  went  to  them  for  that  ])tn'poso,  they  only  "  laughed  at  their  calam- 
ities;" sometimes  -ttting  jokes  upon  them,  and  at  others,  running  away  into 
fh(^  woods. 

In  thisextremity  of  their  ciru'mstances,  though  in  the  de|)th  of  winter,  Smi7/j 
resolved  to  make  himself  master  if  some  of  the  Indians'  store  of  provisions,  by 
some  metuis  or  other.    He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  Pamunkey,  the  resilience 

'  .I(iHN  ItANDoi.pii,  of  Roanoke,  died  in  Philadelphia,  24  iMay,  Iii3k  Ho  had  come  lliere 
ill  very  low  health,  intendinaf  to  embark  for  Europe  in  a  (ew  days.  Hnvintr  met  with  some 
perplevllv  in  pronirinj;^  lodjjinjjs  on  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  lieniff  taken  I'roin  the  steam-lnat 
II  on;  hotel  alter  another,  ill  a  bad  hack,  in  bad  weather,  he  was  aiicli  nritate<l,  and,  from  liiii 
i'rei|iieiit  allusions  to  it  in  his  sickness,  it  was  su|)pose(i  to  have  hastened  his  end.  He  wat 
iibont  111)  vears  of  ajje  at  his  dcatli. 
t  Uia/c's  Va.  i.  il2S.  t  Ibid.  §  Hist.  Virginia,  i.  233. 


^  \r  '^^ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


A^ 


A 

v^^^ 

*> 

^ 


1.0 


I.I 


11.25 


1^ 


■i£l2.8 
gKi   112 


us 

u 


lAO 


2.0 


U    11.6 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporalion 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRIET 

WIBSTIR.N.Y.  MSM 

(716)  •72-4503 


360 


OPEKANKANOUGH.— NEMATTANOW'S  DEATH.        [Uook  IV 


m^ji 


nf  Opekankanoufrh,  with  15  men,  where  he  tried  to  tmde  with  him  (or  rorn 
but,  not  succeeding,  he,  in  a  dcsjierutft  rnnnner,  seized  upon  the  chief  by  V.'m 
■inir,  in  tbe  midst  of  hia  men,  "with  his  pistoli  ri-ndiu  lM>nt  ngninM  his  breast. 
Thus  he  led  tlie  trembling  king,  ncure  dead  witii  fenr,  amongst  all  hiu  |m>o- 
pie."*  Smith  tolil  liim  that  Ik;  had  attempted  to  nun-der  him,  which  was  tlie 
cause  of  his  treating  him  thus.  No  one  can  doul)t,  on  reading  the  history  of 
those  affairs,  that  the  Indians  all  wished  Smith  dead,  but  whether  they  all 
wanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  (|uite  so  plain. 

One  great  end  of  Smithes  design  was  now  answered ;  for  OpekankanougVs 
people  came  in  loaded  with  ])resents  to  ninsom  their  chief,  until  his  Itoats 
were  completely  filled.  News  being  brought  of  a  disaster  at  Jamestown,  ho 
was  set  at  lilM-rty. 

Nemattanow,  n  renowned  warrior,  we  hnve  to  introduce  here,  as  well  on 
account  of  his  supposed  agency  in  bringing  about  the  great  massacre  of  l(i*i2, 
(18  for  the  object  of  exhibiting  a  trait  ot'  character  erpially  to  l)c  admired  unci 
lamented.  We  are  not  certain  that  he  lielonged  to  the  people  of  Opeknnka- 
tiouffh,  but  it  is  storied  that  a  jealousy  existed  Imtween  them,  and  that  the  chief 
iiatl  informed  Sir  George  Yiardlej/  that  he  wished  Nemattanotc'a  throat  were 
cut,  some  time  l>efbre  the  massacre  took  place,  to  which  wc  have  alluded. 
However,  Opekankanough  {\n\vn\  it  afterwards,  and  afliicted  great  indignation 
ut  his  nuirder,  and  the  Indians  said  the  massacre  was  begun  by  him,  to  revenge 
^VcmaUnnow's  death.  Ihit  our  present  object  is  to  fwrtray  the  character  of 
.Yeniatlanow,  who  was  both  eccentric  and  vain,  and  "  who  was  wont,  out  of 
bravery  and  parade,  to  dress  himself  up,  in  a  strange,  antic,  and  Itarlmric, 
fashion,  witli  feathers,  which,  therefore,  obtained  him  the  name  of  Jack-nf-lhe- 
feather."  He  was  even  more  po|)ular  among  his  countrymen  than  Opekanka- 
notiffh,  which,  doubtless,  was  the  ground  of  that  chief's  jealousy ;  especially 
as  lie  was  one  of  the  greatest  war-captains  of  his  times.  He  had  \wvn  in 
many  fights  and  encounters  with  the  English,  always  exposing  himself  to  the 
greatest  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  them.  This  circum- 
stance caused  the  Indians  to  believe  in  his  invuhierubility,  and  lience  he  was 
by  them  considered  superhuman.  Only  almut  14  days  Iwfbre  the  nuissincn', 
Jack-of-the-feather  went  to  the  house  of  one  Morgan,  where  he  saw  many  such 
articles  exhibited  as  were  calculated  to  excite  admiration  in  such  people. 
Jack,  i)erhaps,  had  not  the  mcmns  to  purchase,  but,  it  seems,  he  was  resolved, 
some  how  or  other,  to  possess  them.  He,  therefore,  told  Morgan,  that  if  ho 
would  take  his  commodities  to  I'amunkey,  the  Indians  would  give  him  a  great 
price  for  them.  Not  in  the  least  mistrusting  the  design  of  JVemattanow,  the 
simple  Englishman  set  out  for  Pamunkey,  in  ■  i)any  with  this  Indian. 
This  was  tlie  last  the  English  heard  of  Morgan.  However,  strange  as  \,  may 
seem,  Jack^s  ill-directing  fiite  sent  him  to  the  sisme  place  again,  and,  what  was 
still  more  strange,  he  had  th  ■  cap  of  the  nmrdered  Jl/organ  ufion  his  head. 
Morgmi's  servants  asked  hiwi  where  their  master  was,  who  very  delil>enitely 
answered,  that  he  was  dead.  Tliis  satisfied  them  that  he  had  munlered  him. 
They,  therefore,  seized  him,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a  ningistnjte  at 
Berkeley ;  but  he  made  a  good  deal  of  resisfince,  which  caused  one  of  his 
captors  to  shoot  him  «lown.  The  singidur  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  ho 
related.  Though  mortally  wounded,  .yematianoio  was  not  killed  outright,  aiul 
Jiis  captors,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a  boat  to  pntceed 
to  Mr.  Thorp's,  the  magistrate.  As  they  v  ere  going,  the  warrior  l)ecame  satis- 
fied that  ho  must  die,  and,  with  the  most  extraordinary  earnestness,  Ix'soiight 
that  two  things  might  be  granted  hiui.  One  was,  that  it  should  never  be  told 
to  iiis  coimtrymen  that  he  was  killed  by  a  bullet ;  and  the  other,  that  he  »<hould 
be  buried  among  the  English,  so  that  it  should  never  be  discovered  that  he 
had  died,  or  was  subject  to  (leath  like  other  men.  Such  was  the  (iride  and 
vimify  exhibited  by  an  Indian  at  his  death.  The  following  inference,  there- 
fore, is  naturally  to  be  drawn ;  that  n  desire  to  be  renowned,  and  held  in 
venenition  by  posterity,  is  not  confmod  to  the  civilized  and  leutned  of  any  ago 
or  nation. 

*  I'lrlinps  llii!  New  KiiKliiiidrrs  followed  Smilli's  example,  BAcrwnrii.i,  in  the  cqsi'  of  .liV.r- 
tniU'-,  i\iiiigrtt,  and  olliers. 


Chap.  II.]        OPEKANKANOUGH.— SECOND  GREAT  MASSACRE. 


361 


Meanwhile,  Opfkankanoitfrh,  tlie  better  to  increase  the  rajro  of  his  wniTiors, 
affoctcd  ^eat  pnof  at  \emnUanow^a  death,  which  had  the  effect  he  intended 
owinjr,  especially,  to  the  favor  in  which  that  warrior  had  stood  amonjj  the 
Indians.  But  the  English  were  satisfied  that  this  was  only  pretence,  as  wo 
have  before  observed  •,  because  they  were  informed  of  his  trying  to  engage 
some  of  his  neighbors  against  them,  and  otherwise  acted  suspiciously,  some 
time  before  MmaUanoiD'a  death ;  of  tiio  justice  of  which,  however,  the  Eng- 
lish tried  arguments  at  first  ..id  tiircats  afterwards,  to  convince  them.  By 
his  dissimulation,  Opeknnknnoufrh  completely  deceived  them,  and,  just  before 
the  massacre,  treated  a  messenger  that  was  sent  to  him  with  much  kindness 
and  civility;  and  assured  him  that  the  peace,  which  had  been  some  time 
before  concluded,  was  held  so  firm  by  him  that  the  sky  should  fall  sooner 
than  it  should  be  violated  on  his  part.  And  such  was  the  concert  and  secrecy 
among  all  the  Indians,  that,  only  two  days  before  the  fatal  22  March,  some 
kindly  conducted  the  English  through  the  woods,  and  sent  one  of  their  youtk 
to  live  with  the  English,  and  learn  their  language.  Moreover,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  that  very  day,  they  came  unarmed  among  them,  and  traded  as  usual, 
and  even  sat  down  to  breakfast  with  their  victims,  in  several  instances.  Never, 
|)frlui|i.x,  was  a  nias.sacre  so  well  contrived  and  conducted,  to  ensure  success, 
I1.S  was  this  of  Opekankanoufrh.  The  English  were  lulled  intoa  fatal  security 
und  even  unknowingly  assisted  the  Indians  in  their  design ;  lending  theni 
their  boats  to  coiniiiunicate  with  distant  tribes,  and  furnisliing  them  with 
various  utensils,  which  were  converted  at  once  into  weapons  of  death. 

'J'lie  22  March,  1622,  having  come,  and  the  appointeii  iiour  of  that  mein- 
oralili!  day  arrived,  with  a  siniultaneousness  unparalleled  on  any  former  occa- 
sidii,  the  Indians  rose  from  their  ambushes,  and,  with  the  swiftness  of  the 
tiger,  appean-d,  in  a  moment,  amidst  the  English  settlt -mcnts.  Age,  sex,  nor 
(■ou<titioii,  shielded  no  one;  their  greatest  benefactors  v  ere  imong  their  first 
victims.  Tiius,  in  the  space  of  about  one  hour,  fell  three  hundred  amijbrty- 
scvcn  men,  women,  and  children.  By  this  horrid  calamity,  out  of  bO  planta- 
tions, six  oidy  were  left  uninjured.  And  these  were  saved  by  the  timely 
information  of  a  Christian  Indian  called  Chanco. 

The  ensuing  summer  was  spent,  by  the  surviving  English,  in  strengthening 
themselves  against  further  attacks,  and  preparations  for  taking  vengeance  on 
the  Indians;  wholly  neglecting  all  improvements,  works  of  utility,  and  even 
their  planting.  Every  thing  was  lost  sight  of  in  their  beloved  project  of 
revenge ;  and  the  English,  in  their  turn,  showi>d  themselves  more  treacherous, 
if  not  more  biu-barous,  than  their  enemy.  For,  under  pn'tence  of  making 
|ieace  again  with  them,  they  fell  upon  them  at  unawares,  and  nuirdered  many 
without  mercy.  This  crime  was  vastly  oggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  come  forward  and  make  peace,  the  Etiglish  had  not  only  solemnly 
assured  them  forgiveness,  but  likewise  security  and  safi.-ty  in  their  persons. 

It  was,  for  some  time,  supposed  that  Opekankanough  was  among  the  slain, 
but,  if  Mr.  Beverly  was  not  misinformed,  the  siune  wichem,  22  years  after- 
wards, executed  a  still  greater  mussucre  upon  the  English,  us,  in  the  ne.Yt 
place!,  W(!  shall  relate. 

How  long  Opekankanough  had  been  secretly  plotting  to  cut  off  the  intruders 
of  his  soil  cannot  be  known ;  but,  in  l(i44,  all  the  Indians,  over  a  space  of 
couiilry  of  (jtt)  miles  in  extent,  were  leagued  in  the  enterprise.  The  old  chief 
at  this  time,  was  supposed  to  be  near  100  years  of  age,  and,  though  unable  to 
walk,  wonhl  Imj  present  in  the  execution  of  his  belovocl  project.  It  was  upon 
the  18  .\pril,  when  Opekankanough,  borne  in  a  litter,  led  his  warriors  for- 
ward, and  commenced  the  bloody  work.  They  began  at  the  frontiers,  with  a 
Jetcrmination  to  slay  all  l)efbre  them,  to  the  sea.  After  continuing  tiie  mas- 
sacre two  days,  in  which  time  about  500*  persons  w«'re  unirdered,  Sir  H'illiam 
Berkeley,  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  checked  their  progress.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  iiduibitimts  was  the  greatest  upon  York  and  I'amuukry  Rivers, 
where  Opekankanough  commanded  in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their 
turn,  were  driven  to  great  extremity,  and  their  old  cliicf  was  taken  jtrisoner 

*'  'I'hi*  is  tlic  niiinbor  gencrnlly  siot  down  in  the  liislnries,  Imt  tlin  probably  just  scrutiny  of 
Mr   Itancn/l,  Ilis(.  U.  3.  i.  221,  caused  liim  to  lix  uimiii  (lio  munbur  3U0. 

31 


3C2 


DEATH  OF  OPEKANKANOIGH.— TOTOPOTOMOI.       [Book  IV 


and  cniiicd  in  triumph  to  Jamestown.  How  long  after  tlie  mnRsncre  tliia 
liu|)p"n<'(l,  W(j  are  not  infonncd ;  but  it  is  said  that  tlic  tiitij^nes  he  had  pre- 
viously undergone  hud  wasted  nway  his  flesh,  and  destroyed  tiio  elasticity  of 
his  muscles  to  tiiat  degree,  that  lie  was  no  longer  able  to  raise  the  eyelids 
from  ids  eyes ;  and  it  was  in  this  ibrloni  condition,  that  he  fell  into  the  hands 
of  his  enemies.  A  soldier,  who  had  been  appointed  to  guard  him,  barbarously 
fired  upon  him,  and  inflicted  a  mortal  wound.  He  was  supp<)S<;d  to  h.ivu 
been  |)roniptcd  to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  tlie  old  chief'.-? 
agency  in  tlie  massacre.  Just  l»efore  he  expired,  hearing  a  preat  bustle  and 
crowd  about  him,  he  ordered  an  attendant  to  lift  U|)  liis  eyelids;  when  he 
discovered  a  multitude  pressing  around,  to  gratity  the  untimely  ciniosity  of 
'leliolding  a  dying  suchom.  Undaunted  in  death,  and  roused,  as  it  were,  from 
sleep,  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  inultitude,  he  deigned  iiot  to  oliservc 
them:  hut,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  the  expiring  breath  of 
authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  should  be  called  to  him.  When  the 
governw  came,  Opekankanough  said,  with  indignation,  "  Had  it  been  m>/  for- 
tune  to  liavt  taken  Sir  Wm.  Berkf.lev  prisoner,  I  tooidd  not  ineanli/  liave 
exposed  him  as  a  show  to  my  people  ; "  *  and  soon  after  expired. 

It  is  said,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact,  that  it  was  owing  to  the 
cncroaclunents  upon  his  lands,  that  caused  Opekankanough  to  determine  upon 
a  massacre  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless,  coidimnuhin 
to  the  grants  of  the  proprietors.  He  could  hanlly  have  expected  entin;  eon- 
quest,  as  his  people  had  already  begun  to  waste  away,  and  English  villages 
were  K|)ringin"  up  over  an  extent  of  country  of  more  than  ."iOO  miles,  with  a 
populousness  beyond  any  preceding  example ;  still,  he  was  determined  upon 
the  vast  undertaking,  and  sacrificed  himself  with  as  much  Ao?ior,  it  will,  per- 
haps, be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae. 

Sir  William  Berkeley  intended  to  have  sent  him,  as  a  present,  to  the  king 
of  England ;  but  assassination  deprived  him  of  the  wretched  sutisf  iction,  and 
saved  the  ciiief  from  the  mortification,  f 

None  of  the  Virginia  historians  seem  to  have  been  informed  of  the  true 
date  of  this  last  war  of  Opekankanough;  the  ancient  records  of  Virginia,  siys 
Mr.  Burk,  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extraordinary  omission.) 
Mr.  Beverly  thinks  it  began  in  l(i3<J,  and,  although  Mr.  Burk  is  satisfied  tiiut  it 
took  place  after  1641,  yet  he  relates  it  under  the  date  1(J40.  Anil  we  are  not 
certain  that  the  real  date  would  ever  have  lu^en  fixed,  hut  for  the  inestimable 
treasury  of  New  England  history,  fVinlhrop^s  Journal,  t 

That  it  took  place  subsequent  to  1G41,  Mr.  Burk  assures  ns,  upon  the  evi- 
dent^e  of  the  MS.  records ;  for  they  relate  that,  in  1(340,  one  John  Burton  had 
been  convicted  of  the  murder  of  an  Indian,  and  that  his  punishment  was 
remitted,  "at  the  intercession  of  Opekankanough,  and  his  great  men."  And 
that,  in  the  end  of  the  year  1641,  Thomas  Rolfe,  the  son  ol  Pocnlmntns,  peti- 
tioned the  governor  for  nermission  to  visit  his  kinsman,  Opekankanough,  and 
Cleopatre,  the  sister  of  his  mother.  That,  'hereforc,  these  events  happened 
previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Opekankanough.  ^ 

NicKOTAWANCE  succccded  Opekankanough,  us  a  trihutajy  to  the  English. 
In  1648,  he  came  to  Jamestown,  with  five  other  chiefs,  and  brouglit  2U  beaver 
skins  to  he  sent  to  King  Charles.  He  made  a  long  oration,  which  he  con- 
cluded with  the  protestation,  "that  the  sun  and  moon  should  first  loose  their 
glorious  lights,  and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  people,  should  ever  more  here- 
after wrong  the  English." 

ToToi'oTOMoi  pi'obably  succeeded  JVickotawance,  as  he  was  king  of  Pa- 
niunkey  in  165().  In  that  year,  a  largo  body  of  strange  Indians,  called 
Rechaliecrians,  came  down  from  the  inland  mountainous  country,  and  iiircibl^ 

*  lierfrbi,  Hist.  Virg.  51.  t  See  nrilisli  Empire  in  Aiiioricn,  i.  210,  1. 

X  Wlicllier  it  l)e  preiicrvecl  in  Ilening's  Statutes,  I  have  not  Icuriicil,  but  presumed  il,  I'ruio 
the  inri-rciico  of  liancroft. 


^  Like  most  of  the  early  writers,  the  author  of  A  New  Deacnplion  of  Virginia,  (2  foil. 
iKs.  Hist.  8uc.  ix.  111.)  speaks  of  the  Indians  in  terms  dirtutod  liy  indi^nalioii.     "Tlirir 

'lal  bloody  monster  upon  a  hundred  years  old,  wn.s 
tract  was  published  ui  IGJ'J,  but  no  date  is  given  lo 


ureal  kiuji;,"  he  says,  "  Onechanktnme,  that  bloody  monster  upon  o  hundred  years  ohi,  was 
taken  by  Sir  William  Berktly."     Thi»  Ira-     ^ "   '-  '       "  ■"  ' -  •'-  '-  -' - 


the  inassucre. 


m 


Chap.  Ill]       THE  CRF.KK  NATION.— ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME. 


363 


I«<t88es8(>il  tlieiiiHel.ra  of  the  country  altoiit  the  iblls  of  Jnmes  River.  Tlie 
esfi.slature  of  Vir^'iiiia  wa.s  in  st-ssion,  when  tiie  news  of  tlieir  comiiifr  wns 
rtM-riveil.  Wliat  i-aii.M;  tiie  Eii^li^li  had  to  !><-iul  out  nn  army  ai>aiiist  tliuin, 
our  8o.inty  rrconlti  do  not  tuitisfartorily  !«how:*  but,  at  all  events,  they 
<iotcrniin;'d  at  once  to  dispossess  thcni.  To  that  end,  an  artiiy  of  uhout  100 
men  was  raised,  and  |)ut  under  the  dircetion  of  Colonel  Edward  Hilt,  who 
was  joiui'd  liy  Totopotomoi,  witli  100  of  liis  warriors.  Tliey  did  not  find  tlie 
Iteeliahi'iriaiis  un|M'e|)arcil,  hut  of  the  partieuhu's  of  the  meeting  of  the  ad- 
verse parties  we  are  not  informed.  Tiie  event,  however,  was,  to  tiie  allies, 
most  disastrous.  Tolonolomoi,  v/itli  tlie  mo.-it  of  his  men,  was  slain,  and  the 
]'ii<rlish  suffered  a  total  defeat,  owing,  it  is  said,  to  the  criminal  management 
of  Colonel  Hill.  Tiiis  officer  lost  his  coiiimis.sion,  and  Ida  pro|>erty  was 
taken  to  defray  the  losses  sustained  hy  the  country.  A  peace  seems  to  have 
been  conclu<!ed  with  the  Indians  soon  after. 


■*»»§0e 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  Creik  Indinnt—Sfuskogees — Prohibit  the  use  of  ardfnt  spirits — Their  rise  and 
importanre —  Their  origin — Cutawhas — Chikaaiuis — Chrroktcs — Ji  mode  of  flattening 
their  heads — Coinplcxion  lighter  than  other  Indians — Seminotes — Ruins  at  Oak' 
viulgre  Fields — Expedition  of  Soto — Kills  2fMM)  Indians — Laudonnirre — Oourgts' 
erpedition — Grijaha — Moytov  made  emperor  of  the  Cherokees — Sir  Alexander 
Cumming — Ilis  travels  among  the  Cherokees — Seven  chiefs  ateomvany  him  to  Eng- 
Ltnd — .ittakultakulla — Skijaoustah — His  sperch  to  the  king — Hts  death. 

I.v  the  preceding  chaiHers  of  this  book,  niueh  lias  been  narrated  of  the 
southern  nations  in  general ;  and,  in  particular,  of  many  prominent  indi- 
viduals and  events.  It  is  designed,  in  the  pres«-nt  chapter,  to  speak  more 
partieulaily  upon  the  events  of  the  great  nation  of  Cnn-k  Indians. 

It  will  he  proper,  in  the  first  place,  to  give  some  general  account  of  the 
nation,  whose  men  of  enrnence  'lave  lieen,  and  an;  to  lie,  noticed  ;  for  there 
are  some  facts  that  will  ..  necessarily  hill  in  otlierwi.se;  hut,  in  such  di- 
gn'ssion,  if  so  it  should  he  termed,  our  chief  axiom  is  not  overturned,  which 
i.s,  that  to  rt'iite  the  history  of  the  men  of  a  country,  is  to  write  the  history 
of  such  country.  The  read«!r,  however,  should  be  reminded,  that  a  general 
history  of  a  people  at  oiu;  perio<l,  will  not  exactly  apply  to  them  at  another. 
1  his  observation  is  not  only  true  with  regard  to  their  ])olitical  and  civil  liis- 
t')rv,  but  alsT)  iii  i-egard  to  the  maniiers  and  customs  of  the  same  nations: 
these  liiets  are  true,  both  as  they  n-gard  |)oople  called  civili/ed,  as  well  as 
those  called  savage.  Hence,  descriptions  of  tribes  or  nations  by  one  obsener, 
at  one  time,  difi'er  from  those  of  another  at  a  diflTen^nt  period  ;  and  yet  both 
may  he  true  in  the  main  particulars.  Students,  then'fon»,  not  aware  of  this 
itict,  may  be  disposed  to  tliscredit  writers  for  such  disagreements,  which,  in 
fact,  an  altogether  imaginary.  I^iit  it  is  time  to  commence  U])on  the  imme- 
diate business  of  the  present  chapter. 

The  Creek  Indians  take  their  nan)e  from  that  of  the  country  in  which  they 
live;  that  is,  the  English  gave  them  the  nnme  of  Creeks,  liccause  their 
country  is  full  of  creeks. 

*  Hv  ilie  t'olliiwinif  prciiiiilOc  and  rp<ofve  of  llie  Ic^islitlurp,  all  we  possrss,  toiirliinir  litis 
n)iilliT.  is  to  lie  ^iilliiTcil : — "  Wlioroas  iiiCnrninlinii  hnlli  bocn  received,  dial  mniiy  wcslcrn  or 
iiilaiiil  Imliaiis  arc  drawn  from  the  mniiiitnins,  and  lately  set  down  ifar  tlie  falls  of  Jaiiie!) 
IJivi-r.  In  llii>  iiiinilior  of  (i  or  700,  wlierehy,  upon  nciny  several  conslileralions  heiiifr  l>ad,  il  \* 
roiiirived  (»reat  daiisrir  mifjlil  ensue  to  iliis  colony.  This  nssemlily,  llierefore,  do  think  lit 
mid  resolve,  llial  these  new  rome  hidians  lie  in  no  sort  siifTered  to  seal  themselves  there,  or 
any  plare  near  us,  it  havin<r  rost  so  miirh  blond  to  expel  and  exiirpals  those  (icrlidioiM  and 
Irenrheroiis  Indians,  which  were  there  formerly.  It  '>eiiip  so  apl  a  place  to  invade  lis,  and 
'viihin  Ihi"  limits,  wliii'h,  in  a  just  war,  were  formerly  eoiiiHiercd  liy  us,  and  by  us  rcser-cd,  at 
the  ctuiclusiuii  of  |icuco,  with  the  ludiuus."     Jiiirlc,  I  list.  Virgiuia,  ii.  lOA. 


3C4 


CREEK  LANGUAGE.— CHEROKEE  INVENTION.         [Book  IV 


'^ 


I 


Tlie  nation  of  moat  importance  amone  the  Creeks  was,  in  1775,  the 
Miiskdgncs.  That  community,  or  nation,  like  tlic  Iroquois,  was  more  politic 
tlian  tJK'ir  neighlrars,  and  vastly  increased  their  strength  and  importance  hy 
(iirounigirig  small  declining  tril)cs  to  incorporate  themselves  with  them.  At 
nne  time,  another  most  wise  resolution  was  adopted  among  them,  which,  ahove 
all  others,  should  be  mentioned ;  that  was  a  prohibition  of  the  importation  of  all 
kinds  of  ardent  spirits  into  their  country,  llow  long  this  resolution  was  main- 
tained, or  at  what  period,  cannot,  at  tliis  time,  be  stated.  It  was  very  probjibly 
at  the  period  of  their  greatest  prosperity,  which  was  just  before  the  breaking 
out  of  the  revolutionary  war.  The  Muskogees  had  another  excellent  regulation, 
namely,  the  men  assisted  their  women  in  their  planting  before  setting  out  on 
their  warlike  and  other  expeditions.  This  was  called  the  Creek  nation, 
which,  in  what  was  called  its  best  days,  about  178G,  contuined  17,000  souls ;  * 
but  they  were  reckoned,  in  1829,  at  20,000. 

Some  have,  latterly,  given  the  name  of  Creeks  only  to  a  part  of  the  nations 
of  w)'''h  we  have  begun  to  treat;  but  it  is  here  intended  to  include  under  that 
head  all  the  tribes  between  the  Savannah  on  the  east,  the  Mississippi  on  the 
west,  and  the  country  bordering  on  the  Ohio  on  the  north. 

The  following  is  a  specimen  of  their  language,  which  will  answer  tolerably 
well  as  a  specimen  of  all  the  southern  languages,  from  Carolina  to  the 
Mississippi: — 

Isti  tsukhvlhpi  laksakat  Tshiliofv  inhomitsi  tomis;  momais  fvtsv  opunaho- 

an  im  afvlski  tomis.f     In  English,  Lying  lips  are  an  abomination  to  the  Lord ; 
ut  Ihcif  that  deal  truhf  are  his  delifiht. 

The  following  is  Choktau  reckoning:  Achvfa,  1,  Tnklo,  2,  Tuchino,  3, 
I  shtn,  4,  Tuhlapi,  5,  Haiiali,  6,  Untuklo,  7,  Untnchina,  8,  Chakali,  9,  Pokoli,  10. 
By  j»refixing  auh  to  the  names  of  the  digits,  they  arrive  at  20;  then,  by  pre- 
fixing Pokoli  (10)  to  the  series  of  digits,  they  aiTive  at  30,  and  so  on.^ 

The  Cherakees  have  now  a  written  language,  and,  before  the  lute  troid)le3 
with  Georgia,  were  making  good  advancement  in  all  the  useful  arts.  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  discoveries  of  modern  times  has  been  made  by  a 
Cherokee  Indian,  named  George  Guess.  His  invention  was  that  of  a  syllabic 
alphabet  of  the  language  of  his  nation,  which  he  applied  to  writing  with 
un|)aralleled  success.  Young  Cherokecs  learned  by  it  to  write  letters  to  their 
friends  in  three  days'  time;  and  although  the  inventor  used  a  part  of  the 
English  alphal)et  in  making  up  his  own,  yet  la  was  acquainted  with  no  other 
language  but  the  Cherokee.  This  invention  was  brought  to  inaturity  in  1826. 
Two  years  after,  a  newspaper,  called  the  Cherokee  Pjheisix,  was  established 
in  the  Cherokee  nation,  pnnted  chiefly  in  Cherokee,  with  an  English  transla- 
tion. <§  Being  considered  an  independent  nation,  tlnty  instituted  a  form  of 
government  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  some  time  after  the  Natchez  massacred  the  French,  that  the  principa. 
nation  of  Creeks,  the  Muskogees,  began  to  rise  into  importance.  For  a  time 
after  that  memorable  event,  the  country  of  the  Natchez  was  desolate ;  but 
when  some  years  had  elni»sc<l,  a  tribe  seated  themselves  tlu;re,  and  it  became 
the  seat  of  a  powerful  notion ;  and  this  was  the  Muskogees.  That  nation, 
like  the  ancient  Romans,  hiul,  in  about  30  years,  extended  their  dominions 
over  a  fertile  country  near  200  miles  square ;  had  3500  bow-men,  and  50  con- 
siderable towns.  They  had  dominion  also  over  one  town  of  the  Shawanese. 
Their  chief  places  were  upon  the  branches  of  the  Alabama  and  the  Apalachi- 
eola  rivers;  the  fieople  upon  the  latter  b<!ing  called  the /owt  Creeks.  This, 
as  well  as  the  other  nations  whom  we  call  Creeks,  are  generally  supposed  tu 
linvc  originally  come  from  the  south  or  south-west ;  but  the  Indians  them- 
selves l)cTieve,  or  pretend  to  believe,  that  they  came  from  the  east,  or  place  of 
the  sun's  rising;  concerning  which  opinion  we  may  observe  once  for  all,  that 
it  most  probably  had  the  same  origin  among  all  ignorant  people,  which  arose 
from  no  other  than  a  desire  that  others  should  think  them  descended  from  the 

*  It  is  rnmmoii  to  rerkon  a  third  warriors. 

f  Tliis  spiTiincii  I  Inke  from  a  little  volume,  called  the  "  Miiskogne  (Creek)  Assistant," 
piii)lislio(l  in  Hoslon,  13.'15,  hy  the  Am.  llonr<l  of  Com.  for  Foreign  Missions. 
i  Clioklnii  AritliMK-lir.  printed  n.i  almvc. 
^  l/ist.  Missions,  ii,  3i>i.—Missiotianj  Herald, 


"•  T-fci 


Chap.  Ill] 


COUM'RY  OF  Tlin  SOLTIIKUN  INUIA.VS. 


3&3 


81111 ;  tlmt  iH'iii;^  tlie  most  glorious  niid  noltio  ori);iii  of  wliicli  thoy  loiiKI  ron- 
ccivo.  Iii(lee<l,  siirli  is  not  altogetlicr  iiiiiiutiiral ;  for  tliut  liiiMiimry  i|uick(Mii 
uml  enlivens  every  thing  tlint  htm  life,  wlirtlier  nniiniil  or  vegetnble. 

Hesidf!  the  Muskogees,  the  KnUiulmhs,  or  CittuwiNiH,  Clierokees*,  Choktniis, 
anil  (.'liikiwiiiis,  were  other  numerous  trilws  8|ircad  over  the  great  country 
of  wiiicli  Nve  have  s|>oken. 

The  Katauhaha  and  the  Chiknaaus  vv('re  very  warlike :  but  their  vicin-ty  to 
Europeans  WiW  jw  detrimental  to  thein,  and  even  M:ore  so,  than  their  own 
exterminating  wars ;  for,  ua  in  other  eases,  as  soon  as  an  intercourse  com- 
nien<-ed,  degradation  and  ruin  followed. 

The  Chcrokees  have  withstood  the  deletery  cflTet  t.T  of  civilization  much 
beyond  what  can  be  said  of  any  other  tribe  of  Indians.  Their  country  is 
chietly  in  Alabama,  Mississi|i|ii,  and  Tennessee ;  but  they  occupy  u'umj  the 
western  |)art  of  the  state  of  (ieorgia.  IJefore  the  war  of  1812,  their  comitry 
covered  '^-1,U00  ai|nare  mil-js.*  Numliera  of  this  trilK!  have  emigrated  to 
Arkansaw. 

Tile  Choktaus  possessed  a  country  not  so  fdled  with  creeks  and  rivers  as 
tlic  Muskogees.  This  circumstance,  it  is  said,  was  a  great  liinderance  io  their 
prosperity;  for  in  their  wars  with  their  neij'hlwrs,  they  sutlered  greatly  fn>m 
their  iirnorance  of  swiuuning.  There  were  L  pper  and  Lower  Choktuu  towns ; 
(he  former  wen^  situated  al>out  KiO  miles  from  the  Chikasaus,  and  the  latter 
about  "JOO  above  New  Orleans.  The  people  of  this  nation  Hattened  their  heads 
by  wearing  bags  of  sand  on  tliem,f  and,  acconling  to  Father  Henn:pin,\  the 
heads  of  all  the  Indians  upon  liie  Mississippi  arc  flatter  than  those  ot  Canada. 
It  is  said  also  that  they  are  of  •  lighter  complexion;  but  this  lias  reference 
only  to  tiie  Muskogees,  accoiuing  to  some  writers.  The  Choktaus  princi- 
pally inhabit  .>Iississippi.  Tliey  were,  in  1820,  set  down  at  25,000  souls,  and 
are  rather  increasing. 

Till-  CiiikiLsiuis  are  sujiposed  to  have  come  from  the  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  as  it  was  a  custom  among  the  Creeks  for  their  unoccupied  lands  to  Ix; 
taken  by  any  that  came  among  them,  us  emigrants,  the  Chikasjius  fouinl  no 
olistaeles  in  the  waT  of  establishing  themselves  on  this  side  the  Mississippi. 
Where  they  first  established  theinselvca  is  unknown,  but  in  1770  they  were  a 
powerful  and  warlike  nation,  and  were  seated  upon  the  western  branches  of 
the  Mobile.  Tlie  trdte  of  Yazoos  belonged  to  this  natioti.  The  Chikifaus 
reside  in  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  They  do  not  exceed  4i)00 
in  nund)er. 

The  Seminoles  were  a  nation  made  up  similar  to  many  others,  and  chiefly 
of  Muskogees.  The  Creeks  called  them  Seminoles,  which  signified  iciY'/, 
because  they  had  estranged  themselves  from  their  Ibrnier  country.  This 
nation  w.is  princi|)ally  seated,  40  years  ago,  upon  the  rivers  A])alachicola  and 
Flint,  and  had  a  large  town  o:\  Calos  Bay,  on  the  west  side  of  East  Florida. 
Tliey  now  reside  in  Florida,  a  scattered  remnant  of  about  I2(X). 

The  names  alone  of  the  different  clans  or  tribes  of  these  nations  would  fill 
■everal  pages,  and  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enumerate  them  ;  we  shall  there- 
fore, afler  some  general  observations,  pass  to  the  conaideratioa  of  those  chiefs 
who  have  been  conspicuous. 

There  are  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Oakmulge,  near  its  confluence  with 
the  Ocoue,  beautiful  fields,  exti'usivi^ly  known  as  the  Oakmulge  fields  ;  they 
are  upon  the  rich  low  lands  of  the  river,  and  upon  the  elevated  part  of  them 
arc  yet  visible  remains  of  a  town.  These  fields  extend  20  miles  along  the  river. 
The  Creek  Indians  give  this  account  of  them,  namely,  that  here  was  the  place 
where  they  first  set  down  r.fler  crossing  the  Mississippi ;  that  their  journey 
from  the  west  had  been  attended  with  incredible  suffering,  and  that  they  were 
opposed  at  every  step  by  various  hostile  bauds  of  Indians,  and  that  oii  reach- 


*  Dr.  Moise'i  Report. 

f  Adair. — ''  As  soon  as  the  rliild  is  horn,  the  nurse  provides  a  cra<llc  or  wornlcn  rase,  hol- 
loweil  and  fashioned,  lu  rercive  the  infiinl,  tying  prostrate  on  its  bark,  that  part  of  the  ras« 
where  the  head  reposes,  bciiig  fashioned  like  a  brick-mould.  In  this  poriablu  niarliiiie  (hi 
little  bo.'  is  lixcd,  a  ba^  of  sand  being  laid  on  his  forehead.''— 0ui-ffan,  hib. 

1  New  Discovery.  176. 

31» 


1 1 


360 


SOTO'S  KXrr'.DITION. 


[DooK  IV 


iiiK  tliifl  jilnpo  llicy  fortified  tlicmsdvcH,  and  could  jjrocerd  no  fiirtlier,  and  n1 
|);ii;;ili  fraiiicd  ground  uiid  became  conquerors  in  tlu;ir  turn. 

'I'liuii;  ure  few  gruutur  curioiiitiuH  iti  tlie  soutli,  than  tlie  great  liighwiiys  oi 
nmdH,  wliicli,  50  yuurH  ogo,  struck  the  traveller  with  8Hr|iri«e.  In  Went  Florida 
they  are  ittill  ouMily  traced  for  near  50  iiiiles  in  a  straight  line  upon  the  Uklu- 
koncy  lUver.  All  history  is  silent  about  them  ;  and  it  is  a  sin^'ulur  tiu't  that 
th«  Indians  will  make  no  use  oi*  them,  but  studiously  make  then*  paths  in  any 
odier  direction,  * 

The  country  of  the  southern  Indians  has  sutFured  in  some  respects  as  much 
iw  fonie  parts  of  South  America;  it  liaving  been  traversed  and  ovcrnm  from 
time  to  time  by  bunds  of  mercenary  whites.  In  the  year  1538,  Ferdinand  de 
nolo,  with  a  commission  from  the  Emperor  Charles  v.,  sailed  with  a  consid- 
eralile  dcet  for  America.  He  was  a  Portuguese  gentleman,  and  had  been 
widi  Pizarro  in  the  conquest  (as  it  is  called)  of  Peru.  His  (■onunission  con- 
stituted him  governor  of  Cuba  and  gci.end  of  Florida. f  Although  he  sniled 
from  St.  Lucur  in  15;)8,  he  did  not  land  in  Florida  |  until  May,  l^VX  With 
ahosit  1000  men,  213  of  whom  were  provided  with  horses,  he  undertook  tho 
(■oii(|iiest  of  Florida  and  countries  adjacent  After  cutting  their  way  in  vari- 
ous directions  through  numerous  tril>es  of  Indiuus,  traversing  nearly  1000 
miles  of  country,  losing  a  great  part  of  their  army,  their  general  died  upon 
the  biuiks  of  the  Mississip|>i,  and  the  survi.-ors  were  obliged  to  build  vessels 
in  which  to  descend  the  river ;  which,  when  they  had  done,  they  siul(;d  for 
Mexico.  This  expedition  was  five  yerrs  in  coming  to  nothui^,  and  bringing 
ruin  upon  its  performers.  A  populous  Indian  town  at  this  tune  stood  at  or 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Mobile,  of  which  Soloes  army  had  possessed  themselvi>8. 
Their  intercourse  with  the  Indians  was  at  first  friendly,  but  at  length  a  chief 
was  insult<>d,  which  brought  on  hostilities.  A  battle  was  fought,  in  which,  it 
is  said,  2000  Indians  wero  killed,  and  ti3  Spaniards. 

We  shall  not  attempt  here  to  go  more  into  detail  concerning  the  bnnd  of 
marauding  Spaniards  under  Soto,  as  it  will  answer  the  present  pur|)ose  to 
observe,  that  what  has  just  been  related,  is  but  one  of  the  many  butcliiries 
committed  by  that  btuid ;  and,  moreover,  our  accounts  arc  rather  indistinct 
upon  the  whole  afiuir,  and  savor  much  of  exaggeration. 

The  French,  under  Reni  de  Laudonniere,  settled  in  Florida  in  I5<>1,  near 
where  Pensacola  was  since  built  The  Spaniards  claimed  the  country,  and 
hence  the  bloody  wars  which  followed.  This  first  settlement  of  the  Frenrli, 
projected  by  Admiral  Coligni,  was  soon  broken  up  by  the  Spaniards :  they, 
in  the  basest  and  most  savage  manner,  murdei-ed  the  whole  colony.  A 
religious  war  at  this  period  cUstracted  the  French  nation,  and  this  outrage 
would  have  remained  unrevenged,  but  for  the  indignation  of  an  individual. 
In  l5^u ,  Dominique  de  Gourgis  sailed  to  Florida,  took  three  forts  from  the 
Spaniards,  put  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  hanged  all  the  other  settlei-s  I'e 
could  find.  §  A  French  garrison  was  again  established,  but,  being  leil  without 
protection,  wcs  soon  retaken  by  the  Spaniards,  ^vho  remained  musters  of  the 
country  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  || 

From  these  transactions  of  antiquity,  we  must  descend  to  times  nearer  our 
own.  In  the  year  1730,  Sir  Alexander  Cumming  travelled  among  the  southern 
Itidians,  and  from  whose  account  we  are  able  to  give  sevend  interesting  par- 
ticulars. At  this  period,  he  relates  that  the  Cherokee  nation  was  governed 
by  seven  Mother  Towns,  each  of  which  chose  a  king  to  preside  over  them 
and  their  dependants.     He  was  elected  out  of  certain  tumiiies,  and  the  descent 

•  n'illi,„M's  W.  Florida,  32. 

\  Vhnudon  de  DeUmdine,  Nouvcnu  Did.  Historique,  art.  .Soto. 

i  "  So  callud,  beciuise  il  was  first  discovered  by  the  .Spaniards  on  Polme-Sunilay,  or,  as 
llio  n;  ;  inierpret,  Eft<ler-day,  wliicli  lliey  call  Pasqua  Florida,  and  not,  as  Tlieuet  wrilelh, 
for  llio  iloiiri'tliliig  verdure  tliereof."  I'lirchas,  7fi'J.  Modern  writers  of  discoveries  would  do 
i.i'tler  were  they  to  look  more  to  the  sources  of  inforiP'.lion. 

6  See  an  animated  accoinil  of  these  bloody  afiairs  in  Johnson's  Life  of  ficnoral  Greene, 
..  Am,  &.C. 

II  liupratz,  i.  1—3.  Juan  de  Grijalva  discovered  the  rnunlry  upon  tin  fiiilf  of  Mcxiro  in 
]dUi,{lfi'rrer<i,'[\.  199,)  and  some  report  thai  he  carrie<l  oil'  liulinns  as  .slaves.  (.Sec  WiV- 
/law.?'*  Florida.  5(0.)  But  we  are  not  aware  that  the  fai't  is  clsew In  k;  recorded,  llinera, 
tlioujfh  very  minute,  does  not  name  il      I'lirdias  ('112)  iigrees  "iih  iiim 


■'  i  ^l 


■  .-1  .{ 

I.  « 


cmaf.  ni] 


MOYTOY  MADF.  KINO  OP  TIIK  rn'^.FKS. 


!W7 


was  rcifiinlcd  only  on  \\w  iiiotlifr's  side.  TIicho  mother  towiiit  were,  nrronling 
to  Sir  %rHcxnndrr,  'raiiiitm.sic,  Kcttouiili,  IJnti-nury,  'J'<-lli(|iio,  Kntootowic,  Kcyo- 
\vc«',  iiiul  Not'vi'0(!e.  Four  of  tlieHu  towim  were  without  kind's  nt  tliin  time, 
tlicy  liiiviii<r  liied.  Some  tow  i<  liuil  iiriiiccH,  as  our  uutiior  called  tlioiri; 
iinniely,  Tuinii^so,  one ;  Hettecho,  niic ;  ra88i-t(cli('0,  one ;  Iwutwve,  one ;  Tel- 
liijiio,  two;  TnniiiiH^ie,  two ;  CunnoMtee,  one ;  Cowee,  one. 

The  chief  Moytoif  wns  culled  em|)ei*or,  and  presided  over  the  seven  towns, 
in  17<iU.  His  residence  watt  at  Telli(|UO.  On  the  3  April,  this  year,  deputies 
from  all  |iurts  of  the  nation  met  at  Nequassie,  and  in  presence  of  Sir 
JiUxniukr  Cumming  and  12  other  Englishmen,  declared  Moytoij  e  nperor;  he 
hiivin<(  been  ;.^minated  by  Sir  Jiltxandtr.*  The  nation  consented  to  receive 
Mw/loy  us  their  king,  provided  he  was  held  accountable  to  Sir  Jlkxander,  At 
the  (■(■mniony  of  declaring  Moytoy  king  or  emperor,  by  whose  order  Sir 
Jllfxander  was  placed  in  a  chair,  fiimscif  and  the  conjurerr.  standing  about 
liiui,  and  a  throng  of  warriors  "stroked  him  wi'li  13  eugleiT  tails,  and  their 
siiijfcrs  sung  from  morning  till  night."  Aller  this  was  done  with,  he  made  a 
spct'oli  to  the  great  concourse  of  Indiai  8 ;  in  which,  among  a  good  deal  Ix'sidcs, 
he  disphiyed  the  power  and  goodness  of  the  king  lieyond  the  great  water; 
and  ''recjuired  J)/f)i/'o>/ and  all  the  head  warriors  to  acknowledge  themselves 
dutiful  subjects  and  sons  to  King  George"  "all  which  they  did  on  thoir  knees, 
calling  upon  every  tliif>g  that  was  terrible  to  th<.>m  'o  destroy  thetii,  and  that 
thev  might  become  no  |)eople,  if  they  violated  their  protnisc  and  obeiiicnce." 

The  next  day,  4  April,  "the  crown  was  brought  from  great  Tamiassie, 
which,  with  iive  eagles'  tails  and  lour  scalps  of  th.'ir  enemies,  Moyloy  pre- 
sented to  Sir  Alexander,  impowering  him  to  lay  the  same  at  his  majesiy's  feet." 
The  conjurers  were  well  pleased  with  the  English  baron,  and  tuld  him  they 
would  follow  all  his  din>ctions.  "That  '.^!ien  he  letl  them  they  would  still 
consider  him  as  jiresent  in  the  person  of  Moutoy  of  Telliquo,  who  would 
punctually  do  what  he  had  bid."  Sir  JllexanJer  was  now  at  Taiinassie,  400 
miles  Iroin  Charleston,  according  to  his  reckoning,  and  hnd  but  15  days  to 
arrive  there  in,  to  go  for  England  in  the  Fox  inan-of  war,  which  was  then  to 
will.  He  therefore  asked  .Moytoy  if  the  Indians  could  travel  there  in  so  short 
a  time  on  toot.  The  chief  suiil  it  might  bo  done,  and  that  he  would  have 
accompanied  him,  but  for  the  dangerous  illness  of  his  wife,  and  reijiieistcd  him 
to  choose  such  as  he  desired  from  among  his  people,  to  go  with  h::n.  f 

Accordingly,  Sir  Jllexandtr  chose,  as  evidences  of  what  had  happened, 
Skijagusla,  \.  the  head  warrior  of  Tassetchie,  "  a  man  of  great  power  and 
int(!resit,  who  had  a  right  to  be  a  king,"  AttakuUaktUla,  and  Olassite,  or  OiUa- 
cite,  a  third  warrior,  Collannah,  a  fourth;  "and  from  Tannassie,  the  remotest 
town  of  tlie  country,  he  took  Clogoillah  and  Oukanaekah,^  warriors."  About 
y;»  miles  from  Charleston  they  met  with  the  wju-rior  Ounakannoicine,  a 
friend  of  these  chiefs,  "who  had  just  comt;  from  the  Kattarbe  nation,  and 
desired  to  go  along  with  his  countrymen,  to  which  Sir  Alexander  coiiscrnted." 

They  went  on  board  the  Fox,  a  man-of-war,  and  sailed  Irom  Charleston 
Bay  4  May,  and  arrive  J  at  Dover  5  June;  thus  performing  a  passage  across 
the  Atlantic  in  u  month  and  a  day,  in  1730,  not  much  inferior  to  what  is  done 
now-a-days.    At  Dover  Sir  Alexander  "  took  post  to  London,  with  tiie  crown 

*  This  part  of  ihe  sentence  is  upon  the  authorily  of  a  good  writer,  {Hewatl,  Hist.  Carolina, 
ii.  5,)  but  Sir  Alexander  Aoa  not  sny  quite  as  much  in  his  account. 

t  Sloyloy  was  a  bitter  enemy  atU-rwards.  In  1758  he  wcnl  with  his  warriors  to  a  place 
called  Statiquo,  and  killed  several  whites,  without,  as  was  said,  any  provocation.  Uewatt, 
ii.  220. 

{  Or  Kiia/iusla.  This  chief  wt»  one  of  t!ic  sei-en,  as  will  appear  immediately  onward, 
althouf^h  Sir  Alexander,  in  his  coiimunicalion,  does  not  name  him.  Neither  duos  he  name 
AUakiUlakutia,  or  Oulassile;  yet  it  is  certain  they  were  both  in  England,  and  we  believe  at 
this  time :  they  make  up  the  number  seven,  with  those  named  in  his  own  narrative.  That 
Allakiillnkiilla  was,  see  Ifexatt,  ii.  221,  and  Wynne,  ii.  2(!0,  n.  We  can  onlv  nroount  for  the 
blanks  in  the  narrative,  by  sup[)osine  tiiat  Sir  Alexander's  amanuensis  did  not  understand 
him,  (l()r  he  did  not  w.  te  himscIC,)  and  the  enumeration  of  the  eliiels  which  lie  look  willi  him, 

is  very  blundering.    Thus,  after  naming  one  only,  it  is  set  down,  "  and ■ 

B  third  warrior,"  (fee. 

I'crhaps  Ockonoalola,  who  was  called  the  gieal  warriir  of  the  Cherokee  nation      Ikuati 

n. 


i  *8 


!  •'!! 


am 


CUKKK  rniKF.S   VISIT  F.NGLAND. 


lUooE  IV. 


of  tlic  Cluriiki-p  tinlion,  li'nvin^  tin;  Iiidinnn  liohind  to  roino  up  witli  the  man- 
ot'-wiir.  Ill'  l<'t  till!  Nirntni-y  of  state  iiiit(i(>(liiit(>lv  knowiliat  li*!  Iiud  (iill  (hiwit 
from  tlint  iiiitioti  to  i  y  ilicir  crown  at  Urn  innjcxty  h  f*'<-t,  niiit  that  hr  had  hrnnght 
over  Hcvcii  Indian  chicli*,  na  an  evidonco  of  tho  truth.  His  niajcHty  waH  fim- 
riounly  pli'iiwil  to  ordiT  H\r -lUiamler  to  hrin^  in  hin  pcoph!  to  the  inMtalhtlion, 
tho  IHth  ofJuMc,  whiTO  they  were  cxtreniely  ^inrpriwd  at  thi-  niagriitironce  of 
every  thin^'  ahont  them  :  they  romparcd  the  king  and  «pieen  to  the  himi,  the 
|tririceH  to  the  stars,  and  themHelvcH  to  nothing.  On  the  tWd  of  June,  Sir 
tlkxttnilrr  was  intro<hired  to  hiti  majesty,  and  npon  his  knee,  in  presence  of 
the  roni1,  declared  tho  fidl  power  he  had  received,  the  Indian  chiet's  all 
kneeling  at  the  same  time,  at)  u  testimony  of  their  nnhmission  and  ai>|M-ohation. 
Sir  Jlkxanikr  laid  tho  en»wn  of  \.\w  Cherokee  nation  at  his  majesty  s  li-et,  with 
the  five  eagles' tails,  us  an  end)lemof  his  majesty's  sovereignty,  and  tour  scalps 
of  Indian  enemies;  all  which  his  majewty  was  gnicionsly  pleased  to  accept  of." 

While  in  Kngland,  tliey  made  a  treaty  with  the  king,  every  arti<-le  of  which 
was  accompanied,  on  his  part,  with  presents  of  somt;  sort  or  other:  such  as 
cloth,  gntis,  vermilion,  hattdietM,  kinves,  &c.  This  tn;aty  was  dated  at  White- 
hall, 7  Sepieirdier,  1730,  and  from  it  we  get  the  names  of  the  wven  chiefs.  It 
begins,  "  Wherojis  yon,  Scataousta  Oukaii,  chief  of  the  town  of  'IVsseta  ; 
yon,  ScALiLosKKN  Ketaousta  ;  yon,  Tetiitowf.  ;  yon,  Cloooittah;  yon, 
CoLA.N.-vAH  ;  yon,  U.n.vaconoy  ;  yon,  Oucou.nacou,  huvo  Iwen  deputed  by  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Cherokee  Indiana,  to  come  to  Gn-nt  Hritain,"*  &c.  After 
the  treaty  was  ftnished,  o  certified  copy  was  pres«'n»'.!d  to  tho  chiefs  by  Sir 
Meiunihr  Cummin/r ;  npon  which  Skijagustah,  in  the  name  of  the  whole, 
made  the  following  s|><;ech  ; — 

"  We  are  come  liiiher  from  a  monntiiinons  place,  wliere  nothing  l»iit  dark- 
ness is  to  Im)  fomid  ;  hut  we  are  now  in  n  |)lace  where  there  is  light.  'J'liere 
was  a  person  in  onr  country,  lie  gave  us  a  yellow  token  of  warlike  honor, 
whicli  is  left  with  Mnj)to;f  of  Telliquo,  and  as  wiirrim"s  we  received  it.  He 
cam<;  to  us  lik<;  u  warricu-  from  you.  A  man  he  iH :  his  talk  is  upright,  and  tho 
token  ho  left  preserves  his  memory  among  us.  We  look  tipon  yon  as  if  the 
great  king  were  present;  we  love  you  as  re|)re8enting  the  great  king.  We 
shall  die  in  the  same  way  of  thinking.  The  crown  of  onr  nation  is  dit)i>rent 
from  tha*  which  the  great  King  GKonoK  wears,  and  from  that  we  saw  in  the 
tower.  liut  to  us  it  is  all  one.  The  chain  of  friendship  shall  he  carried  lo 
our  peo|)le.  Wo  look  upon  the  great  King  George  as  tho  gun,  and  as  our 
father,  and  upon  ourselves  as  his  children.  For  though  we  are  red,  and  you 
are  white,  yet  our  hands  and  hearts  are  joined  together.  When  we  shall  have 
acquainted  our  people  with  what  we  have  seen,  our  children  from  generation 
to  generation  will  alwa)3  remember  it.  In  war  we  shall  always  be  one  with 
you.  The  enemies  of  tho  gn;at  king  shall  be  our  enemies.  IJis  people  and 
ours  shall  be  one,  and  shall  die  together.  W^e  came  hither  naked  and  |)oor  as 
the  worms  of  the  earth,  but  you  have  every  thing,  and  wo  that  have  nothing 
must  love  you,  and  will  never  break  the  chain  of  friendship  which  is  betwei  n 
us.  Here  stands  the  governor  of  Carolina,  whom  we  know.f  This  small 
rope^  we  sliow  you  is  all  that  we  have  to  bind  onr  slaves  with,  and  it  niay  bo 
broken.  But  have  iron  chains  for  yours.  However  if  we  catch  your  slaves, 
we  will  bind  them  as  well  as  wc  can,  and  deliver  them  to  our  friends,  and  take 
no  pay  for  it.  We  have  looked  roimd  for  the  jierson  that  was  )n  our  country 
— he  is  not  here :  However,  we  must  say  he  talked  uprightly  to  us,  and  we 
shall  never  forget  him.  Your  white  |)eople  may  very  safely  build  houses  near 
us.  We  shall  hurt  nothing  that  belongs  to  them,  for  we  are  children  of  one 
father,  tho  gn>at  king,  and  shall  live  and  die  together." 

When  Skijdfriislnh  had  proceeded  thus  fur,  he  luid  his  feathers  upon  a  table, 
and  closed  us  follows : — 


•  Report  of  the  Commissioiirrs  (173C)  on  the  Affairs  of  Georgia,  p.  53.— If  Atlakutlakulla 
were  among  these  cliiefs,  he  went  under  another  name,  as  did  also  Oiilacite.    Sec  a  few  pages 


forward, 

t  There  was  at  this  lime  nn  governor,  though  Rnhert  Johnson  was  nominally  siirh. 
the  governnienl  of  (Carolina  was  delivered  lo  Ihe  crown  of  Knglund,  for  about  jt!n,000. 
$3n  wn<  reappointed  in  17.31. 

X  String  oi  wampum,  probatily. 


In  1729 
Jitm- 


tA 


CH»P.  IV] 


TOMoriiinii. 


169 


"ThiH  is  our  way  of  talking,  wiiicli  iM  tlic  snnio  tiling  to  iiia  ns  your  li'ttere  in 
tlio  IhioIc  arc  to  yon,  and  to  yon,  beloved  men,  w«  deliver  tiieso  leallieni  iii 
contirmation  of  all  we  have  said." 

In  OctolMT,  the  Indiana  cnilmrked  at  Portfinioiitii  with  Mr.  Johnson,  the 
governor  of  Carohna,  for  their  own  country,  and  in  the  sumo  Nlii|t  in  wiiicli 
tliey  went  over. 

Skijac^istah,  or,  aa  he  waa  aonictiinea  called,  KUtaguitit,  "  woa  brother  of 
Oucconnoatota,  or  the  great  warrior,  and  also  chief  of  Chote.  He  lived  to  bo 
very  old,  and  died  in  May,  17U8. 


»###« 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Settlrmtnt  of  Carolina  and  Gtorgia — Tomociiiciii  rrreires  the  Ensriith — Coea  to  Eng 
land  with  General  Oglethorpe — Miiket  a  tprech  to  the  King — His  death — ll'ar  with 
the  Spaniards — Outacitif. — Mai.achtv — ATrAKi'i.i.AKui.i.A — Indians  murdered 
— Attakui.i.akui.i.a  prevents  retaliation  upon  whites  in  his  ptnorr — Chrroket  ll'ar 
beirins — Governor  Littleton's  expedition — Imprinons  their  Ambassailors — Thru  are 
massacred — Colonel  Montgomery  sent  atrainst  them — Battle  nrar  Keoipee — Lnrro- 
hers  take  Fort  London — Siloi'ce — Sates  the  life  of  Colonel  Byrd — Colonel  Grant 
subdues  the  Cherokees,  and  they  make  peace  teith  the  whites — Ciiluccu. 

The  presumption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Raltsh  vit'tted 
ilie  southern  shores  of  North  Ainerica.  SVhen  General  Oglethorpe  Tandt;d  in 
(leorgia,  in  1732,*  O.  S.,  and  conwnunicated  to  the  Indians  the  eontentN  of  a 
journal  of  Sir  Wa/Zcr**,  they  w^emed  to  have  a  tradition  of  him,  which  they  had 
t()ndly  cherished ;  altliough,  if  the  person  tiiey  met  were  Ralegh,  a  himdred 
years  had  elapsed  since  ho  was  there.  They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe  a, 
j)lace  near  Yamacraw  bluff,  since  Charleston,  on  which  was  a  large  mound, 
ni  which  was  buried,  thev  said,  a  chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  Halter  Ralegh 
ii|)on  that  spot.  The  chief  had  requested  his  people  to  bury  him  there,  that 
the  place  nnght  be  kept  in  veneration. 

TOiMOCIilCHI  was  the  principal  chief,  or  Mico,  as  chiefs  were  railed,  «)f  a 
small  band  of  Creeks  and  \  nmasecs,  who,  having  in  some  way  otl'cnded  their 
countrymen,  fled  their  country,  and  "wandered  about  in  tlic  woods  some  time, 
until  about  173f2,  when  they  begged  leave  of  this  government  to  sit  down  on 
the  high  land  of  Yamacraw,  on  the  south  side  of  Savunnuh  river,  at  or  near 
the  place  where  the  new  town  of  Savannah,  in  Georgia,  is  now  situated."! 
They  consisted  of  but  17  or  18  families,  and  their  first  chief  appears  to  have 
Ijeen  called  Bocaciiee.  Several  chief  men,  of  various  tribes,  came  to  welcome 
the  English,  immediately  af\er  their  arrival.  "  They  were  as  follows :  From 
the  tribe  of  Coweeta,  Yahan-lakee:,  their  king,  or  mico  ;  Essaboo,  their  warrior, 
the  son  of  Old-brim,  lately  dead,  whom  the  Spaniards  called  cmpetor  of  the 
Creeks,  with  ei^ht  men  and  two  women  attendants.  From  the  tniM;  of  Cusse- 
tas,  Cusseta,  their  mico  ;  Tatchiquatchi,  their  head  warrior,  with  four  attendants. 
F'rom  the  tribe  of  Owseecheys,  Ogeese,  the  mico,  or  war  king ;  JK'ealhloiith- 
ko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  trilM;  of 
Cheechaws,  Outhleteboa,  their  mico,  ThlaiUho-thlukee,  Figeer,  Soolamilln,  war 
captains,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Echetos,  ChiUabecche  and 
Robin,  two  war  captains,  (the  latter  was  bred  among  the  English,]  with  four 
attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Polachucolas,  Gillatlee,  their  head  warrior,  and 
five  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Oconas,  Oueckachumpa,  calle<l  by  tin;  Eng- 
lish Long-king,  Koowoo,  a  warrior.  From  the  trilx;  of  Eufaule,  Tomaumi,  head 
warrior,  and  three  attendants. 

*  Many  geiitiemcii  in  England  cnnlributed,  in  various  ways,  lliis  year,  liir  the  advunceinrnt 
of  tlie  colony  ;  some  in  cauTe,  some  in  labor,  some  in  provisions,  ami  oihiirs  as  sii|ili,.rs.  The 
contribution  of  one  gentleman,  lor  its  singularity,  sliall  be  inciitiojieil.  ".Mr  /linne  gave  u 
lilvcr  boat  and  8|>oon  for  the  tirst  child  born  in  Georgia,  which  being  born  of  .Mrs.  C7(u>',  wtro 
jivcn  accor<lingly." — Commissioners'  Report  on  (ienrgia  Affairs,  p.   119. 

*  Report  of  the  Commissioners,  ut  supra,  11,  IIG,  117. 


i> 


370 


TOMOCIIICIII  AND  OTIIKKS  \ISIT  ENGLAND.         [Book  IV. 


I 


"TIh!  IndiaiiM  iN-iiig  nil  wMitfil,  Oufrkachumpa^  a  very  tall  old  man,  Ftoml, 
ati<l  iiiadi!  a  r.|>f<rli,  wliioli  waH  ititcq)i-<*tt'd  by  Mr.  tViggan  and  Mr.  A/iiMTorr,* 
ill  wliiili  III'  said  all  tli<-  lands  to  tlitt  Boiitliward  of  Havunnali  Kivi-r  IM-Toiiged 
to  llic  Crtt'ks.  Ill-  wild,  the  liidiuiia  wen;  |K)or,  hut  the  fuinio  Power  that  gave 
the  I'jigliMli  hriatli,  gave  tlietii  breath  alw).  That  tliot  Power  had  given  tho 
KiigliMli  the  iiioxt  wiHdom.  That,  as  they  had  conic  to  uiBtnict  them,  they  Hhould 
have  all  the  laiida  which  they  did  not  tiHo  theiiifielves.  That  this  waa  not  only 
liiH  mind,  but  the  inindH  of  the  eight  towns  of  Creeks,  who  had,  after  roiiHiilt- 
ing  together,  wiit  some  of  their  chief  men  with  skins,  which  was  their  wealth. 
At  tliiH  period  of  Oueekachumpa'a  speeeli,  some  of  the  chieti*  of  the  eight 
luwiiH  brought  each  a  bimdio  of  biu-kV  nkins,  and  laid  them  down  before  Mr. 
Offltlhorjie.  Then  the  chief  said,  "  Theat  are  the  brsl  tbinfra  we  possess,  Init  we 
rive  them  trilh  n  ifood  heart.  I  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  Toniochichi,  and 
lis  people.  He  is  my  kinsman,  and,  tnoui^h  he  was  banished  from  his  nation,  he 
s  a  flood  man  and  a  f^reat  warrior.  It  was  on  aceount  of  his  tviadom  and  justice, 
hiU  the  banished  men  chose  hint  their  king.  1  hear  that  the  Chtrvkees  hare 
'iiiied  some  Knglishmen.  If  you  [addrcHsing  Mr.  Oglethorpe]  will  command  vs, 
we  will  go  against  them  with  all  our  force,  kill  their  people,  and  destroy  their 
living." 

\\  lien  Oii'ckachvmpa  had  done  sjieaking,  TomocAifAi  drew  near  with  liiii 
iiK'ii,  and,  afier  making  a  low  bow,  said, — "  /  wcs  a  banished  man,  and  I  came 
here  poor  and  hel/dess  to  look  for  good  land  near  tiie  tombs  of  my  ancestors,  and 
tvhin  you  came  to  this  plact.  1  feared  you  would  drivt  us  away ;  for  we  were  weak 
and  wanted  com.  Bui  you  confirmed  our  laiul  to  v.s,  and  gave  ua  food."  The 
other  chicfM  spoke  in  the  sai.xe  inaniit r  as  Ouetkachumpa  had,  and  then  agreed 
upon  and  executed  an  amicable  treaty. 

My  till!  asHi.xtance  of  bis  inter,ireter,  Ma-.y  Musgrove,  General  Oglethorpe  had 
iK'en  able  to  draw  together,  at  oi  e  time,  .'iO  chiefs  from  the  upper  and  lower 
Creek  towns,  and,  by  his  conciliatory  conduct,  had  secured  their  friendship, 
lie  next  resolved  to  take  a  deputation  of  them  to  Kngland,  hoping  what  they 
might  witness  and  experience  there,  would  result  in  lasting  benefits  to  both 
their  nations  and  the  English.  Accordingly,  measures  having  been  taken  for 
the  furtherance  of  this  project,  tho  general  and  the  Indian  cliieis  embarked 
for  Kngland,  in  the  Ahlliorough  mun-of-war,  and  arrived  nt  St.  llellens,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  10  Juno,  1734.  The  names  of  the  Indians  were  Tomo- 
CHiciii,  Se>awki,  his  consort,  and  Toonakowi,  the  prince,  his  nephew ; 
also  IIiLLisi'iLLi,  n  war  captain,  and  Apakowtski,  Stimalecui,  Sim-olciii, 
lIiNGUiTHi,  and  UMriirciii,  five  other  chiefs,  widi  their  interpreter. 

Immediately  after  their  arrival,  orders  were  given  for  prejiarinj;  jiroper 
habits  lor  them,  in  order  to  their  being  introduced  at  court.  This  having 
been  done.  Sir  Clement  Cotlerel,  knight,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  was  sent, 
Au^'ust  1,  with  three  of  the  king's  coaches,  drawn  by  six  horses  each,  to  thu 
(jieorgiu  ollice,  where  the  chiefs,  all  except  one,  were  taken  in  and  carried  to 
Kensington,  where  their  introduction  to  his  majesty.  King  George  II.,  took 
place.  The  one  left  at  tho  Georgia  office  was  sick  with  the  small-pox,  of 
which  he  died  the  next  day.  ToMOCiiicni,  after  presenting  the  king  with  sev- 
end  eagle's  feathers,  which  were  considered,  by  his  nation,  the  most  respectful 
present  they  could  send,  delivered  the  following  speech  to  his  majesty : — 

"  This  day  I  see  the  majes.y  of  your  face,  the  greatness  of  your  house,  and 
the  niimlicr  of  your  people.  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  whole  nation  of 
the  Creeks,  to  renew  the  iMjace  they  hat'  long  ago  made  with  the  English.  I 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days ;  and,  though  I  cannot  live  to  see  any  advantage 
to  myself,  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  children  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Creeks,  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  knowledge  of 
the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  which  is  the  swiftest  of 
birds,  and  who  flieth  all  round  our  nations.  These  feathers  are  a  sign  of 
peace  in  our  land,  and  we  have  brought  them  over  to  leave  tliciii  with  yon, 
great  king,  as  a  sign  of  everlasting  peace.     O  !  great  king,  w  hatsoever  words 

*  Jlid  wife  was  llie  iiilprprelcr,  aoronliii^  to  .irCu//,  i.  35,  who  was  a  half  breed  imniod 
nfanj.  Oglethorpe  lirst  purcliasecl  her  iViciKlship  with  presents,  and  allerwards  allowed  iier  a 
buiidrcd  pounds  a  year  for  her  services. — Commiisioners'  Report  on  Ueorgia  AjJ'airi. 


riiAP. IV.]      ToMiMinriii  and  otiif.r.s  visit  knolam). 


371 


yon  rIiiiII  my  unto  inc,  I  will  tcl!  lliciii  (Ititlifully  to  all  tlii>  kiii^'H  of  tiic  Creek 
nntioiis."  '1  lit;  kind's  nimwcr,  tlii>iif;li  slicirt,  wuh,  in  the  liigliuot  dc^p'uc,  con- 
riiiiitory,  nixl  wiiiit  was  l«rin«!»l  j;nuM(»nn.* 

Winn  liie  tiiirtk  were  intrcMiiiocit  iit  court,  his  niajcHiy  received  thiMii  u|miii 
his  thnih);,  in  the  iircttencc  chttnibcr,  iittcndcil  hy  tliu  otVircrM  of  Htatc,  and  a 
niiiniToun  courL  Tlwy  wen;  introduced  l»y  the  Uuke  of  Grn/lon,  ciianiltcriaiii 
of  his  iiiajcHty's  houHvhold  ;  and,  utlcr  the  ceremonies,  tlicy  ruttirned  to  their 
a|Hirtiiieni>s  at  the  (leorffiu  oflice. 

Their  fn«t  care,  ull«r  i-eturning  from  court,  was  to  inter  their  deci-used 
companion,  which  was  accontin^ly  done  with  gn'ot  ceremony,  in  the  hnrial- 
>:round  of  St.  John  the  Kvanxelist,  Wcftmiiister,  according  to  tin;  custom  of 
the  "("heroki'e  Creeks,"  which  wiw  in  the  following  manner : — "The  tleccawd 
l»  iiig  S4>wed  up  in  two  hianket.4,  with  one  ileal  hoard  iuder  and  another  over 
liini,  and  tied  down  with  a  cord,  v>ms  pinceil  n|M)n  a  liicr,  and  carried  to  tii<; 
place  of  interment.  There  were  only  present  at  the  time  of  Iiih  being  put  int(» 
the  jrrave.  King  Tomo,  anil  some  ol  the  chic(?>,  the  iip|M!r  church  warden  of 
the  jiarish,  and  the  grave  digger.  When  the  corpHe  was  laid  in  the  eaith,  the 
clothes  of  the  deceaseil  were  thrown  into  the  gnive  ;  after  this  a  r|uantity  of 
glass  heads  were  cast  in,  and  then  st)me  pieces  of  silver ;  the  custom  of  those 
Indiiins  heing  to  bury  all  the  deceased's  clH'cts  with  him." 

.'Mthough  we  ha\e  the  names  of  all  tlu;  chiefs  given  us  that  went  over  with 
Mr.  OfrUihor/ie.  we  have  not  the  means  of  knowing  which  it  was  that  died. 
Indians  often  died  on  their  visits  to  Europe.  One  of  the  five  Iroquois  chicls 
died  in  Knglan<l,f  in  1710,  and  of  his  name  too  we  are  ignorant. 

iMr.  ()^Uihorpe\t  chiels,  after  having  been  showed  the  chief  curiosities  in 
and  about  London,  were  taken  to  Sitilhead,  where  the  English  fleet  lay,  that 
they  might  go  on  Inmrd  and  view  the  tremendous  ship  BrUatmla,  and  some 
otiiers  of  great  magnitude.  On  the  30  October,  17JM,  a  little  jmst  noon,  they 
cnd)arked  ut  («ravesend,  on  Itoaril  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for  Georgia. 

Of  Tomochichi,  who  was  the  most  prominent  character  among  thetn,  we 
have  yet  a  little  to  add.  He  lived  imtil  be  bad  attained  his  97th  year,  and  died 
1.J  October,  1731>,  five  years,  wanting  15  days,  after  be  sailed  from  England. 
He  resided,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  about  four  mile-  from  Savannah.  He 
was  highly  Iwlovcd  by  the  English,  having  always  be  -n  tlu  ir  particular  friend, 
fought  lor  them  in  war,  and  aided  them  by  his  counsel  la  peace.  He  was 
aware  of  the  approach  of  death,  and  ex])ressed  but  'itile  desire  to  live  longer, 
as  he  should  l>e  unable  to  aid  his  allies  any  more  against  tiie  Spaniards. 
For  General  Oglethorpe  he  expressed  the  greatest  tenderness,  and  entreated 
the  Indians  to  liear  in  remembrance  the  kinilnesses  with  which  the  king  of 
England  had  treated  him,  and  lio|)ed  they  would  always  remain  bis  subjects. 
Having  expressed  a  wish  that  his  l)ody  might  be  buried  among  the  English  in 
Savannah,  accordingly,  bis  corpse  was  there  interred  in  Percival  Square,  witii 
militaiy  parade,  anil  Genend  Oglethorpe  ordered  a  pyramid  to  be  erected  over 
it,  with  an  aftpropriate  inscription.  I 

Thus  are  traced  the  first  steps  in  the  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did  every 
thing  iiromise  a  continuance  of  that  frienilship  so  well  begun  by  (ienenti 
Oglethorpe.  Nothing  was  left  undone^  while  the  Creek  chiets  were  in  Eng- 
land, to  impress  upon  their  minds  exalted  ideas  of  the  power  and  greatness  of 
the  English  nation.  The  nobility  were  not  only  curious  to  see  them,  but 
entertained  them  at  their  tables  in  the  most  magnificent  style.  Multitudes 
flockwl  around  them,  conferring  gilbj  ami  marks  of  res[MH;t  upon  them.  The 
king  allowed  them  £20  sterling  a  week,  during  their  stay,  and  it  was  compiued 
that,  at  their  return  to  America,  they  brought  presents  to  the  amoimt  of  £400 
sterling.  After  remaining  in  England  four  months,  they  embarked  at  Grave- 
send  for  Georgia.  They  were  conveyed  to  the  place  of  cndjarkation  in  his 
majesty's  carriages.  § 

in  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  17-1;},  many  Indians  were 
Irawn  into  the  controversy,  on  both  sides.  Toranocuiri,  ]|  or  Tooanohowi,  a 
nephew  of  Tomochichi,  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  an  encounter  witli 


V 


m 


*  Harris,  Voyajjes. 

t  JU'CaJt,  Hist.  Georgia,  i.  ISO,  l!t7. 


t  Kii/m's  Travels  in  America,  i.  "D. 

^  II).  i.  40.  J  llarrit. 


372 


OUTACITE.— INTERVIEW  WITH  GOV.  NICHOLSON.      [Book  If 


tlie  Spaiiinnls,  by  a  SpnttUli  captain.     Tooanohowi  dn^w  liU  putol  with  his  lefl 
miul,  and  shot  the  captain  through  the  head. 

Thus,  witli  the  S|>uniai-ds  upon  one  hand,  and  the  English  upon  the  otiier 
mid  the  French  in  the  midst  of  t>;<;ni,  tiie  Creeks  oud  Cherokees  became  sub- 
ject to  every  possible  evil  to  which  tht  caprice  of  those  several  nations  ciive 
rise.  In  1723,  a  chief,  whose  nume  we  find  in  wrifera  of  that  day,  IVootaasitaw, 
Woosntasate,  Woohtssltau^  fVroselnsato:v*  &:c.  is  styled  "  Governor  of  tlie  Lower 
and  Middle  Settlenients  uf  the  Chariket's."  lie  is  presumed  to  be  tlie  same 
with  Otacite,  or  Otassite,  one  of  tlie  prisoners  above  enumerated,  and  from 
what  we  are  about  to  relate  of  him,  his  eminence  will  be  apparent.  In  1731, 
Francis  JS/icholson  went  over  as  governor  of  S.  Carolina,  who  wab  said  to  have 
been  very  successlhl  in  nmiioging  aAiiii-s  with  the  Indians.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  the  Cherokees  despatched  messengers  to  Charleston  to  adjust  some 
diflicnlties  which  had  for  some  time  existed;  and,  not  long  after,  another  more 
full  and  complete  deputation  arrived.  Governor  JVickohon  o|>ene<l  the  council 
by  a  long  speech  to  "  ff'ootassite,  King,  and  to  the  lieails  of  the  Lower  and 
Middle  Settlements  of  the  Churokee  Nations." 

In  the  course  of  his  sjicech,  he  observes,  that,  vlien  they  delivered  their 
acknowledgments  and  paid  their  submission  to  tho  government,  "the  other 
day,"  they  hud  made  mention  of  37  towns  that  had  sent  down  their  chiefs  for 
that  pur|)ose,  and  wished  to  be  g^tisfied  that  these  towns  vvere  represented, 
that  his  words  might  be  carried  to  all  their  inhabitants.  After  laying  much 
stress  on  their  submission  and  respect  to  th?  king  of  England,  he  sjieuks  thus 
sensibly  upon  tlieir  trading  with  the  whites,  which  at  the  same  time  discovers 
to  us  the  origin  of  former  troubles. 

After  ordering  that  if  cither  party  injured  the  other,  restitution  should  be 
made  by  the  aggressor,  he  says,  "  Frequent  complaints  have  been  made  that 
your  people  have  often  broke  open  the  stores  belonging  to  our  traders,  and 
caiTy'd  away  their  goods ;  and  also  pillaged  several  of  their  packs,  when 
employ'd  «iid  entrusted  to  carry  them  up ;  and  restitution  has  never  been 
made,  which  are  great  faults:  We  therefore  recommend  to  yon,  to  take  all 
possible  precautions  to  prevent  such  ill  practices  for  the  future,"  &c.  "And  to 
prevent  any  injury  or  misunderstanding,  we  have  imss'd  a  law,  which  appoints 
commissioners  that  are  to  go  twice  a  year  to  the  Congorce,  or  Savaiia  giirri<>oii, 
to  hear  and  redress  all  grievances." 

"  Hoosatasate  being  a  man  in  great  esteem  amongst  you,  having  given  fre- 
quent testimonies  of  his  affection  and  firm  adherence  to  this  government,  and 
bi-ing  appointed  king  over  you  by  the  former  governor |  of  this  province;  so 
I,  wlio  am  sent  immediately  from  his  majesty,  having  the  same  regard  to  »« 
deserving  a  man,  and  in  compliance  with  your  own  request,  that  I  v  ild 
constitute  proper  commandei-s  over  you,  do  now  declare  the  sjiid  H'oosati,.  le, 
your  leader  and  commander  in  chief  over  all  the  lower  settlements  of  tlie 
Cherrokees,  and  give  him  a  commission  for  that  oflice,  under  the  broad  st  al 
of  this  his  Majesty's  province,"  &c.  "  I  expect  that  you,  ff'oosalastUc,  do,  within 
a  month  after  your  return,  call  together  all  the  chief  men  in  your  district,  am'i 
that  you  niid<e  them  thoroughly  pcquainted  with  what  I  now  sjiy  to  you,  and 
require  of  you,  and  shall  give  directions,  that  all  the  Englishmen  amongst  yuu 
shall  be  at  that  meeting.  That  your  xncient  government  may  be  restored,  I 
recommend  to  you  to  keep  yotir  j'onng  men  in  that  due  decorum  tliey  us'd  to 
be,"  &c.  This  treaty  was  held  3  February,  1721,  O.  S.,  or  this  is  the  date  to 
Go /er'ior  Nicholsons  sjieech  ;  but  it  appears  by  our  account  tliat  it  wos  the 
middle  of  March  before  the  Indian  deputies  left  Charleston, 

Although  there  were  events,  in  every  year,  of  importance,  yet,  in  this  |t1ace, 
we  shall  luke  up  tkie  period  rendered  more  memorable  by  die  diatinguislied 
chiefs 


»  He^Balt,  1.  298. 

t  James  Moore,  who,  according  to  Hewait  (I.  27(>).  wa.'i  put  into  office  in  opposition  to  «h« 
resrular  course,  by  a  kind  of  revolnlionarv  spiiil.  Sue  Oldmiron,  who  is  far  more  pa'liculaj', 
1.348. — Moore  was  elected  in  1701.  The  author  of  "  Tlic  Hrilish  Dominions,"  {HZ,)  sb>i 
the  Indians  were  cruelly  treated  during  bis  administration.  Tliere  were  several  other  govern 
ors  before  NicltoUon,  beside  Moore. 


M 


^ 


ip 


Ir' 

lA/X:  ■    I 


OUTAC 1 T  E, 

dlicf  of  lllC  CHRKOKEES 


r»KP.  iv.f 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


1)1,  '  1.  "  - 

ss   • 

rill';.    ».»-r-  l«i> 

•  "■  i.uiko  ;•' 
iiutde  6 
tiim-,  ■ 


nl  f  :   VKU.l.A  Hiul  ('(•KO^■(•^^T0•]■A.*     Tlie  lan.r  ..f  C 
'^W  -«l•M^^^  t:  «iti>tiMi(l<.  of  F,iirui>fauS  to  Iht  Hl;on,>;:<.     Tin'  mir>.<' 


373 


^far, 


riin 

..  .  .•! 


.jtciKlod  liv  ill.'.  H'olJ'kim  miJ  tlic  Uttiistp  ••.l:ii»", 

\t!  .-i  ImiHlrcd  of  thfii-j;'  *>|'ie,  camr  lo  Cluirl.  >.;..ii. 

..ji\,  h\  a  •.roop  ot'liorMiiiu'ii.  .vlio  c<>f.<)iirt<Ml  tl.-in  i" 

"    i.riUr,  ill  gicnt  rrintc     This  >\a?^  t"  >  t'hioc  ili«;ii) 

flii-ii'  ;illk-,  mill,  to  this  ei  ••,  liiv-  ir'jV'in-  i,  (iUr,,t^ 

,  in  the  liidinii  iimtiiipr.     MnUuMif,  wi  ••.  iit  •liis 

I'H  tlio  head  i'ln!;f  among  the  CrcoKs  jin*fn'i-ii  ihn 

iiy  oti  wWifis,  (ind  rfudil}'  rousi'ntcd  to  n  jvvtt';    wi'h  ifiw 

I  :;"t<)a  \H-a.  i-  wit'    the  Clieroki'f.^,  Ik-  fi(\<\.  Uiat   w»*  a 

.t,  niid  he   i'iii.-4t  .h'libcrnto  with  his  pcuidf,  1>  '  .rf    :'| 

I  h"  C!ii'i>>kf.' •<  Acre  ahi-udy  un'ltr  the  (>roiceti''H  id" 

.!■  •  'd'ihei»i  had,  nm  jonit,'  Ih'">)i-i  ,  !'f'iii  kiliml  by  tho  ('p.M"k», 

.    .  trhc.^d  of  ('harh\'t'<;i.     Tho  jmiiy   wliich  ooimci"!-;!  tlii«t 

t.iiirw**  '\ius  •►  I  iij  Mdlarhiif.    .NulwitifslaiidiUL',  »  crsfiniii'n  of  hcstih. '.<•!*  ^i-'  i.i" 

t'l  hin.  '::kfii  I'lu'-'-,  f.r  iiuinhfr.s  •Ci-u.i  !i  ii/i'ioii  |<>iii;'d  the  Kn^lish  immcdiatflv 

.•diiT  the  capture  nf  Osvvt,;o,  by  ih'-.  Fn.iich,  .n  17r>(i.     Tin;  CherokefS  an; 

piiiif --hirly   miiMii,  us  iia\iii^  r.-iidon'd  cfitjenttal   scniw   in  liie  i  xix-ditio;! 

H'v'iiot  Fort  if  Mieyiitf ;  li'U  a  circiiii.^t  uice  hujipiimnl,  -vhiln  those  warriors 

•  MUiriuiiji:  ',«"un'  lion:  ilmt  e.\|)t'dition,  whicli  involved  iliom  in  iw  inirue- 

,  .    ■». :  i  M|(l.  (41,    r.(i'di*li,  111  wh'-sc -vrvi--'  li.^y  hnd  i;wii  t-ngagi'ti.     ILivinif 

-  J  woni  (Hit  vvitli  toil  mill  i'ati'^uo,  oij  coniiif!.'  to  ihe 

I  •      i...  '  ift>  .i."i>'?i'  ni   t||i>s<'  !i!i||ii.i.'-,  w'ui'li  liiliMijjrd 

I      This  Dr.  Iln- 

IV,.    v.r.  .1,.     . 

— "  SfVi-nd  ruiii|)ai.,-  •  --t  in.    i  ,    «, ,   .    .     , 

Stuturijc,  Bt  tlin  liiifiM-TUnatr   ()hi«),  MJinntl  ihid 
ixcoiist' ilu'y  wcTu  lottthiwl  to  our  fiiufli;d  arrsii(rii'i<  11,  i  ■  'i"j  • 
liitni — uore  \'iy  inotli  roiit> miii'd,  — nii-.l   hidl   ^T.rvf.ti  at  ui-    ai;.       <  •».  •■ 
their  lM-ai:a  told  tht:M(,  t'x-n-ti.n',  to  :i  oirii  iii.iii<',  jr.,  fi»»Mii ti  iind  nijiin  .; 
tiioiiin  w  :ih«iiji  n  M!|i|»l/ of  provifii'iu''.     This  titoy  did,  and  iiiii'di'tii; 
lorct'U  Uii  in  to  ijikc  iw  tunch  ax  IjurIv  !-ii!>,iotif'd  iintiiro,  \v!i<n  ritiirn  lu  to 
i),v"- .'vi  1   .■    .•  iM       III  r!ii'lr  joiimiy.  tlu-  G' nn.-iii   iidmhitnnis  "i^lio't  iit>y 

.  ••.      ..(  lliofth^'r  wa.Tior!<,  in  ilitfTCiit  [ilac*".-* 

•  ,i,i ;  •.,' .v'   .  Uri'isli  Riil.i)i:i-i."     It   tiii'.vr 

*  '  .id  otFi'red  li  Howard 


:  8  lU  o'lUil'-r,  nil'! 
i(j  \v>-rc  Inki'ii  ("ifnii  u  ti 
.■'<■•>(  ill  wiyiutr,  fiT^w  fin-  • 

•  in  |ll•^lv;l?^•^^>.     For  V 


till  ur  ;ui  !  *i  -!_■       '  ■'       •   '■ 
iniMNV  t  !   »ii 


r 
'r-'^H-d 

tidii'ivt  III 
rh  (•iitlf;'  t 
aiK  '<     lUu! 


i  by  ilio  iHickwo'iilsiii  ■■■  of  Virginia. 
>i-  mncb  dii*trf'f!'  and  luisny  nnii:i;^  tin-  luiiiiou  t'ligaffi'd,  as  nuv 
rt  jT'iii  "1  coiiijtry  wiw  |>hiiitt.d  liy  the  wliite.s. 

.\t  on«:  (dacr,  a  llion.-ilcr  .'iil('rliiii;od  a  jmtty  of  liiiliaiis,  find  tii;il.ed  th*-'iii 
kiiidlVi  whilf,  at  tin;  wune  tiiin-,  h--  caused  a  ;,'anpr  of  hij;  kiiidnii  rtil)i.in>  to  \h 
i/i  iiiibii-^h  wlicr.  ih  y  W"Tc  to  paK«,  and,  wIh.ii  ih<*y  arrivcii,  lmrl>aron.>-ly*«htjt 
Mum  uovMi  lo  a  iiiaii !     Tht'  nr'n>.  was  forthwiih  rnnifd  to  thi>  Chi  ro! 


nation,  mid   iho  i;l!'  rl  of  it  ii[Min   ]\n-  < 
fit  rtrii'it;, .      riuv  sci/.i'il  tlicii   toiiialu; 
wisdom  "C  .Hfitknli  tkuiln,  woo!,,'   iia'i' 
»h<'ir  country  ii|»<)ii  H''IIi<'-  ni'dlor.".  <>■  ■■ 
!iii;l  firhcUl,  h<-  wa.S  ?i:iioiiy  'l-.^  liui 


liod^  i>f  'iii    .1..1I I lors,  was  liki-  t!iat  ui 

'   •     hill!,    lull    till-   til'-'. 

I'niilisliiiiiMi,  Uicn  ill 

•; .     .Vrf  .lUnLuUn'inil.i  w.is  a 

J.     .      .;  thCt  niimi^-rs,  luii^llit- dtnii^)! 


•  Oiir  iiin.»»l<>inli,  (Isicniiiiosi.ilii.  tVv.i^nwaala,  If'vMk.  — l»<'C'.no,to(n.  R'iih.<w — Ailakul- 
'*\iill"  •*«<  jpiu-rally  ca!li-,l  '.lii>  L-Uik  carptiUer. 
f   )li»l     "S'solll  ('I'rolin.i.  i     IlV.i.  _ 

;   lliM.  Ami'i  I"  linns.  21-'i.    'I'hni  llic  liulinnt  i.i.ki.,< 'mm'x  wiis  no  iircl'-^t  fur  liu' t"  ^ '■  c*f 
•»  '(••;  imu.    nnjrj.irH  evulciil.     '   K-.  ,•.•»•■  Cm;"!;!!!!  it'Cill,  i.  'j.'i7.)  tlw  lior»«>s  ■"     >"*» 
*n  wild  in  llin  >t<i«Hi«.  il  Him  cti«i,'in^rv,  Niili  ainoij;  itio  liidiaiiH  aim  tvliilo  |>n>p!>'  "n^it 
«.   ■   .  jtc)  till  11  I'.iid  nppri'jir'iiit'-'  lli'/iii  u>  ili'-ir  ikvii  iiic. 


;i 


.C-j 


iw-,;? 


»  • 


.» 


Chap.  IV.J 


ATTAKULLAKUI.LA. 


373 


ir^i- 


ATTAKUIXAKULLA  and  OCKONOSTOTA/  The  fame  of  Carolina 
had,  in  175H,  dmwn  a  multitude  of  Europeans  to  her  shores.  The  same  year, 
on  the  2G  May,  Malachty,  attended  by  the  fVolf-king  and  the  Ottiisce  cluef, 
vvitli  about  20  others,  and  above  a  hundred  of  their  people,  came  to  Ciiarleston. 
They  were  met,  on  their  way,  by  a  troop  of  horsemen,  who  conducted  them  to 
the  town,  by  the  governor's  order,  in  gn;at  state.  This  was  to  induce  them 
to  make  peace  and  rdmain  their  allies,  and,  to  this  end,  the  governor,  Glenn, 
made  a  very  pacific  s|)ecch,  in  tlie  Indian  manner.  Malachlt/,  who,  at  this 
time,  seems  to  have  been  the  head  chief  among  the  Creeks,  pi-esented  the 
governor  with  a  quantity  of  skins,  and  readily  consenteil  to  a  peace  with  the 
English ;  but,  in  regard  to  a  peace  with  the  Cherokees,  he  said,  tl.'ol  was  a 
matter  of  great  moment,  and  he  must  deliberate  with  his  people,  bcCore  he 
couki  give  an  answer.  The  Cherokees  were  already  under  the  protection  of 
the  English,  and  some  of  thetn  had,  not  long  before,  been  killed  by  the  Creoks, 
ill  the  very  neighborhood  of  Charleston.  The  party  which  committed  this 
outrage  was  led  by  Malachti/.  Notwithstanding,  a  cessation  of  hostilities  seems 
M  have  taken  place,  for  numl)ei-sof  each  nation  joined  the  English  immediately 
atttr  tlie  ca[>ture  of  Oswego,  by  the  French,  in  1756.  The  Cherokees  are 
particularly  named,  as  having  rendered  essential  service  in  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne ;  but  a  circumstance  happened,  while  those  warriors 
were  returning  home  from  that  expedition,  which  involved  them  in  an  imme- 
diate war  with  the  English,  in  whose  service  they  had  been  engaged.  Having 
lost  their  horses,  and  being  worn  out  with  toil  and  fatigue,  on  coming  to  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia,  they  picked  up  sc'-eral  of  those  animals,  which  belonged 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  places  through  •.vhich  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Ram- 
say \  says,  was  the  cause  of  the  massacre  which  they  suffered  at  that  time. 
But  IMr.  Mair,\  who  lived  then  among  the  Indians  in  those  parts,  says, 
— "  Several  companies  of  the  Clieerake,  who  joined  our  forces  under  Gen. 
Stanwix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  ailirined  that  their  alienation  from  us  was 
iiecause  they  were  confined  to  our  martial  arrangement,  by  unjust  sus|)icion  of 
tiiem — were  very  much  contenuied, — and  half  starved  at  the  main  camp : 
their  hearts  told  them,  therefoi*e,  to  return  home,  as  fn'emen  and  injured  allies, 
though  without  a  supply  of  provisions.  This  they  did,  and  pinching  hunger 
forced  them  to  take  as  much  as  barely  supported  nature,  when  returning  to 
their  own  countrj".  In  their  journey,  the  German  inhabitants,  without  any 
provocation,  killed,  in  cool  blood,  about  40  of  their  warriors,  in  different  places 
— though  each  party  was  under  the  command  of  a  British  subject."  It  must 
be  remembered  that,  upon  Bmddock^s  defeat,  Virginia  had  offered  a  reward 
for  the  scalps  of  hostile  Indians.  Here,  then,  was  uii  inducement  for  remorse- 
less villains  to  murder,  un<l  it  was  impossible,  in  many  cases,  to  know  whether 
a  scalp  were  taken  from  a  frieu'l  or  an  eiien.^.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no 
hesitation  in  saying,  grew  the  excessive  calamities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
the  southern  provinces.  Forty  innocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered  in 
cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a  war,  which  caused 
us  much  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any  since  tiiut 
rogion  of  country  was  planted  by  the  whites. 

At  one  i>lace,  a  monster  ei;tertuiiied  a  party  of  Inilians,  and  treated  them 
kindly,  while,  at  tin;  same  time,  he  caused  a  gang  of  his  kiii(ire<l  riitruiiis  to  lie 
in  ambush  where  they  were  to  pass,  and,  when  they  arrived,  barbarunsly  shot 
them  down  to  a  man !  The  news  was  forthwith  carried  to  the  Clurokee 
nation,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  was  like  tliut  of 
electricity.  They  seized  their  tomahawks  and  war  clubs,  and,  but  for  the 
wisdom  of  JlUakullnkulln,  would  have  murdered  several  Englishmen,  then  in 
their  country  U|)on  some  mattere  respecting  a  treaty.  As  Makultakulla  v.us  a 
rrhief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of  the  murders,  and  the  design 


*  Ouconnostntah,  Oiiooiinoslota,  Oiironiio«lnla,  lt^i/»n«.— Occonoslola,  Ramsmj. — AtUikid- 
Utkul/a  was  generally  callecl  llie  Utile  car})e>Uer. 

t  Hisl.  Soulli  Carolina,  i.  ICil). 

X  Hist.  Amor.  Iiidiuns,  245.  That  tiic  Indians'  taking;  horses  was  no  pretext  for  the  niiinlers, 
even  at  the  time,  appears  evident.  "As  (says  Captain  M'Call,  i.  ii57.)  the  horses  in  those 
parts  ran  wild  in  the  woods,  it  was  customary,  ("oth  among  the  Indians  and  while  people  on  ihe 
iroDtiers,  to  catcl  tliem  and  appropriate  thcni  to  their  own  use." 

32 


'  ,4' 


id 

h 


pi--: 


374 


ATTAKULLAKULLA.— I.ITTLCTON'S  ILL  CONDUCT.     [Book  If 


of  vengeance.  He  thdrtfbre  goes  immediately  to  tliem.,  and  informed  them  of 
llioir  (fanger,  and  assisted  tliem  to  secrete  tliemsalves ;  then,  without  Inns  of 
time,  lie  assembled  liis  warriors,  and  made  u  speecli  to  tiiem,  in  whicli  lie 
inveiglicd,  with  great  bitterness,  against  tlio  murderous  Fnglish,  and  urgtd 
immediate  war  against  them;  ^^andiiever  (said  he)  ahull  tlie  hatchet  be  buried _ 
unlil  the  blood  of  our  countrymen  be  atoned  for.  Let  us  not  (he  continued)  violate 
our  faith,  or  the  laws  of  hospitality,  by  imoniing  our  hanu.  .  the  blood  of  thosv 
who  are  now  in  our  power.  They  came  to  us  in  the  confidence  of  friendship,  with 
belts  oj"  wampum  to  cement  a  perpetual  alliaiKe  toith  iw.  Let  us  carry  them  back 
It  their  oion  settlemevls  ;  conduct  them  safely  within  their  confines,  and  then  take 
up  the  hatchet,  an  I  endeavor  to  exterminate  the  tvhole  race  of  them."  This  counsel 
was  adopted.  Before  commencing  hostilities,  however,  the  murderers  were 
(ii-manded,  but  were  blindly  refused  tliem,  anu  we  have  related  the  conse- 
(jucnces. 

The  French,  it  was  said,  used  their  influence  to  enrage  the  Indians ;  but  if 
tliat  were  the  case,  we  should  not  deem  it  worth  naming,  as  it  appears  to  us 
that  nothing  more  could  be  necessary  to  inflame  them  tliau  the  horrid  out- 
rages of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  a[)pears  from  another  source,*  that  Governor  Littleton  was  met  at  Charles- 
ton by  a  deputation  of  32  Cherokee  chiefs,  among  whom  was  Ochonostota, 
who,  on  hearing  of  the  warlike  movements  at  that  place,  had  set  out  to  visit 
the  F.nglisi),  and  if  possiblr  to  prevent  a  war  with  them.  For  although  some 
of  tiieir  young  waiTiors  hai.  committed  several  acts  of  violence,  yet  the  great 
body  of  the  nation  were  friendly  towards  the  English,  and  desired  pt^ace. 
IJut  instead  of  seizing  on  this  opportunity  of  treating  with  the  chiefs,  he 
insultingly  told  them,  "That  ho  woidd  soon  be  in  their  "ountry,  where 
he  would  let  them  know  his  demands."  Ockonosiota  began  'o  speak  in 
reply,  "but  the  governor  being  determined  that  nothing  should  prevent  his 
iiiilitiuy  expedition,  declared  he  would  hear  no  talk  he  had  to  make,  ncithei 
in  vindication  of  his  nation,  nor  any  proposals  with  regard  to  peace."  TUe 
LiouttiiaMt-Governor  Bull  saw  the  bad  policy  of  this  step,  and  urged  the 
ntcessity  of  hearing  what  Ockonosiota,  the  Great  Warnor,  as  ho  was  called, 
luid  to  say,  and  settling  their  difficulties ;  but  this  good  advice  had  no  effect 
on  Litlleton,  and  he  marched  from  Charleston  in  October,  a  few  days  atlcr 
At  <■'  place  of  rendezvous,  about  140  miles  from  that  plate,  his  force  amounted 
to  about  1400  men.  The  chiefs,  by  order  of  the  governor,  had  marched  witli 
the  army  to  this  place,  and,  although  burning  with  resentment  at  their  treatment, 
yet  they  discovered  no  signs  of  discontent.  When  the  army  was  about  to  march 
ti'om  Congarecs,  (this  being  their  place  of  rendezvous,)  the  cliiels  were  all  mado 
prisoniTS,  and  under  guard  were  marched  to  Fort  Prince  Ceorge.  f 

Their  resentment  now  showed  itself;  "  stung  to  the  heart  by  such  base 
treatment,"  they  cringed  in  sullen  silence,  and  we  may  sujipose  that  "  tliey 
8|"»"t  their  time  in  concerting  plots  for  obtaining  their  libertj',  and  satisfaction 
l()r  the  injuries  done  them."| 

Being  now  at  Fort  Prince  George  with  his  army,  Litlleton  foimd  himself  in 
about  the  same  repute  with  his  own  men  as  with  the  injured  Indians;  he 
therefore  concluded  not  to  carry  his  conquests  any  further  at  present,  but  to 
make  a  treaty,  and  retain  captive  Indians  enough  as  hostages  to  insure  ita 
oi)servancc.  He  therefore  sent  a  messenger  to  AttakidlakiUla,  who  was  reck- 
oned the  wisest  man  in  the  nation,  or  the  best  friend  to  the  English,  request- 
ing him  to  come  to  Fort  George.  He  immediately  came ;  and  to  show  the 
Englisii  he  was  their  friend,  produced  a  French  prisoner  whom  he  liad  just 
taken  in  an  expedition  against  that  nation,  and  whom  he  presented  to  Gov- 
ernor Littleton.  A  "congress"  was  now  (about  IS  DeceniL^r,  l/.W)  held 
witli  AttakidlakuUa,  in  which  i>  'ang  speech,  in  which  all  the  grievances  he 
could  think  of  were  enumerated  by  the  governor ;  after  which  the  chief 
made  another,  in  which  he  promised  to  do  all  he  couid  to  persuade  his  coun- 
tiyiii"!!  to  give  the  governor  the  satisfaction  he  demanded ;  yet  he  said,  "  il 


*  Hewatt,  Hist.  Carolina,  11.  2IC. 

t  'I'liis  fort  was  upon  llie  Sav.iiinali  River,  r.oar  the  Cherokee  town  called  Kcowee. 

i  Hetratl,  Hist,  Carolina,  ii.  lii. 


Chap.  IV.]    ATTAKULLAKULLA.— IMPRISONMENT  OF  HOSTAGES.        375 

neither  wouUI  nor  could  l)e  complied  with,  as  ihey  had  no  coerci\e  authority, 
one  over  another."  He  dt-sircd  that  some  of  the  chiefs  thi-ii  confined  Miijiht 
\te  lihi^rated  to  aid  him  in  restoring  tranquillity;  and  accordingly  Ockonoslota, 
tyiot,  chief  ')f  Keowee,  and  the  head  warrior  of  Estatoe,  were  given  up,  and 
two  Indians  were  taken  in  exchange  and  put  in  irons.  The  other  Cherokees 
present,  ohserving  what  was  going  forwani,  withdrew  into  the  woods,  and  .U- 
UtkuUakulla,  presuming  the  business  must  end  here,  withdrew  also.  It  hud  In-en 
premised,  or  rather  demanded,  in  the  governor's  speech,  that  24  Iiidian^,  who 
were  known  to  have  killed  white  people,  should  be  given  into  his  hands  to  lie 
put  to  death,  or  otherwise  dis|)osed  ot.  Two  only  had  been  delivered,  and  S'i 
yet  reinaineil  of  the  number  of  the  murderei's,  in  their  own  native  litrcsts. 

As  soon  as  Litllelon  knew  of  JlUakullakulla's  departure,  he  sent  for  him,  and 
he  iniMiediately  returned,  and  the  business  of  a  treaty  v/as  renewed,  and  on 
the  20  Uecembcr,  175'J,  it  was  signed  by 

Attakui-lakui.la,  Otassite,  Oco>.\okca,  and 

OUCO.NNOSTOTA,  KiTAGUSTA,  KlLLCA.NNOKKA. 

By  article  III.  of  the  treaty,*  it  was  agreed  that  22  chief-,  (those  who  had 
been  treacherously  si-jzi'd,)  should  remain  as  hostages,  to  ensure  the  delivr-ry 
of  the  like  number  of  mmderers  to  the  English.  There  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  but  21  retained,  whos ;  names  we  are  able  to  give  Im'Iow,  aiul  wiio, 
under  the  name  of  hostages,  were  thrown  iiito  a  dismal,  close  prison,  scarce 
large  enough  for  six  men,  where  they  remained  about  two  months,  and  were 
then  masacred,  as  in  tin?  se([uel  we  siial!  show: — 

Chenohe,  Ousanatanali,  Tallkhanut,  Tallitahe,  Qitarrasalliihe,  Connasnratnh, 
Kataelui,  Olassile  of  Walogo,  Oasaih>lttah  of  Jore,  Knlmlelah  of  Cowetche, 
ChisqimUilw.. ,  Skiagusla  of  Sticoe,  Tanaeslo,  WuluiUlu:,  H'ljfjuh,  Oucahihista- 
nah,  .V7co/cA<",  Tony,  Tvaliahoi,  SlntJlisloske,  and  Cltistie.\ 

Things  liiiving  been  thus  settled,  Mr.  Litllelon  rt  tiUMied  to  Charleston,  w  here 
In-  was  received  like  a  con(|ueror,  although  what  he  had  done,  it  will  appiar, 
was  worse  than  if  he  had  done  notliing. 

Ockonoslota,  for  good  reason,  no  doubt,  entertainc<l  a  deep-rooted  h?.tred 
against  Captain  Cotymore,  an  otiicer  of  the  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but  just 
liU  the  cotmtry,  when  it  was  found  tiiat  he  was  hovering  about  the  garrison 
with  a  large  number  of  warriors.  But  it  was  uncertain,  for  some  time,  whitli- 
er  they  intended  to  attack  the  fort,  or  whether  they  wished  to  continue  near 
tiit^ir  friends,  who  were  imprisoned  in  it.  However,  it  is  said,  that,  by  some 
means,  a  plan  was  concerted  between  the  Indians  without  and  those  confined 
within  the  fort,  for  surprising  it.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Ockonostotn,  on  tiie  l(j 
Feliruaiy,  1700,  practised  the  following  wile  to  effect  the  object.  Having 
jilaced  a  |mrty  of  his  warriors  in  a  dark  cane-brake  near  at  band,  he  sent  a 
sipiaw  to  the  ganison  to  invite  the  commander  to  come  out,  tor  he  liad  some- 
thing of  importance  to  communicate  to  him.  Captain  Colymore  imprudently 
went  out,  accomiHinied  by  two  of  his  officers,  and  Ockonoslota  appeared  u|ion 
tin;  op|)osite  bank  of  the  Savannah,  with  a  bridle  in  his  hand,  the  better  to 
conceal  his  intentions.  He  told  the  captain  he  was  going  to  Cliarlestr>n  to 
efi'ct  the  release  of  the  hostages,  and  requested  that  a  white  man  might 
accoiiqtany  him;  and  that,  as  the  distance  was  great,  he  would  go  and  try  to 
catch  a  horse.  The  captain  promised  him  a  guard,  and  hoped  he  would 
succeed  in  finding  a  horse.  Ockonoslota  then  quickly  turned  himself  about, 
and  swinging  his  bridle  thrice  over  his  head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his 
nun,  and  they  promptly  obeying  it,  about  30  guns  were  dischargetl  upon  the 
otTicers  at  the  same  moment.  Captain  Colt/more  received  a  shot  in  his  lell 
breast,  from  which  he  died  in  two  or  three  days  after,  and  both  the  oth'rs 
wt  re  wounded,  t    On  recovering  the  fort,  an  attem|)t  was  made  to  |)ut  the 

*  [l  is  printed  at  leiiglli  in  llie  Bt.iTlsn  Empiuk,  by  Jluddlesto/ie  Wijiiiie,  Esq.  ii.  273 — 
2''i ;  ail  author  of  no  iiiroiisiclcrabic  merit  on  our  afl'airs. 

t  Several  of  lliese  22  were  of  the  number  who  had  been  in  England  in  1730,  and  fxcculed 
»  treaty  witli  the  kin^,  as  has  been  before  stated,  and  as  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  names 
!.liovc  With  those  named  in  the  treaty. 

1  "  Two  bidian  women  appeared  at  Keowee,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Mr.  Doherty 
went  out,  and  acrostiug  tlicni,  asked  what  news  ?     Ockonoslota  Joined  them,  pretending  some 


;i 


BilJH  ■'  t 


''A 


376 


CHEROKEE  WAR— MONTGORiERY'S  EXPEDITION.     [Bock  IV 


hostages  in  irons.  An  Englishman,  wbo  laid  hold  on  one  of  them  for  tliut 
|)(ni)us(\  was  stalibod  and  slain ;  und,  in  the  scuffle,  two  or  three  more  were 
wounded,  und  driven  out  of  the  place  of  rontinenient.  The  tragedy  in  the 
I'jrt  had  now  only  commenced  ;  the  miserable  prisoners  liad  n-jxlled  their 
ussassins  for  the  moment,  and,  doubtless,  hoped  for  deliverance  from  their 
friends  without,  who  had  now  closely  besieged  the  place.  But,  unfoilunately 
for  these  poor  wretches,  the  fort  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  tlieir  orta  jf  war, 
and  the  dustunlly  whites  found  time  and  means  to  murder  their  victims,  one  by 
one,  in  a  manner  too  horrible  to  n-late.*  There  were  few  persons  among 
the  Cherokjies  who  did  not  lose  a  fri<;nd  or  relation  by  this  massacre ;  and,  ud 
one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  dfsolutions  quickly  followed. 

Meanwhile,  singular  as  it  may  appear,  Attakullakulla  remained  the  fast 
friend  of  the  whites,  and  iise<l  all  his  arts  to  induce  his  coiuitrynien  to  make 
IH'ace.  But  it  wils  in  vain  he  urged  them  to  consider  that  they  had  more 
than  revenged  themselves;  they  were  determined  to  carryall  before  them. 
.lltakidlakuUa  Vt an  iww  au  old  man,  and  hud  become  much  attached  to  tho 
Knglisli,  from  several  causes.  On  the  other  hand,  Ockonostota  was  a  stern 
warrior,  in  the  vigor  of  manhood,  anci,  like  the  n;nowned  Ponliac,  was  deter- 
mined to  rid  his  country  of  his  barbarous  enemies. 

The  leaders  in  every  to\»n  seized  the  hatchet,  telling  their  followers  that  the 
spirits  of  murdered  brothers  wei"e  flying  around  them,  an<l  calling  out  for  ven- 
g<>ance.  All  sung  the  wui-song,  and,  burning  with  impatience  to  indirue  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  their  enemies,  rushed  down  among  innocent  and  de- 
fenceless families  on  the  frontiere  of  Carolina,  where  men,  women,  und 
children,  without  iViKtinetion,  fell  a  s<icrifice  to  their  merciless  fury.  Such 
of  the  whites  us  fled  to  the  woods,  and  escaped  the  scalping-knife,  perished 
with  hunger.  Every  day  brought  fresh  accounts  to  the  capital  of  their 
ravages  and  desolations.  But,  while  the  back  settlers  impatiently  looked  to 
their  governor  for  relief,  the  small-pox  ragetl  to  such  a  degree  in  town,  that 
lew  of  the  militia  could  be  prevailed  on  to  leave  their  distressed  families  to 
serve  the  public.  In  tiiis  exti-emity,  an  express  was  sent  to  Genend  Amherst^ 
the  comnu  uder-in-chief  in  America,  for  assistance,  in  terms  too  pressing  to 
be  dcined.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  a  battalion  of  Highlanders,  and  four 
companies  of  Royal  Scots,t  under  the  co.nmand  of  Colonel  Montgomerif, 
afterwards  Earl  Eglinton,  to  embai'k  at  New  York  for  Carolina.  In  tho 
mean  time,  Littleton,  having  been  appointed  governor  of  Jamaica,  H'illiam 
Bull  succeeded  him ;  a  change  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  province. 

Colonel  Montgomery  arrived  in  Carolina  towards  the  end  of  April,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  people,  who  had  taken  measures  to  cooperate  with  him  to  the 
lM!st  advantage ;  but,  as  the  conquest  of  Cunada  was  the  grand  object  now, 
^Jeneral  Amherst  had  ordered  Colonel  Montgomery  to  strike  a  sudden  blow  tor 
the  relief  of  the  Carolinians,  and  then  to  return  to  head-quurters  at  Albany, 
without  loss  of  time ;  and  we  have  scarce  an  example  in  military  history, 
where  an  oiHcer  fulfilled  his  conunission  with  giruter  promptitude.  He  soon 
ufier  rendezvoused  at  the  Congarees ;  and,  lK;ing  joined  by  many  gentlemen 
of  distinction  as  volunteers,  l)csides  the  principal  strength  of  the  country,  he 
marched  for  the  heart  of  the  Cherokee  country.  After  reaching  u  plai-e 
called  Twelve  Mile  River,  he  encamped  upon  advantageous  ground,  and 
marched  with  a  party  to  surprise  Estatoe,  about  20  miles  from  his  camp,  fn 
the  way,  he  took  Little  Keowee,  and  put  every  man  to  the  sword.  Estatf)e 
lie  found  abandoned,  except  by  a  few  that  could  not  escape,  and  it  wn-i 
reduced  to  ashes,  as  was  Sugar  Town,  und  every  other  settlejncnt  in  tlie 
lower  nation.     About  6G  Indians  were  killed,  and  40  taken  prisoners;  but  the 

niauers  of  business  ;  he  drew  Irom  I'le  fort  several  of  llie  olliccrs  to  converse  witli  lliom."— 
Ilayicood't  Hist.  Tennessee,  30. 

*  "  A  l)otll6  of  poison  was  found  with  one  of  the  dead  hostages,  probaMy  iiilended  to  bo 
dropped  into  the  well ;  and  several  tomahawks  were  found  buried  in  iho  carlh.''  I  hi  it"' nod. 
Hist.  Tennessee,  30. — Any  stories  would  gain  credence  among  the  whiles,  whirli  went  lo 
make  the  Indians  as  bad  as  themselves.  Wlielher  the  boiile  spoken  of  ronininol  poison, 
may  be  questioned  J  and,  if  it  did,  it  maybe  reasonably  doubted  whellicr  Ihe  Indians  knew 
any  thing  about  it. 

t  i  am  following  Ifi'irnlt.  but  ihc  Annual  Register,  iii.  G2,  says,  "a  regiment  of  Highland 
ers,  a  battalioh  of  Uoyul  Auiericiins,  a  body  of  grenadiers,"  &.C. 


Chap.  IV] 


CHEROKEE  WAR— BATTLE  OF  ETCHOE. 


377 


warriors  lind  grnemlly  escaped  to  the  tnonntains  anti  de8crt8.  Thus  far,  the 
cainpaig  .  ,.n\  been  pro8|M>roii8  with  the  wiiitea,  Out  three  ur  four  men  having 
been  killed  ;  l)ut  it  had  no  otlier  cfVect  upon  tlie  Indians  than  to  increase  their 
ruge. 

Rleauwhile,  Fort  Prince  George  had  l)ccn  closely  invested,  and  Colonel 
Montgomery  marched  to  its  relied  From  this  place,  tv/o  friendly  chiefs 
were  dei^patchcd  to  the  middle  settlements,  to  offer  [)eace  to  the  j>eople  there, 
and  orders  were  sent  to  those  in  command  at  Fort  Loudon,  to  use  moans 
to  hring  about  an  accommo<lation  with  tiie  Upp.ir  Towns ;  but  the  Indians 
would  not  hear  to  any  terms,  and  Colonel  Montgomery  was  constrained  to 
march  again  to  ri^ni  the  enemy.  He  had  now  the  most  difficult  part  of  his 
service  to  perform.  The  country  through  which  he  had  to  march  was 
covered  by  dark  thicketc,  numerous  deep  ravines,  and  high  river  Imnks ; 
where  a  small  number  of  men  miglit  distress  and  wear  out  the  best  appointed 
army. 

Having  arrived  within  five  miles  of  Etchoe,  the  nearest  town  of  the  middle 
settlements,  the  army  was  attacked  on  the  27  June,  in  a  most  advantageous 
place  for  the  attacking  party.  It  was  a  low  valley,  in  which  the  bushes  were 
so  thick,  that  the  soldiers  could  see  scarcely  three  yards  before  them;  and  in 
the  bottom  of  this  valley  flowed  a  muddy  river,  with  steep  clay  banks. 
Through  this  place  the  army  must  march.  Rightly  judging  the  enemy  had 
not  omitted  so  important  a  pass,  Colonel  Montgomery  ordered  out  a  company 
of  rangers,  under  Captain  Morriion,  to  enter  the  ravine  and  make  discovery. 
No  sooner  had  he  entered  it,  but  the  fierce  war-whoop  was  raised,  and  the 
Indians  daited  from  covert  to  covert,  at  the  same  time  firing  upon  the  whites. 
Cuptu'a  Morrison  was  immediately  shot  down,  and  his  men  closely  engaged; 
but,  bi-ing  without  delay  supported  by  the  infantry  and  grenadiers,  they  were 
able  to  maintain  their  ground,  and  the  battle  became  obstinate ;  nor  could  the 
Indians  be  dislodged,  until  near  an  hour  of  hard  fighting.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  Royal  Scots  took  possession  of  a  place  between  the  Indians  and  a  rising 
ground  on  their  right,  while  the  Hig.hlanders  sustained  the  light  inttintry  and 
grenadiers  on  the  left.  As  the  left  became  too  warm  for  them,  and  not  well 
understanding  the  position  of  the  Royal  Scots,  the  Indians,  in  their  retreat, 
fell  in  with  them,  and  were  fliarply  encountered ;  but  they  soon  effected  their 
retreat  to  a  hill,  and  coula  no  more  be  brought  to  action.  In  this  fight,  96  of 
the  whites  were  killed  and  woiuided,  of  whom  20  were  of  the  former  num- 
ber.    Of  the  Cherokees,  40  were  said  to  have  been  killed. 

The  Indians  had  now  been  driven  from  one  ravine,  with  a  small  loss ;  but 
Colonel  Montgomery  was  in  no  conditiHu  to  pursue  his  advantage  liuther,  and 
he  therefore,  after  destroying  so  much  of  his  provisions  as  would  afford 
hoi-scs  for  the  wounded,  began  his  retreat  out  of  the  Indian  country,  and,  in 
obedience  to  his  comndssioii,  soon  afler  returned  to  New  York ;  not,  how- 
ever, without  leaving  400  men  for  the  security  of  the  province.  But  it  was 
soon  seen,  that  what  had  yet  been  done  only  increased  the  rage  of  the 
Indians,  and  their  depredation  continued  at  the  very  heels  of  the  n^treating 
army.  They  immediately  cut  off  all  eoninmnication  with  Fort  Loudon, 
which  was  garrisoned  with  200  men.*  Ockonostota,  with  his  numerous 
warriore,  kept  strict  watch,  insomuch  that  there  was  no  means  of  escape.  At 
length,  the  garrison  having  miserably  subsisted,  for  some  time,  u|»on  poor 
famished  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  many  of  thini  became  resolved  to  throw  them- 
selves into  the  power  of  the  Indians,  wishing  rather  to  die  by  their  hands, 
tha.i  miserably  to  perish  within  their  fortress.  Captain  Steuart,  an  oflicer 
among  them,  was  well  known  to  the  'ndiaiis,  and  possessed  great  address  and 
sagacity.  He  resolved,  at  this  crisis,  to  repair  to  Chote,  the  residence  of 
Ockonostota,  and  make  overtures  for  the  surrender  of  the  garrison.  He, 
accordingly,  efiected  his  object,  and  returned  with  articles  of  capitulation 
agreed  upon.  Besides  the  names  of  Ockonostota  and  Paid  Demere,  the 
commander  of  the  garrison,  the  name  of  another  chief  was  to  the  articles, 
called  Cunigacatgoae,    The  articles  stipulated,  that  the  garrison  should  march 

*  Tlie  Clinrokees  were  now  supposed  to  number  3000  warriors,  and  it  was  daily  expected 
lliat  the  Ctiocktawg  were  about  to  join  tlicm. 

32* 


378 


OCKONOSrOTA.— MASSACRK  OF  THE  KNCJf.ISH. 


[Hdok IV 


<j^  as  rimrh  powder  iind  ImB 
slionUi  inorcli  Hi  Virginia 


out  with  their  arrim  and  driiiiif),  each  nnldirr 
■8  his  <)tru><>i-8  shuuld  tiiiiii^  iii!Ct>wnry,  and  tin 
unmole.sti'd, 

Accordiiij,dy,  on  7  Anfriist,  17(iO,  tlio  Enpiish  tool;  ii|)  their  march  for  PVirt 
Prtnco  (j('orj,'f.  TI;oy  had  proceeded  but  alont  15  miles,  wlicn  they  cnrninp- 
e<l,  for  the  ni<.'ht,  upon  a  8inall  plain  mear  Tuliquo.  Tiiey  were  accompanied 
thus  fiir  liy  Ockonostota  in  perHon,  and  many  othcro,  in  a  tViendly  mtinner, 
but  at  nijrht  they  wilhdrew  without  giving  any  notice.  The  army  was  not 
molested  during  the  night,  l)iit,  at  dawn  of  day,  a  sentinel  ciime  rmuiin:;  into 
camp  with  the  information  that  a  host  of  Indians  wen*  cn'e|>ing  up  to  sniTonnd 
them.  Captain  Demere  had  scarce  time  to  ntlly,  b<;fore  the  Indians  InoUe  into 
his  camp  with  great  fury.  TIk;  poor  emaciated  soldiers  made  lint  feclile 
resistance.  Thirty  of  their  numlN>r  fell  in  the  first  onset,  among  whom  was 
tlieir  capUiin.  Those  that  were  ahle,  endeavored  to  save  themselves  hy  flight, 
and  otiiei-s  smrendered  themselves  ujion  the  place.  This  massacre,  it  will  not 
be  forgotten,  was  in  retaliation  for  that  of  the  hostages  already  related.  Among 
the  prisoners  was  Captain  Stcuarl.  They  were  conducted  to  F'ort  Loudon, 
which  now  l>ecamc  OckonosM(Cs  head-(piarters. 

JlUdkullakulla,  learning  that  his  fricn<l  Stcuarl  was  among  the  captives,  pro- 
ceeded immediately  to  Foil  London,  win  re  he  ransomed  liim  at  the  ex|)enso 
jf  all  th(^  property  he  could  comman<l,  and  took  care  of  him  with  the  greatest 
.endeiiiess  and  atfection. 

The  restless  Ockonostota  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George,  llo 
was  induced  to  iiiidertaku  that  jtroject,  as  fortune  had  thrown  in  his  way  some 
of  the  iiieuns  for  such  an  undertaking,  hitherto  beyond  his  reach.  Before 
alHlicating  Fort  London,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  ground  sev<'nd  hags  of 
jwwder.  'J'liis  his  men  had  lound.  Several  cannon  harl  also  been  lell  iM-hind, 
and  he  designed  to  force  his  English  prisoiiers  to  get  them  through  tlu!  woods, 
and  manage  tiieiii  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince  George.  JJiit  JUlakidla- 
kulla  defeated  tliese  openitions,  hy  assisting  Captain  Steuart  to  escape.  He 
even  accompanied  him  to  the  English  suttlcineuts,  and  returned  loadinl  M'ith 
presenf!. 

The  French  were  said  to  have  had  their  emissaries  busily  emidoyed  in  s|)ir- 
iting  on  the  Indians.  One,  named  Letois  Lalinac,  an  officer,  is  particularly 
mentioned.  He  i>crsuaded  them  that  the  English  had  nothing  less  in  view 
than  their  total  extermination,  and,  furnishing  them  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, urged  them  to  war.  At  a  great  council  of  the  nation,  afler  brandishing 
his  hatchet,  he  struck  it  into  a  log  of  wood,  calling  out,  "  fhio  is  the  man  that 
vrill  lake  this  up  for  Ihe  king  oflVance  ?  " 

SALOUE  or  Sii.6tEE,  a  young  warrior  of  Estatoe,  instantly  laid  hold  of  it, 
and  cried  out,  "  /  am  for  tear.  The  spirits  of  our  brothers  who  have  been  slai»i, 
still  call  U|)on  its  to  avenge  their  death.  He  is  no  better  than  a  womnn  that 
refuses  to  follow  me."  Othera  were  not  wanting  to  follow  his  example,  and 
the  war  continued. 

SUduee  was  a  Cherokee  chief,  and  wos  introduced  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  illus- 
trate the  observation  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  that  the  Indian  "is  affectionate 
to  his  children,  careful  of  them,  and  indulgent  in  the  extreme ;  that  his  affec- 
tions comjm'hend  his  other  connections,  weakening,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to 
circle,  as  they  recede  from  the  centre  ;  that  his  friendships  are  strong  and 
faithful  to  the  uttermost  extremity."  "A  remarkable  instance  of  this  appeared 
in  the  case  of  the  late  Col.  Bi/rd,*  who  was  sent  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
transact  some  I  iisiness  with  them.  It  hn])pened  that  some  of  our  disorderly 
people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore  proposed 
m  the  council  of  the  Chcrokees,  that  Col.  Bip-d  should  be  put  to  death,  in 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  countrymen.  Among  them  was  a  chief  called 
SUduee,  who,  on  some  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  acquaintance  and 
friendship  with  Col.  Byrd.  He  came  to  liim  every  night  in  his  tent,  and  told 
him  not  to  he  afraid,  they  should  not  kill  him.     After  many  days'  deliberation, 

*  Perhaps  llic  Siime  mentioned  by  Oklmiron,  (i.  283,)  who.  in  spcakin;;  of  llie  Iiulian  pow- 
wows, says,  "  one  very  lately  conjured  a  shower  of  rain  for  <^ol.  liyrd's  pinnlation  in  lime  of 
drouth,  for  two  bottles  of  rum ; "  and  our  author  says  he  should  nol  have  believed,  had  he  not 
round  it  in  un  author  who  wag  on  the  spot ! 


Chap.  IV.]      SIl.OUEE.— SAVES  THE  IJFE  OF  COLONKI,  RVKD. 


379 


nowfvcr,  tho  dotcrrniimtinn  wiw,  rontrary  to  SUoure^a  c'X|MTtJilion,  thnt  liyra 
sIkiiiIiI  III!  |)iit  to  (IruiIi,  ami  some  wnrriorM  wcro  ilrH|mt('lii'il  uh  <!\<;ciiiioiin'H. 
Sildwe  allciitlcil  tlicin ;  niui  wlieii  tlii-y  fiitcrttl  the  tent,  lu>  threw  hiiii^'lt' 
lii'twet  II  thi'iii  and  Jii/rd,  nnil  Buiil  to  tlie  wnirioin,  'This  mitn  is  inif  J'rienil . 
bij'ore  you  fret  at  him  you  must  kill  me  ! '  On  wliicli  they  n;liiiiiiMl,  niid  the  coun- 
cil ri'K|icett'<l  tliu  |)i-iiici|ili!  8o  niu<:!i,  as  to  rcrcde  tVoiii  their  dcteriiiinaiioii." 

A  iiion;  iiiipolitic  nii<i  harlmrouM  <iieimiin<,  perhapn,  never  entered  tlie  heart 
of  man,  tlian  that  of  otfering  a  reward  for  liiiinan  i<eul|is.  Tliin  wax  done  l>y 
Viij^j'inia,  as  wo  Imve  before  related.  It  h'  true  the  j^oveinineiit  of  Viijc'iiiia  wiia 
not  alone  in  iliis  criminal  himinens,  but  that  IxittefM  not  her  ea.^c.  The  diMir  of 
enormity  being  thus  opeiiud,  it  was  easy  to  l.uvc  foreseen,  that  many  iiicn  upon 
tiiu  Irontiers,  "of  luul  lives  and  worse  print  iples,"  says  an  intelligent  writer,* 
stood  ready  to  step  in.  As  the  event  proved,  many  friemlly  Indians  were 
murdered,  and  the  govcrniiieiit  defrauded.  It  was  at  the  news  of  a  murder  of 
this  description  that  Colonel  Uitrd  was  seized. 

Such  was  tho  condition  of  the  country,  that  n  second  apfdication  was  mado 
to  General  Amherst  for  aid,  and  lie  |iromptly  atlbrded  it.  ('olonel  James  Grant 
arrived  there  early  in  17(il,  and  not  long  after  took  the  field  with  a  Jbrce  of 
English  and  Indians,  ainoiinting  to  alMiiit  2(X)0  men.f  He  traversed  the  Cher- 
okee country,  and  subdued  that  peojilu  in  a  hard-fought  buttle,  near  the  sumo 
place  where  Colonel  Montgomery  was  attacked  the  year  lielbre.  It  lasted 
about  three  hours,  in  which  about  (X)  whites  were  killed  and  wounded.  The 
I0S.S  of  the  Indians  was  unknown.  Colonel  Grajit  orderetl  his  dead  to  be  sunk 
in  the  river,  that  the  Indians  might  not  find  them,  to  practise  upon  them  their 
barbarities.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  their  towns,  15  in  num- 
ber, which  he  accomplished  \vithout  molestation.  J  Peace  was  at  lust  ellected 
by  the  mediution  of  AUahdlakulla.  This  chief's  n'sidence  was  ii|>on  tiio 
Tennessee  or  Cherokee  River,  at  what  was  culled  the  Overkill  Totcns.  In  1773, 
when  the  learned  traveller,  liarlrnm,  travelled  into  the  Cherokee  country,  he 
met  the  old  chief  on  his  way  to  Charleston  ;  of  which  circumstance  hi;  s|ieaks 
thus  in  his  Travels: — "Soon  after  crossing  this  lurge  brunch  of  the  Tanase,  I 
observed  descending  the  heights,  at  some  di.stance,  a  company  of  Indian.",  all 
well  mounted  on  horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward  ;  v  their  nearer 
u|)proach,  I  observed  a  chief  at  the  head  of  the  caravan,  and  ap|  chending  him 
to  be  the  Little-carpenter,  emperor  or  grand  chief  of  tiie  Chcrokee.s,  as  they 
came  n|>,  I  turned  oft*  from  tho  path  to  make  way,  in  token  of  respect,  wiiich 
com|iiimont  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimously  leiiirni-d  ;  for 
hi.s  highness,  with  a  gracious  and  cheerful  smile,  came  ii|>  to  me,  and  clapping 
his  iiaiid  on  his  breast,  oflercd  it  to  me,  saying,  I  am  .'Hn-cxd-adla,  an<l  heartily 
shook  bands  with  me,  and  asked  me  if  1  knew  it ;  I  unswerod,  that  the  good 
spirit  who  goes  befor«j  me  spoke  to  me,  and  said,  that  is  the  great  Jlta-cul-cxdlaP 
IVlr.  Bartram  added,  that  he  was  of  Pennsylvania,  and  though  that  was  a  great 
way  oft',  yet  tlie  name  of  AttakuUakxdla  was  dear  to  his  white  brothers  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  chief  then  asked  him  if  he  came  directly  from  Charleston, 
and  if  his  friend  ^'John  Steioart  were  Avell."  Mr.  Bartram  said  he  sjiw  him 
litely,  and  that  he  was  well.  This  was,  probably,  the  same  person  whom 
Jlllttkidlakidla  had  assisted  to  make  an  t.icape,  as  we  have  just  related. 

In  carrying  out  the  history  of  the  two  i\i\c\\  Jiitakidlakidla  and  Ockonoslota, 
we  have  omitted  to  notice  Chlucco,  bet'er  known  by  tho  name  of  the  Long- 
warrior,  king  or  mice  of  the  Seminoles.  He  went  out  with  Colonel  Montgom- 
ery, unci  rendered  him  essential  service  in  his  unsuccessful  expedition,  of  wjiich 
>\  e  have  spoken.  A  large  band  of  Creeks  accompanied  him,  and  there  is  but 
III  tie  doubt,  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  and  his  warriors,  few  of  the  English 
would  have  returned  to  their  friends.  But,  as  usual,  the  English  leader,  in  his 
time,  had  all  the  lionv- '  of  successfully  encountering  many  difficulties,  and 
ictiiiiiiiig  with  his  own  life  and  many  of  his  men's.  It  was  by  the  aid  of 
Clducco,  that  tiie  army  escaped  ambush  after  ambush,  destroyed  many  of  the 
Cherokee  villages,  and  finally  his  warriors  covered  its  retreat  out  of  one  of  the 
most  dangerous  countries  through  which  an  army  could  pass.  Long-tvarrior 
nns  what  the  New  England  Indians  termed  a  great  powwow.    That  he  was 

*  Doctor  Dui-nabij.  \  llewalt.  {  Annual  Register,  iv.  58  ;  Heicall,  ii.  218 — 51. 


1  a 


380 


MONCACIITAPL. 


lliiioK    IV. 


ft  man  |K)B§efl8ing  a  goml  tniml,  may  fuirly  bo  inferred  from  IiLb  nliility  to 
witliMUiiid  the  temptation  of  intoxicating  liquors.  lie  had  >)ecn  known  to 
remain  hoImt,  wlien  all  his  trilie,  iind  many  wliitcs  among  them,  had  all  been 
wullowinv  in  the  mire  of  drunkenness  together.  In  the  year  ]77ti,  ut  the 
head  of  altoiit  40  warriors,  lie  marched  against  tho  Chocktawa  of  West  Flor- 
ida. What  was  tho  issue  of  this  e.x|K!dition  we  have  not  learned.  We  may 
tuve  again  occasion  to  notice  Chlucco. 


-^H^t 


CHAPTER  V. 


'4 


MoNCACHTAPr.iMe  Yazoo — A'arrntiee  of  his  adventures  to  the  Pacific  Ocean — Grahd- 
«uif,  chief  of  the  Xatchez — Receives  great  injustice  from  the  French — Concerts  their 
destruction — 700  French  are  rut  off^lVar  teith  them — The  A'atchez  destroyed  in  their 
turn — Grkat-mohtar — M'Gii.MVRAr — //*'*  birth  and  education — Visits  J^'eic  York 
— Troubles  of  his  nation — His  death — Tame-kino — Map-uoo. 

MONCACIITAPE  was  a  Yozoo,  whose  name  signified,  in  the  language  of 
that  iml'ion,  killer  of  pain  and  fiitifrtie.  How  well  he  deserved  this  name,  the 
sequel  will  unfold.  He  was  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Pratz,  ultout 
17()0,  and  it  was  owing  to  his  singular  good  intelligence,  tiint  that  traveller 
was  able  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  "  This  man  (says 
Du  Pralz*)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  understanding  and  elevation  of 
sentiment;  and  I  may  justly  compare  him  to  those  first  Greeks,  who  travelled 
chiefly  into  the  cast,  to  examine  the  manners  and  customs  of  difllerent  nations, 
and  to  communicate  to  their  fellow  citizens,  upon  their  return,  the  knowledge 
which  they  had  ocqiiired."  He  was  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  tliff 
Interpreter,  as  he  (  ^  ild  communicate  with  Eovenil  other  nations,  having  gained 
a  knowledge  of  their  languages.  Monsieur  Du  Pratz  used  great  endeavora 
among  the  natiopd  upon  tlie  Mississippi,  to  learn  their  origin,  or  from  whence 
they  came ;  and  observes  concerning  it,  "All  that  I  could  learn  from  them 
was,  that  they  came  from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ;  and  this 
account  they  uniformly  adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their 
origin."  This  was  unsatisttictory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  one 
that  could  inform  him  better,  he  met  with  Moncachtape.  Tho  following  is  the 
result  of  his  communications  in  his  own  words: — 

"I  )iad  lost  my  wife,  and  nil  the  children  whom  I  had  by  her,  when  I 
undertook  my  journey  towards  the  sun-rising.  I  set  out  from  my  village 
contrary  to  the  mclinution  of  all  my  rclations,  and  went  first  to  the  Chieasaws, 
our  friends  and  neighbors.  I  continued  among  them  several  days,  to  inform 
myself  whether  they  knew  whence  we  all  came,  or,  at  least,  whence  they 
themselves  came;  they,  who  were  our  elders;  since  from  them  came  the 
languoge  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform  me,  I  proceeded  on  my 
journey.  I  reached  the  country  of  the  Chaouanous,  and  afterwards  went  up 
the  Walmsh,  or  Ohio,  near  to  its  source,  which  is  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois, 
or  Five  Nations.  I  left  them,  however,  towards  the  north  ;  and,  during  the 
winter,  which,  in  that  country,  is  very  severe  and  very  long,  I  lived  in  a  village 
of  the  Albenaquis,  where  I  contracted  an  acquaintance  with  a  man  somewhat 
older  than  myself,  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  the 
great  water.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the  weather  was 
settled,  we  proceeded  en-stwanl,  and,  after  several  days'  journey,  1  at  length 
saw  the  great  water,  which  filled  me  with  such  joy  and  admiration,  that  i 
could  not  speak.  Night  drawing  on,  we  took  up  our  lodging  on  a  high  bank 
above  the  water,  which  was  sorely  vexed  by  the  wind,  and  made  so  great  a 
noise  that  I  could  not  sleep.  Next  day,  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  water 
filled  me  with  great  apprehension ;  but  my  companion  quieted  my  fears,  by 
tssuring  me  that  the  water  observed  certain  bounds,  both  in  advancing  and 

*  Hist.  Louisiana,  ii.  121. 


.   .  IJ 


Chap.  V.  | 


ADVKNTIKES  OF  MONC'ACIITArn. 


3dl 


rt'iiriiiif.  Having  mitinfifil  our  oiiriopity  in  vinwiiiff  tlie  grrnt  wntnr,  we  rrtiimrtl 
to  the  villn^c  ol'  the  AlH-im<|iiiis  wlieru  I  coiitiniUMi  the  toNowiiig  winter;  niiil, 
filler  the  Hnnwn  wen>  melted,  my  com|>niiii>ii  aiitl  I  went  nnil  viewed  the  great  fall 
ot'the  River  St.  I,invreiiee,at  Ninguni,  whieh  wni*  distant  from  the  village  wvera 
dnyrt'  jniiriiey.  The  view  of  this  ureat  fall,  at  timt,  made  my  huir  ntand  on  end, 
and  my  heart  almont  leap  out  ot  itM  place ;  hut  atlerwanfn,  Ijefore  I  Icll  it,  I 
lin<l  tlie  rouragc  to  walk  iiniler  it.  Next  day,  wo  took  the  HhorteHt  road  to  tlie 
Ohio,  and  my  companion  and  I,  rutting  down  a  tree  on  the  hunks  of  the  river 
we  formed  it  into  a  |M;ttiaugre,  which  8erve«i  to  conduct  me  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  MiHHissippi,  uller  wiiich,  with  much  difficulty,  I  went  up  our  small 
river,  and  at  leiurth  arrived  safe  among  my  n-lationx,  who  were  n-joiced  to  s«>e 
ine  in  jrood  health. — This  journey,  instead  of  saliNtying,  oidy  served  to  excite 
my  curioHity.  Our  old  men,  for  several  years,  hud  told  me  thut  the  ancient 
n|)eecli  informed  them  that  the  red  men  of  the  north  come  originally  nmch 
higher  and  nmch  further  than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ;  and,  us  I  hud 
longed  to  see,  with  my  own  eyes,  the  land  from  whence  our  first  fothers  came, 
I  took  my  precautions  for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  |)rovided  a  small 
nuantity  of  com,  I  proceeded  up  Hlr)ng  the  easti-m  Imnk  of  the  Kiver  Mississippi, 
till  I  cuine  to  the  Ohio.  I  went  up  along  the  hank  of  this  hint  river,  alxxit  tlie 
fourth  |)art  of  a  day's  journey,  that  I  might  he  ahio  to  cross  it  without  heing 
curried  into  the  IVIississippi.  There  I  formed  a  cnjcux,  or  rail  of  canes,  by  the 
nssi^^tnnce  of  which  1  passed  over  the  river;  and  next  day  meeting  with  u  herd 
of  lniHuioes  in  the  meadows,  I  killed  a  fat  one,  ond  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the 
liiinch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  oAer,  I  arrived  nniong  the  Tnmarous,  a  village 
of  the  nation  of  the  Illinois,  where  I  rested  several  days,  anil  then  proceeded 
northwards  to  the  month  of  the  Mis'soiiri,  which,  after  it  enters  the  great  river, 
runs  for  a  considerahle  time  without  intermixing  its  muddy  waters  with  the 
clear  Mreain  of  the  other.  Having  crossed  the  Mississippi,  I  went  up  the 
Mij^soiiri,  along  its  northern  bank,  and,  after  several  days'  journey,  I  arrived  at 
tlie  nation  of  the  iMissouris,  where  I  staid  a  long  time  to  leum  the  language 
that  is  spoken  bevond  them.  In  going  along  the  Missouri,  I  jiasscd  through 
meadows  a  whole  day's  journey  in  length,  which  were  quite  covered  with 
hiifthloea. 

"  When  the  cold  was  past,  and  the  snows  were  melted,  I  continued  my  jour- 
ney up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I  came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  or  the  Caiizas. 
Atlerwurds,  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I  proceeded  in  the  same 
course  near  30  days,  and  at  length  I  met  with  some  of  the  nation  of  the  Otters, 
who  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  and  were  surprised  to  see  me  alone. 
I  continued  with  the  hunters  two  or  tliree  days,  and  then  accompanied  one  of 
them  and  his  wife,  who  was  near  her  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which 
lay  far  off"  betwixt  the  north  and  west.  We  coiitintif  '  our  journey  along  the 
Missouri  for  nine  days,  and  then  we  marched  directly  northwards  for  five 
days  more,  when  we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a  direc- 
tion contrary  to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  proceeded  down  this  river  a  whole 
day,  and  then  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as 
much  kindness  as  if  I  had  been  of  their  own  nation.  A  few  days  after,  I 
joined  a  party  of  the  Otters,  who  were  going  to  carry  a  calumet  of  peace  to  a 
nation  beyond  them,  and  we  embarked  in  a  pettiaiigre,  and  went  down  the 
river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  supply  ourselves  with  provisions. 
\>'licn  I  arrixed  at  the  nation  who  wore  at  peace  with  the  Otters,  I  staid  with 
them  till  the  cold  was  passed,  that  I  might  learn  their  language,  which  was 
common  to  most  of  the  nations  that  lived  beyond  them. 

"  The  cold  was  tiardly  gone,  wnen  i  again  emnarKed  on  the  fine  river,  and 
in  my  course  I  met  with  several  nations,  with  whom  I  generally  staid  but  one 
night,  till  I  arrived  at  the  nation  that  is  but  one  day's  journey  from  the  great 
water  on  the  west.  This  nation  live  in  the  woods  about  the  distance  of  a 
league  from  the  river,  from  their  apprehension  of  bearded  men,  who  come 
upon  their  coasts  in  floating  villages,  and  carry  off  their  children  to  make 
slaves  of  them.  These  men  were  described  to  be  white,  with  long  black 
beanls  that  came  down  to  their  breast ;  they  were  thick  and  short,  had  largo 
heads,  which  were  covered  with  cloth ;  they  were  always  dressed,  even  in  tlie 
greatest  heats  ;  their  clothes  fell  down  to  the  middle  of  their  legs,  which,  with 


t* 


)  * 


1  ■ 


)  ■ 


382 


GRAND  SUN. 


[n.u>K  IV. 


;l. 


in,  i 
M  1 


f 

I        t 

b: 
]'' 
ill* 

-1, 


iheir  feet,  wore  covered  with  red  or  yellow  stuff.  Their  arms  riiatlc  n  •.'i-cat 
fire  niid  a  gnnt  noise;  and  Mhen  they  saw  themselves  ontnuniocred  In  red 
men,  tliey  retired  on  board  tiieir  large  i)ettiuugrc,  their  number  noni<tinn'.« 
amounting  to  thirty,  but  never  more. 

"Those  strangei-s  came  from  the  sim-setting,  in  search  of  a  yellow  Blinking 
wood,  which  dyes  a  fine  yellow  color;  but  the  people  of  this  nation,  that  they 
might  not  lie  tempted  to  visit  them,  had  tiestroyed  all  those  kind  of  trees. 
Two  other  nations  in  their  neighborhood,  however,  having  no  other  wood, 
could  not  destroy  the  trees,  and  were  still  visited  by  tlie  st-ngers;  and  Ix'ing 
greatly  incommoded  by  them,  had  invited  their  allies  to  assiaa  them  in  making 
an  attack  upon  them,  the  next  time  they  should  return.  The  following  sum- 
mer I  accordingly  joined  in  this  expedition,  and,  after  travelling  five  long  days' 
journey,  we  came  to  the  ])lnce  whtjre  the  bearded  men  usually  landed,  where 
we  waited  seventeen  days  for  their  arrival.  The  red  men,  by  my  advice, 
placed  themse!  es  in  andniscnde  to  surprise  the  strangt?rs,  and  accordingly 
when  they  landed  to  cut  the  wood,  we  were  so  successful  as  to  kill  eleven  of 
them,  the  rest  immediately  escaping  on  board  two  large  pettiaugres,  and  flying 
westward  upon  the  great  water. 

"  Upon  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  we  found  them  much  smaller 
than  ourselves,  and  very  white;  they  had  a  htfge  head,  and  in  the  middle  of 
the  crown  the  hair  was  very  long ;  their  head  was  vvTapt  in  a  great  many  folds 
of  stuff,  ajid  their  clothes  seemed  to  be  made  neitlier  of  wool  nor  silk ;  they 
were  very  soft,  and  of  different  colore.  Two  only,  of  the  eleven  who  were 
slain,  had  fire-arms,  with  powder  and  ball.  I  tried  their  pieces,  and  found 
that  they  were  much  heavier  than  yours,  and  did  not  kill  at  so  great  a 
distance. 

"After  this  expedition,  I  thought  of  nothing  but  proceeding  on  my  journey, 
and,  with  that  design,  I  let  the  red  men  return  home,  and  joined  myself  to 
those  who  inhabited  more  westward  on  the  coast,  with  whom  I  travelled 
along  the  shore  of  the  great  water,  which  bends  directly  betwixt  the  north 
and  the  suu-si'tting.  When  I  arrived  at  the  villages  of  my  fellow-travellers, 
where  I  found  the  days  very  long,  and  the  nights  very  short,  I  was  advised  by 
the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  continuing  my  journey.  They  told 
me  that  the  land  extended  still  a  long  way  in  a  direction  between  the  "north 
and  sun-setting,  after  which  it  ran  directly  west,  and  at  length  was  cut  by  the 
great  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of  them  added,  tlmt,  when  he  was 
young,  he  knew  a  very  old  man  who  had  seeii  that  distant  land  before  it  was 
eat  away  by  the  great  water,  and  that  when  the  great  water  was  low,  many 
rocks  still  appeared  in  those  parts.  Finding  it,  therefore,  impracticable  to 
proceed  m>ich  further,  on  account  of  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want 
of  game,  I  returned  by  the  same  route  by  which  1  had  set  out;  and,  reducing 
my  whole  travels  westward  to  days'  journeys,  I  compute  that  they  v\oida 
have  emjjloyed  me  3G  moons ;  but,  on  account  of  my  frequent  delays,  it  was 
five  years  before  I  returned  to  my  relations  among  the  Yazoos." 

Tims  ends  the  narrative  of  the  famous  traveller  .Moncachtape,  which  seems 
to  have  satisfied  Du  Praiz,  tlmt  the  Indians  came  from  the  continent  of  Asia, 
by  way  of  Behnng^s  Straits.  And  he  soon  after  left  him,  and  returned  to  his 
o\vn  country.  It  would  have  been  gratifying,  could  we  have  known  more  of 
the  history  of  this  verv  intelligent  man.  The  same  author  brings  also  to. our 
knowledge  a  chief  called 

GRAND-SUN,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  Sun  was  a  common  name 
for  all  chiefs  of  that  nation,  this  chief  was  jmrticularly  distinguished  in  the  fu-st 
war  with  th(>  French,  which  exhibits  the  compass  otour  information  concern- 
ing him,  and  whicl;  ive  purpose  here  to  sketch.  He  was  brother  to  tlii>  great 
warrior,  known  to  tiie  French  by  the  nan.e  of  Stimj-sf.rpent,  and  like  him 
was  a  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the  haughty,  overbearing  disposition  of  (ine 
man  brought  d(>struetion  and  ruin  on  their  whole  colony.  This  atliiir  took 
place  ill  the  year  I7'i\\  The  residence  of  the  Ihaud-sun  was  near  the  I'nncli 
post  of  Natelicz,  where  he  had  a  beautifid  village  called  the  K'liilr  .-Ifiplv.  iM. 
f/e  ChnpaH  iiad  been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  |)ost,  wlience  he  was 
for  a  time  removed  liy  niason  of  misconduct,  and  his  abominable  inju.-iice  to 
the  Indians  became  more  conspicudiis  afterwards  than  b.  Ii)re.     To  graiil'y  his 


H 


1H 


Chap.  V.J    URAND-SUN.— MASSACRE  OP  THE  FRENCFI  IN  NATCHEZ.   383 

piiile  nixl  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an  elegant  villngn,  and 
none  uppcured  lo  suit  his  purpose  so  well  as  the  White  Ap|)le  of  the  Grand' 
tun.  lie  »(iit  lor  the  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesittitiiigly  told  him  that  his 
villiiife  niuist  be  inuiiediatcly  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolve<l  to  erect  one 
n  league  scpiare  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  nuist  remove  elsewhere. 
The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  and  modestly  replied,  "That  his  ancestors 
had  Jived  in  that  village  for  as  many  years  as  there  were  hairs  in  his  double 
cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they  should  continue  there  still."  When 
this  wus  interpreted  to  the  commandant,  he  showed  himself  in  a  rage,  and 
thri'atened  the  chief,  that,  unless  he  moved  from  his  village  speedily,  he 
would  have  cause  of  repentance.  Orand-sun  left  the  fort,  and  caid  he  would 
assemble  his  counsellors,  and  hold  a  talk  u])on  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  asseuihled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  l»efore  the 
coinmundaiit  their  hard  situation,  if  they  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  their 
corn,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  shoot  from  the  ground,  and  many 
other  articles  oii  which  they  were  to  depend  for  subsistence.  Hut,  on  urging 
these  strong  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more  peremptory  ortler 
to  remove  immediately.  This  the  Grand-sun  reported  to  the  cotmcil,  and 
they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they  shouhl  rid  themselvea 
of  the  tyrant  Chopart,  which  was  their  final  di^cision.  The  secret  was  con- 
fided to  none  but  the  old  men.  To  gain  time,  un  olfer  was  to  be  made  to<he 
avaricious  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  case  he  would  permit  them  to  remain 
on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The  oft'er  was  accepted,  and  the  Indiana 
set  about  maturing  their  i)lun  with  the  greatest  avidity.  Bundles  of  sticks 
were  sent  to  the  suns  of  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to 
them  by  the  faithiul  messengers.  Each  bundle  contained  as  many  sticks  as 
days  which  were  to  pass  before  the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez. 
And  that  no  mistake  should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fi.xed  day,  every  morning  a 
stick  was  drawn  from  the  bundle  and  broken  in  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last 
stick  was  that  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  miilst  of  their  wickedness,  and  their 
deafness  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a  standing  example  before  them  U]»on 
the  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  ins!  .ices  where  they  have 
profited  by  it.    I  need  cite  no  examples;  our  jjagcs  are  udl  of  them. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  uncivilized,  cannot  bear  the 
thoughts  of  revenge  and  death  to  prtsy  upon  them  for  so  gnsat  a  length  of 
time  as  men.  And,  as  in  the  lust  case,  I  need  not  produce  examples ;  on  our 
pages  will  be  found  many. 

A  female  sun  having,  by  accident,  imderstood  the  secret  design  of  her  peo 
pie,  partly  out  of  resentment  for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partiv  from 
her  attachment  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them,  lint  so 
fatally  seciu'e  was  the  comiTiandunt,  that  he  would  not  hearken  to  her  messen- 
gers, and  threatened  othera  of  his  own  peojile  with  chastisement,  if  they  con- 
tinued .such  intimations.  But  the  great  council  of  so  many  sinis,  und  other 
motions  of  their  wise  men,  justly  alarmed  many,  and  their  complaints  to  the 
conunandant  were  urge*'.,  until  seven  of  his  own  people  were  j)ut  in  irons,  to 
dispel  their  fears.  And  that  he  might  the  more  vaunt  himself  ujmn  their  fears, 
ho  sent  his  interpreter  to  demand  of  the  Grand-sun,  whether  he  was  about  to 
fall  upon  the  French  with  his  warriors.  To  dissemble,  in  such  a  case,  was 
oidy  to  Im;  expected  from  the  chief,  and  the  inteipreti'r  rejiorted  to  the  com- 
mandant as  he  desired,  which  caused  hitn  to  vilue  himself  upon  his  fbrmer 
coiUempt  of  his  people's  fears. 

The  ',V)i\i  of  Noveini)er,  1729,  at  length  came,  and  with  it  the  massacre  of 
near  700  |)eo|iIe,  being  all  tlu;  French  of  .\at(;liez.  Not  n  man  escaped.  It 
lieing  upon  the  (!ve  of  St.  ./ltulrew\i  day,  facilitated  the  execution  of  tlii;  horrid 
design.  Ill  such  contemi)t  was  M.  Chopart  held,  that  the  suns  woidd  allow  no 
wiurior  to  kill  him,  hut  one  whom  they  considered  a  mean  peruoii.  He  was 
armed  only  with  a  wooden  tomahawk,  and  with  siicli  a  contemptibl(>  weapon, 
wielded  by  aa  contemptible  a  person,  was  M.  Chopart  pursued  from  his  house 
into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his  death. 

The  design  of  the  Grand-sun  and  his  allies  was,  to  have  followed  u[i  their 
lucci'ss  until  all  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Louisiana.     But  somi-  tribe* 


3S4     GREAT-MORTAR.— IS  ATTACKED  BV  THE  CHICKASAUS.    [Book  IV. 


:i 

■A 


would  not  nid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  LDnisiana,  promptly  seconilcd  by  the 

K^ople  of  Now  Orleans,  shortly  after  nearly  anniliiluted  the  whole  tribe  of  the 
atclicz.  The  Choctaws  offered  themselves,  to  the  numl)er  of  15  or  IGOO 
men,  and,  in  the  following  February,  advanced  into  the  country  of  the  Natch- 
ez, and  were  shortly  after  joined  by  the  French,  and  encam[)ed  near  the  old 
fort,  then  in  possession  of  the  Grand-sun.  Here  flags  passed  lietween  them, 
and  terms  of  |>Bace  were  agreed  upon,  which  were  very  honorable  to  the 
Indians ;  hut,  in  the  following  night,  they  dccam)>ed,  taking  ail  their  prisoners 
and  baggage,  leaving  nothing  but  the  cannons  of  the  fort  and  halls  l)ehind  them. 
Some  time  now  passed  before  the  French  could  ascenain  the  retnjat  of  the 
Natchez.  At  length,  they  learned  tliat  tlMjy  had  crossed  the  IMississippi,  and 
settled  upon  the  west  side,  near  180  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Red  River. 
Here  they  built  a  fort,  and  remained  quitlly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants  to  resign  themselves  into 
the  hands  of  the  king,  who  soon  sent  over  a  sutficient  fon:e,  added  to  those 
still  in  the  country,  to  Inimble  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly  invested 
in  their  fort,  and,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the 
French,  seem  to  have  lost  their  former  prudence.  They  made  a  desjwrate 
sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  but  were  repulsed  with  gn.'at  loss.  They 
then  attemi)ti;d  to  gain  time  by  negotiation,  ns  they  had  the  year  before,  but 
couW  not  escape  from  the  vigilance  of  the  French  oflicer;  yet  the  attempt 
was  made,  and  many  were  killed,  very  few  eHcai)ed,  and  the  greater  nmnber 
driven  within  their  fort.  Mortars  wcmc  used  by  tiieir  enemies  in  this  siege, 
and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in  the  centre  of  the  fort,  made  great  havoc, 
but  still  greater  consternation.  Drowned  by  the  cries  of  the  women  and 
children,  Grand-sun  caused  the  sign  of  capitulation  to  be  given.  }Iimself| 
with  the  rest  of  his  company,  wore  carried  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and 
thrown  into  ])rison.  An  increasing  infection  caused  the  women  and  children 
to  be  taken  out  and  employed  as  slaves  on  the  king's  plantations ;  among 
whom  was  the  woman  who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notity  the  connnand- 
ant,  Chopart,  of  the  intended  massacre,  and  from  whom  the  particulars  of  the 
affair  were  learned.  Her  name  was  Slung-arm.  These  sla\es  were  shortly 
after  embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  countiy  of  the  Natchez.* 
The  men,  it  is  |)robable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

GREAT-MORTAR,  or  Yah-yah-tustanagt,  was  a  very  celebrated  IMuskogee 
chief,  who,  before  the  revolutionary  war,  was  in  the  Fi-ench  interest,  and 
received  his  supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was  not  far  dis- 
tant from  his  place  of  abode,  called  Okchai.  There  was  a  time  when  he 
inclined  to  the  English,  and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  superintendent  of  Indian  affiiirs,  among  them,  might  have  been  re- 
claimed, and  the  dismal  jieriod  of  massacres  which  ensued  averted.  At  a 
great  council,  appointed  by  the  siii)erintendent,  for  the  object  of  regaining 
then-  favor,  the  pi|)e  of  peace,  when  passing  around,  was  refused  to  Great- 
mortar,  because  he  had  favored  the  French.  This,  with  nnich  other  ungener- 
ous treatment,  caused  him  ever  atler  to  hate  the  English  name.  As  the  super- 
intendent was  making  a  speech,  which  douhtlefes  contained  severe  and  hard 
sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief,  called  the  Tobacco-eater,  sprung 
upon  his  feet,  and  da-ting  his  tomahawk  at  him,  it  fortunately  missed  him,  but 
stuck  in  a  plank  just  above  his  head.  Yet  he  would  have  been  immediately 
killed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a  friendly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been 
effectual,  every  Englishman  jjresent  would  have  been  immediately  put  to  death. 
Soon  after,  Grcat-inorlnr  caused  his  j)eople  to  fall  u|)on  the  English  traders,  and 
th(!y  nun-dered  ten.  Fourteen  of  the  inhabitants  of  Longcane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-six,  t  next  were  his  victims.  He  now  received  a  commission  from  the 
French,  ami  the  b(!tter  to  enlist  the  Cherokees  and  others  in  his  cause,  removed 
with  bis  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  coimtry,  ujton  a  river,  by  which  he 
could  receive  supplies  from  tin.  fort  at  Alabama.  Neither  the  French  nor 
Grcat-tnortttr  were  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their  newly-chosen  position* 
foryoungwarrioi-s  joined  him  therein  great  numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming 


*  Mods.  Du  I'riil:,  Hisl,  dp  Lnuisiaiin,  tome  i.  oh.  xii. 
t  >So  cullticl  because  it  was  *JG  miles  from  tlio  Cherokee. 


Adai  . 


Chat.  V.j 


MGILLIVRAY. 


335 


a  gciuTiil  rendezvous  for  all  the  Mississippi  Indians.  Fortunately,  however, 
for  tiic  I'jiglisli,  tlic  Chiekusaws  in  their  interest  plucked  U|)  tiiis  Bohon  upas 
before  its  hraiiclies  were  yet  extended.  They  fell  upon  them  hy  surprise, 
kiih'd  the  brother  of  Great-mortar,  and  completely  destroyed  the  design,  IL- 
fled,  not  to  his  native  place,  but  to  one  from  wlience  he  coidd  best  annoy  the 
English  settlements,  and  commenced  anew  the  work  of  death.  Augusta,  in 
Georgia,  and  many  scattering  settlements  were  destroyed.*  Those  ravagen 
were  continued  until  their  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the  Americans  under 
General  Grant,  in  1761,  as  wo  have  narrated. 

We  have  next  to  notice  a  chief,  king,  or  emperor  as  he  was  at  different 
times  entitled,  whose  omission,  in  a  biographical  work  upon  the  Indians,  would 
incur  as  much  criminality,  on  the  part  of  the  biographer,  as  an  ouiission  of 
Buohonsrfhflas,  White-eyes,  Pipe,  or  Ockonostola;  yea,  even  more.    Wo  mean 

ALEXANDER  M'GILLIVRAY,  who  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  con- 
s|)icnous,  if  not  one  of  the  greatest,  chiefs  that  has  ever  borne  that  title  amf)ng 
the  Creeks;  at  least,  since  they  have  been  known  to  the  Europeans.  He 
flourished  during  half  of  the  last  century,  and  such  was  the  exalted  opinion 
entertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  they  styled  him  "king  of  kings." 
His  mother  was  his  predecessor,  and  the  governess  of  the  nation,  and  he  had 
s(?veral  sisters,  who  married  leading  men.  On  the  death  of  his  mother,  he 
came  in  ciiief  sachem  by  the  usages  of  his  ancestors,  but  such  was  his  disinter- 
ested patriotism,  that  he  left  it  to  the  nation  to  say  whether  he  should  succeed 
to  the  sachemship.  The  people  elected  him  "  emperor."  He  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Creeks  during  the  revolutionary  war,  and  was  in  the  British  interest. 
After  the  peace,  he  became  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  ex[)ri'ss(d  a 
desire  to  renounce  his  public  life,  and  reside  in  the  U.  States,  but  was  hindered 
by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  remain  among  them,  and 
dir."ct  their  aftiiirs. 

His  residence,  according  to  General  MilJ'i'ii,\  who  married  his  sister,  was 
near  Tallahassee,  about  half  a  league  from  wliat  was  formerly  Fort  Toulouse. 
He  lived  in  a  handsome  house,  and  owned  60  negroes,  each  of  whom  ho  pro- 
vided with  a  separate  habitation,  which  gave  his  estate  the  appearance  of  a 
little  town.  \ 

.WGillivrau  was  a  son  of  an  Englishman  of  that  name  who  married  a  Creek 
woman,  and  hence  was  what  is  called  a  half  breed.  He  was  born  about  17;W, 
and,  at  the  ago  often,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston,  Avhere  he 
was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Farquhar  JWGillivraij,  who  was  a  relation  of  his  liither 
His  tutor  was  a  Mr.  5^fee(/.  He  learned  the  Latin  language  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr.  William  Henderson,  afterwards  somewhat  eminent  r.mong  the  critics  in 
London.  When  young  M'Gillivray  Avas  17,  he  was  put  into  a  coimtiiig-houso 
in  Savannah,  but  mercantile  afiliirs  had  not  so  many  charms  as  '.mnks,  and  he 
spent  all  the  time  he  could  get,  in  reading  histories  and  other  works  of  useful- 
ness. After  a  short  time,  his  father  took  him  home,  where  his  supi'rior  talents 
soon  began  to  develop  themselves,  and  his  promotion  followed.  He  was  often 
styled  general,  which  commission,  it  is  said,  he  actually  held  undcM*  Charles 
HI.,  king  of  Spain.     This  was,  probably,  before  he  was  elected  emperor. 

To  be  a  litde  more  particular  with  this  distinguished  man,  I  will  hazard  a 
repetition  of  soimc  facts,  for  the  sake  of  giving  an  account  of  him  as  recorded 
byone§  who  resided  long  with  him,  and  consequently  knew  him  well.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  Creek  woman,  of  the  fimiily  of  the  Wind,  whose  tiither  was  an 
officer  in  the  French  service,  stationed  at  Fort  Toulouse,  near  the  nation  of  the 
Alabamas.  This  officer,  in  trading  with  the  Indians,  became;  acquainted  with 
the  mother  of  our  chief,  whom  he  married.  They  had  five  chii  "..'ii,  two  boys 
and  three  girls.  Only  one  of  the  boys  lived  to  grow  up.  As  among  other 
tribes,  so  among  the  Creeks,  the  children  belong  to  the  mother;  and  when 
AFGillivray^s  father  desired  to  send  him  to  Charleston  to  get  an  education,  hu 
was  obliged  first  to  get  the  mother's  consent.  This,  it  seems,  was  easily 
obtained,  and  young  JirGillivray  was  put  there,  where  he  accpiircd  a  good 


*  Adair's  II    t.  N.  American  Iiidiniis,  25-1-,  i&p. 

+  Mcinoire  >  •  coup-d'oeil  rapido  sur  mes  ciiirerciis  voyages  el  mon  si'joiir  dans  la  niilioi 

X  Ibid.  $  General  MUfutl. 

33  Z 


Creek,  p.  27. 


386 


M'GILLIVRAY.— HIS  VISIT  TO  NEW  YORK. 


[Book  IV. 


education.  He  did  not  return  for  some  time  to  his  nation,  which  was  at  the 
commcnccmout  of  the  revolutionary  war;  and  he  then  went,  commissioned  by 
the  royalists,  to  invite  liis  countrymen  to  a  treaty  upon  the  frontiers,  and  to 
unite  tlicm  against  the  reliels.*  He  generally  spoke  the  English  language, 
which  was  not  pleasing  to  his  mother,  "vho  would  not  speak  it.  t 

After  the  war  he  became  attached  to  the  Americans,  and  although  the  bor- 
derers caused  frequent  troubles,  yet  he  made  and  renewed  treaties  with  them. 
In  1790,  he  came  to  New  York  with  29  of  his  chiefs.  Owing  to  some  misun- 
derstanding, he  had  refused  to  treat  at  Rock  Landing  a  short  time  before, 
where  conunissioners  from  the  U.  States  had  attended  ;  and  the  government, 
jiistly  fearing  a  rupture,  unless  a  speedy  reconciliation  should  take  place, 
despatched  Colo  el  Marinus  fVilltt  into  the  Creek  country,  with  a  pacific  letter 
to  General  JWGilltvray.  He  succeeded  in  his  mission,  and  the  chiefs  arrived 
in  New  York  23  July,  1790.^  They  were  conducted  to  the  residence  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  General  Knox,  who  conducted  them  to  the  house  of  the 
president  of  the  U.  States,  and  introduced  them  to  him.  President  Washing- 
ton received  tliem  "in  a  very  handsome  manner,  congi-atulated  them  on  their 
safe  arrival,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  the  interview  would  prove  beneficial 
both  to  the  U.  States  and  to  the  Creek  nation."  They  next  visited  the  governor 
of  the  state,  from  whom  they  received  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  then 
|)rocecded  to  the  City  Tavern,  where  they  dined  in  company  with  General 
TTnor,  and  otlier  officere  of  government.  A  correspondence  between  Governor 
Telfair,  of  Georgia,  and  ^^  Alexander  MGillvary,  Esq."  probably  opened  the 
way  for  a  negotiation,  which  terminated  in  a  settlement  of  difficulties.  From 
the  following  extract  from  M'Gillivray's  letter,  a  very  just  idea  may  be  formed 
of  the  state  of  the  afiiiirs  of  his  nation  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  "In 
answer  to  yours,  I  have  to  observe,  that,  as  a  peace  was  not  concluded  on 
between  us  at  the  Roek-landing  meeting,  your  demand  for  property  taken  by 
our  warriors  from  off  the  disputed  lands  caimot  be  admitted.  VVe,  also,  have 
had  our  losses,  by  captures  made  by  your  people.  We  are  willing  to  conclude 
a  peace  with  you,  but  you  must  not  expect  extraordinary  concessions  from  us. 
In  order  to  si)are  the  further  effusion  of  human  blood,  and  to  finally  determine 
the  war,  I  am  willing  to  concede,  in  some  measure,  if  you  are  disposed  to  treat 
on  the  ground  of  mutual  concession.  It  will  save  trouble  and  expense,  if  the 
negotiations  are  managed  in  the  nation.  Any  person  from  you  can  be  assured 
of  jM'rsonal  safety  and  friendly  treatment  in  this  coimtry."  It  was  dated  at 
Little  Tellassee,  30  RIarch,  1790,  and  directed  to  "His  Excellency  Edward 
Telfair,  Esq."  and  signed  "^/cx.  M'Gillivra;/." 

This  chief  seems  afterwards  to  have  met  with  the  censure  of  his  people,  at 
least  some  of  them,  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  of  JWIntosh  recently  ;  an<l  was 
doubtless  overcome  by  the  persuasions  of  designing  whites,  to  treat  for  the 
disposal  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  voice  of  his  nation.  One  Bowles,  a 
white  man,  led  the  coimcils  in  opposition  to  his  proceedings,  and,  for  a  time, 
M^Gillivraif  absented  himself  from  his  own  tribe.  In  1792,  his  party  took 
Boivles  prisoner,  and  sent  him  out  of  the  country,  and  solicited  the  genern!  to 
return.  §  To  this  he  consented,  and  they  became  more  attached  to  Mm  than 
ever.  He  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introduction  of 
teachers  among  them.  In  an  advertisement  for  a  teacher,  in  the  sinnmer  of 
1792,  he  styles  himself  emperor  of  the  Creek  nation.  His  quiet  was  soon 
clisiurbed,  and  the  famous  John  Watts,  the  same  summer,  with  500  warriors. 
Creeks,  and  five  towns  of  the  Chickamawagas,  committed  many  depredations. 
The  Spaniards  were  supposed  to  be  the  movers  of  the  hostile  party.  JWGil- 
lirraij  died  at  Pensacola,  February  17,  17)3,  ||  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette: — "This  idolized  chief  of  the  Creeks  styleil  himself 
king  of  kings.    IJut,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  ftillow  of  his 

*  Milfort,  .■?2,'t,  ,TJI.  t  .Sec  Jhlmrs,  Amor.  Anneils,  ii.  ^?A. 

X  Colonel  Willil's  Narrnlive,  112.  "  Tliry  were  received  willi  {{real  splendor  l>y  (lie  Ti\[n- 
niiiny  Soriety,  in  die  dress  ol'tlii-ir  order."  on  dieir  landing,     lb. 

^  III  1791,  (his  litnvles,  widi  five  chiefs,  was  in  Enjr|an<l.  and  wo  find  this  noliee  of  him  in 
di  ^  I'liropean  IMapn/ine  of  dial  year,  .nl.  It),  p.  2()li  ; — '''I'lie  ambassadors  consisted  ol'  two 
Cedes,  an<l  of  iMr.  JSnirU-ii,  (a  native  of  .Maryland,  who  is  a  Creek  by  adoption,  nnd  Uic  pres- 
tiit  general  of  llial  iialion,}  and  three  Chcroket'S.  j]  I.td/ort,Z'i!>. 


Chap.  V.l 


MADDOG— THE  SOUTIIEKN  BOUNDARY. 


387 


Dation  from  the  coi.imission  of  a  crime,  nor  punish  him  after  he  had  commit- 
ted  it!  lie  might  pernuade  or  advise,  all  the  good  an  Indian  kuig  or  cliiet 
can  do."  Tliis  is,  generally  speaking,  a  tolerably  correct  estimate  of  the  extent 
of  the  power  of  chiefs;  hut  it  should  he  rememhered  that  the  chiefs  of 
different  trihes  exercise  very  dilferent  sway  over  their  people,  according  as 
such  chief  is  endowed  witii  the  spirit  of  govermnent,  hy  nature  or  circum- 
stance;. There  is  great  absurdity  in  applying  the  name  or  title  of  king  to 
Indian  chiefs,  as  that  title  is  connnonly  understood.  The  fii'st  Europeans 
conferred  the  title  u|)on  those  who  appeared  most  prominent,  in  their  first 
discoveries,  for  want  of  another  more  appropriate ;  or,  perliaps,  they  had 
another  reason,  namely,  that  of  magnifying  their  own  exploits  on  their  return 
to  their  own  countries,  by  reporting  their  interviews  with,  or  conquests  over, 
"  many  kings  of  an  unknown  country." 

Contemporary  with  General  jW Gillivrai/  was  a  chief  called  the 

TAME-KING,  whose  residence  was  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  17;>1 ; 
and  he  is  noticed  in  our  public  documents  of  that  year,  as  a  conspicuous  chief 
in  matters  connected  with  establishing  the  southern  boundary.  At  this  time 
one  Bowles,  an  English  trailer,  had  great  influence  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
and  usetl  great  endeavors,  by  putting  himself  forward  as  their  chief,  to  enlisi 
all  the  nations  in  opposition  to  the  Americans.  He  had  made  large  promises  to 
the  Upper  Creeks,  to  induce  them  not  to  hear  to  the  American  conmnssioners 
They  so  far  listened  to  him,  as  to  consent  to  receive  his  talk,  and  accordingly 
the  chiefs  of  the  upper  and  lower  towns  met  at  a  place  called  the  Half-wivj- 
house,  where  they  expected  Bowles  in  person,  or  some  letters  containing  definitd 
statements.  When  the  chiefs  had  assombled.  Tame-king  and  Mad-dog,  ut'tiic 
upper  towns,  asked  tiie  chiefs  of  the  lower,  "whether  they  had  taken  Bowleses 
talks,  and  where  the  letters  wei"e  which  this  great  man  had  sent  them,  and 
where  the  white  man  was,  to  read  them."  An  Indiim  in  Bowleses  employ  said, 
"he  was  to  give  them  the  talk."  They  laughed  at  this,  and  said,  "they  could 
hear  his  mouth  every  day;  that  they  had  come  there  to  see  those  letters  and 
liear  them  read."  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  towns  now  lefl  the  coun- 
cil, which  was  about  the  termination  of  Bowleses  successes.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  obliged  to  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  declared  in  the  life  of' 
flrGUlivray.  He  returned  again,  however,  afler  visiting  Spain  and  England, 
and  spending  some  time  in  prison.* 

Mr.  EllicoU  ol)servos,t  that,  at  the  close  of  a  conference  with  "vindry  tribes, 
held  15  August,  1799,  in  which  objects  were  discussed  concerning  his  passage 
through  their  country,  that  "the  business  appeared  to  terminate  as  favorably 
as  could  be  expected,  and  the  Indians  d  chu-ed  themselves  perfectly  satisfied ; 
but  I  nevertheless  had  my  doidtts  of  ilieir  sincerity,  from  the  dej)redations 
they  were  constantly  making  upon  our  horses,  which  began  upon  the 
Coeneuck,  and  had  continued  ever  since ;  and  added  to  their  insolence,  from 
their  stealing  every  article  in  our  camp  they  could  lay  their  hands  on."  Mr. 
Ellkott  excepts  the  Upjjcr  Creeks,  generally,  from  participating  in  these  rob- 
beries, all  but  Tame-king  and  his  people. 

Though  we  have  named  Tame-king  first,  yet  Mad-dog  was  quite  as  con- 
spicuous at  this  time.  His  son  fought  for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war,  and 
was  mentioned  by  General  Jackson  as  an  active  and  valuable  chief  in  Jiis 
expeditions.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  general  mentions 
him  oidy  as  Mad-dog's  son. 

In  the  case  of  the  boundary  already  mentioned,  the  surveyors  met  with  ti-e- 
qiient  difiiculties  from  the  various  tribes  of  Indians,  some  of  wiiom  were 
influenced  by  the  S|)anish  governor,  Folch,  of  Louisiana.  Mad-dog  appeared 
their  friend,  and  undeceived  them  res|)ecting  the  governor's  (jretcnsions. 
A  conference  was  to  be  held  about  the  4  May,  between  the  Indians,  Governor 
Fukli,  and  the  American  conunissioners.  The  place  of  meeting  was  to  be  upon 
Coenecuh  River,  near  the  southern  estuary  of  tiie  Imy  of  l'ensac(jlii.     When 

*  III!  was  coiifiiicil  ill  llic  Aloro  caslli;  iii  llio  Ihivana,  willi  lliroo  (^luTukros  lliat  accoiii- 
panicil  him.  Tliis  was  in  I7i)i.  ll  was  saiii  iliat  iliis  iiivelLTali;  oiiciny  of  tliu  Unilctl  Stales, 
liini'li's,  was  wiUi  llii-  liuliaiis,  at  Si.  Clair's  duloat. — Can-y's  Miueum,  xi.  40  f. 

t  111  his  Journal,  214. 


■^r.. 


'■\\ 


388 


WEATHERFORD. 


[Book  IV. 


!!;! 


tlir  Aincricnns  arrived  tliere,  Mad-dog  ni<!t  them,  and  infonnod  Colonel 
Hawkins,  the  Indian  agent,  tliat  two  Indi'ins  liad  just  gone  to  the  Tallesseea 
with  had  talks  from  tlie  governor.  The  colonel  told  him  it  cotdd  not  Imj  pos- 
sihle.  Shortly  after,  Mad-doe  asked  Colontd  Haxoldns  and  Mr.  EUicott,  the 
cotniTii.ssioner,  if  they  snjjposed  that  Governor  Fotch  would  attend  at  the  treaty  ; 
they  said,  "  Most  a'fsuredly."  "./Vo,"  returned  Mad-dog,  "/te  tpill  not  attend,  he 
knows  what  I  shall  say  to  him  about  his  crooked  talks.  His  tongue  is  forked, 
and,  as  you  are  here,  he  ivill  be  ashamed  to  show  it.  If  he  stands  to  ivhat  he  has 
told  us,  you  tvill  be  offended,  and  if  he  tells  us  that  the  line  ought  to  be  marked,  he 
Jti7/  contradict  himself:  but  he  mil  do  neither ;  he  will  not  come."  It  turned  out 
as  Mad-dog  declared.  When  it  was  found  t\  at  the  governor  would  not  attend, 
the  chief  went  to  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Rlr.  EUicott,  and,  hy  way  of  pleasantry, 
said,  "  PVell,  the  governor  has  not  come.  I  told  you  so.  A  man  tcilh  turn  tongues 
can  only  speak  to  one  at  a  time."  This  observation  has  reference  to  the  gov- 
ernor's duplicity,  in  holding  out  to  the  Indians  his  determination  not  to  sutler 
a  sm-vey  of  the  boundai^,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  pretended  to  the  Ameri- 
cans that  he  would  facilitate  it.* 

Mad-dog  was  an  upper  town  Creek,  of  the  Tuckaabatchees  tribe. 


90gee 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Weathekford — His  character  and  country — 77te  comer-stone  of  Ike  Creek  confed- 
eracy— Favors  the  designs  of  Tecumseh — Captures  Fort  Minims — Dreadful  mat 
sarre — Subjection  of  the  Creeks — Weai.herford  surrenders  himself — His  speeches— 
M'Intosh — Aids  the  Americans — Battle  of  Autossce — Great  slaughter  of  the  Indians 
— Battle  of  the  Horse-siwe-hend — Lute  troubles  in  the  Creek  nation — M'Intosh  makes 
illeijal  sale  of  lands — Executed  far  breaking  the  laws  of  his  country — Mrnawwa  v 
— TusTENUGCE — Hawki!«9 — Chill*  M'Intosh,  son  of  William — Marriage  of  his 
sister — Lovett. 

WFjATIIERFORD,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  war  chiefs  of  the  Creek 
nation,  demands  an  early  attention,  in  tla  biographical  history  of  the  lato  war. 
Mr.  Claiborne,  in  his  Notes  oji  the  War  i.\  the  South,  informs  us  that, 
"among  the  first  who  entered  into  the  views  of  the  JJritish  commissioners  was 
the  since  celebrated  JFecdherford;"  that  he  was  born  hi  the  Creek  nation,  and 
whose  "  father  was  an  ithierant  pedler,  sordid,  treacherous,  and  revcngcfnl ; 
his  mother  a  full-blooded  savage,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Seminoles.  lie  partook 
(says  tlie  same  author)  of  all  the  bad  qualities  of  both  his  parents,!  and 
engrafted,  on  the  stock  he  inherited  froni  others,  many  that  were  peculiarly 
his  own.  With  avarice,  treachery,  anrl  a  thirst  for  blood,  he  combinps  liisi, 
gliittnnyi  and  a  devotion  to  every  species  of  criminal  carousal.  (Fortime,  in 
her  freaks,  sometimes  gives  to  the  most  profligate  an  elevation  of  mind, 
which  she  denies  to  men  whose  propensities  are  the  most  vicious.)  On 
IVealhcrford  she  bestowed  genius,  eloquence,  and  cottrage.  The  first  of  these 
qualities  eiiablcd  him  to  conceive  great  designs,  the  last  to  execute  them; 
while  eloquence,  bold,  impressive,  and  figurative,  funiished  him  with  a  pass- 
port to  the  favor  of  his  countrymen  and  followers.  Silent  and  reserved,  uidcss 
when  excited  hy  some  great  occasion,  and  superior  to  the  weakness  of 
rendering  himself  cheap  by  the  frequency  of  his  addresses,  he  delivered  his 
o|)inions  but  seldoin  in  council;  but  when  he  did  so,  he  was  listened  to  with 
delight  and  approbation.  His  judgment  and  eloquence  had  seciu'ed  the 
r<'s|M'ct  of  the  old ;  his  vices  made  him  the  idol  of  the  young  and  the  tin})rin- 
cipled."  "In  his  person,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportioned;  his  eye  black, 
livt.'ly,  and  penetrating,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enteq)rise ;  his  nose 
{irominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formation ;  while  all  the  features  of  hia 


*  Ellicott's  Journal,  203,  fcc. 

f  I'lic  reader  should  be  early  apprized  (liat  this  was  wriUen  at  a  time  when  iome  prejudice 
midu  have  infected  the  miud  of  ilie  writer. 


Chap.  VI.        WF  VTHERFORD.— MASSACRE  AT  FORT  MIMMS. 


389 


face,  harmoniously  arranged,  speak  an  active  and  disciplined  mind.  Pa* 
sionatcly  devoted  to  wealth,  he  had  appropriated  to  himself  a  fine  tract  ot 
■and,  improved  and  settled  it ;  and  from  the  profits  of  his  father's  pack,  had 
decorated  and  embellished  it  To  it  he  retired  occasionally,  and,  relaxing 
from  the  cares  of  state,  he  indulged  in  pleasures  which  are  but  rarely  found  to 
afford  stitisfaction  to  the  devotees  of  ambition  and  fame.  Such  were  the 
opposite  and  sometimes  disgusting  traits  of  character  in  the  celebrated 
fi'eatherford,  the  key  and  corner-stone  of  the  Creek  confederacy!" 

It  is  said  that  this  chief  had  entered  fully  into  the  views  of  Tcciimseh,  and 
that,  if  he  had  entered  u|K)n  his  designs  without  delay,  he  would  have  been 
amply  able  to  have  overrun  the  whole  Mississi{)pi  territory.  But  this  fortu- 
nate moment  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  his  plans  came  to  ruin.  Not  long 
Iwfore  the  wretched  butchery  at  Fort  Mimms,  General  Claiborne  visited  tha'' 
post,  and  very  particularly  warned  its  possessors  against  a  surprise.  Af\er 
giving  orders  for  the  construction  of  two  additional  block-houses,  he  con- 
cluded the  order  with  tliese  words : — "  To  respect  an  enemy,  and  prepare  in 
the  best  possible  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  means  to  ensure  success." 
It  was  exj)ectcd  that  ffeatkerford  would  soon  attack  some  of  the  forts,  and 
General  Claiborne  marched  to  Fort  Early,  as  that  was  the  farthest  advanced 
into  the  enemy's  country.  On  his  way,  he  wrote  to  Major  Beasley,  the  coni- 
iiiander  of  Minims,  iufbniiing  him  of  the  danger  of  an  attack ;  and,  strange 
as  it  may  appear,  the  next  day  after  the  letter  was  received,  (30  August, 
1818,)  H'eathcrfurd,  at  tliu  head  of  about  1.500  warriors,  entered  the  fort  at 
noon-day,  when  a  shocking  cai-nage  ensued.  The  gate  had  been  lefl  open 
iiiid  unguarded ;  but,  before  many  of  the  warriors  had  entered,  they  were 
met  by  Major  Heasle}/,  at  the  head  of  his  men,  and  for  some  time  the  contest 
was  bloody  and  doubtful ;  each  striving  for  the  mastery  of  the  entrance. 
Here,  ni-iii  to  man,  the  fight  continued  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  with  toma- 
hawks, knives,  swords  and  bayonets :  a  scene  there  jiresented  itself  almost 
without  a  parallel  in  the  annais  of  Indian  warfare !  The  garrison  consisted 
of  275:  of  these  only  l(iO  were  soldiers;  the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and 
children,  who  had  here  taken  refuge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  emphatical 
remark,  that  every  officer  expired  figliting  at  the  gate.  A  lieutenant,  having 
been  badly  woirided,  was  carried  by  two  women  to  a  block-house,  but  when 
be  was  a  little  revived,  he  insisted  on  being  carried  back  to  the  fiital  scene, 
which  was  done  by  the  same  heroines,  who  placed  him  by  the  side  of  a  ilead 
companion,  whese  he  was  soon  despatched. 

The  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women  and 
children  simt  themselves  up  in  the  block-houst's,  and,  seizing  upon  what 
wea[)ons  tliey  could  find,  began,  in  that  perilous  and  hopeless  situation,  to 
defenti  themselves.  But  the  Indians  soon  succeeded  in  setting  these  houses 
on  fire,  and  all  such  as  lefiised  to  meet  death  without,  (lerished  in  the  flames 
wi;hin!!  Seventeen  only  escapod  of  ail  the  garrison,  and  many  of  those 
were  desperately  wounded.  It  was  judged  that,  during  the  contest  at  the 
gate,  near  400  of  JVenthtrfonVs  warriors  were  woundetl  and  slain. 

The  horrid  calamity  at  Fort  Mimms,  in  the  Tensau  settlement,  as  it  is 
called,  was  not  the  commencement  of  the  bloody  war  'vith  the  Crefk  Indians. 
The  motions  of  the  Shawaiiee  Prophet  had  been  scrutinized  by  people  upon 
the  frontiers  of  several  states,  and  memorials  fiom  Indiana  and  Illinois  had 
been  siMit  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  by  some  of  their  |)riu('ipai 
inhabitants,  in  1811,  calling  on  him  to  send  out  an  armed  force  for  their 
security. 

In  the  summer  of  1812,  some  families  were  cut  off  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  and  soon  after,  upon  tlte  border  of  Tennessee,  two  other  families, 
consisting  of  women  and  children,  were  butchered  in  a  manner  too  shocking 
for  description !     Georgia  was  also  a  sufferer  in  the  same  kind. 

In  resjiect  to  the  bloody  affair  at  Fort  Mimms,  a  difli;rent  aspect  has  been 
thrown  around  it  from  that  generally  given  in  the  histories  of  tiie  war.  The 
severe,  though  probably  just  reflections  of  Judge  Martin  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  unfortunate  Beasley,  has  passed  without  contradiction.  Not  oidy  had 
tiiat  officer  been  warne(r  by  General  Claiborne  of  his  dangi  r,  as  already 
Bfited,  but  a  Creek  Indian  informed  him  in  a  friendlv  niann-r  that  he  must 
33* 


■t    . 


1)  ■ 

1 

'    I 

i 


300 


WEATIIERFORD  SURRENDERS.— IMS  SPEECH.  [Book  IV 


cxjiect  an  attack  in  less  than  two  days.  Wlien  be  had  made  his  coinmunica 
tiDH,  he  led  the  place,  "and  was  liardly  out  ol"  sight,  when  20  or  30  of  hia 
connti yiriLii  cnnie  in  view,  and  forcibly  entered  the  fort.  In  the  attetn|)t  to 
shut  tlie  gtiW,  Beasky  wu^  killed:  the  garrison  revenged  his  death  Ly  that 
of  all  the  assailants.  This  first  party  was,  however,  soon  followed  by  a  body 
of  about  800 :  the  garrison  was  overpowered,  the  ibrt  taken,  and  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  it,  slaughtered,  with  the  exception  of  four  privates,  who, 
thouffh  severely  wounded,  effected  their  escape,  and  reached  Fort  Stod- 
dard."* Benslty  himself  was  carried  into  the  kitchen  of  one  of  the  housef 
\\  ithin  the  fort,  and  was  there,  with  many  others,  consumed  in  tfie  burning 
ruins  !f 

When  the  news  of  this  afl^air  was  circulated  through  the  countr)',  many 
cried  aloud  for  vengeance,  and  two  powerful  armies  were  soon  upon  their 
march  into  the  Indian  country,  and  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Lidian 
power  soon  followed.  The  Indians  seeing  all  resistance  was  at  an  end, 
great  numbers  of  them  came  forward  and  made  their  submission,  ff'ealher- 
J'oril,  however,  and  many  who  were  known  to  be  des|)erate,  still  stood  out; 
pe)haf)S  from  fear.  General  Jackson  determined  to  test  the  fidelity  of  thos^j 
chiefs  who  bad  submitted,  and,  therefore,  ordered  them  to  deliver,  without 
delay,  Wcatherford,  bound,  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  be  dealt  with  a.s  he 
desci-vcd.  Wlien  they  had  made  known  to  the  sachem  what  was  requirefl 
of  th(Mn,  his  noble  sjjirit  would  not  submit  to  such  degradation  ;  and,  to  bold 
tli!'m  harmless,  be  resolved  to  give  himself  up  without  compulsion.  Accord- 
ingly, he  proceeded  to  the  American  camp,  unknown,  until  he  apjieared 
l)elbre  the  commanding  general,  to  whose  presence,  under  some  pretence, 
h(!  gained  admission.  General  Jackson  was  greatly  sin-priscd,  when  the  chief 
Kiiid,  ^^1  am  Wealherford,  the  chief  tvho  commanded  at  the  capture  of  Fort  J\Kmms. 
I  desire  peace  for  my  people,  and  have  come  to  ask  it.^  Jackson  had,  doidnless, 
determined  upon  Ins  execution  when  he  should  be  brought  bound,  as  he 
had  directed;  but  his  sudden  and  unexpected  appearancCj  in  this  manner, 
saved  him.  The  general  said  he  was  astonished  that  he  should  venture  to 
up|)e!ir  in  his  presence,  as  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort 
IMinuns,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  for  which  he  so  well  deserved  to 
die.  "I  ordered,"  continued  the  general,  "that  jou  should  be  brought  to  me 
bound;  and,  had  you  been  brought  in  that  manner,  I  should  have  known 
how  to  have  treated  you."  In  answer  to  this,  JVeatherford  made  the  follow- 
ing fanious  speech : —  ' 

"  /  am  in  your  poioer — do  ttrith  me  as  you  please — /  am  a  soldier.  I  have  done 
the  ivhiles  all  the  harm  I  could.  I  have  fovghl  them,  and  fought  them  bravely. 
If  I  had  an  army,  I  woxdd  yet  fight — /  woiUd  contend  to  the  last :  but  I  have  none. 
My  people  are  all  gone.    I  can  only  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my  nation.^ 

General  Jackson  was  pleased  with  his  boldness,  and  told  him  that  though 
he  was  in  his  pov/'er,  yet  he  would  take  no  advantage ;  that  he  might  yet  join 
the  war  party,  and  contend  against  the  Americans,  if  he  chose,  but  to  depend 
upon  no  quarter  if  taken  afferward ;  and  that  unconditional  submission  was 
his  and  his  people's  only  safety,  Weaiherford  rejoined,  in  a  tone  as  dignified 
as  it  was  indignant, — "  You  can  safely  address  me  in  such  terms  noio.  There 
was  a  time  xchen  I  could  have  answered  you — there  was  a  time  tvhen  I  had  a  choice 
— /  have  none  now.  I  have  not  even  a  nope.  I  coidd  once  animate  my  loarriors 
to  battle — hut  I  cannot  animate  the  dead.  My  warriors  can  7io  longer  hear  my 
voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Talladega,  Tallushatchcs,  Emuckfaw  and  Tohopcka. 
I  have  not  surrendered  myself  without  thought.  Ifliile  there  tvas  a  single  chance 
of  success,  I  never  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  But  my  people  are  gone, 
and  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation,  not  for  myself:  I  look  hack  with  deep  sorrow, 
and  wish  to  avert  still  greater  calamities.  If  I  had  been  left  to  contend  with  the 
Georgia  army,  I  woidd  have  raised  my  com  on  one  hank  of  the  river,  and  fought 
them  on  the  other.  But  your  people  have  destroyed  my  nation,  ion  are  a  brave 
man,  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will  exact  no  terms  of  a  conquered 
veople,  but  such  as  theif  should  accede  to.  IfTiatever  they  may  be,  it  loould  now  be 
madness  and  folly  to  oppose  them.     If  they  are  opposed,  you  sluill  find  -me 


Murlhi's  Ilisl.  Louisiana,  ii.  :31G. 


t  Perkins's  Lale  War,  l'J8 


Chap.  VI]         BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE  AND  OF  TOHOPEKA. 


391 


amoiifrat  the  sternest  enforcers  of  obedience.  Those  who  would  stUl  hold  out,  can 
be  infaenrcd  only  by  a  mean  spirit  of  revenge.  To  this  they  must  not,  and  shall 
not  siicrifwe  the  Inst  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  tola  our  nation  where  we 
mlfrht  go  and  be  safe.  This  is  good  talk,  and  they  ougld  to  listen  to  it.  They 
sh(dl  listen  to  U,"  And  here  we  must  close  our  prosem  account  of  H'eatherford, 
(ind  enter  upon  tlmt  of  a  character  opposed  to  him  in  tiio  fiehl,  and,  if  wo  <"an 
hdif  vc  the  writers  of  their  times,  opposite  in  ahnost  all  the  aflaira  of  life.  This 
was  tilt!  cclehrated  and  truly  luifortunato 

General  WILLLIAM  ftl'INTOSH,  a  Creek  chief  of  the  trihe  of  Cowotavv. 
He  was,  like  M^Gillivray,  a  half-breed,  whom  he  considerably  rosembicd  in 
several  particulars,  as  by  his  history  will  appear.  He  was  a  prominent  leader 
of  t<ueh  of  his  countrymen  as  joined  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1H12,  IH,  and 
14,  tmd  is  first  mentioned  by  General  Floyd,*  in  his  account  of  the  bailie,  as  iu" 
caUed  it,  of  Autossce,  where  he  assisted  in  the  brutal  destruction  of  200  of  his 
nation.  There  was  notiiing  like  fighting  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the 
l)lac(',  as  we  can  learn,  being  surprised  in  their  wigwams,  and  hewn  to  pieces. 
"The  Cowetaws,"  says  the  general,  " umhr  JWIntosh,  and  Tookaubateiiians,^ 
under  Matl-dog\<i-son,  fell  in  on  our  flanks,  and  Ibugiit  with  an  intrepidity 
worthy  of  any  troop.-*."  And  after  n-lating  the  burning  of  the  i)hice,  he  thus 
proceeds  : — "  It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  strength  of  tiie  enemy,  but  from 
the  information  of  some  of  the  chiefs,  wiiich  it  is  said  can  be  relied  on,  there 
were  assembled  at  Autossce,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  ii)r  its  defence ;  it 
being  their  beloved  ground,  on  wliich  they  j)roclaimed  no  white  man  could 
ai)|)roach  without  inevitable  destruction.  It  is  difiieult  to  give  a  |)reeise 
account  of  the  loss  of  the  enemy ;  but  from  the  number  which  were  lying 
scat  -red  over  the  field,  together  with  those  destroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the 
man/  slain  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  respectable  otlicers  aflirm  that 
they  saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  water's  edge,  where  they  had  been  precipitated 
by  t'>(!ir  surviving  friends,  [! !]  their  loss  in  killed,  independent  of  their  wound- 
ed, li'Ubt  liave  been  at  least  '200,  (among  whom  were  the  Autossce  and  Tallasset; 
kings,)  and  frotn  the  circumstance  of  their  making  no  efforts  to  molest  oiu- 
return,  probably  greater.  The  number  of  buildings  burnt,  some  of  a  superior 
order  for  the  dwellings  of  savages,  and  filled  with  valuable  articles,  is  supposed 
to  be  400."    This  was  on  the  29  November,  181.'?. 

jyrintosh  was  also  very  conspicuous  in  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Horse- 
shoe-bend, in  the  Tallapoosie  River.  At  this  place  the  disconsolate  tribes  of  tlio 
south  had  made  a  last  great  stand,  and  had  a  tolerably  regular  fortified  camp. 
It  was  said  that  they  were  1000  strong.  They  had  constructed  their  works 
with  such  ingenuity,  that  little  could  be  effected  against  them  but  by  storm. 
"Determined  to  exterminate  them,"  says  GeneraUacAson,  "I  di'tached  General 
Coffee  with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Indian  f()rce,  (>arly  f)n 
the  morning  of  yesterday,  [March  27, 1814,]  to  cross  the  river  about  two  miles 
below  their  encampment,  and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a  manner,  as 
that  none  of  them  should  escape  by  attempting  to  cross  the  river."  "  Beant 
company  of  spies,  who  had  accompanied  Gen.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoi  i 
to  the  extremity  of  the  bend,  and  set  fire  to  a  few  of  the  buildings  which  wei  i 
there  situated ;  they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  th(!  breast- 
work, and  commenced  a  spirited  fire  upon  the  enemy  behind  it."  This  force 
not  being  able  to  effect  their  object,  many  others  of  the  army  showed  great 
arilor  to  participate  in  the  assault.  "  The  spirit  which  animated  them  was  a 
siu'e  augury  of  the  success  which  was  to  follow."  "  The  regulars,  led  on  by 
their  intrepid  and  skilful  commander.  Col.  Williams,  and  by  the  gallant  Maj. 
Montgomery,  soon  gained  possession  of  the  works  in  the  midst  of  a  most  tre- 
mendous fire  from  behind  them,  and  the  militia  of  the  venerable  Gen.  Doherly^s 
brigade  accompanied  them  in  the  charge  with  a  vivacity  and  firmness  which 
would  have  done  honor  to  regulai-s.  The  enemy  was  completely  routed. 
Jt\ve  hundred  and  fjly  sevenl  were  left  dead  on  the  peninsula,  and  a  great 
iHimber  were  killed  liy  the  horsemen  iu  attempting  to  cross  the  river.  It  is 
believed  that  not  more  than  twenty  have  escaped. 

"  riie  fighting  continued  with  some  severity  about  five  hours  :  but  we  con- 

*  Ih-annan's  oHiciai  leltcrs.  t  Tuc'kalialclie      Uartram,  447 

\  These  are  tlin  general's  italics;  at  least,  Brannan  so  prints  his  u/rii-inl  IcUvr. 


.1  J  % 


.('•J 


IT 


i  i'i 


392 


MINTOSirS   TREATIES. 


[DooK  IV 


It    ( 
I': 


tinned  to  destroy  many  of  tliem,  who  had  concealed  themselves  under  tlio 
bunks  of  tlie  river,  until  we  w(!re  prevented  by  tiie  night.  This  morning  we 
killed  Ki  who  had  been  concealed.  We  took  about  2o0  prisoners,  ail  women 
and  children,  except  two  or  three.  Our  loss  is  lOG  wounded,  and  25  killed. 
Major  Mcintosh,  the  Cowetnu,  who  joined  my  uriny  with  a  part  of  his  tribe, 
(n"eatly  distinguished  hims<;lf."*  Truly,  this  was  u  war  of  extermination  ! ' 
The  friend  of  humanity  may  inquire  whether  all  those  poor  wretches  wlio  had 
Ki'creted  themselves  here  and  there  in  tlie  "caves  and  reeds,"  had  deserved 
death  ? 

The  most  melancholy  part  of  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  Mlntosh  retnains  to 
be  record«!d.  The  late  troubles  of  the  Creek  nation  have  drawn  forth  many 
a  sympathetic  tear  from  the  eye  of  the  philanthroitist.  These  troubles  were 
only  the  consequences  of  those  of  a  higher  date.  Those  of  1825,  we  thought, 
completed  the  climax  of  their  aflliction,  but  1832  must  sully  her  annuls  with 
records  of  their  oppression  also.  It  is  the  former  period  with  which  our  article 
brings  us  in  collision  in  closing  this  account.  In  that  year,  the  government 
of  tlie  U.  States,  by  its  ogents,  st^emed  determined  on  possi  ssing  a  large  tract 
of  their  country,  to  satisfy  the  state  of  Georgia.  .WIntosh,  and  a  small  part  of 
the  nation,  were  for  conceding  to  their  wishes,  but  a  large  majority  of  his 
countrymen  would  not  hear  to  the  proposal.  The  commissioners  employed 
were  satisfied  of  the  fact,  and  connnuuicated  to  the  j)rcsident  the  result  of  a 
nifoting  they  had  had  for  the  ])urpose.  He  was  well  satisfied,  also,  that 
^^lnlosh  could  not  convey  the  lands,  as  he  represented  but  a  small  part  of  his 
nation,  but  still  the  negotiation  was  ordered  to  be  renewed.  A  council  was 
called  by  the  commissionei"s,  (who  were  Georgians,)  which  usscnililod  at  a 
place  called  Indian-spring.  Here  the  chief  of  the  Tuckanbatclieese  spoke  to 
them  as  follows :  "  VVe  met  you  at  IJroken  Arrow,  and  then  told  you  we  had 
no  land  to  sell.  I  then  heard  of  no  claims  against  the  nation,  nor  have  I  since. 
We  have  met  you  here  at  a  very  short  notice,  and  do  not  think  that  the  chitts 
who  are  here  have  any  authority  to  treat.  General  JWIntosh  knows  that  we 
are  bound  by  our  laws,  and  that  what  is  not  done  in  the  ])ublic  sipiare,  in  the 
general  council,  is  not  binding  on  the  nation.  I  am,  therefore,  inuler  the 
necessity  of  repeating  the  same  answer  as  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we 
have  no  land  to  sell.  I  know  that  there  are  but  few  here  from  the  ui)per 
towns,  and  lany  are  absent  from  the  lower  towns.  Gen.  Aflntosh  knows  that 
no  part  of  the  land  can  be  sold  without  a  full  council,  and  with  the  consent  of 
oil  the  nation,  and  if  a  part  of  the  nation  choose  to  leave  the  country,  they 
cannot  sell  the  land  they  have,  but  it  belongs  lo  the  nation."  "  This  is  the 
only  talk  I  have  for  you,  and  I  shall  return  home  immediately."  He  did  so. 
The  ill-advised  conuiiissionera  informed  Mcintosh  and  his  party,  that  the  Cieik 
nation  was  sufficieiuly  rejjresented  by  them,  and  that  the  United  States  would 
bear  them  out  in  a  treaty  of  sale.  The  idea  of  receiving  the  whole  of  the  pay 
for  the  lands  among  themselves,  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  the  concession  of 
M'Intosh  and  his  party.  "Thirteen  only  of  the  signers  of  the  treaty  wei-e 
chiefs.  The  rest  were  such  as  had  been  degraded  from  that  rank,  'ud  un- 
known peinsons  ;  36  chiefs  ])resent  refused  to  sign.  The  whole  party  of 
Mlntosh  amounted  to  about  300,  not  the  tenth  i)art  of  the  nation."  Still  they 
executed  the  articles,  in  direct  violation  to  the  laws  of  their  nation,  which 
themselves  had  hel|»ed  to  form.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Creeks  Imu 
made  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  what  is  termed  civiiization.  Tlicy  had 
towns,  and  even  jirinted  laws  by  which  they  were  to  be  governed,  similar  to 
those  of  the  United  States. 

The  treaty  of  Indian-spring,  dated  8  Januar)',  1821,  gave  universal  uneasi- 
ness ;  and,  from  that  day,  JWIntosh  lost  popidarity.  It  was  generally  believed 
that  he  hud  been  tam|)ered  with  by  the  whites  to  convey  to  them  the  inher- 
itance of  his  nation  !  and  the  following  letter  pretty  clearly  proves  such 
suspicions  had  been  justly  grounded.     It  is  dated 

"Newtown,  2\st  October,  1823. 

"  RIy  Friend  :  /  nm  going  to  inform  you  a  few  lines,  as  a  friend.  I  toant  you 
'o  give  me  your  opinion  about  the  treaty ;  \  whether  the  chiefs  will  be  ivilllng  or  not 


Branuan,  ui  supra 


t  't'liat  at  Iii'liaii-spriiig,  8  January,  1821. 


Chaf.  VI] 


M  INTOSII.— HIS  VILLANY  DETECTED. 


393 


If  the  chiefs  ftel  disposed  to  let  the  United  States  have  the  land,  part  of  it,  Ticant  you 
to  let  me  know ;  I  will  make  the  U.  Slates  rommissioi  <s  ffive  you  2000  dollars, 
A.  M'Coy  the  same,  and  Charles  Hicks  3000  dvUtti.i,for  present,  and  nobody 
Shall  /cnoio  it ;  and  if  you  think  the  land  wouldeii  [shouUTnt  '.>]  sold,  I  will  be  sal- 
isned.  If  the  land  sKovdd  be  sold,  I  will  get  you  the  amount  before  the  treaty  81^11 
[is  signed ;]  and  if  you  get  any  friend  you  waiU  him  to  received,  tlicy  shiUl  receive. 
Aothing  more  to  inform  you  at  present. 

"  I  remain  your  affectionate  friend,  WM.  McINTOSH. 

"JoH.v  Ross.* 

"  .^in  answer  return. 

"  N.  U.  The  whole  amount  is  $12,000,  you  can  divide  among  your  friendt, 
exclusive,  $7,000." 

lli^iice  thorrj  cnn  Im5  no  question  as  to  tho  guilty  conscience  of  ^Plntosh, 
ultiiougli  sonic  ports  of  tiie  above  letter  are  scarcely  intelligihlc.  He  hud 
mistukt'h  his  friend ;  Ross  wua  not  to  he  bought;  for  three  days  after  the  letter 
was  written,  viz.  24  October,  a  council  was  held,  and  Mcintosh  was  present ; 
the  letter  was  read,  and  he  was  publicly  exposed. 

Notwithstanding  wliat  had  been  done  at  Indian-Spring,  it  ap|)rars,  from  the 
above  letter,  that  another  attempt  at  selling  land  was  made  in  l^ .':),  but  could 
not  be  carried  into  ett'ect,  the  viliany  of  Mcintosh  was  so  apparent;  and  it 
app^'urs  that  it  could  not  be  brought  about  until  12  February,  \i'25,  wliich  is 
tiie  (late  of  the  last  treaty  made  by  .Mcintosh. 

"  APIntosh  was  aware,  that,  after  signing  the  treaty,  his  life  was  forfeited. 
Hi',  and  otlii-rs  of  his  coadjutors,  repaired  to  Milledgeville,  stated  their  fears, 
and  elaiiufd  the  protection  of  Georgia,  which  was  promise*'  by  Gov.  Troup." 
It  must  be  observed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  |iurehased  territory  was  within 
the  elaiined  limits  of  Georgia  ;f  and  that  the  Georgians  had  no  small  shore  in 
tiie  whole  tnuisaction.  It  is  not  stranger  that  the  people  of  Georgia  shouJd 
conduct  as  they  have,  than  that  the  United  States'  government  siiould  place  it 
ill  her  power  so  to  act.  To  take,  therefore,  into  account  the  whole  merits  of 
the  cas(',»it  must  bo  remembered,  that,  by  a  compact  between  the  two  parties 
in  1H02,  the  former,  in  consideration  of  the  latter's  relinquishing  her  claim  to 
the  Mississippi  territory,  agreed  to  extinguish,  at  the  national  expense,  the 
Indian  title  to  the  lands  occupied  by  them,  in  Georgia,  whenever  it  could  be 
done,  upon  reasonable  terms.  X  Who  was  to  decide  when  the  practicable  time 
had  arrived,  we  believe  was  not  mentioned.  However,  previous  to  1825,  the 
United  States  had  succeeded  in  rxtiiiguishing  the  aboriginal  title  of  l.'),000,000 
acres,  and  there  were  yet  about  10,000,000  to  be  bought  off.  §  Tiie  change  of 
life  from  wandering  to  stationary,  wiiich  the  arts  of  civilization  had  efwcted 
among  the  Indians,  made  them  prize  their  possessions  far  more  highly  than 
heretofore,  and  hence  their  reluctance  and  o])position  to  relinquish  them. 

Thus  much  it  seemed  necessary  to  premise,  that  the  true  cause  of  the  fate 
of  .W/n/os/i  should  be  understood.  It  ap/ears  that  when  the  whole  of  the 
nation  saw  that  the  treaty  which  he  and  his  jjarty  ha.'  made  could  not  be 
abrogated,  forty-nine  fiftieths  of  them  were  violent  against  them  ;  and  there- 
fore resolved  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  should  be  executed  upon  him. 
The  execution,  and  circumstances  attending  it,  are  thus  related :  ||  "About 
two  hours  before  day,  on  Sunday  morning,  1  May.H  the  house  of  Gen. 
.Wlntosh  was  surrountled  by  Menaw-ioay,  and  about  100  Oakfiiskee  warriors. 
.Wlntosh  was  within,  as  likewise  were  his  womeu  and  children,  ai'd  some 
wliite  men.  Menaw-way  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  the  whites,  and 
the  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  us  tlie  warriors  did  not  Wish  to  harm 
them;  that  Gen.  MWntosh  had  broken  the  law  that  lie  himself  had  long 
since  made,  and  they  had  come  to  execute  him  accordingly.  Thi;y  came 
out  of  the  house,  leaving  flTIntosh  and  Elomi-tustenugge,  one  of  his  adherents, 


*  Thnn  President  of  the  National  Council  of  the  Creeks. 

t  Perkins,  Hist.  II.  Stales,  a  work,  by  the  way,  of  great  value,  and  wiiich  we  are  surprised 
slinul<l  have  issued  from  tlie  press  with  little  or  no  notice. 

i  Amer.  An.  Kegr.  i.  6  Ibid.  ||  In  the  .\nnnal  Rcgislor,  tit  supra. 

IT  JO  April  is  mentioned,  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  as  the  ilutu  of  Ihe  execution, 
and  so  il  is  set  down  by  Mr.  Perkins,  iu  his  liist.  U.  S. 


394 


MINTOSil  AM)  OTHERS  PUT  TO  DEATH. 


[IJODK    IV. 


It  *• 


therein,  'flio  wiiniorH  tlicn  sui  firi!  to  tlm  lioiisf? ;  niul  ns  jWlnlosh  niul  liiis 
coiiiradt!  [TusUnuirife]  iittiiii|it((l  t(»  ronu!  out  ut  tli(!  «li)or,  tln-y  hIioI  tlicin 
botli  down.  Tlif  winie  day,  uhont  I'i  o'clock,  tlicy  Uuna  Sam  Hawkins,  a  half 
lirecd,  in  iliu  llnckhoHseligu  H(|nai-o.  On  Monday,  tJie  '2  Alav,  a  parly  of 
llulilmo  JndianH  tired  on  and  wounded  Ben  Ilaivkina,  another  half  hri  ed,  very 
badly.  The  chiefs  stated,  at  the  time,  that  no  danger  whatever  wan  to  he 
apprehended  by  persons  travelling  through  the  nation ;  that  they  were  friendn 
to  the  whites,  and  wished  them  not  to  bts  alarmed  by  this  execution,  which 
was  only  a  compliance  with  the  laws  that  the  great  chiefs  of  the  nation  niiide 
at  Polecat  Spring.  Chilly  J^VIittosh  escaped  from  the  house  with  tiie  wliite.s, 
and  was  not  fired  at  or  woundi^d."  lie  is  now  chief  among  the  we^'tern 
Creeks,  and  some  time  since  increased  liis  notoriety  by  beating  a  nieudjer  of 
Congress,  in  Washington. 

The  great  agitation  which  the  execution  of  the  head  chiefs  of  the  JWInlosli 
party  caused  was  allayed  only  by  the  interference  of  the  United  States'  gov- 
ernment. (iovtTuor  JVoup  of  (Jeorgia  decliued  vengeance  against  the  Creek 
nation,  ilenoimcing  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  an  act  of  murder  ;  however, 
lie.,  by  some  means,  learned  that  his  judgment  was  gratuitous,  and,  by  advice 
of  President  Mains,  desisted  Irom  acts  of  hostility,  the  survey  of  the  disputed 
lands,  &:c. 

We  have  not  learned  nnich  of  the  family  of  J\rintoah.  His  princijjal  resi- 
drnce  was  on  the  Chattahoochie,  where  he  had  two  wives,  Susannah  and 
PeggiJ,  OIK!  a  Creek,  the  other  a  Cherokee  woman,  and  this  is  the  place  where 
he  was  killed.  About  50  miles  from  this  place,  on  the  western  bruii(;li  of  tiie 
Tallapoosa,  ho  had  a  plantation ;  here  lived  another  of  his  wives,  named  Eliza. 
She  was  tiie  daughter  of  Stephen  Hawkins,  and  sister  to  Samuel  and  Benjamin 
Hawkins,*  whose  fate  we  have  just  related.  On  14  August,  1818,  Jennij,  his 
eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  ff'illiam  S,  Mitchel,  Es(|.,  assistant  Indian 
agent  of  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  married  at  a  place  called  Thtacakkkah 
near  Fort  IVlitchel,  in  that  nation,  f 

General  AVIntosh  participated  in  the  Seminole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  Lovelt,  with  about  UOOO  of  their  warriors.  They  joined 
the  American  army  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1S18.| 


-^i00e 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Creek  war  continued — View  of  the  Creek  country — General  Jackson  ordcrrd  out 
against  them — Relieves  Chinnaby — Shelokta — Path-killf.r — Capture  of  Lilta 
fiitche — The  Tallushatches  destroyed  Inj  General  Coffee — Buttle  of  TuUiidcga — 
Anecdote — Mas  'acre  of  the  Hallibees — Further  account  of  Autossee  battle — Buttle  of 
Camp  Defiance-  -Timpoochif, — Battle  of  Eckanukaka — Pushamata — If'eathrrford 
— Jim  Fife — Battle  of  Emukfau — A  second  battle — Fife's  intrepidity — Battle  of 
Enotochopico — Tohopeka — End  of  the  Creek  war — Death  of  three  Prnphrts — 
MoNOHOE — M'QoEEN — Coi.BF.RT,  ulius  PiOMiNco — His  exploits — Anccdotc — Mur- 
der of  John  Morris — Mijshalatubec — Pushamata — Speech  of  Mushalatubec  and 
of  Pushamata  to  Lafayette  at  Washington — Pushamata  dies  there — Hili.isharo 
visits  England — Excites  the  Seminoles  to  war — A  modern  Pocalumtas — IJornot- 
i.iMKD — Masfii-rrs  a  boat's  crew  in  Apalachieola  River — Is  captured  with  Ilii.i.is- 
HAGO,an(/  bun  Jill — Neamathla — Removal  of  the  Florida  Indians — Their  wrr.tched 
conrfitJon— M'QuEEN — Rich  in  lands  and  slaccs — Flies  to  Florida,  and  loses  his 
effects. 

At  this  period  the  Creek  Indians  occupied  a  country  cojitainiiig  about  POO 
square  miles;  bounded  on  the  north  by  Tennessee,  east  by  Georgia,  south  by 
the  Floridas,  and  west  by  the  Mississipjii ;  the  soil  and  climate  of  which 
could  not  Ix!  considered  inferior  to  any  in  the  United  States.  These  Indians, 
consisting  of  Creeks,  properly  so  called,  Chikassnvs,  Choktaws,  and  Chero- 

♦  Ri'porl  ol'llic  Seli'ol  <^)inmiltee  of  llio  House  of  Ueprcseiiliilivcs,  I'.  S.,  578,  &.c. 

t  n'Ucs's  Rcjrisier,  14,  407.  {  N.  Y.  Moiiilily  Mag.  ill.  74. 


Chap.  VII] 


SHKLOKTA.— P.\TII-KII,I,ER. 


no." 


kees,  hud  for  a  loiij?  tinio  Immjm  on  nriiiralilti  tcrtiis  with  their  wiiite  mijilihom, 
exchiiiigiiijr  tht'ir  furs  and  other  nrticles  with  iht-ni  for  such  others  iw  tlicir 
wants  re(|uirfd.  Tliis  mute  of  tilings,  hut  for  tiitJ  hreai<inff  out  of  the  war  in 
Canada,  niif,'ht,  and  wouhl,  in  nason,  have  contiiui<><l,  and  the  great  Creek 
nation  would  have  increased,  and  at  this  day  have  gained  vu^itly  in  popnhition 
and  importance,  iiihteud  of  being  disnuMnhered,  itH  iidiahitants  smt  into 
hanislnnint,  and  finally  mined.  Intertnarriagcs  between  Indians  and  whiles 
had  hiconio  frecjuent,  from  which  a  race  of  half-hreeds  were  springing  up, 
and  instead  of  slavery,  the  Indian  women  were  taking  their  projter  places  in 
society,  and  the  men  were  cultivating  the  fields.  And  notwithsUinding  the 
Prophet  and  Tecumseh  had  used  all  their  eloquenco  to  engage  them  in  an 
early  (piiurel,  it  was  not  until  they  heard  of  the  success  of  the  liritish  at  Mal- 
«len,  that  they  decided  on  taking  up  the  hatchet,  gencndly.  Such  wius  the 
alacrity  among  the  northern  Indians  on  the  capttu-e  of  General  Hull,  on  the 
](J  August,  1812,  that  runners  arrived  from  among  them  to  the  Creeks  some 
lime  before  it  wua  known  to  their  white  neighbors. 

For  the  horrid  butchery  at  Teiisjui,  tlie  lollowcsrs  of  WefUherford,  ^fonohoe, 
and  AFQ^uin,  or  M'C^ueen,  were  shortly  to  atone,  in  the  most  summary  man- 
ner. There  was  a  great  encampment  of  Creeks  imder  ff'eather/ord,  at  the 
Tallahasse.  or  Tullushatches  towns,  oii  the  Coosa  River,  a  northern  branch  of 
the  Alabama.  The  eyes  of  the  south  seemed  to  centre  upon  General  Jackson 
to  execute  vengeance  on  the  Indians,  and  notwithstanding  he  was  confined  to 
ills  room,  from  a  wound  in  the  arm,  which  he  had  lately  received  in  a  private 
(piarrel,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  arrived  in  Temiessee,  the  governor  of 
that  state  issued  an  order  to  him  to  raise  2000  men  with  all  possible  (lesi)atcli, 
and  rendezvous  at  Fayetteville.  Colonel  Coffee  was  already  in  the  field. 
Jacksoii's  march  into  the  enemy's  country  was  hastened  by  a  false  alarm,  and 
when  he  had  got  into  the  Indian  country,  he  found  himself  almost  destitute 
of  provisions  tor  his  army,  which  caused  considerable  delay.  At  a  place  on 
the  Tennessee  River,  called  Ditto's  Landing,  General  Jackson  met  with  Colonel 
Coffee's  regiment.  Ilere  he  remained  several  days,  but  despatched  Coffee 
with  700  men  to  scour  the  Black  Warrior  River.  At  Ten  Islanils,  on  the 
Coosa,  was  a  band  of  friendly  Creeks,  at  whose  head  was  a  chief  named 
Chinnaby.  This  chief  had  a  kind  of  fort  there,  and  was  now  blockaded  in  it 
by  the  war  party.  Chinnaby,  hearing  ofjackson^s  position,  sent  liis  son,  Sue- 
LOKTA,  also  a  principal  chief,  to  the  general's  camp,  for  relief,  who,  without 
loss  of  time,  marched  up  the  river,  but  was  obliged  to  cncamii  at  the  distance 
of  24  miles  from  Ditto's,  from  the  failure  of  his  suitplies.  While  here,  1'atm- 
KiLLER,*  a  Cherokee  chief,  sent  two  runners  to  him,  confirming  the  former 
news,  and  that  without  immediate  relief^  they  said,  they  should  be  immediate- 
ly cut  off,  for  the  hostile  Indians  were  assendiling  in  great  force  from  nine 
towns.  Jackson  now  resolved  to  move  on,  and  told  the  ntesscngers  oi PiUhf 
killer  to  speak  thus  to  their  chief  from  him : — 

"  The  hostile  Creeks  will  not  attack  you  until  thei/  have  had  a  brush  with  me, 
and  that,  I  think,  will  ptU  tliem,  out  of  the  notion  of  fighting  for  some  time." 

When  the  army  had  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Ten  Islands,  it  was 
met  by  Chinnaby.  This  ohl  chief  had  succeeded  in  capturing  two  hostile 
Creeks,  which  he  gave  up  to  General  Jackson.  The  army  was  yet  about  IG 
miles  from  the  Indian  encampment,  and  in  a  lamentable  condition  for  want  of 
provisions ;  insomuch,  that  almost  any  one  but  Jackson  would  have  despaired, 
and  given  up  the  campaign  ;  but  his  resolution  was  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he 
happily  diffused  his  spirit  into  his  men.  He  said,  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Blount,  that  whilst  they  could  procure  an  car  of  com  apiece,  they  would  not  give 
up  the  expedition. 


*  We  would  liere  observe  that  Path-killer  was,  in  1822,  a  Christian  chief,  and  governed 
ill  ihc  same  tribe  with  the  famous  Mr.  Charles  Hicks ;  and  his  residence  was  in  that  year  25 
miles  from  Tiirl^eytown.  The  missionary,  Mr.  Butrick,  notes  in  his  Journal,  thai  Path-kilter 
was  "  Ihc  king  oi  frst  beloved  man,  of  the  Cherokee  nation,"  and  that  Mr.  Uicks  was  "the 
srcond  tieloied  man."  Patli-kUler  had  had  a  son  murdered  by  some  while  man,  Ijefore  tliis 
visit,  and  complained  of  the  outrage,  and  said  he  had  wrilleii  twice  to  the  presi4;nt  of  lli« 
United  States  about  it.    Both  these  chiefs  died  in  tlie  winter  of  182G. 


396 


PATH-KILLER.— BATTLE  OF  TALLUSHATCHES.       fBooK  IV 


$1 


m . 

i^x^'*-^ 

^  1 

On  tlie  28  October,  Colonel  Dyer  returneil  from  the  capture  of  a  town 
called  Littufutche,  on  the  head  of  t^anoe  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  Coosa 
from  tite  west  His  force  consisted  of  200  cavalry,  and  they  brouglit  in  29 
prisoners,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

Tlie  Itidians  were  now  drawn  off  from  Ten  Islands,  and  had  taken  post  at 
Taljiisliatches,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Coosa,  Coffee  was  immediately 
despatched  with  900  men  to  attack  them.  This  he  did  on  the  3  November, 
snn  about  an  hour  high  in  the  morning.  A  number  of  men  in  advance  of  the 
main  body,  sent  forward  for  the  pur|K)se,  drew  out  the  warriors  from  their 
cabins,  who  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  them.  The  Americans  gave  way  by  fall- 
ing back  upon  the  main  body,  agreeably  to  their  preconcerted  plan,  which  had 
the  good  effect  of  bringing  the  Indians  at  once  into  their  power.  Having  fired 
upon  them,  they  made  a  successful  charge,  and  soon  obliged  them  to  shelter 
themselves  in  their  wigwams.  Colonel  Coffee  says,  "The  enemy  retreated 
firing,  until  they  got  around,  and  in  their  buildings,  where  they  niude  all  the 
resistance  that  an  overpowered  soldier  could  do — they  fought  as  long  as  one 
existed,  but  their  destruction  was  very  soon  completed.  Our  men  rushed  up 
to  tiie  (loora  of  the  houses,  and  in  a  few  minutes  killed  tlie  last  warrior  of 
tiieni.  The  enemy  fought  with  savago  fury,  and  met  death  with  all  its  horrore, 
without  shrinking  or  complaining — not  one  asked  to  be  spared,  but  fought  as 
long  as  they  could  stcind  or  sit.  In  consequence  of  their  flying  to  their  houses, 
and  mixing  with  the  families,  our  men,  in  killing  the  males,  without  intention 
killed  and  wounded  a  few  of  the  squaws  and  children."  In  this  sanguinary 
aflliir,  18G  Indians  were  killed;  and  the  connnauder  thought,  that  there  were 
enoujfh  othei-s  killed  in  the  woods,  which  they  could  not  find,  to  make  up  in 
all  200.  This  calculation,  he  observed,  he  thought  a  reasonable  one.  They 
took  captive  84  women  and  children,  and  "  not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped 
to  carry  the  news ;  a  circumstance  imknown  heretofore  ! "  The  whites  had 
5  killed  and  41  wounded  ;  "  none  mortally,  tiic  greater  part  slightly,  a  number 
with  arrows :  this  apjieai-s  to  form  u  very  principai  part  of  the  enemy's  arms 
for  warfare ;  every  man  having  a  bow  with  a  bundle  of  arrows,  which  is  used 
lifter  the  first  fire  with  the  gun,  until  a  leisure  time  for  loading  offers." 

The  destruction  at  Tallushatches  was  rendered  the  more  complete  by  their 
being  entirely  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  troops.  Some  have  said  that 
even  the  women  united  with  the  warrioi-s,  and  contended  in  the  battle  with 
fearless  bravery.  This  may  account  lor  many  that  were  killed ;  but  General 
Coffee  does  not  mention  it. 

Meanwhile  General  IVhite  had  been  detached  to  Turkeyto^vn,  for  the  relief 
of  Path-killer,  and  he  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  main  army,  with  as  nuich 
expedition  as  he  was  able.  This  request  was  tnmsmitted  on  the  4,  and 
renewed  on  the  7  Noveml)er,  1813 ;  and  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  an 
Indian  brought  news  to  the  general,  that  Talladega  was  besieged  by  a  great 
body  of  the  enemy,  and  would  certainly  be  destroyed,  unless  immediately 
relieved.  Talladega  was  a  fort  occupied  by  friendly  Cteeks,  about  30  miles 
below  Ten  Islands. 

Without  loss  of  time.  General  Jackson  marched  to  relieve  Talladega.  His 
operations  were  conducted  with  such  promptitude,  that  by  midnight  following 
the  same  day,  he  was  within  six  miles  ot  his  enemy.  Here  he  encani|tcd 
until  al)out  daylight.  Then  moving  on,  at  sunrise  he  came  within  half  a  mile 
of  the  Indian  encampment,  which  was  only  about  CO  rods  from  I'ort  Talla- 
dega. The  general,  having  formed  his  line  of  battle  like  the  Spanish  Armada, 
moved  on  to  the  attack.  The  Indiaiis  were  not  taken  by  surjirise,  but  rushed 
upon  their  adversaries  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  made  considerable 
impression  in  one  part  of  the  line ;  insomuch,  that  a  considerable  body  of 
militia  gave  way.  Their  jdaces  being  immediately  supplied  by  the  mounted 
men,  the  Indians  fought  but  a  short  time,  before  they  were  obli^rr  j  to  fly  for 
the  mountains,  about  three  miles  distant.  In  their  fligiit  they  we:e  hard  pressed 
by  the  right  wing  of  the  Americans,  and  great  munbers  were  cut  down.  In 
the  whole  nflliir,  2!)!)  were  killed,  that  were  found,  of  the  Indians ;  and  tlie 
whites  lost  l.'»  in  killed,  and  8'*  were  woinuled,  several  of  whom  allerwanis 
died.  Over  1080  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  engaged,  and  some  of  them 
afterwards  said  their  loss  at  the  battle  of  Talladega  was  (iOO. 


Crap.  VH.] 


BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE 


397 


It  was  expected  that  n  supply  of  provisions  would  arrive  at  Camp  Strother 
at  Ten  Islands,  before  tlie  army  should  return  there  ;  hut  on  its  arrival,  a  total 
failure  was  experienced  by  the  hungry  soldiers ;  even  what  had  been  left 
behind  of  the  general's  private  stores  had  bevn  distributed — it  was  a  inelan- 
eholy  time,  indeed,  and  reminds  us  of  the  sufferings  of  captives  in  the  old 
Indian  wars,  who  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  berries  and  roots.  It  was 
during  this  campaign  that  a  circumstance  occurred  which  has  been  variously 
related  ;  and,  as  it  is  an  excellent  anecdote,  we  will  lay  it  Inifore  our  readers. 

One  morning,  a  soldier,  with  a  doleful  countenance,  appror;ched  Gene^ral 
Jackson,a\u\  told  him  he  was  almost  faminlied,  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  The 
general  was  seated  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  was  observed  by  the  poor  half- 
starved  soldier  to  be  eating  something.  This  no  doubt  caused  him  to  make 
his  com|>laint,  thinking  it  u  favorable  time  to  have  his  wants  relieved.  The 
general  observed,  that  it  was  never  his  custom  to  turn  away  a  hungry  person, 
when  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  relieve  lum  :  then,  putting  his  hand  into  his 
pocket,  took  out  a  handful  of  acorns,  and,  offering  them  to  his  astonished 
guest,  observed,  that  such  was  his  fare,  and  all  he  had,  but  to  that  he  was 
welcome.  The  soldier  went  away  contented,  and  told  Ids  companions  they 
ought  no  more  to  complain,  so  long  as  their  general  was  obliged  to  subsist 
upon  nothing  but  acorns.  Out  of  this  grew  the  story,  that  the  general  having 
invited  his  officers  to  dine  with  him,  set  nothing  before  them  but  a  tray  of 
acorns  and  some  water. 

Meanwhile  mutiny  after  mutiny  took  place  in  General  Jackson's  army,  and 
the  campaign  came  near  being  abandoned.  A  circumstance,  too,  occurred 
about  this  time,  ever  to  be  lamented.  General  Cocke,  of  East  Tennessee, 
coiisitlering  himself  possessed  of  a  command  independent  of  Jackson,  gave 
his  orders  to  some  brigadiers,  at  the  same  time  that  General  Jackson  did. 
General  /r/u/c  chose  to  act  imder  General  Cockers  orders,  and  this  occasioned 
some  confusion,  and,  in  the  end,  the  lamentable  affair  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  and  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  an  accotmt. 

The  Hallibee  Indians,  who  had  been  the  principal  sufferers  at  Talladega, 
had  dcspati^hed  ambassadors  for  General  Jackson's  camp,  to  sue  for  jJeace 
which  they  woidd  accept  on  any  terms  he  might  please  to  grant  them.  At 
the  same  time  these  proposals  were  out,  (Jeneral  White  marclied  against  theii 
towns,  and  on  the  18  Novend)er  completely  surprised  them  ;  killed  (JO  war- 
riors, took  25(j  prisoners,  and  made  good  his  retreat  without  the  loss  of  a 
man. 

The  Indiana  thought  they  had  been  attacked  by  General  Jackson^s  army, 
and  that  therefore  they  were  now  to  expect  nothing  but  extermination  ;  and 
this  was  thought  to  be  the  reason  why  they  fought  with  such  desperation 
afterwards.  And  tridy  they  had  reason  for  their  fears:  they  knew  none  but 
Jackson,  and  supposed  now  that  nothing  short  of  their  total  destruction  would 
satisfy  him.  as  their  conduct  exemplitied  on  every  occasion.  They  knew 
tliey  had  asked  peace  vr  any  teriris,  and  their  immediate  answer  was  the 
sword  and  bayonet.    A  company  of  Clierokees  aided  not  a  little  in  this  affair. 

Wo  have  given  the  chief  liatures  of  the  battle  of  Autossee,  when  drawing 
a  sketch  of  the  life  of  Mcintosh.  Here  may  be  added  some  other  matters  of 
history,  for  the  better  understanding  the  events  of  the  memorable  Creek  war. 

Autossee  is  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tallapoosie,  18  miles  from  the 
Hickory  Ground,  and  20  above  the  jiuictiou  of  that  river  with  the  Coosa. 
With  General  FloyiVs  white  troo))s  were  four  com|)anlt's  of  friendly  Indians. 
M'lnlosh  led  the  Cowctaus,  and  Mad-dogs-son  the  Tookaubatchians,  or  Tuka- 
batchies.  The  nami's  of  tiie  otlier  leaders  are  Uui  set  down,  but  there  were 
doubtless  several  of  tiiem,  as  there  were  abotit  S.'iO  warriors  who  accompanied 
llie  expedition.  Tiiat  sure  work  was  intended,  will  not  be  doubted,  when  it 
is  known  that  the  force,  exclusive  of  Indians,  Avas  K.IO  men.  When  the  army 
arrived  near  the  place  where  it  was  expected  Indians  would  be  found,  and 
having  discovered  one  small  town  before  it  was  light  in  the  nioruing,  the 
general  was  surprised  inuuediately  after  by  the  discovery  of  another,  'i'his 
vas  tilled  with  men  who  hud  lieeii  apprized  of  his  approach,  and  were  j)re- 
piird  ft)r  battle.  The  order  of  battle  was  immedialely  changed,  mid  tiie  army 
proceeded  in  two  divisions  to  attack  both  towns  at  once.  Tiie  besicg<'ni 
34 


;  03 


,  i| 


4 

HI 


398 


BATTLE  OP  THE  HOLY  GROUND. 


[Book  IV. 


mti 

m 
w 

£..  J, 


l)eing  provided  with  artillery,  soon  accomplished  their  work,  and  all  the 
resistance  the  Indians  seem  to  have  made,  was  in  endeavoring  to  effect  a 
retreat  into  caves  and  other  hiding-places.  Nevertheless,  tlie  Georgians  hud 
11  killed  outright,  and  54  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Floya 
himself  severely,  and  Adjutant-General  JVeivvian  slightly. 

flTIntoah  and  Mad-does-son's  loss  was  considerable,  but  was  not  thought  of 
impoitance  enough  to  Y)e  communicated  by  their  allies,  who  were  greatly 
indebted  to  them,  if,  indeed,  destroying  their  own  countrymen  made  them  so. 
They  did  not,  however,  do  so  much  biitchcring  as  they  intended,  or,  rather,  aa 
they  agreed  to  do  ;  for  the  day  before  the  massacre,  they  agreed  to  post  thpTi- 
selvcs  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  to  kill  all  who  should  attempt  an 
escape.    Had  they  done  this,  very  few  would  have  escaped. 

Aller  resting  a  few  days,  General  Floyd  marched  to  Camp  Defiance,  50 
miles  directly  into  the  Indian  country,  and  westward  of  Autossee.  Here,  early 
in  the  morning  of  2  Januai-y,  the  hostile  Indians  killed  his  sentinels  before  they 
were  discovered,  and  then  with  great  fury  attacked  Ids  camp,  and  for  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  continued  to  fight  with  bravery.  IJy  this  time  the  army  had  got 
fori::  d  in  order  of  battle,  and  soon  obliged  the  Indians  to  fly.  One  company 
of  whites,  under  Captain  Broadnax,  hud  its  retreat  cut  off  by  the  assailants,  and 
escaped  only  by  cutting  its  way  through  them. 

In  this  fight,  TiMPOocHiE-BARNUEL,  or  Barnard,  a  half-breed,  chief  of  the 
Uchies,  commanded  a  company  of  them,  and,  in  the  language  of  tlie  general, 
"  greatly  distinguished  himself."  It  was  owing  to  his  j)romptness,  that  Cap- 
tain Broadnax  was  enabled  to  effect  a  retreat.  The  enemy,  in  that  manoeuvre, 
had  advanced  within  50  yards  of  the  artillery.  All  the  other  part  of  the  Indian 
army  took  shelter  within  the  lines,  and  looked  on  during  the  contest. 

After  this  battle,  37  Indians  were  found  dead  on  tlie  field,  as  the  whites 
reported ;  and  of  their  own  number  17  were  killed,  and  130  wounded.  At  the 
first  onset,  General  iN'eivman  liad  three  balls  shot  into  him,  which  prevented 
his  further  service  ;  and  several  of  the  principal  officere  had  their  horses  shot 
under  them.  How  the  Indians  under  Timpoochie  fared  in  these  |)articulaj-s, 
we  have  not  yet  learned. 

fVeatherford,  Francis,  Sinquisturs-son,  with  some  Shavvanese,  had  established 
themselves  on  the  Alabama,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Cahaba,  and  there  built  a 
town,  which  they  called  Ilckanukaka.  Its  name  signified  that  it  was  built 
upon  holif  ground ;  and  hence  the  prophets  told  their  followra  that  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  as  no  polluted  and  murderous  whites  could  ever  enter  there. 
However,  General  Claiborne,  at  the  head  of  a  small  urmy,  accornp»nied  by  a 
band  of  Choktaws  under  Pushamata,  their  chief,  resolved  to  make  a  tiial  of  the 
virtue  of  the  Indian  prophets'  pretensions. 

fVeatherford  and  his  followere,  being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  army, 
had  put  themselves  into  an  attitude  of  defence.  On  23  December,  1813,  as 
the  army  approached,  they  were  met  by  the  Indians,  and  a  short  engagement 
followed.  As  usual,  the  Indians  gave  way,  and  were  pursued ;  but  as  their 
town  was  surrounded  by  fastnesses,  few  were  killed  in  the  pureuit.  Thirty 
were  found  dead  of  the  enemy  Indians,  and  of  the  urmy,  two  or  three  were 
killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  This  was  quite  an  Indian  depot,  the  nptors 
having  found  here  "a  large  quantity  of  provisions,  and  immense  property  of 
various  kinds."  It  was  all  destroyed  with  tiie  town,  which  consisted  of  200 
houses:  the  women  and  children  had  only  time  to  escape  across  the  Alabama. 
The  next  duy,  another  town  was  destroyed,  eight  miles  above,  consisting  of  (iO 
houses.  We  will  now  proceed  with  General  Jackson,  until  lie  puts  un  end  to 
the  Creek  war. 

On  the  17  January,  1814,  General  Jackson  marched,  at  the  head  of  030  men, 
from  near  Fort  Strother,  for  tiu?  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  In  Ids  route 
lay  Talladega,  the  residence  of  Fife,  a  notcnl  warrior,  and  friend  of  tlie  whites; 
and  here  he  joined  the  army  with  200  of  his  men.  The  Indians  were  sup- 
posed to  be  assembled  in  great  numbers,  at  the  Great  Bend  of  tiie  Tallapoosie, 
from  14  or  15  of  their  towns  upon  that  river  ;  and  it  was  daily  expected  that 
they  would  attack  Fort  Armstrong,  in  tiieir  vicinity,  which  war  in  no  state  to 
meet  them.  It  was  the  news  of  its  situation,  that  caused  Jackson  to  march  to 
its  inunediate  relief.     When  he  hud  arrived  at  Ilallibee  Creek,  tiie  general, 


Ill  > 


Chap.  VH.] 


BATTLE  OF  EMUKFAU 


399 


from  the  accounts  of  his  spies,  supposed  he  must  he  in  the  iinmcdiate  vicinity 
of  the  enemy,  and  lie  soon  after  encampatl  at  a  smnil  Ilallibee  villaj^e,  called 
Enotocho|)ko.  Here  he  discovered  that  he  was  12  miles  from  the  enemy, 
who  were  U|)on  an  island  in  the  Tallapoosie,  neai*  the  mouth  of  a  creek  called 
Emukfau.  The  next  day  the  army  encatnped  very  near  Emukfau,  and  had 
eveiy  sign  of  being  hard  by  the  adverae  Indians.  The  order  of  encampment 
was  that  of  battle,  and  evejy  precaution  was  taken  to  guard  against  surprise 
About  6  in  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the  warriora  from  Emukfau  fell  with  great 
force  upon  JacksovJs  left  flank,  and  the  left  of  his  rear ;  and  although  the 
attack  was  made  in  full  confidence  that  they  should  rout  their  adversaries,  yet 
they  were  disap()ointed,  and  no  ground  was  gained  by  the  onset.  The  assjiil- 
auts  fought  with  a  determined  bravery,  and  it  was  near  half  an  hour  before 
they  could  be  made  to  retire.  The  Americans,  having  encamped  in  a  hollow 
square,  met  the  attack  at  advantage,  hut  it  was  pnly  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
that  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  Fife,  at  the  head  of  his  warrioi-s,  joined  in 
the  pui-suit,  which  conthuied  about  two  miles,  with  considerable  havoc. 

Mutters  did  not  end  here  ;  for,  in  a  short  time,  the  Indians  returned  again  to 
the  attack,  and  with  greater  success  than  before.  They  attacked  a  picket  at 
advantage,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  main  body,  and  General  Coffee,  in  his 
turn,  att<icked  the  left  flank  of  the  attacking  party.  As  his  number  of  men  was 
small,  he  soon  found  himself  m  imminent  danger  of  being  entirely  cut  ofl'. 
General  Jackson,  seeing  this,  ordered  Fife  to  advance  to  his  rescue,  which  he 
did  with  the  utmost  promptitude.  This  attack  of  the  onemy  was  upon  the 
right  flank,  and  was,  as  it  turned  out,  only  a  feint  to  weaken  the  left  by  draw- 
ing the  force  from  that  quarter  to  its  sujiport;  but  the  general  was  not  to  be 
outwitted  by  such  a  manoeuvre.  lie  kept  the  left  flank  firm,  and  the  alarm 
gun  soon  gave  notice,  that  that  part  was  assailed.  The  general  here  met  the 
enemy  in  j)erson,  seconded  by  Colonel  Carroll,  who  ordered  the  (;liargc,  and 
led  on  the  pui-suere.  The  friendly  Indians  were  successful  at  this  time  also, 
slaying  many  of  their  countrymen  as  they  fled. 

Meanwhile  General  Coffee  had  got  deeper  into  difficulty,  and  was  contend- 
ing at  fearful  odds  with  a  brave  band  of  warviore,  and  was  again  relieved  by 
the  Indians  under  Captain  Fife,  This,  Fife  was  enabled  to  do,  only  by  charg- 
ing them  with  the  bayonet.  The  enemy  seemed  determined  to  wrest  their 
country  from  the  invaders,  and  retired  slowly,  at  fii-st,  as  men  driven  from 
their  country  will  always  do.  Mfe  and  his  connadcs  puraued  them  about 
three  miles,  killing  45  of  them,  which  they  found  afterwards.  The  reason  of 
Cvffve^s  great  peril,  was  this,  Fife  having  been  ordered  to  his  rescue  before  the 
attack  on  the  left  was  made  lUe  second  time  ;  and  now,  hearing  the  firing  ia 
that  direction,  supposed  his  aid  was  more  needed  in  tiiat  (]uartir;  and  thus 
Coffee  was  lefl  without  support.  He  was  severely  wounded,  and  his  aid-de- 
camp. Colonel  Jl,  Donaldson,  and  three  others,  were  slain. 

General  Jackson,  not  having  provisions  for  a  longer  stay,  and  being  con- 
siderably crippled,  began  a  retreat  to  Fort  Strother.  The  most  memorable 
part  of  this  ex|)edition  is  yet  to  be  related.  The  Indians  now  supposed  the  . 
Americans  were  beaten,  or  they  would  not  retreat.  They  thereibre  resolved 
to  juirsue  and  harass  them.  Jackson  expected  this,  and  marched,  in  order  of 
battle,  through  one  dangerous  defile  after  another.  At  length,  on  the  morning 
of  the  24,  after  having  nearly  passed  one  of  the  most  diuigerous  places,  at 
Enotochopko  Creek,  his  rear  was  attacked  in  a  spirited  manner ;  and  although 
it  was  not  at  all  imexjiected,  yet  the  columns  gave  way,  and  a  good  deal  of 
confusion  end  slaughter  ensued.  At  length,  a  six-pounder  was,  with  great 
ditticulty,  dragged  up  a  small  eminence  which  commanded  the  battle-ground, 
and  being  chniged  with  grape-shot,  did  great  execution,  and  was  a  principal 
means  of  |)utting  the  enemy  to  flight. 

'I'lie  getting  the  cannon  up  the  hill  was  done  at  the  greatest  ])eril ;  the  men 
wlio  undertook  it  being  sure  marks  for  the  enemy,  having  lunliing  to  screen 
tliein  in  the  least.  Uy  the  time  they  had  discharged  it  once,  l.irnteiwiiil  .Inn- 
ttroms,  Captain  Hamilton,  of  East  Tenix'ssee,  ('.•i))tains  Uiwlfonl  mu\  M'( 
hiui  all  liilli'it.  /ir«'//bn/ exclainuHl,  as  he  lay, 
mail  full,  hut  i/ou  must  save  the  cannon." 

The  m'lny  having, 


My  brave  ftllaws,  iconic  if  tioci 


menntnm.',  recovered  from  their 


|)aiii(-,  altai  K,  .1  in  ilieir 


^rT'l" 


i<ii    ' 


m  i{. 


J  ' 


400 


DEATH  OF  MONOnOE  THE  PROPHET. 


[Hook  IV. 


turn,  and  tlic  Indians  were  every  where  put  to  flight,  and  pursued  nbci:t  two 
miles.  The  Indinns'  loss  in  tiiis  buttle  was  189,  tliat  were  found.  The  Amer- 
icans had,  iu  i)oth  days'  fights,  24  killed,  and  71  wounded.  It  was  evident 
now,  that  tlie  Indians  wen^  satisfied  that  they  were  not  victors,  for  in  their 
flight  they  threw  away  their  packs  and  arms  in  abundance,  and  the  ai'my  met 
with  no  iurtli(;r  molestation  during  their  return  march. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war.  It  ended  in  the 
battle  of  the  fiSreat  Hond  of  the  Tallapoosie,  as  we  have  related  in  the  life  of 
Aflntosh.  This  bend,  usually  called  the  Horse-Shoe,  by  the  whites,  was 
'^lled  by  the  Indians  Tohopeka,  which,  in  their  language,  it  is  said,  signified  a 
horseshoe :  therefore  the  battle  of  Tohoi)eka,  the  Great  Bend,  and  the  llorse- 
Slioe,  are  one  and  the  same. 

Nothing  could  be  more  disastrous  to  the  deluded  Creeks  than  this  battle. 
The  loss  of  tlicir  great  prophets  wa.s,  however,  the  least.  Three  of  them,  and 
the  last  upon  the  Tallapoosie,  fell  among  those  whom  they  had  made  believe 
that  no  wounds  could  be  inflicted  upon  them  by  the  whites;  and  incredible 
as  it  may  seem,  that  although  they  had  witnessed  a  total  failure  of  all  their 
prophecies  hitherto,  such  was  the  influence  those  miserable  impostors  held 
over  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  that  they  still  believed  in  their  soothsayings, 
and  that  their  incantations  would  at  last  save  them,  and  that  they  should  finally 
root  out  the  whites  and  possess  their  country.  Such  are  the  errors  of  delu- 
sions in  all  ages — it  is  visible  in  all  history,  and  will  continue  to  be  so  until  a 
knowledge  of  the  nature  of  things  shall  diffuse  itself,  and  the  relation  of  cause 
and  effect  be  more  e.vtcnsively  known. 

MoNOHOE  was  one,  and  we  believe  the  son  of  Sinquistur  was  another,  who 
fell  in  the  great  battle  of  Tohojjeka.  In  one  of  his  accoimts  of  the  battle. 
General  Jackson  observes:  "  Among  the  d(!ad  was  foimd  their  famous  pro|)het, 
Monokooe,  siiot  in  the  mouth  by  a  grape  shot,  as  if  Ileuven  designed  to  chastise 
his  impostures  i)y  an  approja'iate  punishment."  The  manner  in  which  he  was 
killed,  required  but  little  aid  from  the  whites  to  satisfy  the  Indians  that  he  was 
a  false  proi)het,  and  it  was  soon  generally  believed  among  them. 

Tiiese  prophets  were  decorated,  says  Colonel  Eaton,  "  in  the  most  fantastic 
manner — the  j)lumage  of  various  birds  about  their  heads  and  shoulders;  with 
savage  grimaces,  and  horrid  contortions  of  the  body,  they  danced  and  howled 
their  eantations."  Monohoe,  in  the  very  act  of  divination,  nnutering  to  the 
6un,  with  eyes  almost  strained  from  their  sockets,  and  his  limbs  distorted  in 
every  possible  mmatural  direction,  received  his  death  wound.  The  iiiith  of 
the  warriors  in  such  abominable  fooleries  must  now  have  been  shaken ;  but 
the  Ilallibee  massacre  was  alone  sufficient  to  account  for  their  desperation — as 
we  have  seen,  their  most  submissive  offers  of  peace  had  been  met  by  tiio 
sword — all  confide  ice  therefore  in  the  humanity  and  integrity  of  the  whites, 
had,  in  their  minds,  been  forfeited.  From  every  appearance  it  was  evident 
that  they  had  determined  to  conquer  at  Tohopeka,  or  never  to  survive  a  defeat ; 
for  they  did  not,  as  on  former  occasions,  send  away  their  women  and  children : 
•about  300  of  these  were  taken. 

Wnether  the  famous  j)rophel  Hillishago,  or  Francis,  wore  in  this  buttle,  is 
not  known.  On  18  April,  1814,  General  Jackson  wrote  from  his  camp,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosie,  saying,  "Peter  JWQMin  has  been  taken, 
but  escaped  ;  he  must  be  taken  again.  Hillishagee,  their  great  prophet,  haa 
also  absconded  ;  but  he  will  be  found."  In  this,  however,  as  will  lie  seen, 
the  general  was  no  prophet ;  for  Francis  and  McQueen  were  both  al'/e  in  1817. 

The  friendly  Indians  rendered  the  Americans  most  efficient  aid  in  this 
battle,  and  tiieir  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  greater  in  proportion  to  their 
nund)ei-s  than  that  of  the  whites.  In  all  23  were  killed,  and  many  more  were 
wounded. 

It  was  sujjposed  by  General  Floyd,  that  in  the  battle  of  A'ltossee  he  had 
killed  the  rainous  projthet  and  king  "of  Tallassee,  but  it  turned  out  not  to  be  so, 
fijr  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  afterAvards.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  a  hundred  years  old,  his  head  being  entirely  white,  and  bowed  idmost  to 
the  ground,  lii;^  name,  we  believe,  was  Encah-lhlukkohopoiee.  He  was  taken 
aboiit  tli(!  time  of  If'eathcrfonrs  surn-nder ;  and  but  for  the  protection  afforded 
him  by  the  whiles,  their  friends,  the  Creeks,  would  have  put  him  to  death 


5  ^■♦l 


Chap.  VII.] 


COLBERT.— PIAMINGO. 


431 


without  mnrcy  But  Wealherford  had  nothing  to  fear  from  them :  they  care- 
fully avoided  meeting,  and  ;vnen  any  by  accident  or  neccs.sity  cnme  into  hia 
presence,  they  were  observed  to  tremble  with  fear.  Such  is  the  difference  in 
the  carriage  and  aspect  of  men. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  by  detailing  some  particulars  in  tlie  lives 
of  several  distinguished  chiefs. 

It  was  very  seldom  that  the  names  of  any  chiefs  appeared  in  the  accounts 
of  the  late  war,  but  they  were  many,  especially  in  the  south,  and  deserved  as 
much  notice,  and  often  more  than  many  that  did  receive  it.  When  the  war 
was  over,  some  of  them  occasionally  visited  Washington,  and  the  novelty  of 
their  appearance  sometimes  caused  them  to  receive  such  notices  as  follows: 
"  On  tlie  8th  ultimo,  [Feb.  1816,J  arrived  Col.  Return  J.  Meigs,  the  agent  of 
the  U.  States  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  with  a  deputation  from  tlie  nation,  con- 
sisting of  Col.  Lowry,  Maj.  Walker,  Maj.  Bidge,  Capt.  Taylor,  Adjt.  Ross,  and 
Kunnesee.  These  Indians  are  men  of  cultivated  under?*  .luings,  were  nearly 
all  officers  of  tise  Cherokee  forces  which  served  under  General  JncJfeaon  during 
the  late  war,  and  have  distinguished  themselves  as  well  by  their  bravery  as  by 
their  attachment  to  the  U.  States." 

In  June  following,  another  deputation  visited  the  capital  of  the  United 
States,  of  whom  it  was  said,  their  appearance  was  such  as  entitled  them  to 
the  highest  respect.  The  delegates  were  from  the  Chickasaws,  and  consisted 
of  General  WUliam  Colbert,  the  sx^-it  war  chief  of  that  nation,  Major  Janies 
Colburt,  interpreter;  Etlissue;  Mingo,  the  great  warrior;  Jlppasantubhee,  a 
chief;  Chastauny  and  Colleetchee,  warriors.  Most  of  these  lought  for  the 
whites  in  the  south.  General  Colbert  was  now  aged,  having  fought  with  the 
Americans  in  St.  Claires  army,  with  seven  others  of  his  countrymen  ;  one  of 
whose  names  was  Piomingo,  or  the  Mountain-lader,  of  whom  we  shall  pres- 
ently speak. 

In  the  late  war,  while  his  men  were  preparing  to  join  the  Americans,  Col- 
bert,  impatient  to  be  unemployed,  joined  the  third  regiment  of  the  United 
States  infantry.  When  he  had  served  with  them  nine  months,  he  returned 
to  liis  nation,  collected  his  warriors,  and  marched  to  Fo.  t  Montgomery  on  the 
Alabama,  from  thence  again«t  Pensacola,  crossed  the  Esanibia,  and  j)Hrsued 
the  hostile  Creeks  almost  to  Apalachicola,  killing  many  of  them,  and  retimi- 
ing  to  Fort  Montgomery  with  85  prisoners.  He  and  his  comrades  were  now 
at  Washington,  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  of  their  country. 
Accordingly  commissioners  were  sent  into  their  country,  ond  on  the  20  Sep- 
tember following,  [1816,]  a  treaty  was  entered  into.  In  this  treaty  Colbert  is 
styled  ftlujor-Greneral,  and  by  the  sixth  article  of  it  he  was  allowed  an  annuity 
of  100  dollars  during  life.  His  name  is  not  to  the  treaty  of  Hopewell,  made 
10  January,  1786,  but  that  of  Piomingo  is.  To  that  of  Chikasaw  Hlulfs, 
24  October,  1801,  instead  of  his  mark,  we  find  W.  C,  which  shows  that  he 
iiud  been  paying  some  attention  to  learning ;  but  in  subsequent  treaties  his 
mark  again  appears. 

From  the  circumstance  that  the  name  of  Piomtng-o  is  not  seen  to  any  of  the 
treaties  after  that  of  Colbert  appears,  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  sjune 
person,  and  that,  from  his  attachment  to  the  wliites,  he  took  une  of  their 
names. 

Piomingo  is  thus  mentioned  by  General  St.  Clair,  on  Jiis  arrival  at  his 
quartera.  "Oct.  27.  Payamingo  amved  in  camp  witli  his  warriors.  I  was 
so  vmwell,  could  only  see  him  and  bid  liim  welcome."  "Oct.  29.  Payamingo 
and  his  people,  accompanied  by  Captain  Sparks,  and  four  good  riflemen, 
going  on  a  scout;  they  do  not  propose  to  return  under  10  days."  We  hiive 
no  account  of  the  success  of  the  excursion,  but  they  did  not  join  the  army 
again  until  after  the  defeat,  which  took  place  six  ilays  after.  As  tli(!y  were 
proceeding  to  Fort  Jefferson,  one  of  the  enemy  mistook  them  for  his  com 
iiuiiions,  and  was  captured  before  he  discovered  his  mistake.  Piomingo 
accosted  him  with  harsh  language,  saying,  "Rascal,  you  have  been  killing  tohite 
men!"  Ho  then  ordered  two  of  his  men  to  exteiul  his  arms,  and  a  third  to 
shoot  him.  When  this  was  done,  and  his  scalp  taken,  they  proceeded  to  join 
the  army. 

Wc  learn  the  name  of  oro  other  who  was  with  St.  Clair.    He  was  callet* 
34*  2A 


402 


MUSHALATUBEE.— PUSHAMATA. 


[Boor  IV 


Iff  ' 


James  Anderson,  and  was  brother  to  the  chief  John  Morris,  who,  23  June, 
1793,  was  murdered  not  above  600  paces  from  Governor  £Zounfj  house,  in 
Knoxville,  He  was  shot  by  some  unknown  persons.  The  governor  ordered 
him  to  bo  l)uried  in  the  burying-ground  of  the  white  people,  with  military 
honors.  A  procession  was  formed,  beaded  by  himself,  and  he  was  interred 
with  great  respect. 

In  1793,  tlie  Spaniards  of  Louisiana  made  large  offers  to  the  Chikasaws,  to 
induce  them  to  forsake  the  Americans;  but  their  offers  were  treated  with 
cont(!mpt,  especially  by  Piomingo, 

MusHALATUBEE  was  a  ChiRasaw  chief,  with  whom  General  Lafayette 
became  acquainted  in  his  last  visit  to  this  country.  His  first  knowledge  of 
him,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  extracts  out  of  M.  Levasseur^s  work, 
"Lafayette  en  Amerique,"  &c.,  was  at  the  residence  of  tlie  "sage  of 
Monticello." 

Mushalatubee,  and  Pushamala,  a  Chocktaw  chief,  already  mentioned,  were  at 
Washington  when  the  general  arrived  there,  in  December,  1824,  being  there 
at  the  meeting  of  congress,  according  to  custom,  with  many  other  chiefs, 
to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship,  receive  presents,  and  make  known  the 
wants  of  their  counti-ymen.  At  this  tune  Mushalatiibee  made  the  following 
agreeable  speech  to  General  Lafayette. 

"  You  are  one  of  our  fa  hers.  You  have  fought  by  the  side  of  the  great 
Washington.  We  will  receive  here  your  hand  as  that  of  a  friend  and  father. 
We  have  always  walked  in  the  pure  feelings  of  peace,  and  it  is  this  feeling 
which  has  caused  us  to  visit  you  here.  We  present  you  pure  hands — hands 
that  have  never  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  Americans.  We  live  in  a 
country  far  from  this,  wiiere  the  sun  darts  his  perpendicular  rays  upon  us. 
We  have  had  the  French,  the  Spaniards  and  the  English  for  neighbors;  but 
now  we  have  only  the  Americans ;  in  the  midst  and  with  whom  we  live  as 
friends  and  brothers." 

Then  Pushamata,  the  first  of  their  chiefs,  began  a  speech  in  his  turn,  and 
expressed  himself  in  these  words:  "There  has  passed  nearly  50  snows  since 
you  drew  the  sword  as  a  companion  of  Washington.  With  him  you  have 
combated  the  enemies  of  America.  Thou  hast  generously  mingled  thy  blood 
with  that  of  the  enemy,  and  hast  proved  thy  devotedncss  to  the  cause  which 
thou  dcfendedst.  After  thou  hadst  finished  that  war,  thou  hadst  returned 
into  thy  country,  and  now  thou  comest  to  revisit  that  land  where  thou  art 
honored  and  beloved  iu  the  remembrance  of  a  numerous  and  powerful  peo- 
ple. Thou  seest  every  where  the  children  of  those  for  whom  thou  hast 
defended  liberty,  crowd  around  thee,  and  press  thy  hands  with  filial  affection. 
^Ve  have  heiu'd  related  all  these  things  in  the  depths  of  the  distant  forests, 
and  our  hearts  have  been  ravished  with  a  desire  to  behold  thee.  We  are 
come,  we  have  pressed  thy  hand,  and  we  are  satisfied.  This  is  the  fii"st  time 
that  we  have  seen  thee,*  and  it  will  probably  be  the  last.  We  have  no  more 
to  add.     The  earth  will  part  us  forever." 

"  In  pronouncing  these  last  words,  the  old  Indian  had  in  his  manner  and 
voice  something  very  solemn.  He  seemed  agitated  by  some  sad  presenti- 
ments. We  heard  of  his  death  a  few  days  after ;  he  was  taken  sick,  and 
died  before  he  could  set  out  to  return  to  his  own  people.  When  satisfied 
that  his  end  was  approaching,  he  caused  all  his  companions  to  be  assembled, 
and  he  desired  them  to  raise  him  up,  and  to  ])Ut  upon  him  all  his  ornaments, 
and  bring  to  him  his  arms,  that  his  death  should  be  that  of  a  man's.  He 
manifested  a  desire  that  at  his  interment  the  Americans  would  do  him  mili- 
tary honors,  and  that  they  would  discharge  cannon  over  his  grave.  They 
|)n)riiised  him  that  it  should  be  done  ;  he  then  talked  freely  with  his  friends, 
and  ex|)ired  without  a  groan  in  the  midst  of  conversation."  His  monument 
occupies  a  ])lace  among  ilie  great  men  in  the  cemetery  at  Washingtoii.  Upon 
one  side  is  this  inscription: — 


'  Tlioy  niiglil  not  liavc  been  iiilrodiiccil  to  llio  goiioral  when  he  saw  lliem  at  iM;.  JfJ)'ei\ioi>'.i. 
M.  I.evasscnr  says,  in  spcakiii"-  of  the  fndi.iii  deiiulalion,  "  A  hvir  tele  liuieiil  i.'eiix  cliefc  iiiie 
finiis  arinris  vniis  s'assenir  tin  j'nur  ii  la  talile  (/■■  M.  .lejj'erson,  pendant  tiotre  si'j'i»<r  a  Moiktcello. 
Je  les  reionnus  A  leiirs  oreilles  decoiij.i'e.i  en  loiigues  laitit'>'es,  ganiies  de  tongues  lames  dt 
plonUi." 


Cii-p.  Vll.] 


DEATH  OF  I'USHAM ATA— EPITAPH. 


403 


'•PuSir-MA-TAIlA,  A  ClIOCTAW  CHIEF,  LIES  HERE.  ThJS  MONUME.NT  TO  HIS 
MEMORY  IS  I.RECTED  BY  HIS  BROTHER  CHIEFS,  WHO  WERE  ASSOCIATED  WITH 
HIM  IN  A  DELEGATION  FROM  THEIR  NATION  IN  THE  YEAR  1824,  TO  THE  GENERAL 
GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UnITED  StaTES." 

And  on  tlie  other: 

"  PUSH-MA-TAHA  WAS  A  WARRIOR  OF  GREAT  DISTINCTION.  IIe  WAS  WISE 
«N  COUNCIL,  ELOQUENT  liV  AN  EXTRAORDINARY  DEGREE  ;  AND  ON  ALL  OCCA- 
SIONS, AND  UNDER  ALL  CIRCUMSTANCES,  THE  WHITE  MAN's    FRIEND.      IIe    DIED 

IN  Washington,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1824,  of  the  crami-,  in  the 

60th  YEAR  OF  his  AGE." 

That  Piishamata,  or  Pushmataha,  wns  n  warrior,  has  been  said.  In  the  late 
war  with  England,  he  assisted  in  subduing  his  countrymen  at  the  south.  In 
General  Claiborne's  army  he  distinfi^uished  liimself,  particularly  in  the  battle 
of  the  Holy  Ground,  (called  by  the  Indians  Eccanachaca,)  upon  the  Alabama 
Hiver,  80  miles  from  Fort  Claiborne.  Here  the  celebrated  fVealherford  re- 
sided, also  Hillishajro  the  prophet. 

In  the  treaty  which  the  chiels  and  warriors  of  the  Choktaus  held  with  the 
U.  S.  commissionLis,  18  October,  1820,  "at  the  treaty  ground,  in  said  nation, 
near  Doak's  Stand,  on  the  Natches  Road,"  the  following  passage  occurs: 
"Whereas  the  fatlicr  of  the  beloved  chief  Mushvlalubee,  of  the  lower  towns, 
for  and  during  his  life,  did  receive  from  the  United  States  tlie  sum  of  1.50 
dollars,  annually ;  it  is  hereby  stipulated,  that  his  son  and  successor,  MiixJnda- 
tubee,  shall  annually  be  paid  the  same  amount  during  his  natural  life."  lUiicc 
it  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  without  further  investigation,  that  both  the  father 
and  son  had  rendered  the  country  very  important  services. 

As  has  been  the  case  in  all  former  Indian  wars,  so  in  the  present,  ercry 
neighboring  Indian  is  viewed  with  distrust  No  sooner  had  the  present 
existing  Seminole  war  begun,  than,  by  report  at  least,  hundreds  of  the  Creeks 
were  leaving  their  country  for  Florida,  to  join  their  hostile  neighbors.  Early 
this  spring,  1836,  it  was  reported  far  and  wide  that  the  Chocktaws  had  taken 
up  the  hatchet.  This  occasioned  a  national  council  to  be  called,  which 
assembled  on  the  12  May.  The  venerable  chief  Mushulatubee  was  present, 
and,  aT.ong  other  things,  said,  "/K  makes  my  heart  bleed  to  he  accused  of  this 
treachery,  when  it  is  well  known  I  and  mi/  tribe  have  fought  side  by  side  with 
Gen.  VVayne,  Jackson,  and  others,  against  the  Seminolcs,  Creeks  ana  British,''^ 

HiLLisHAGO,  or  HILLIS  IIADJO,  it  appears,  survived  General  Jackson's 
campaigns,  and,  not  long  after,  went  to  England,  still  hoping  to  gain  assist- 
ance from  that  nation  to  enable  him  to  operate  with  ellect  against  tiie  Amr-ri- 
cans.  He  was,  upon  his  return,  the  imiuediate  instigator  and  cause  of  the 
Seminole  war,  having  taken  up  his  residence  among  that  nation,  unable  to 
stay  longer  in  his  own  country.  The  belief  was  imposed  upon  him  by  some 
abandoned  English  traders,  that  there  was  a  provision  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent 
for  the  restoration  of  their  country.  He  received  much  attention  while  in 
England,  and  some  encouragement,  but  nothing  absolute.  An  Eniilisli 
journal  thus  mentions  his  arrival : — "The  sound  of  trum|)cts  announrcd  the 
approach  of  the  j)atriot  Francis,  who  fought  so  gloriously  in  onr  cause  in 
America  during  the  late  war.  Being  drest  in  a  most  splendid  suit  of  red  and 
gold,  and  wearing  a  tomahawk  set  with  gold,  gave  him  a  highly  imposing 
appearance." 

He  received  large  presents  from  the  king's  stores,  but,  it  is  said,  that  of 
these  he  was  chielly  defrauded  afterwards  by  the  notorious  IVoodbine,  who, 
it  seems,  accompanied  him  in  his  travels.* 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December,  1817,  a  war  party 
of  Seiiiinoles  captured  an  American,  and  conveyed  him  iuimrdiately  to  their 
principal  village,  called  Mikasauky.  Here  it  appcai-s  dwelt  Fnmcis  and  bin 
iUmily.  The  American,  whose  name  was  j\T Krimmon,  was  ordered  to  hi! 
inuiiediately  burnt  to  death.     The  stake  was  set,  M^h'rimmon,  with  his  head 

•  yeiniiiole  War  Dccimio.ils,  p.  '23,  |iirliii'-lifil  h_v  oriicr  (!'  i<iii:;ess. 


-,-r' 


404 


IIORNOTLIMED.— NEAMATHLA 


[Book  IV. 


';;! 


Is 


Blmvpd,  was  bound  to  it,  nnd  wood  wns  ]iilod  up  about  Iiini.  When  tlie 
Indians  liad  finished  their  dance,  and  the  fire  was  about  to  be  kindled,  a 
daughter  of  the  chief,  named  Milly,  who  hud  been  witnessinj^  the  preparations 
witli  a  sad  countenance,  flew  to  her  father,  and,  upon  lier  knees,  begged  tliat 
be  would  spare  tiie  prisoner's  life ;  and  it  was  not  until,  like  the  celebrated 
Pocahontas,  she  showed  a  determination  to  jJcriMh  with  iiiui,  that  lier  father 
consented  to  prolong  bis  life  for  the  present.  It  was  still  his  intention,  if 
he  could  not  sell  the  victim  for  a  certain  sum,  to  have  carried  liis  former  pur- 
{)ose  into  effect ;  but  on  ofl'ering  him  to  tlie  Spaniards,  at  St.  Marks,  the 
demanded  sum,  7^  gallons  of  rum,  was  paid  ibr  him,  and  thus  his  liberation 
was  effected. 

Afl(!r  Francis  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  and  was  hanged,  his 
family,  consisting  of  a  wife  and  several  daughters,  surrendered  themselves  to 
the  Americans  at  St.  Mark's.  The  youngest  daughter,  Milly,  about  fourteen 
years  of  age,  was  treated  with  great  attention  by  all  the  officers  for  having 
saved  the  life  of  jyVKiimmon.  She  was  said  to  have  been  very  handsome. 
When  ATKrimmon  heard  of  her  being  among  the  captives,  he  went  and  offered 
himself  to  her  as  a  partner.  She  would  not,  however,  receive  him,  until 
satisfied  that  he  was  prompted  to  offer  himself  from  other  motives  than  a 
sense  of  the  supposed  obligation  of  his  life  havuig  been  saved  by  her. 

Mikasauky  was  the  chief  rendezvous  of  the  war  party,  and  had  been  known 
dt  least  a  century  by  the  name  of  Baton  Rouge.  This  name  was  given  it 
by  the  French,  and  the  Anglo-Americans  called  it  the  Red  Sticks,  to  avoid 
♦•>e  us(!  of  the  same  name  in  French.  Hence  the  Indians  who  made  this 
their  quarters,  were  called  Red  Sticks.  At  this  period  they  had  revived  the 
l)racticc  of  setting  up  poles  or  sticks,  and  striping  them  with  red  paint,  which 
was  only  when  they  intended  war.  The  Americans,  not  knowing  their  prac- 
t:c€,  sujjposcd  these  poles  were  painted  with  red  stripes  in  derision  of  their 
liberty  poles.  Mikasauky,  now  Red  Sticks,  was  upon  a  border  of  Mikasauky 
Lake. 

HORNOTLIMED,  or  as  General  Jackson  called  him,  "Homattiemico, 
tin  old  Red  Stick,"  was  another  princi])al  Seminole  chief,  whose  residence 
was  at  Foul  Town  in  the  beginning  of  the  war ;  but,  being  driven  from 
tlience,  he  repaired  to  Mikasauky.  Three  vessels  having  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Apalachicola  on  the  30  November,  1817,  with  militaiy  stores  for 
the  supply  of  the  garrison,  were,  from  contrary  winds,  unable  to  asccnid. 
Lieutenant  Scott  was  despatched  for  their  assistance,  in  a  boat  with  forty  men. 
Tiie  old  chief  Homotlimed,  who  had  just  before  been  driven  from  Foul  Town, 
by  a  detachment  of  General  Gaines^s  army,  with  a  btmd  of  his  warriors,  liafi 
conceaI(!d  themselves  in  the  bank  of  the  river ;  and  when  Lieutenant  Sroti 
and  his  men  returned,  they  fired  upon  them,  and  all  except  six  soldiers,  wlic 
jumped  overboard  and  swam  to  the  opposite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of 
the  soldiers  had  been  Icfl  for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  vessels,  and  about  the 
same  number  of  women  and  sick  were  in  their  places.  These  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Homotlimed  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains  upon  the 
sides  of  the  boat,  took  off  their  scalps,  and  carried  them  to  Mikasauky,  where 
they  exhibited  them  upon  their  red  pole,  in  memory  of  their  victory.  This 
chief  and  his  companion,  HUlishago,  were  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with 
their  lives  for  this  massacre. 

The  Mikasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the  army,  but  the  Indiana 
had  all  fled,  their  red  pole  was  left  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it ;  many  of 
which  were  recognized  as  having  been  taken  from  Lieutenant  Scott^s  men. 
At  length  a  vessel  cruising  near  the  mouth  of  Apalachicola  River,  to  prevent 
file  esca|)e  of  the  Indians  in  that  direction,  with  English  colors  displayed, 
decoyed  on  boa'-d  the  famous  chiefs,  Honiotlimed,  and  the  prophet  tVancis. 
Tliese  the  AmericanB  hanged  without  trial  or  delay. 

NEAMATHLA  was  a  warrior  of  note  and  renown,  before  the  war  of  1812 
with  Great  Britain,  He  was  a  Seminole  chief;  but  where  his  residence  was 
previous  to  that  war  wo  have  not  heard  ;  but  afler  the  Seminole  war,  he  lived 
upon  a  good  estate,  at  Tallahassee,  of  which  estate  a  mile  square  was  under 
im|)rovement.  This,  in  1823,  JVeamatlla,  at  the  head  of  the  chiefs  of  his 
nutiun,  gave  up,  with  other  lands,  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States,  by  a 


Chap.  VII.] 


NE.VMATHLA.— THE  SEMLNOLES. 


405 


treaty  which  they  made  with  its  agents  at  Moultrie  Creek,  in  Florida,  on  the 
18  September  of  that  year. 

Ill  an  additiuna'  article  of  said  treaty,  we  read — "  Whereas  jVea  Matlda, 
John  Blount,  Taski  Hajo,  Mutlato  King,  Emathlochee,  and  EconcfuUimico,  six 
of  the  ])rincipal  chiefs  of  the  Florida  Indians,  and  parties  to  the  treaty  to 
which  this  article  has  been  annexed,  have  warmly  appealed  to  tlie  connni»- 
tioncrs  for  i)ennission  to  remain  in  the  district  ol  country  now  inhabited  by 
them,  and  in  consideration  of  tlieir  friendly  disposition,  and  past  services  to 
the  U.  States,"  it  was  agreed  that  J'^eamathla  and  his  followers  should  have 
lour  square  miles,  embracing  Tuphulga  village,  on  Rocky  Comlbrt  Creek ; 
Blount  and  Hajo  a.  tract  on  Apalachicola  River ;  Mullato  King  and  Ematldochee 
upon  the  same  river ;  and  Econchatiinico  on  the  Clmtahoocliie.  With  J\'tu- 
muUda  there  settled  30  men ;  with  Blounl,  43 ;  Mullato  King,  30 ;  with  Emalk- 
tocltte,  28 ;  with  Econchatimico,  38 :  the  other  Florida  Indians,  by  the  same 
treaty,  were  to  remove  to  the  Amazura,  or  Ouithlacooche  river,  upon  ilie 
peninsula  of  FloridiU 

liut  whether  "the  other  Florida  Indians"  had  any  hand  in  making  this 
tniuty,  does  not  appear,  thougli  from  afler  circumstances,  there  is  no  proba- 
bility that  they  had.  Heace  two  facts  are  duly  to  bo  considei  J  concerning 
this  transaction,  as  they  have  led  to  fatal  mistakes:  one  is,  as  it  concerns  the 
number  of  the  Seminoles;  and  it  will  be  asked.  Were  their  numbers  greatly 
underrated,  that  it  might  seem  that  those  who  made  the  treaty  were  the  niont 
important  part  of  tlie  nation.!'  If  this  pro)>!  ,in  come  out  affirmative,  tl  en, 
I  say,  this  mistake,  or  imposition  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States, 
has  been  afutal  one.  The  other  fiict  or  circumstance  resolves  itself  into 
another  problem,  but  not  more  difficult  of  solution  than  the  other.  It  may  bo' 
thus  stated :  Had  these  few  chieis  any  authority  to  stipulate  for,  or  bind  any 
others  but  themselves?  If  not,  where  is  the  obligation  for  them  to  leave 
their  country  and  habitations  ?  Rut  I  forbeai'  to  pursue  this  subject  further 
in  this  place,  and  will  return  to  JVeamattda. 

The  United  States  agreeil  by  the  same  treaty  to  award  500  dollars  to  J^ta- 
matlUa,  as  a  compensation  for  the  improvements  abandoned  by  him,  us  well 
us  to  meet  the  expenses  of  his  removal. 

A  word  more  of  the  countrymen  of  jYeanuUfda,  who  emigrated  to  the 
western  coast  of  the  peninsula,  before  we  proceed  to  other  subjects.  "  The 
land,"  says  Jlr.  Williama,*  to  which  they  are  ^*  legally  banished,  consists  of  dry 
sand  ridges  and  interminable  swamps,  almost  wholly  unfit  for  cultivutic  m  ; 
where  it  has  cost  the  U.  States  more  than  their  land  was  worth  to  support  them. 
They  are  now  in  a  starving  condition;  they  have  killed  the  stock  of  the 
American  settlers,  in  every  pait  of  the  territory,  to  support  them'cives, 
already ;  and  there  is  no  present  prospect  of  their  situation  becom  iig  im- 
proved." What  is  calculated  to  add  to  their  miserable  condition,  is  ti."  limits 
within  which  they  are  restricted ;  they  are  not  allowed  to  go  nearer  than  within 
15  miles  of  the  sea.  A  garrison  wus  established  at  Tampa  to  supply  them  with 
necessaries,  and  keep  them  in  order.  Recent  events,  however,  hud  consid- 
erably changed  their  condition  before  the  connnencement  of  the  |)resent  dis- 
tressing war,  and  they  are  found  nmch  more  numerous,  and  far  better  oft",  as 
to  resources,  than  was  sujiposed  they  could  be. 

A  cliielj  whom  the  whites  called  Peter  McQueen,  has  been  incidentally 
mentioned,  in  our  account  of  tlie  Creek  war.  His  Indian  name  was  Talmu- 
CHES  Hatcho,  and  he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Tukabatchie.  In  1814  he  flecl 
before  the  Americans  under  General  Jackson,  and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Florida,  and  was  among  others  declared  an  outlaw.  In  1817  he  was  chief  of 
the  Tullapoosius,  and  resided  upon  the  Oklokne  or  Okoloknee  River,  and  was 
styled  "an  old  Red  Sticic"  He  was  one  of  the  12  Creek  chiefs  who  gave  Mr. 
Alexander  Arhuthnott  power  of  attorney  to  manage  their  affaire.  This  was  done 
on  the  17  June,  1817.  He  was  a  chief  of  consequence,  |)osses3ed  a  valual)le 
property,  in  lands  and  negroes.  His  effects  were  seized  upon  as  lawful  booty, 
about  the  time  of  his  escape  from  Tukabatchie.  A  half-breed,  by  the  iiaine 
of  Barney,  shared  10  negroes  that  had  belonged  to  him,  and  a  chief  called 


*  Accouiil  oT  Florida,  72,  73. 


400 


KING-PAINn   IS  KILLED  IN  BATTLE. 


[Book  IV. 


, .  -If 


Jluchi-hakhe,  uliiis  Colonel,  had  20  more.  To  tlie  persona  who  had  made 
pliimlur  of  liifi  slavi'K,  he  protested,  they  could  have  no  claim  upon  him,  nnd 
that  he  had  never  injnrnd  them.  He  the  i.foru  applied  to  Mr.  It  Jlrbulhnoit, 
to  int<Tce<lo  with  the  o(H(!er  at  the  United  tjtati'tt  military  post,  Fort  Gaines,  for 
some  relief;  this  he  did  in  a  very  respcitful  letter,  but  with  what  success,  we 
ore  as  vet  unprepared  to  speak. 

KII>^G-PAINE  was  a  chief  who  might  have  demanded  early  attention,  but 
w  ho,  not  having  been  very  conspicuous  but  in  a  single  affair,  has  been  defer- 
red to  this  place.  Early  in  18ia,  nt  the  head  of  sundry  bands  of  Seminolcs 
iiiiil  negroes,  who  had  run  away  from  their  American  masters,  King-paine 
iKsued  forth  in  quest  of  blood  and  plunder.  There  were  several  other  clnal's 
at  (he  same  time,  (among  whom  Bow-legs*  was  conspicuous,)  who  assisted  in 
making  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia.  Whether  either  or  botii  of  the 
al)ove-named  chiefs  commanded  the  daring  party,  who,  on  11  September, 
1812,  attacked  and  defeated  a  small  force  under  Captain  Williams,  we  ore  not 
ci'itain  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  commanded  a  large  force  soon  alter,  when 
General  J^ewman  marched  against  them,  and  fought  him  with  desi)eratioii. 
Captain  Williams,  with  about  20  men,  was  convoying  some  loaded  wagons 
towards  Davis  Creek,  and  when  within  about  10  miles  of  their  destination, 
tiniy  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  negroes,  supposed  to  be  50  in 
number.  Although  the  whites  were  few,  they  protracted  the  fight  until  all 
their  ammunition  was  expended,  their  captain  mortally  wounded,  and  six 
others  sliglitly.  They  then  eflectcd  a  retreat,  leaving  their  wagons  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.  Two  of  the  Americans  were  killed,  and,  it  was  sup- 
posed, a  nmch  greater  number  of  the  enemy. 

Expecting  a  force  would  be  soon  sent  against  them,  King-paine,  with  Bow- 
legs as  his  lieutenant,  marched  out  from  the  Lotchway  towns,  at  the  head  of 
150  warriors,  as  was  supposed.  They  were  not  disappointed  with  regard  to  a 
force  being  sent  against  them,  for  in  the  mean  time  General  JVeirman,  f  of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  marched  with  117  men  to  destroy  the  Lotchway  towns. 
Wiien  he  had  arrived  within  about  six  miles,  he  fell  m  with  the  Indians,  all 
of  whom  were  mounted.  It  appears  the  parties  met  unexpectedly,  and  no 
time  was  lost  on  either  side  in  preparing  for  battle.  Having  dismounted,  the 
Indians  advanced  a  few  paces,  hoping  thereby  to  intimidate  their  udvei-saries; 
but  JVewman,  at  the  same  time,  ordered  his  men  to  charge,  which  being 
l)rompt!y  obeyed,  uic  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  The  batUe-groimd,  being 
skirted  with  swamps  upon  three  sides,  was  advantageous  for  the  operations  of 
the  Indians ;  nevertheless,  before  gaining  these  coverts,  a  well-directed  fire 
stojiped  the  flight  of  many,  among  whom  was  King-paine  himself,  and  Bow- 
I'gs  was  severely  wounded ;  but  this  was  only  the  commencement  of  the 
fi^lit ;  fbr  no  sooner  was  the  fall  of  the  great  chief  known  among  his  men, 
than  they  returned  and  charged  in  their  turn,  but  were  again  forced  to  fly, 
leaving  the  body  of  their  leader  in  the  hands  of  the  whites.  This,  more  than 
any,  or  all  considerations  together,  wrought  up  their  minds  to  desperation, 
and  they  determined  on  its  recovery,  or  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  the  attempt ; 
•uid  they  accordingly  returned  agiiin  to  the  charge,  which,  it  is  said,  was  met 
with  firmness  by  the  whites,  who,  after  encountering  several  shocks,  again 
succeeded  in  routing  them  ;  but  they  immediately  returned  again,  with  greater 
fury  than  before,  and  with  greater  success ;  for  they  obliged  the  Americans  to 
give  ground  in  their  turn,  and  aflcr  some  time  spent  in  this  most  desperate 
work,  they  succeeded  in  recovering  the  body  o{  King-paine,  and  carried  it  ofK 
Their  loss  in  the  several  charges  was  unknown,  but  supposed  by  the  whites  to 
have  been  about  30;  while,  on  their  own  side,  they  report  but  one  killed  and 
nine  wounded.  This  fight  was  on  the  2G  September,  and  lasted  about  four 
hours. 


*  To  a  document  exhibited  in  the  trini  of  Arbiithnott  and  Amlirister,  his  name  is  signed 
Boi.KCK.  This  was  probably  his  real  name,  whii  h  required  but  a  slight  corruption  to  chango 
it  into  Ihw-lesrs. 

t  Tliomson  (Hist.  War,  61)  writes  this  olTirer's  name  Nncnan;  but  Brtnnan,  Perkini,  and 
liritcieiindire,  all  write  it  as  in  the  text.  'J'here  is  a  town  in  Florida  ca.'ed  NnvitansviUe, 
where  a  newspaper  is  printed. 


Chap.  Vll.J  (iURISTERSIGO.-IIH  BATTLE  WITH  (JEN.  WAVNE. 


407 


The  >\liite3  were  grcntl}  distressod  after  this  fight,  for  the  IndiariB  were 
rpinforrcd,  nnd  harassed  ihem  until  the  4  October,  when  they  gave  up  the 
iHisiiieas  and  retired.  General  Aeipman,  having  thro\.'n  up  a  slight  work,  was 
able  to  pnivent  being  entirely  cut  oft',  and  at  length  retreated  out  of  the  coini- 
try.  The  Indiana  did  not  give  up  the  siege  until  they  had  '  een  pretty  siverely 
cut  up.  The  whites,  by  concealing  themselves  on  the  night  of  the  !3d,  made 
tlicni  believe  they  had  abandoned  tfieir  fort ;  and  they  came  up  to  it  in  a  body 
without  apprehending  danger ;  when  on  a  sudden  they  received  a  most  deadly 
fire,  ond  inuncdiately  fled. 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  with  some  revolutionary  and  other  mattenj. 
TheCherokees  had  engaged  not  to  operate  with  the  Hritisli,  towards  the  close 
of  the  wor ;  and  what  is  very  singular,  all  the  time  that  the  gr<;atcst  successes 
attended  the  British  arms,  they  strictly  adhered  to  their  cngugcMnent ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  fortune  of  war  had  chttnged,  and  the  Americans  had  hecomn 
masters  of  nearly  all  the  country,  that  many  of  the  ill-fated  Indians,  instigated, 
no  doubt,  by  abandoned  white  desperadoes,  fell  upon  the  settlement  called 
Ninety  Six,  killing  many  pesons,  and  burning  several  houses.  Upon  this, 
General  Pichns  took  tiie  fiehi,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  mounted  men,  and  in 
about  five  weeks  following  the  10  September,  1781,*  finished  this  Cherokee 
war,  in  which  40  Indians  v.ere  killed,  Vi  towns  destroyed,  and  a  great  numlxjr 
of  men,  women  and  childien  taker  prisoners,  f  A  white  man  by  the  name  of 
haters  was  supposed  to  havv^  been  the  prime  mover  of  the  Indians,  who  with 
a  few  of  them  fled  through  the  Creek  cuiuitry  into  Florida,  and  made  good 
their  escape. 

On  17  October,  12  chiefs  and  200  warriors  met  General  Pickens  at  Long 
Swamp  Creek,  and  a  treaty  wus  concluded,  by  which  Georgia  acquired  u 
large  accession  of  territory.  X 

VVe  have  next  to  relate  the  bold  exploits  of  a  Creek  warrior,  of  the  t.ame 
Gurislerstfro.^  The  British  held  possession  of  Savannah,  in  June,  1782,  and 
General  Wayne  was  sent  there  to  watch  their  motions.  On  the  21  IMay,  Col- 
onel Broum  marched  out  of  Savannah  to  meet,  according  to  appointment, 
a  band  of  Indians  under  Emistessigo,  or  Guristersxgo.  But  some  ditfuudty 
among  the  Indians  had  delayed  their  march,  and  the  movement  of  Brown  was 
disastrous  in  the  extreme.  General  Wayne,  by  a  bold  manopuvre,  cut  of!"  his 
retreat,  fell  upon  him  at  midnight,  killed  40  of  bis  men,  too\  20  prisoners,  and 
the  rest  escaped  only  under  cover  of  darkness.  In  this  fight  If'ayne  would 
not  permit  a  gim  to  be  fired,  and  the  execution  wus  eflijcted  wholly  with  the 
Bvvord  and  bayonet ;  the  flints  having  been  previously  taken  from  the  soldiers' 
guns. 

Meanwhile,  Emistessigo  was  traversing  the  whole  transverse  extent  of  Geor- 
gia, (strange  as  it  may  seem,)  without  being  discovered,  exee|)t  by  two  boys, 
who  were  taken  and  killed.  It  was  the  24  June,  however,  before  he  arrived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  General  Wayne,  '  ho  was  encamped  about  five  miles 
from  Savannah.  Wayne  did  not  expect  an  attack,  especially  by  Indians,  and 
consequently  was  completely  surprised.  But  being  well  seconded  by  \\\a 
ofticej-s,  and  happily  resorting  to  his  favorite  ])lan  of  fighting,  extricated  hnn- 
self  from  imminent  danger,  and  put  the  Indians  to  flight,  after  a  hard-fought 
battle. 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Indian  ("lief,  though  simple,  was  wise  ;  but  in  its 
execution  he  lost  some  time,  whici;  was  fatal  to  him.  He  captured  two  of 
Wayne's  cannon,  and  while  endeavoring  to  turn  theiji  upon  the  Americans, 
they  had  time  to  rally.  And,  as  the  sword  and  bayonet  were  only  used  by 
them,  no  chance  was  left  the  Indians  to  take  advantage  of  position  from  the 
flashes  of  the  guns  of  their  adversaries.  If  Wayne  merited  censure  for  being 
taken  thus  unprepared,  he  deserved  it  quite  as  inuch  for  exposing  himself  in 
the  fight  beyond  what  ])rudenci^'  required;  but  more  than  all,  for  putting  to 
death  12  prisoners  who  had  been  decoyed  into  his  power,  after  l\w  fight. 

The  severest  part  of  the  action  was  fought  at  the  cannons.  Emistessigo  was 
oath  to  relinquish  such  valuable  trophies,  and  he  did  it  only  with  his  life. 


I  .^ 


*  Johnson's  Life  of  Green,  ii.  347. 
J  Johnson's  Life  of  Grfn,  ii.  318. 
j  Lee.     Dr.  Holmes  writes  Emistessigo. 


t  Lee's  ,'\romoTs,  382,  383. 


Annals,  ii.  310. 


408 


GRANGULAKOPAK.— Bia  WARRIOR. 


[Book  IV. 


1 1      '  ■ 


Seventeen  of  hia  %vnrrior8  fell  by  his  side,  besidos  hia  white  guides.  He 
received  a  speur  and  two  iMiyonets  in  his  l)ody  Ijefore  ho  fell,  and  encouraged 
his  warriors  to  the  last.  When  he  liei^an  to  fuint,  he  retired  a  few  steps,  and 
uhnly  laying  hiinself  down,  breatli(;d  his  last  without  a  ^roiin  or  struggle. 

This  chief  was  six  feet  three  inches  high,  weighing  about  220  poiuuls,  bear- 
ing  a  manly  and  t-xpressive  countenance,  and  'M  years  of  age ;  and  General 
Lee  a<ld8,  "  Guristeralgo  tlied,  as  ho  hud  lived,  the  renowned  warrior  of  the 
Overhill  Creeks."  In  this  singular  afliiir  but  12  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  [thmder  taken  from  the  Indians  were  117  |mckhonR-s, 
laden  with  pcltiy.  Exertions  were  made  to  capture  those  warriors  that  es- 
caped from  the  attack  on  IVayne^s  camp,  but  so  well  did  they  understand  tUe 
country,  that  not  one  of  them  was  taken. 

Although  not  in  the  order  of  time,  we  will  introduce  here  one  of  the  earliest 
advocates  for  temi)erance  that  we  have  met  w  ith  among  the  Indians.  This 
person,  though  a  Creek,  was  a  descendant,  by  his  own  accomit,  of  the  renown- 
ed Grangida.  His  name  was  Onughkalbjdawuy-grangulakopnk.  All  we  know 
of  his  history,  can  be  told  in  a  few  words,  and  but  for  one  speech  of  his  which 
happened  to  be  preserved,  even  his  name  we  had  never  perhaps  heard.  That 
lie  lived  in  174ri,  and  was  eminent  tor  his  good  morals,  except  the  speech, 
belbro  mentioned,  is  all  we  know  of  him.  As  to  the  speech,  which  is  so  liighiy 
extolled,  it  has,  liko  numerous  othoi-s,  we  are  of  opinion,  passed  thntigh  too 
many  hands  to  be  considered  by  all  who  may  meet  with  it  as  genuine ;  ncver- 
thiless,  throwing  aside  all  the  umneaning  verbiage  with  which  it  is  encumbered, 
nn  Indian  spcccii  might  remain  that  would  be  read  with  |)leasure.  As  it  stands 
in  the  work  before  us,*  its  length  excludes  it  from  our  pages,  and  we  shall  select 
but  few  sentences.  It  was  delivered  in  a  great  council  of  the  Creek  nation, 
and  taken  down  in  short  hand  by  some  white  present,  and  about  four  yeara 
at\er  came  into  the  hands  of  an  agent  of  Sir  IVMiam  Johnson,  thence  into  tiie 
hands  of  sundry  others. 

"Fathers,  Brethren,  and  Countrymen. — We  are  met  to  dcliljerate. 
Upon  what  ? — Upon  no  less  a  subject,  than  whether  we  shall,  or  shall  not  be  a 
peojile  ! "  "I  do  not  stand  up,  O  countrymen  !  to  profjoso  the  plans  of  war, 
or  to  direct  the  sage  experience  of  this  assembly  in  the  regulation  of  our  alli- 
ances :  your  wis«lom  renders  this  unnecessary  for  me." — "  The  traitor,  or 
rather  the  tyrant,  I  arraign  before  you,  O  Creeks !  is  no  native  of  our  soil;  but 
rather  a  lurking  miscreant,  an  emissary  of  the  evil  princii)le  of  darkness.  'Tis 
that  pernicious  liquid,  which  our  pretended  white  friends  artfully  introduced, 
and  so  plentifully  pour  in  among  us!" — "O,  ye  Creeks!  when  I  thunder  in 
your  eai-s  this  denunciation ;  that  if  this  cup  of  perdition  continues  to  rule 
among  us,  with  sway  so  intemperate,  ye  will  cease  to  be  a  nation  !  Ye  will 
liave  neither  heads  to  direct,  nor  hands  to  protect  you. — While  this  diabolical 
juice  undermines  all  the  ])owers  of  your  bodies  and  minds,  with  inoffensive 
zeal,  the  warrior's  enfeebled  arm  will  draw  the  bow,  or  launch  the  a\)cnr  in  the 
«hiy  of  battle.  In  the  day  of  council,  when  national  safety  stands  sui^pended 
on  the  lips  of  the  hoary  sachem,  he  will  shake  his  head  with  uncollected  spirits, 
and  drivel  the  babblings  of  a  second  childhood." 

The  above,  though  not  a  third  of  the  speech,  contains  chief  of  all  that  was 
intended  to  be  conveyed  in  several  pages.  A  true  Indian  8|)eech  need  not 
here  be  presented  to  show  the  difference  of  style  between  them  ;  but  as  we 
have  a  very  good  one,  by  the  famous  Creek  chief,  J3ig-warrior,  not  elsewhere 
noticed,  it  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader.  It  was  delivered  at  the  time  Gcr> 
erul  Jackson  was  treating  with  the  Creeks,  about  the  close  of  the  last  war  with 
England,  and  was  in  reference,  as  will  be  seen,  to  the  conditions  demanded  of 
the  vanquished.  And,  although  Big-warrior  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans, 
yet  lie  now  felt  for  his  countrymen,  and  atler  saying  many  other  things,  con- 
cluded as  follows : — 

"  The  president,  our  father,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and  promises 

*  Surinons,  &.C.,  by  Rcvcroiul  William  Smith. 


CiiAf.  VII] 


niG  WAnuioiis  spkecii  to  jackson. 


409 


tliat  iiifltice  alinll  l)c  done :  I  hnpo  nnd  trust  it  will  he !  I  made  this  wnr, 
wliicli  liori  proved  so  tiitul  to  my  country,  tlint  tti);  tr<-nty  entrnd  into  ii  lt<n^ 
time  ajro,  with  tiitiier  Wasiiiwoto,  might  not  Ik;  broken.  To  hi;*  frii'iidly 
arm  I  liold  tii>4t.  I  will  novc-r  hreak  that  bright  chain  of  friciidslii|)  we  made 
tdgcijiir,  and  which  Iwund  us  to  stand  to  the  U.  States.  He  wius  u  father  to 
tlie  Muscoircc  pioph; ;  and  not  only  to  them,  but  to  all  the  |)€ople  iMMieath  the 
Mun.  His  talk  J  — <••  hohl  in  my  hand.  Tlu-re  sits  tlie  agi.>nt  he  iieiit  among 
ns.  Ncv(!r  haH  he  broken  the  treaty.  He  luis  lived  with  us  a  long  time.  He 
hiiH  seen  our  children  born,  who  now  have  children.  By  his  direction,  cloth 
was  wove,  and  clothes  were  made,  and  spread  through  our  country  ;  but  the 
Kkd  Sticks  came,  and  destroyed  nil; — we  have  none  now.  Hard  is  our 
situation;  and  you  ought  to  consider  it.  I  state  what  all  the  nation  knows: 
nothing  will  I  keep  secret. — There  stands  the  littlo  warrior.  While  we  weru 
seeking  to  give  satisfaction  for  the  murders  that  had  been  coinmittetl,  he 
proved  a  mischief-maker;  lie  went  to  the  British  onthe  lukco;  he  cnme  back, 
and  brought  a  package  to  the  frontiers,  which  increased  the  murders  here. 
This  conduct  bus  already  made  the  war  party  to  suffer  greatly  ;  but,  although 
almost  destroyed,  they  will  not  yet  open  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away  by 
the  British  at  Pensacola.  Not  so  with  us.  We  were  rational,  and  Lad  our 
senses.  We  yet  are  so.  In  the  war  of  the  revolution,  our  father  beyond  the 
waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him.  and  we  did  so.  VVe  had  no  sense  then. 
The  promised  he  made  were  never  kept.  We  were  young  and  foolish,  and 
fought  with  him.  The  British  can  no  more  p«!rsuade  us  to  do  wrong.  They 
have  deceived  us  once,  and  can  do  it  no  more.  You  are  two  great  people. 
If  you  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern  in  it ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight. 
We  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  every  nation.  If  they  offer  me  arms,  I  will  say 
to  them,  You  put  me  in  danger,  to  war  against  a  {M'ople  born  in  our  own  land. 
They  »!i..  ,1  never  force  ii  into  danger.  You  shall  never  see  that  our  chiefs 
are  boys  in  council,  who  will  be  forced  to  do  any  thing.  I  talk  thus,  knowing 
that  (iitlier  WashiiNoton  advised  us  never  to  interfere  in  wars.  He  told  us 
that  those  in  peace  were  the  happiest  people.  He  told  us,  that  if  an  enemy 
attacked  him,  he  had  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  w*ish  his  red  children  to 
help  him.  If  the  British  advise  us  to  any  thing,  I  will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.    If  they  say  we  must  nght,  I  will  tell  them,  No." 

He  had  t)revionsly  spoken  of  the  causes  of  the  war,  and  of  the  sufferings  it 
bad  brought  upon  them,  but  asked  indulgence  from  compassion.  The  fine 
tract  of  country,  now  the  state  of  Alabama,  was  argued  for  by  Slielokta,  another 
famous  chief,  who  had  largo  claims  on  the  whites,  but  Jackson  would  not 
concede.  This  chief  had  rendered  them  the  greatest  services  in  the  war,  and 
appealed  to  JacksovHa  ftieliugs,  by  portraying  the  clangers  they  had  |)a8sed 
together,  aiid  his  faithfulness  to  him  in  the  must  trying  scenes ;  but  all  availed 
nothing. 

Big  Warrior  was  a  conspicuous  chief  for  many  years.  In  1821,  one  of  his 
nation  undertook  to  accompany  a  Mr.  Iaicos  as  a  guide,  and  killed  him  by  the 
way.  Complaint  was  immediately  made  to  Big-warrior,  who  ordered  him 
to  be  executed  without  delay.  In  1824  he  was  the  most  noted  among  the 
opposers  of  the  missionaries.  In  this  ii.  was  thought  he  was  influenced  by  the 
Indian  agents,  which  opinion  was  perhaps  strcngtheued  from  the  fact  that  a 
sub-ugent,  Captain  Walker,  had  married  his  dauglter.  He  was  head  chief  of 
the  nation  when  General  APIntosh  forfeited  his  life  by  breaking  the  law  of 
the  nation  in  selling  a  part  of  the  Creek  country.  The  troubles  of  his  nation 
having  brought  him  to  Washington,  at  the  head  of  a  delegation,  he  fell  sick 
and  died  there,  8  March,  1825.*  He  was  a  man  of  colossal  stature,  and  pro- 
portionate physical  powei-s ;  and  it  is  said  "  his  mind  was  us  colossal  as  his 
fxHly,"  and  that  he  had  done  much  towards  improving  the  condition  of  his 
countrymen.    He  had  a  son  named  Tuskehenaha. 

*  Niles's  Register,  xxviii.  48.— By  a  passage  in  the  report  of  a  comniiltee  of  oongress  oo 
•he  Creek  aiTairs  in  1827,  it  would  seem  tliat  Big-warrior  died  as  early  as  February. 


85 


410 


GROUNDS  OF  THE   SE.MJNOI.E  WAR. 


[nc«K  IV. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


;^^iii 


Grounds  of  tne  SennnoJe  ll'ar — Circumstances  of  those  Indians  misunderstood — Just 
ncss  of  the  IVor — Neamathla  deposed — Treaties — Of  Moultrie  Creek — Paijue's 
Landing — Council  at  Camp  King — Is  broken  vp  by  Osceola — It  is  reneicrd,  and  a 
party  agree  to  ew'  rate — Osceola's  opposition — Is  seized  and  put  in  irrns — 
Feigns  a  submission  and  is  released — Executes  an  agreement  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  the  whites — The  physical  condition  of  the  Indians. 

Having,  in  a  former  clunjUer  of  this  our  fourth  book,  given  mnny  of  tho 
necessary  particulars  for  a  right  understanding  of  the  former  Florida  war,  it 
will  not  be  necessary  here  to  repeat  the  same,  and  we  shall,  therefore,  proceed 
at  once  to  a  notice  of  the  gi  junds  of  the  present  war  with  the  Indians  in  that 
region. 

It  has  been  formerly  said,  that  nearly  all  the  Indian  wars  have  the  wniie 
origin  ;  and,  on  attentively  examining  the  subject,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
remark  has  mncb  of  truth  in  it.  The  Seminoles  of  Florida  have  been  found 
quite  different  fr<  ■>•  what  they  had  been  supposed.  Every  body  bad  consid- 
ered tiiem  a  nunt  outcast  remniint,  too  much  enfeebled  by  their  proximity  to 
the  whites,  to  !>e  in  tiie  least  dreaded  in  a  war.  Indeed,  such  conclusion  was 
in  perfect  i;l mdance  with  the  accounts  which  were  circulated  among  intelli- 
gent [)eople ;  but  the  truth  seems  to  be,  people  have  always  been  misinfonned 
on  the  su!ject,  owing  chiefly  to  the  ignorance  of  their  informei-s.  Nor  is  it 
strange  that  misinformation  should  l)e  circulated,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  very  agents  who  lived  among  them,  and  those  who  made  treaties  with 
them,  could  not  give  any  satisfactory  account  as  to  their  numbers  or  other 
circumstances.  General  Jackson,  iu  1817  and  18,  made  an  easy  matter  of 
ravaging  a  part  of  Florida,  His  being  opposed  but  by  very  few  Indians,  led 
to  the  belief  that  there  were  but  few  in  the  coiuitrj'.  The  war  of  1814  was 
then  too  fresh  in  their  recollections  to  suffer  tliem  to  adventure  too  much,  and 
the  probability  is,  that  liut  few  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  a  w;!r  again 
60  soon.  Hence,  one  of  two  conclusions  must  now  evidently  be  fixed  upon,-  - 
either  that  the  Seminole  Indians  were  much  more  numerous,  20  years  ago, 
than  what  was  suppo.  d,  cr  that  they  have  increased  very  considerably  witiiin 
that  time.    For  my  pu  t,  i  urn  conviri/red  that  both  conclusions  are  correct. 

When  we  are  told,  liiat  at  such  a  tune,  and  such  a  ]tlace,  commissioners 
of  the  United  States  government  met  a  delegation  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the 
Southern  Indians,  and  raade  a  treaty,  the  articles  of  which  were  satisfactory 
to  the  Indians,  two  or  three  queries  present  themselves  for  solution  ;  as,  by 
wnat  means  have  the  chiefs  been  got  together;  what     her  chiefs  and  ])rinci- 

Cal  men  are  there  l)elonging  to  such  a  nation,  who  did  not  participate  in  the 
usiness  of  the  treaty.  Anxious  to  effect  their  object,  commissioners  have 
sometimes  practised  unwarrantable  means  to  obtain  it ;  especially  in  encour- 
aging sales  of  territory  by  a  minority  of  chiefs,  or  gaining  their  consent  to  a 
removal  by  presents. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  present  war,  the  number  of  Seminole  warriors  was 
reckoned,  by  pei-sons  ujmn  the  spot,  at  2000 ;  but  they  have  generally,  since 
that  period,  been  rated  higher.  But  it  is  my  opinion,  that  2000  able  men,  led 
by  such  a  chief  as  Osceola  has  proved  himself  to  be,  are  amply  sufficient  to  do 
ail  that  has  bin  done  on  the  |)art  ->♦'  the  Indians  in  Florida,  in  1835  and  (5. 

There  can  be  but  one  opinion,  among  discerning  peo))le,  of  the  justness  of 
the  present  war,  as  it  a|)pears  to  me  ;  nevertheless,  however  luijustly  created, 
on  the  part  of  the  whites,  the  most  efficient  measures  should  have  been  taken, 
in  ils  earliest  stages,  for  its  Bupjjression  ;  because,  the  sooner  it  is  ended,  the 
fewer  will  l)e  the  sacrifices  of  lives ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  concomitant  suffer- 
ings of  individuals,  and  destructions  of  property.  It  has  been  frequently 
nsked,  what  the  execntive  and  the  congress  of  the  nation  have  been  about  all 
this  time  !  A  few  soldiere  have  !)een  sent  to  Florida  at  a  time  ;  some  have 
been  cut  otl",  and  tln^  servic<'s  of  others  rendered  alioitive,  by  some  ehildisb 
bickerings  among  their  otlicers  auout  "precedency  of  rank."    But  whose  fault 


• 

:«K  IV. 

—Jit.it 

PuijHt'a 

!,  and  a 

iri-ns — 

c'Uh  the 

of  the 

war,  it 

'. 

roperd 

in  tliat 

■ 

?  Sill  lie 

i 

lat  tlie 

1 

1  I'niind 

i 

■onsid- 

nity  to 

on  was 

iiitelli- 

Ivil  |||t.U 

)r  is  it                     f 

1 

ed  that 

^.               .     ■                                              k 

s  witli 

r  other 

tter  of 

nis,  led 

14  was 

"h,  and 

!•  again 

ipon,- 

rs  ago, 

within 

1 1,1. 
sioners 

i  of  tlie 

factory 

as,  by 

princi- 

• 

)  in  the 

s  liave 

ncour- 

iit  to  a 

irs  was 

;,  since 

en,  led 

t  to  do 

nd  G, 

1C^^S  <)f 

reated, 

tal<en. 

^ 

crl,  tiio 

• 

suffer- 

^nently 

lont  ail 

le  have 

iiildish 

t<o  futdt 

• 

1 

."■V-f 

■ 

Pk 


i 


11.- 


k  i" 


'■i 


. 


>!■ 


H 


MiEA  Mi\xniiiL.A 


Scminolo    War  Chief 


Chap.  VIll] 


XKAMATllLA   DEPOSF.D.— TREATIES. 


411 


ii    is  ihiii   iliosi'  iiiii'ir 
HtriKiiijiis  ol'  riiicii  »   ' 
ll'>pi  Ct   tu   fill  li    n; 

suliificiit  noi'^i-'.  ■ 
A  writer  lin-  • 
and,  n:-:  they 
words: — "S'i 
imulc  hy  "  ■ 

of    ifuMl    '  I' 

for  the  !• 


..ij  htivc  Im." ill  liirn^  iif.dtT  coininii-.sio!;."  «:  m- 
:is  to  ir^tH  till  in  in  .-ill.  1:  (111  :  V. Kwtii-i!  pusili  '.  in 
.!   not  take  n|i<  II  mo  to  siuu^,  tlie  iiii;!.-  l/uii  i,  rjf 


'  following  fiictp  r'-Ihtivo  to  lh«*  Sflounvil.'a  recimtly, 
i  to  my  course  r.f  remarks,  1  pv<^  thtnu  in  his  onn 
I  tlie  roMion,  [o'i  riorjila  to  the  I*.  S.]  n  'i.  Aty  w;i.i 
-iininoli-*^  •oiistritcd  to  nliiKjviiHl!  f  ■  ;'  -  'lin  Inticr  luiri 
,.'<.■  to  ffie  luntre  of  ihi."  piiiinsiilu.—  -  ■  ,  .  .jtri-  ciuisisiiiii; 
it'  I'ine  bnrrr'is  of  till'  worst  doticrijjiioii,  ajid  l<  riiiiiuuiiiM; 
n  iincx[ilon:(l  nnd  impassiihle  muislios.  WrH'ti  th>;  ti'Oi' 
rr.  ■»•,:-  ifi,«  psoeiition  of  tlv-  tr^  nty,  old  .Vtlia  Miihln,  tiic  ht-mi  of  fiio  tnhf, 
thoiig»ii  jf  fi-ivorfd  too  jnnch  of  the  ciiimin^  and  \Viiialcey  of  tin-  vvhif.i  innn. 
«irid  miniiiiom'd  liis  warriors  to  resist  it.  (Jov.  DvmJ,  wh5  siiccepded  (»t'n, 
Jiicksnu  in  O.if.  chief  niOgistracy  of  this  territory,  hmk-.  in  vp<  o  '  W  «ru-i'  •'•teij, 
dojtosed  the  war  leudeiv,  and  cli-vntod  the  \toi>?v.  party  to  the  cliieftaineii  s. 
Till;  Seiiiinoles  rciiroii  poaeeahly  to  the  territury  assigncl  theiri,  and  old  ,\\htt 
,Matkla  retired  to  tho  Cr(.el»s.  bv  \:'''^-n  Jie  W;is  t.iised  to  the  (ii.,'i.i:y  ot'  a 
cliiet:" 

The  next  oren»  of  c-maidcrahle  inoiriciii  in  tho  history  of  the  Soiniiioles,  in 
tl»'  fjatuihifc-     Of  tlii:-!  aOJiir  f  am  alil'  to  .sp  ■  .k  in  t!ie  lui- 

giia:  ■  <■  ■  \  ;■■  "      !   Mif  part  of  the  wliif"  s,     Tlio  iiili>ilutd 

to  wfioiri   i  '  ••>«.  will  be  pani'"'))nrly  notieed  iiere- 

afttr  '"•  ■  .,  ,,    .,t.    .,..     ,  '..    !oit  is  iJje  |»ii)jfr'^B*  of  this  war. 

I  ■  •  .  KHia  cfinnti»r,  iHM»*v»«n  of  ihe  treaty  w  ,M"uHrii»  Creek  ;  hm, 
before  g<>in;r  i!K«>  the  pfirtjeiihirs  of  th»t  at  Puvne'"*  l^nciinff.  it  will  be  »k<<^»- 
H.iry  to  nmk-^  n  \c\\  «<}diti«»w«l  iii-*epi ;■-..>  is.  'Hip  Jndiyi;.-*  who  r;>itM'Ht*'ii  t'» 
that  treaty,  i>y  siii'ii  eoi-.^'!'  •  :  '  •■  i"  <tf  thi  !.', 
KlJitrs,  to  give  lip  tlieir  jK  f"-.  ;  lO'iiidaritM 
i"  tlie  ti;rritory,  t'.ie  extienie  pinoi  i-:  vNliiih  niw  fn>(  !■  m,-  iie.'iiis  .onn  \Ti  mili's 
lo  the  sea  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexieo.  For  any  losses  to  whieh  they  niijiht 
be  subjected  bv  their  removal,  the  governnient  agreed  to  make  liberal  tlonaiiuiiH, 
.■tl,-Jo  to  provide  implements  of  hn./bandr},  sehooU,  &c.,  and  pay  an  atmnity  of 
5()l)0  do.'ltirs  for  '.JO  years;  besides  whieh  tli-  re  were  presents  of  <;iini,  meat, 
■Vi .  &c.  It  Wii?«  r-^ijtiiji.'d  of  tlio  Indians  that  they  should  preve'tit  abst  ondiiis' 
slaves  tVnni  t'lkins  refose  amori;'  ti>en!.  hihI  they  were  to  use  ;i!l  proper  exer- 
tions   "                   ■      '            ':''■'                                                                       •          "■ 

<>  -!    !h«5 

,  .  '1 

s^  ;    .  .   .  _      .1  ,  ,  •'.  .  ■  .  .        ■  .   ■  .v 

\\!iii'i  -tio  Iniiid  States  uirent,  Major  {iihl.  Ifis,n[thrfifg,  njni  jhti  i.K:'tprt»ier, 
fiifhiirffit,  wero  to  have  ea.h  one  mile  s<piaro,  in  fee  siiiipl*?,  ««  a  nuuk  of  ifu; 
■■I'jHiiieiiw  rhey  p'posed  in  these  ollieeifl  of  the  fjovem.'Ut'nt." 

f'.efei-"  this  treaty  was  carried  into  effect,  tlie  ftulinns  were  mtritdi  d  upon, 
end  thv'y  frradnally  bouan  to  be  rather  slow  in  i!io  delivery  ol' di-  Minavvay 
in  ifroes.  ('lamors  were  iii"'r.  fore  loud  against  thcii>,  and  iliiTliidtii's  i<>llo\ved, 
r  1  ipiiek  piiecession,  for  sevend  yem-s.  At  leiifrth  it  was  determined  that  tho 
!*''minole.s  siioiild  be,  somehow  or  other,  r  n,  out  of  Florida,  antl  tin;  treaty  of 
rayne's  l.aiidinp  was  jrot  up  (or  this  obje!  , 

.Vecoidin^My,  in  IKlii,  on  the  '>ib  of  iMay,  a  treaty  was  rntered  ir.K.  "on 
«*,'k!awaha  Hiver,  known  by  the  muiie  ot'  tie  tiX'aty  ot'  i'ayne's  l.tnuliiiL', 
by  which  they  stipukited  to  rcIiti'iMish  all  tin  if  possessif>iis  in  Florida,  and 
I  iiiiirrate  to  tho  conniry  allotted  to  ih"  rre^'K^  w«»st  (d'tin'  iMissi.ssippi ;  in  eon- 
^i<l^  r.itioti  of  wliieli  tho  ji^oventtnniit  nn.-*  to  pay  l5,lfSj  doll  ns,  on  their  anival 
m!  'heir  new  home,  and  give  to  eat't  'f  th*;  w.-irr-  r.-i,  women  and  eliildren  mie 
blanket  iM.l  one  iione  spun  froek,  'J'he  who'-  removal  wn.s  stipulated  to  \ukn 
pin'c  within  thr'-e  years  af>er  tliP  rafificHti"*'  ," 

What  ulijeet  tbi-  govi  riimeiit  eonid  h.-x,-  i.'ji,!  in  view  by  sfipiilafinn:  lliaf  (i.r 
loiliHiis  slutuld  deliver  into  its  hati-i'-  ail  their  cattle  and  horsis,  prl•vlo^^^  oi 
tlifir  emlj;r«tioii,  I   know  Tiot,  o  .les.H  it  wni*  the  intention  of  ii.s  a;r"ii'-   t-. 
Kpfutalc  in  itnrk.t ;  or  pirhais  the  iih.'m!h  by  whittli  the   Iiiilinis  W4:r< 
tra(t»t|a>ncd,  woidd  not  adniii  i>f  ilieir  'ein;;  tran«purici  With  il;-;;i.     L^  ...«. 


m 


■i : . 


1"^ 


^1 


:•:  3 


%i 


.1 


SciMinnio    \V-ii    ('•  I. 


Chap.  Mil] 


NKAMATlll.A   DKPOSr.D.— TREATIES. 


411 


il  is  tlint  thnso  officore  slioiild  liavo  been  there  under  cnininissioiip  «:  iii- 
Btructioiis  of  siicli  a  nature  as  to  sot  them  in  such  an  awkwanl  pooi'ii  "i  in 
re.xpcct  to  each  other,  I  will  not  taivc  upon  me  to  state,  the  facts  Lcif  y  of 
sufiieient  notoriety. 

A  writer  liiis  given  the  following  facts  relative  to  the  Seniinoles  recently, 
and,  as  they  are  suited  to  my  course  of  remarks,  I  give  thcin  in  his  own 
words : — "  Shortly  after  the  cession,  [of  Florida  to  the  U.  S.]  a  treaty  was 
made  by  which  the  Seminoles  consented  to  relinquish  by  far  the  better  part 
of  their  lands,  and  retire  to  the  centre  of  the  peninsula, — a  quarter  consisting 
for  the  most  part  of  pine  barrens  of  the  worst  description,  and  terminating 
towards  the  south  in  unexplored  and  impassable  marshes.  When  the  tim<; 
came  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  old  JVeha  Mathla,  the  head  of  tiie  tribe, 
thought  it  savored  too  much  of  the  cunning  and  whiskey  of  the  white  man, 
and  summoned  his  warriors  to  resist  it.  Gov.  Duval,  who  succeeded  Gen. 
Jackson  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  territory,  broke  in  upon  his  v.'ar  council, 
de|)osed  the  war  leaders,  and  elevated  the  peace  party  to  the  chieftaincies. 
The  Seminoles  retired  peaceably  to  the  territory  assigned  them,  and  olil  JVeha 
Mathla  retired  to  the  Creeks,  by  whom  he  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a 
chief." 

The  ne.il  event  of  considerable  moment  in  the  history  of  the  Seminoles,  is 
the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing.  Of  this  affair  I  am  able  to  speak  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  principal  agent  m  it,  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  The  individual 
to  whom  I  refer,  General  JViley  Thompson,  will  be  particularly  noticed  here- 
after, from  the  melancholy  fate  which  he  met  in  the  progress  of  tiiis  war. 

I  have,  in  a  previous  chapter,  spoken  of  the  treaty  at  Moultrie  Creek  ;  but, 
before  going  into  the  particulars  of  that  at  Payne's  Landing,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  make  a  fer'  additional  observations.  The  Indians  who  consented  to 
that  treaty,  by  such  consent  agreed  "to  come  under  the  protection  of  the  U. 
States,  to  give  up  their  possessions,  and  remove  to  certain  restricted  boundaries 
in  the  territory,  the  extreme  point  of  which  was  not  to  be  nearer  than  15  miles 
to  the  sea  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  For  any  losses  to  which  they  might 
be  subjected  by  their  removal,  the  government  agreed  to  make  libci'al  donations, 
also  to  provide  implements  of  husbandry,  schools,  &c.,  and  pay  an  annuity  of 
5000  dollars  for  20  years ;  besides  which  there  were  presents  of  corn,  meat, 
&c.  &c.  It  was  required  of  the  Indians  that  they  should  pnivent  absconding 
slaves  from  taking  refuge  among  them,  and  they  were  to  use  all  proper  exer- 
tions to  apprehend  and  deliver  the  same  to  their  proper  owners." 

Our  account  next  go.  s  on  to  State,  that  the  harmony  which  exi.stcd  at  the 
conclusion  of  this  treaty  was  very  great,  and  that  the  Indians  were  so  well 
satisfied  with  its  provisi  his,  "that  they  had  a  clause  expressly  inserted,  by 
which  the  United  States  agent.  Major  Gad.  Humphreys,  and  the  interpreter, 
Richards,  were  to  have  ea^h  one  mile  square,  in  fee  simple,  as  a  mark  of  the 
confidence  they  reposed  in  these  officers  of  the  government." 

Before  this  treaty  was  carried  into  effect,  the  Indians  were  intruded  upon, 
and  they  gradually  began  to  be  rather  slow  in  thu  delivery  of  the  runaway 
negroes.  Clamors  were  therefore  loud  against  tlietn,  and  difficulties  Ibllowed, 
hi  quick  succession,  for  several  years.  At  length  it  was  determined  that  the 
Seminoles  should  be,  somehow  or  other,  got  out  of  Florida,  and  the  treaty  of 
Payne's  Landing  was  got  up  for  this  object. 

Accordingly,  in  1832,  on  the  9th  of  May,  a  treaty  was  entered  into  "  on 
Ocklawaha  River,  known  by  the  name  of  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing, 
by  which  they  stipulated  to  relinquish  all  their  possessions  in  Florida,  and 
emigrate  to  the  country  allotted  to  the  Creeks,  west  of  the  Mississipjii ;  in  con- 
sideration of  which  the  government  was  to  pay  15,400  dollai-s,  on  their  arrival 
at  their  new  home,  and  give  to  each  of  the  warriors,  women  ami  children  one 
blanket  and  one  homespun  frock.  The  whole  removal  was  stipulated  to  take 
place  within  three  years  after  the  ratification." 

What  object  the  governirient  could  have  had  in  view  by  stii)ulating  that  the 
Indians  should  deliver  into  its  hands  all  their  cattle  and  horses,  previous  to 
their  emigration,  I  know  not,  uidess  it  was  the  intention  of  its  agents  to 
speculate  in  stocks ;  or  perhaps  the  mode  by  which  the  Indians  were  to  be 
trantiported,  would  not  admit  of  their  being  transported  with  them.    Uu  thid 


f  'im 


::r 


T 


412 


EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL  AT  CAMP  KING. 


[Book  IV. 


■•iiii! 


};'!' 
».,/!!j 


1 


08  it  might,  we  shall  see  that  this  stock  affair  was  among  the  beginning  of  the 
s[iarks  of"  war. 

It  ap|>cai-8  that  between  1832  and  1834,  it  had  become  very  apparent  lliat 
no  removal  was  intended  by  the  Indians ;  and  it  was  equally  apparent  that 
tliose  who  had  engaged  a  removal  for  the  nation,  were  not  the  firet  people  in 
it, — and,  consequently,  a  difficulty  would  ensue,  let  the  matter  be  urged  when 
it  would.  General  Thompson  was  the  government  agent  in  Florida,  and  lie 
(whether  with  advice  or  without,  I  am  not  informed)  thought  it  best  to  have  a 
talk  with  some  of  the  real  head  men  of  the  nation,  upon  the  subject  of  removal, 
which  he  effected  about  a  year  before  the  time  of  removal  expired,  namely,  in 
the  fall  of  1834. 

Meanwhile,  the  chief  who  had  been  put  in  the  place  o£  JVeamathla,  by  Gov- 
ernor Duval,  had  been  executed,  by  some  of  the  nation,  for  adhering  to  tiio 
whites,  and  advocating  a  removal  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  name  of  the 
chief  executed  upon  this  account  was  Hicks.  To  him  succeeded  one  namcil 
Charles,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Charles  OmculJa,  and  he  shared  the  .same 
fate  not  long  after.  Nine  warriors  came  into  his  council,  and  learning  that  he 
insisted  upon  a  removal,  shot  nine  bullets  through  his  heart!  No  more  doubt- 
ful characters  were  now  raised  to  the  chieftaincy,  but  a  warrior,  named  Louis, 
well  known  for  his  hostility  to  the  whites,  was  made  chief. 

In  the  council  which  General  Thompson  got  together  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a  talk,  as  has  been  remarked,  appeared  Osceola,  and  several  other 
distinguished  chiefs.  This  council  was  held  at  Fort  King,  and  was  opened 
by  General  Thompson  in  a  considerable  speech,  wherein  he  endeavored  to 
convince  the  Indians  of  the  necessity  of  a  speedy  removal ;  urging,  at  the  same 
time,  that  their  own  safety,  as  well  as  that  of  their  property,  required  it ;  and 
requested  their  answer  to  the  subject  of  his  discourse,  which  he  presented  in 
form  of  propositions.  "  The  Indians  retired  to  private  council,  to  discuss  the 
subject,  when  the  present  young  and  daring  chief  Aceola  (Powell)  [Osceola] 
addressed  the  council,  in  an  animated  strain,  against  emigration,  and  said  that 
any  one  who  should  dare  to  recommend  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  an  enemy, 
and  held  responsible  to  the  nation.  There  was  something  in  his  manner  so 
impressive  and  bold,  that  it  alarmed  the  tiirtid  of  the  council ;  and  it  was 
agreed,  in  private  talk,  that  the  treaty  should  be  resisted.  Wlien  this  was  made 
known  to  the  agent,  he  made  them  a  long  and  eloquent  harangue,  setting  forth 
the  dangers  that  surrounded  them  if  they  were  subjected  to  the  laws  of  the 
palefaces,  where  a  red  man's  word  would  not  be  taken ;  that  the  whites  might 
make  false  charges  against  them,  and  deprive  them  of  their  negroes,  horses, 
land.s,  &c.  All  this  time  Aceoln  was  sitting  by,  begging  the  chiefs  to  remain 
film."     When  this  was  finished,  a  chief,  named 

"IIoLATEE  Mico,  said  die  great  Spirit  made  them  all — they  had  come  from 
one  woman — and  he  hoped  they  would  not  quaiTel,  but  talk  until  they  got 
ihiough."    The  next  chief  who  spoke  was  named 

MiCANOPEE.  He  wjus  the  king  of  the  nation.  All  he  is  reported  to  have 
said  was,  that  he  had  no  intention  to  remove.  "  Powell  then  told  the  agent 
he  had  the  decision  of  the  chiefs,  and  that  tlie  council  waj  broken  up.  In  a 
private  talk,  an  old  chief  said  he  had  heard  much  of  his  great  father's  regard 
for  his  red  children.  It  had  come  upon  his  ears,  but  had  gone  through 
them  ;  he  wanted  to  see  it  with  his  eyes ; — that  he  took  land  from  other  red 
skins  to  pay  them  for  theii-s,  and  by  and  by  he  would  tJike  that  also.  The 
while  skins  had  forked  tongues,  and  hawks'  fingers ;  that  David  Blount  told 
him  the  people  in  the  great  city  made  an  Indian  out  of  paint,  and  then  sent 
after  him  and  took  his  lands,  (alluding  to  the  likenesses  of  the  chiefs,  in  the 
war  department,  at  Washington.)  He  wanted,  he  said,  to  sleep  in  the  same 
land  With  his  faUicrs,  and  wished  his  children  to  sleep  by  his  side." 

The  plea  set  up,  that  Spain  ceded  Florida  to  the  United  States  in  18i;>, 
without  any  provision  for  those  Indians,  need  only  to  be  noticed  to  show  its 
nbsin-dity.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  when  the  riglit  of  the  Seminoles  to 
the  lands  of  Florida  was  talked  about,  the  idea  was  derided  by  many  influential 
men ;  hut  when  such  pei-sons  desired  to  take  possession  of  some  of  the 
territory,  tliey  seemed  more  inclined  to  acknowledge  the  Indians'  righis  by 
agreeing  to  pay  them  for  them,  than  of  exercising  either  tiieir  own  righl,or  that 


Chap.  VIII.] 


OSCEOLA  13  PUT  IN  IRONS. 


413 


of  the  United  States,  by  taking  unceremonious  possession.  Tliis  can  be 
accounted  for  in  tlie  same  way  that  we  account  for  one's  l)iiying  an  article  tliat 
he  desires,  liecause  he  dares  not  tai^e  it  witiiotu. 

When  a  removal  was  first  urged  upon  the  Seminole  Indians,  their  cliiefd 
said,  "Let  us  see  what  kind  of  a  country  this  is  of  which  you  talk,  then  if  we 
like  it,  it  is  time  enough  to  exchange  ours  for  it."  liut  it  is  said,  the  govern- 
ment agent  had  no  authority  to  authorize  a  ileputation  of  Lidians  to  visit  the 
promi.sed  land,  and  here  the  matter  rested  awhile. 

How  long  alter  this  it  was,  I  shall  not  undeitake  to  state,  that  the  Indians 
maile  known  tiieir  desire  of  exchanging  their  country ;  but  this  was  said  to 
have  b;>en  the  fact,  and  the  result  was  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing,  already 
described. 

It  appi^ars  that  General  Tliompson,  nothing  discouraged  at  the  result  of  the 
council  which  had  been  terminated  by  the  wisdom  of  Osxola,  without  the 
shghtest  concurrence  in  any  of  his  measures,  by  unceasing  efforts  had  pre- 
vailed upon  a  considerable  number  of  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs  to  nieet  him 
afterwards  and  execute  a  writing,  agreeing  to  comply  with  the  treaty  of  1832." 
This  Wiis  evidently  done  without  Osceola's  consent,  but  its  being  done  by  some 
whom  he  had  considered  his  partisans,  irritated  him  exceedingly.  He  now 
eaw  that  in  spite  of  all  he  could  do  or  say,  the  whites  would  get  terms  of 
agreement  of  some  of  the  Indians;  enough,  at  least,  for  a  pretence  for  their 
designs  of  a  removal. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Osceola  remonstrated  strongly  with  the  agent  for  thus 
taking  tiie  advantage  of  a  few  of  his  people,  who  doubtless  were  under  much 
greater  obligation  to  him  than  to  the  peojile  of  the  United  States.  Remon- 
strance soon  grew  into  altercation,  which  ended  in  a  ruse  de  guerre,  by  which 
Osceola  wu.s  made  prisoner  by  the  agent,  and  put  in  irons,  in  which  situation 
he  was  kept  one  night  and  part  of  two  days. 

Here  then  we  see  the  origin  of  Osceola's  strong  hatred  to  General  Thompson, 
While  lying  in  chains  he  no  doubt  came  to  the  fi.xed  ri;solution  to  resist  the 
whites  to  his  utmost  ability,  and  therefore,  with  perfect  command  over  himself, 
dissembled  his  indignation,  and  deceived  the  agent  by  a  pretended  compliance 
with  his  demands.  The  better  to  blind  the  whites,  he  not  only  promised  to 
sign  the  submission  which  he  had  so  strongly  objected  to,  but  promised  that 
his  friends  should  do  so,  at  a  stated  time ;  and  his  word  was  kept  with  the 
strictest  accuracy.  He  came  to  Fort  King  with  79  of  his  people,  men,  women, 
and  children,  and  then  the  signing  took  place.  This  pmictuality,  accompanied 
with  the  most  perfect  dissimulation,  had  the  effect  that  the  chief  intended  it 
should — the  dissipation  of  all  the  fears  of  the  whites.  These  transactions  were 
in  the  end  of  May  and  beginning  of  June,  1335. 

Thus  we  have  arrived  very  near  the  period  of  open  hostilities  and  blood- 
slied ;  but  before  proceeding  in  the  details  of  these  sanguinary  events,  it  may 
not  be  improper  to  pause  a  moment  in  reviewing  some  of  the  matters  already 
touched  upon.  The  first  to  which  the  attention  is  naturally  called,  is  so 
l)romincnt  as  scarcely  to  need  being  presented,  but  I  cannot  refrain  asking 
attention  to  a  comparison  between  the  numi)er  of  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,*^ 
(which  was  Sixteen)  who  on  the  23  April,  1835,  agreed  to  "acknowledge  the 
validity  of  the  treaty  of  9  May,  1832,"  and  the  numlter  of  warriors  and  chiefa 
now  in  ojjcn  hostility.  These  have  not  been  rated  below  2000  able  men. 
Does  any  body  supi)ose  that  those  16  "  chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,"  (among  whom 
was  not  the  "king  of  the  nation"  nor  Osceola,)  had  lull  power  to  act  for  2000 
warriors  on  so  extraordinary  an  occasion  ?  The  question,  in  my  mind,  need 
only  be  stated  ;  especially  when  it  is  considered  how  ignorant  every  body  was 
oftiie  actual  force  of  these  Indians. 

It  will  doubtless  bo  asked,  how  it  happens  mat  the  Indians  of  Florida,  who, 
a  few  years  since,  were  kept  from  starving  by  an  ai)propriation  of  congress, 
should  now  be  able  to  maintain  themselves  so  comfortably  in  their  fastnesses. 
The  triitli  undoubtedly  is,  that  the  "starving  Indians"  were  tiiose  then  lately 
forced  down  into  the  peninsula,  who  had  not  yet  learned  the  resoiuces  of  the 
country;  for  not  much  has  been  said  about  the  "starving  Indians  of  Florida" 
toy  s(!veral  years  past. 

In  addition  to  the  great  amount  of  cattle,  hogs,  corn,  grain,  &.c.  taken 
35* 


414 


DEVASTATIONS  BEGIN. 


fBoox  IV 


from  the  wliites,  from  the  comriiencemcnt  of  tlie  war  to  the  present  time,  the 
Seminolcs  make  flour  of  a  certain  root,  called  coonty,  upon  'vvhicli  they  can 
Bubsist  without  inconvenience  for  a  considerahle  length  of  time,  which  is  of 
incalcuiahle  advantage  to  them  in  their  war  operations. 

The  strength  of  the  Indians  has  been  not  a  little  augmented  by  the  blacks. 
Some  accounts  say  there  are  800  among  them,  some  of  whom  have  joined 
them,  on  absconding  from  their  white  owners ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  the 
Florida  Indians  own  many  slaves.    Old  Micampy  is  said  to  have  80. 


f$\ 


m 


•<mii9t 


CHAPTER  IX. 


•^ 


t£^ 


77je  Indians  prepare  fur  war — Affair  of  Hogtown — A  mail-carrier  hilled— Sales  of  the 
Indians'  cattle  and  horses  advertised  by  the  Indian,  agent,  but  nunc  takes  place— 
Burnings  and  viurders  are  committed — Settlement  at  A'no  River  destroyed — Re 
markabte  preservation  of  a  Mr.  Godfrey 's/umi/i/ — Colonel  Warren's  defeat — Sicamp 
fight — Destruction  of  JVeio  Smyrnur;- Defeat  and  death  of  Major  Dauk,  with  the 
destruction  of  nearly  his  whole  party — Visit  to  his  battle-ground. 

From  April  until  harvest  time,  preparations  had  gone  on  among  the  Indians, 
and  they  only  waited  for  the  whites  to  begin  to  compel  a  removal,  when  the 
blow  should  be  struck.  The  time  allowed  them  over  and  above  the  three 
years,  to  prepare  for  their  journey  to  the  prairies  of  the  Arkansaw,  was  spent 
in  making  ready  to  resist  at  the  termination  of  it. 

As  early,  however,  as  the  19  June,  1835,  a  serious  affray  took  place  between 
some  whites  and  Indians,  at  a  place  called  Hogtown,  not  far  from  Rlickasauky 
in  which  the  former  were  altogether  the  aggressors.  The  Indians,  about  seven 
in  number,  were  discovered  by  a  gang  of  whites,  hunting  "  beyond  their 
bounds,"  upon  whom  they  undertook  to  inflict  corporal  punishment.  Two 
of  the  Indians  were  absent  when  the  whites  came  up  to  them,  and  they  seized 
and  disarmed  them,  and  then  began  to  whip  tliem  with  cowhide  whijis. 
They  had  whipped  foui-,  and  were  in  the  act  of  whipping  the  fiilh,  when  the 
other  two  Indians  came  up.  On  seeing  what  was  going  on,  they  raised  the 
war-whoop  and  fired  upon  the  whites,  but  whether  they  received  any  iiijuiy, 
we  are  not  told ;  but  they  immediately  returned  the  fire,  and  killed  boii  the 
Indians.  When  General  Thompson  was  made  acquainted  with  the  affair,  he 
simnnoned  the  chiefs  together,  and  stated  the  facts  to  them,  and  tliey 
disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  it,  and,  it  is  said,  agreed  to  deliver  the  offenders 
into  the  hands  of  the  whites,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  their  laws. 
This  must  be  taken  as  the  story  of  the  whites ;  for  in  this  case  they,  and  not 
the  Indians,  were  the  "offenders."  It  was  altogether  a  singular  rej)ort,  that 
after  the  Indians  had  all  been  whipped  and  killed,  they  should  be  required  to 
give  up  the  offenders ;  but  such  was  stated  to  be  the  fact,  and  I  know  not  that 
It  has  been  contradicted. 

Frequent  signs  of  uneasiness  had  been  manifested  during  the  summer 
among  the  Indians,  some  of  whom  could  not  be  restrained  from  acts  of  vio- 
lence by  the  chiefs,  although,  it  is  pretty  evident,  such  acts  were  against  tluir 
advice.  A  mail-carrier  was  killed  and  robbed  between  St.  Augustine  and 
Camp  King,  and  two  or  three  houses  had  from  time  to  time  been  broken 
open  in  different  places ;  but  it  is  not  impossible  but  that  these  acts  might 
have  been  committed  by  other  people  than  Indians.  However,  the  Indians 
were  mistrusted,  and  not  only  mistrusted,  but  re[)orled  as  the  perpetrators ; 
and  whether  they  were  or  not  is  but  of  small  moment,  as  affairs  tunicfl  out. 

Things  remained  in  this  state  until  December  following,  when  tiic  Indian 
agent  notified  such  of  the  Indians  as  he  was  able,  that  their  time  li.'ul  expireil, 
and  that  they  must  fcrthwitli  p.-epare  for  '.Iicir  journey  over  the  JMississijjpi, 
and  to  that  end  must  bring  in  flair  cuttle  and  horses  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty.  And  so  confid'^nt  was  he  that  tliey  would  be  brought  in,  that 
Im;  had  advertised  them  for  sale,  and  the  1st  and  15th  of  the  luonth  were  the 


;hap.  ix.j 


ESC.Vl't;  Ol"  MRS.  GODFREY. 


415 


lays  in  vvliich  the  sales  were  to  be  made.  The  appointed  days  passed,  and  no 
(ndianH  appeared;  and  it  was  innncdiatcly  discovere<l  tliat  they  had  sent  then 
«\'onien  and  children  into  the  interior,  and  the  warriors  were  niarcliing  IVoin 
place  to  place  with  arms  in  their  han<l8,  ready  to  strike. 

Consternation  and  dismay  was  depicted  on  tiie  countenances  of  the  bor- 
dering whites,  and  they  began  to  fly  from  their  dwellings,  which  were  imme- 
diately tlestroyed  by  the  Indians  One  of  the  first  places  attacked  was  the 
plantation  of  Captain  Priest,  the  buildings  on  which  were  burned.  Small 
compaiiies  of  whites  were  immediately  organized  for  scouring  the  country. 
One  of  these  was  fired  upon  by  some  Indians  in  ambush,  who  wounded  two, 
one  supposed  mortally,  and  a  son  of  Captain  Priest  had  his  horse  killed  under 
him.  tsoon  after,  as  30  or  40  men  were  at  work  getting  out  ship-timber  on 
Drayton's  Island,  in  Lake  George,  they  were  fired  upon  and  driven  from  the 
place.  None  were  wounded,  although  the  bullets  passed  through  the  clothes 
of  some  of  them. 

On  the  5th  of  Jan.  1836,  a  small  party,  supposed  to  be  about  30,  of  Indians 
struck  a  fatal  blow  on  a  poor  famdy  at  New  River,  which  is  about  22  miles 
to  the  north  of  Cape  Florida.  It  was  the  family  of  the  light-house  keeper  of 
this  pla-.e,  named  Cooky.  And  what  renders  the  case  peculiarly  aggravating 
is,  that  this  family,  like  that  of  Clark,  at  Eel  River  near  Plimouth,  in  Philip^s 
war,  were,  anil  hud  always  been,  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  the  very 
Indians  who  destroyed  them.  Mr.  Cooky,  being  absent  when  tiie  attack  was 
made,  escaped  the  butchery.  The  number  murdered  was  six,  one  of  whoni 
was  a  man  named  Flinton,  ti-oni  Cecil  county,  Maryland,  who  had  been  hired 
as  a  famdy  teacher,  his  mother,  wife,  and  three  children.  Flinton  he  found 
shockingly  mutilated,  apparently  with  an  axe ;  his  two  older  cluldren  were 
lying  near  him  shot  through  the  heart,  with  the  books  they  were  using  at  the 
tune  they  were  murdered  by  their  sides;  from  which  circumstance  it  is 
evident  they  met  death  at  the  same  moment  they  knew  of  the  vicinity  of  the 
foe.  His  wife,  with  the  other  child  at  her  breast,  he  found  about  100  yards 
from  the  others,  both  apparently  killed  by  the  same  bullet.  Mrs.  Cooky  had 
formerly  been  a  captive  among  the  Indians,  understood  their  language,  as  did 
one  of  the  childre  .,  a  boy,  and  both  were  much  liked  by  them. 

Here  the  Indians  found  a  rich  booty.  They  cai-ried  off  about  12  barrels  of 
provisions,  30  hogs,  3  horses,  480  dollars  in  silver,  one  keg  of  powder,  above 
200  pounds  of  lead,  and  700  dollars  worth  of  dry  goods. 

A  family  of  several  pei*sons  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cooky^s,  witnessed  the 
murder,  and  barely  made  their  escape.  Also  another,  that  of  the  widow  Rig- 
ky ;  herself,  two  daughters  and  a  son ;  these  escaped  by  flight  to  Cape  Florida, 
riere  were  soon  gathered  about  GO  i)ei-sons,  who  hud  escujjed  from  along  the 
coast,  and  not  being  able  to  subsist  long  for  want  of  provisions,  made  a  signal 
of  distress,  and  were  soon  discovered  by  a  vessel,  which  took  them  to  St. 
Augustine. 

Ihere  was,  among  the  families  who  fled  to  save  their  lives  about  this  time, 
one,  very  remarkably  preserved.  The  family  of  Thomas  Godfrey,  viz.  his 
wife  and  four  female  children,  having  escaped  to  a  swamp  unobserved,  were 
relieved  by  a  negro,  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  day.  This  man  was  drawn  to 
the  spot  by  the  moans  of  one  of  the  children,  whose  poor  furnished  mothei 
could  no  longer  give  it  its  usual  support  at  the  breast.  This  negro  belonged 
to  the  hostile  Indians,  and  came  upon  these  sufl^erers  with  an  uplifted  axe  ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  children  in  their  disti'ess,  his  arm  was  unnerved  by  the 
recollection  that  his  own  children  were  then  in  the  power  of  the  whites.  IIo 
therelbre  came  to  the  humane  resolution  of  setting  them  at  liberty,  which 
could  not  bi!  done,  without  great  hazard,  for  the  Indians  were  yet  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  adjacent  country;  but  he  directed  them  to  remain  as  qiuet  aa 
possible  until  night,  when  he  would  bring  them  something  to  eat.  This  ho 
did,  and  also  brought  them  blankets  to  sloe[)  u|)on.  The  next  day  a  company 
of  mounted  whites  dispersed  the  Indians,  and  the  negro  conveyed  Mrs. 
Godfrey  and  her  children  in  sight  of  them,  and  then  made  his  escape.  The 
husband  of  Mrs.  Godfrey  had  some  time  bclbre  been  ordered  out  in  deleiice 
Bf  the  country. 

Nothing  but  devastations  of  the  inost  alurnung  and  destructive  chuructei 


\  hH 


410 


DF.STRUCTION  OF  NEWSMVRVv 


[Book  IV. 


Ill- 


■t> 


fH'"in  to  li.ivo  «)rriiriT(l  in  the  region  of  Enat  Florida,  ^oitg  as  there  wat 
u  |i!iH;t'  IcCt,  which  \\n»  not  strong  enniigli  to  witlintund  'i.     Hack. 

Ahout  tht!  18  oi'  December,  Colonel  Wnrrtn,  at  the  hcmi  of  n  email  detach- 
ment of  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  convoy  a  train  of  wagons  loaded  with 
provisions  and  inimitions  from  St.  Augtistinc  to  the  main  Ijody,  which  was 
encamped  at  Fort  Crooni,  near  Micanopy's  town.  While  on  their  march  they 
were  attacked  hy  a  superior  force  of  Indians,  who  killed  8  or  10  of  them,  and 
jHit  the  rest  to  fligiit,  almost  in  sight  of  the  force  they  were  sent  to  relieve. 
All  the  wagons  iell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indiana,  which,  uiler  taking  from 
them  what  tiiey  desired,  broke  them  up  and  burnt  them. 

On  the  20  of  December,  as  Genenil  Call,  with  the  Middle  Florida  troops, 
was  marching  for  Fort  Draine,  his  advanced  guard  discovered  a  house  on  tire 
^ear  Micanopy,  and  a  trail  of  Indians  was  discovered  leading  to  a  pond,  which 
was  full  of  bushes  and  logs.  This  pond  the  whites  nearly  encircled,  and 
oltliough  at  first  no  Indians  were  seen,  yet  the  flushes  of  their  guns  soon 

I)ointed  out  their  hiding-places,  and  considerable  firing  ensued  on  both  sides  ; 
)ut  the  fire  of  the  Indians  was  soon  silenced,  and  on  searching  the  Ixig  four 
Indians  were  found  dead,  but  all  the  others,  if  thjre  were  any  more,  had 
cflfected  their  escape.  In  this  swamp  fight,  three  w'lites  were  badly  wounded, 
and  one  killed. 

On  the  2()  of  December,  a  band  of  about  100  Indians,  under  n  chief  narued 
Philip,  and  a  mnnber  of  Indian  negroes,  made  an  attack  on  New  Smyrna,  to 
the  south  of  Moscpiito  Inlet,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Peninsula,  where  they 
foimd  nothing  to  obstruct  their  ravages.  They  began  with  the  house  of  Mr. 
Dunham,  which  when  they  had  j)lundered,  "j)arties  of  them  scattered  about 
the  neighboring  plantations  of  Cruder,  Depej/.iter,  and  Hunter.  The  Indian 
negro,  John  Cftmr,  endeavored  to  decoy  Mr.  Hunter  from  his  house,  on  pre- 
tence of  selling  him  cattle  and  horses ;  lie,  however,  having  heard  by  his 
negroes  that  large  numbers  of  Indians  were  about,  and  in  the  allernoon  he 
crossed  the  river  to  Colonel  Dummefs,  The  Indians  held  possession  of  Dun- 
\am^s  house  all  day,  and  about  one  the  next  morning  set  it  on  fire,  together 
with  all  the  out-buildings.  In  the  course  of  the  27,  they  burned  and  dt^stroycd 
all  the  buildings  on  Cruger's  and  Depeyster's  plantations  except  a  corn-house, 
and,  on  Hunter's,  all  except  a  corn-house.  They  now  crossed  over  the  river 
to  Colonel  DummePs  house,  and  after  destroying  every  thing  in  it,  set  that  on 
fire,  but  from  some  cause  the  fire  did  not  burn  it.  Tliey  next  burnt  the  house 
of  Mr.  Ratdiff,  a  little  to  the  north  of  Colonel  DummeVs,  and  broke  and 
destroyed  the  lantern  and  every  thing  belonging  to  the  light-house." 

The  war  having  now  become  serious,  and  the  Indians  no  longer  looked 
upon  as  a  despicable  foe,  the  most  melancholy  forebodings  were  entertained 
for  the  very  existence  of  the  strongest  places  in  Florida,  and  the  call  for 
protection  from  that  quarter  had  become  loud  and  frequent ;  but  notwith- 
Btanding  war  had  been  expected  all  the  preceding  autumn,  no  effectual  meas- 
ures had  been  taken  by  the  proper  authorities  to  check  the  Indians  in  such  au 
event.  There  had,  however,  late  in  December,  >i-rived  at  Fort  Brooke  a  small 
number  of  United  States'  troops  under  Major  i)«K/e,  of  the  4th  regiment  of 
infantry,  the  official  account  of  whose  operations  and  defeat,  I  give  as  follows, 
in  the  language  of  Major  Belton.  It  should  be  observed,  that  Major  Dade  was 
detached  for  the  relief  of  General  Clinch  at  Camp  King,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  in  the  most  imminent  danger  from  the  Indians,  and  also  in  great  want 
of  supplies. 

His  despatch  was  dated  at  Fort  Brooke,  1  January,  1836,  and  proceeds  as 
follows : — "The  schooner  Motto  arrived  on  the  21  December  from  Key  West, 
with  brevet  Major  Dade  and  his  companj,  A  infantry,  39  strong,  Avith  a  small 
Biipplv  of  musket-ball  cartridges,  after  looking  in  at  several  points  between 
the  Key  and  this  place.  Being  thus  reinforced,  I  hesitated  no  longer  to  put 
Gardiner's  company,  C  2d  artillery,  and  Frazer's  company,  B  3d  infantry,  in 
motion  for  Fort  King,  pursuant  to  General  Clinch's  orders ;  which  movement 
had  been  ordered  on  the  16th,  and  suspended  the  same  day,  on  account  of 
intelligence  1  had  received  of  the  force  of  the  Micka'^  jkies,  and  their  strong 
position,  near  the  '"r^rks  of  the  Wythlacoochee.  1  despatched  the  public 
schooner  Motto  on  23d,  with  Lieutenant  Duncan,  2d  artillery,  to  Key  Weat 


f  i.n 


Chap.  IX.] 


DEFKAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


417 


m 


for  a  battery  of  two  twolvo-poiinderH,  and  hucIi  stores  as  could  lie  serviceable; 
uiid  nt  a  o'clock,  on  24tli,  the  comimnii-s,  Gardiner^a  und  Ihizicr's,  niudo  filly 
Imyonets  each,  by  details  from  those  companies  remaining  here,  and  with  onu 
of  the  two  six-i)oimders  of  this  post  with  four  oxen,  I  hud  ordered  to  be 
piircbuscd,  one  light  wagon  and  ten  days'  provisions  wvru  put  in  march. 

"The  first  halt  of  this  command  was  at  Little  liilluboro'  Kiver,  seven 
miles  from  this  post,  iie  bridge  of  which  I  had  reconnoitred  by  hulians  of 
EmnthMa  band  the  (lay  before.  From  this  I  beard  from  Maj.  Dmte  pressing 
mc  to  tbrward  the  six-pounder,  by  all  means,  it  having  been  lell  by  the  failuiu 
o\'  the  team  four  miles  out.  I  accordingly  ordered  the  purchase  of  three 
horses  anu  harness,  and  it  joined  the  column  at  nine  that  night.  On  the 
night  of  the  24th,  I  heard  that  the  transport  with  Mai.  Mountfoid  and  com- 
pany, long  and  anxiously  expected,  was  in  the  bay.  I  sent  at  one  o'clock  u 
letter  to  hiin,  (received  at  day-light)  by  an  Indian  express,  urging  him  on. 
lie  landed  with  his  strong  company  on  the  25th  about  noon,  and  informed 
me  that  Legatees  company,  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  nearly  full,  must  be 
near  at  hand.  Of  this  Maj.  Dade  was  informed  by  a  gallant  volunteer, 
Jewell,  C  company,  2d  artillery,  who  had  left  the  detachment  with  the  news 
of  the  burning  ot  Dig  Hillsboro'  bridge,  near  which  Maj.  D.  had  halted  the 
second  day,  25th.  1  also  intbrmed  him  that  I  was  using  every  exertion  to 
push  on  about  thirteen  hundred  rations  on  puck-horses,  with  what  ammuni- 
tion could  be  spared.  A  duplicate  of  this  was  sent  the  next  day  by  a  young 
Indian,  who  became  lame  und  could  not  overtake  the  column,  and  returned 
with  his  letters.  Pr.  Jewell  joined  Maj.  Dade  about  11  o'clock  ou  the  night  of 
the  25th. 

"  In  the  chain  of  events,  it  is  proper  that  1  should  mention,  that  three 
Talhdiussee  Indians  came  in  on  the  evening  of  the  22d,  and  caused  great 
excitement  in  Itolase  Emathla^s  camp.  They  brought  a  talk  of  Inicanopas 
of  a  pacific  or  neutral  character,  or  they  atiected  it ;  but  I  believe  not  dis- 
tinctly, until  after  I  had  made  them  prisoners,  while  in  full  council  with 
Emathld's  warriors,  which  step  I  considered  imperative,  if  they  were  spies, 
luid  as  much  so  if  they  were  charged  with  any  propositions  likely  to  detach  the 
chiefs  from  the  treaty ;  or  indeed  by  an  act  of  self-devotion,  to  take  the  sculps 
of  Emathla,  Black  Dirt,  and  Big  }Farrior,  faithful  chiefs,  ^vho  have  been 
hunted  ir  this  way  since  the  scalping  of  Charles  EmatlUa.  In  a  council  with 
Ematlda  that  night,  Maj.  Dade  expressed  every  confidence  in  Indian  charac- 
ter ;  and  particularly  upon  the  salutary  influence  of  Abraham  upon  Micanopa. 
On  reflection  I  detained  two  of  the  imprisoned  Tallahassees,  as  hosUiges,  und 
sent  the  youngest  and  best  runner  with  letters  to  General  Clinch,  and  GeneraF 
Thompson,  via  Inicanopa,  as  I  could  do  no  better,  and  of  course,  through 
Abraham^  lands. 

"These  letters  of  course  involved  many  details;  but  numbers  and  other 
fucts,  to  guard  against  treachery,  were  stated  in  French.  The  runner  returned 
two  days  beyond  his  time,  with  a  message  from  Abraham  and  Broken  Sticks, 
stating  my  talk  was  good,  and  that  I  might  expect  him  on  the  30th.  This  we 
freely  rendered  that  he  would  be  at  the  attack  fixed  for  Christmas  week. 
A  negro,  his  intimate,  named  Harry,  controls  the  Pea  Creek  bund  of  ubont  a 
hundred  warriors,  forty  miles  south-east  of  us,  who  have  done  most  of  the 
mischief,  and  keep  this  post  constantly  observed,  and  communicute  with  the 
Micknsukians  at  Wythlacoochee  by  means  of  powerful  bands  of  Eulijllalis 
and  Alafiers,  under  Little  Cloud,  and  the  Alligator.  In  tracing  Maj.  Dade's 
movements,  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  made  on  the  2Gth  six 
miles,  27th  to  Big  Wythlacoochee ;  on  the  fiflh  dny,  28th,  to  the  buttle-grouud, 
sixty-five  miles. 

"Here  it  may  be  proper  to  state  that  Maj.  Mountford's  command  was  ready 
^o  move  on  the  26th,  but  the  transport,  in  which  was  a  coniituny  of  the  2d 
urtillery  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  imtbrtunately  entered  the  wrong  bay,  and 
got  mto  shoal  water,  and  was  not  seen,  or  certainly  heard  of,  till  the  morning 
of  the  28th  of  December,  when,  by  sending  a  party  with  a  flag  as  a  signal, 
Lieut.  Grayson  was  put  in  possession  of  instructions,  and  landed  his 
I'oinpany  at  a  point  four  miles  v/est  of  us,  on  the  east  side  of  Tampa  Buy 
(proper)  and  joined  at  sunset  that  evening ;  his  transport  did  not  get  round  to 

2i> 


418 


DEFEAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


[Book  IV. 


K'U 


land  liis  bnggngc  till  the  30th  ;  so  long  an  interval  as  to  put  all  hope  of  jiinc- 
tiori  out  of  tliu  (|UC!<tiun,  and  Maj.  MountforiVa  baggage  was  unladed. 

"Now  it  becomes  my  nieiancholy  duty  to  |)roceed  to  the  catastrophe  of  this 
fated  band,  an  elite  of  energy,  patriotism,  military  skill,  and  courage.  On  the 
2yth,  in  the  uftenioon,  a  man  of  my  company,  John  Thomas,  and  temporarily 
tmnslerred  to  C  company,  second  artillery,  came  in,  and  yesterday  Pr.  Ransom 
Clark,  of  same  company,  with  four  wounds  very  severe,  and  stated,  that  an 
action  took  place  on  the  28th,  commencing  about  10  o'clock,  in  which  every 
oflicor  fell,  and  nearly  every  man.  The  command  entrenched  every  night, 
and  about  four  miles  from  the  halt,  were  attacked,  and  received  at  least  fifleen 
rounds  before  an  Iiidian  was  seen.  Maj.  Dade  and  his  horse  were  both  killed 
on  the  first  onset,  and  the  inter|)reter,  ^  Louis.''  Lieut.  Mudge,  third  artillery, 
received  his  mortal  wound  the  first  fire,  and  afterwards  received  several  other 
wounds.  Lieut.  Basenetr,  third  artillery,  was  not  wounded  till  after  the 
second  attack ;  and,  at  tlie  latter  part  of  that,  he  was  wounded  several  limes 
before  he  was  tomahawked.  Capt.  Gardiner,  second  ortillery,  was  not 
wounded  until  the  second  attack,  and  at  the  last  part  of  it.  Mr.  Bascnger, 
after  Capt.  Gardiner  waa  killed,  remarked,  "lam  the  only  officer  left ;  and, 
boys,  we  will  do  the  best  we  can."  Lieut.  Keaus,  third  artillery,  had  both 
arms  broken  the  first  shot ;  was  unable  to  act,  and  was  tomahawked  the  latter 

|)art  of  the  second  attack,  by  a  negro.  Lieut  Henderson  had  his  left  arm 
)roken  the  first  fire,  and  after  that,  with  a  musket,  fired  at  least  thirty  or  forty 
shot.  Dr.  Gatlin  was  not  killed  until  after  the  second  attack,  nor  was  he 
wounded ;  he  placed  himself  behind  the  breastwork,  and  with  two  double- 
barrelled  guns,  said,  "he  had  four  barrels  for  them."  Capt.  Frazier  fell  early 
in  the  action  with  the  advanced  guard,  as  a  man  of  his  company,  B  third 
oi-tiilery,  who  came  in  this  morning,  wounded,  reports. 

"  On  the  attack  they  were  in  column  of  route,  and  after  receiving  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  unseen  enemy,  they  then  rose  up  in  such  a  swarm,  that  the 
ground,  covered,  as  was  thought,  by  light  infantiy  extension,  showed  the 
Lidians  between  the  files.  Muskets  were  clubbed,  knives  and  bayonets  used, 
and  parties  were  clenched;  in  the  second  attack,  our  own  men's  muskets 
from  the  dead  and  wounded,  were  used  against  them ;  a  cross-fire  cut  down 
a  succession  of  artillerists  at  the  fence,  from  which  forty-nine  rounds  were 
fired ;  the  gun-carriages  were  burnt,  and  the  guns  sunk  in  a  pond ;  a  war- 
dance  was  held  on  the  ground.  Many  negroes  were  in  the  field,  but  no  scalps 
were  taken  by  the  Indians ;  but  the  negroes,  with  hellish  cruelty,  pierced  the 
throats  of  all,  whose  loud  cries  and  groans  showed  the  power  of  life  to  be 
yet  strong,  The  survivors  were  preserved  by  imitating  death,  excepting 
Thomas,  who  was  partly  stifled,  and  bought  his  life  for  six  dollars,  and  in  his 
enen>y  recognized  an  mdian  whose  axe  he  had  helved  a  few  days  before  at 
this  post.  About  one  hundred  Indians  were  well  mounted,  naked,  and 
painted.  The  last  man  who  came  in  brought  a  note  from  Capt.  Drazier, 
addressed  to  Maj.  Mounlford,  which  was  fastened  in  a  cleft  stick,  and  stuck  in 
a  creek,  dated,  as  is  supposed,  on  27th,  stating  that  they  were  beset  every 
night,  and  pushing  on. 

F.  S.  Belton,  Capt.  2d  Artillery:' 

Such  was  the  fate  of  Major  Dade  and  his  gallant  companions.  Osceola  was 
present,  as  was  the  old  chief  Micanopy.  Of  the  latter,  it  is  said,  he  had,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  avowed  that  he  would  neither  leave  his  country, 
nor  woidd  he  fight ;  but  when  the  force  under  Major  Dade  approached  his 
town,  he  altered  his  resolution,  seized  his  rifle,  and  shot  that  officer. 

The  situation  of  affairs,  at  this  period  cannot  better  be  described  than  in  the 
language  of  a  gentleman  attached  to  Major  Mountford's  command,  stationed  at 
Fort  Brooke,  and  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  on  the  first  day  of  the  year  : — 
"  We  are,"  says  he,  "  really  in  the  theatre  of  war  of  the  most  horrible  kind. 
We  arrived  here  on  Christmas  day,  and  found  the  inhabitants  flying  in  from  all 
quarters  to  camp.  Major  Dade,  with  seven  officere  and  110  men,  started,  the 
day  before  we  arrived,  for  Fort  King.  We  were  all  prepared  to  overtake 
them  the  next  day,  and  were  upon  the  eve  of  departure,  when  an  intervention 
of  circumstances  deferred  it  for  one  day  ;  and,  in  \he  course  of  that  day,  three 


Chap.  IX.] 


VI.^IT  TO  D.\l)K'.S  nArrLR-GROUNI). 


410 


t»f»l(liorts  horrilily  nmnglcd,  cnuw  info  cnmp,  nnrl  hroii^lit  tlio  inolnnrlioly  tid- 
ings that  Major  l)ii  It  ami  ((very  oftictT  nnd  man,  except  tlu'iMsclvcs,  wcro 
iiitirdiri'd  and  terribly  mangled.  Wv  are  at  work,  nigiit  and  day,  entrciu-JiiMg 
oursrlvcH  in  every  |iosNil)li;  manner.  We  exiwict  every  moment  to  he  attacked, 
as  the  NivagcH  have  8\vorn  we  Khoiild  ail  Ik;  inas-sacred  hel'ore  the  (itii  ol"  Jan- 
uary. Wo  are  only  uhoiit  '200  stronjj,  with  otKcers  and  men,  and  ahoiit  r)0 
eitizens,  and  I'^O  friendly  Indians,  under  their  chief,  Black  Dirt,  The  saviigerf 
ure  wud  to  inimher  4000," 

Aller  the  arrival  of  General  Gaines  in  Florida,  he  ordered  a  d<nnchment, 
under  Captain  Hitchcock,  to  vi-^it  the  battle-ground  of  Major  Daile.  And  when 
he  had  performed  his  orders,  he  gave  the  following  report  of  that  distressing 
spectacle.  His  repor'  is  dated  "Fort  King,  Florida,  Feb.  22,  18.'{(),"  "'id  is 
addressed  to  General  Gaines,  as  follows: — "Agreeably  to  your  directions,  I 
observed  the  battle-ground,  six  or  seven  miles  north  of  the  Onithlecooche  river, 
when;  Major  Dade  and  hi.s  command  were  destroyed  by  the  Seminole  Indians, 
on  the  28  Dec.  last,  and  have  the  honor  to  subtnit  the  ibilowing  report : — 

"The  force  utider  your  command,  which  arrived  at  this  jKJSt  to-day  from 
Tam|)a  iJay,  encamped,  on  the  night  of  the  li)tli  in.st,  on  tlje  groimd  occnjjitMl 
by  Major  Dade  on  the  night  of  the  27tli  of  Decendier.  He  and  his  [)arty  were 
destroyed  on  the  morning  of  the  28tli  DecemlMT,  about  four  miles  in  advance 
of  that  position.  He  was  advancing  towards  this  |)ost,  and  was  attacked  from 
the  north,  so  that  on  the  20th  in.tant  wc;  came  on  the  rear  of  his  battle-ground, 
al)out  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Our  advanced  guard  had  passed  the 
groinid  without  halting,  when  the  General  and  his  staff  came  upon  one  of  the 
most  ap[)alling  scenes  that  can  be  imagined.  We  fiist  saw  some  broken  and 
scattered  boxes;  then  a  cart,  the  two  oxen  of  which  were  lying  dead,  as  if 
they  had  fallen  asleep,  their  yokes  still  on  them  ;  a  little  to  the  right,  one  or 
two  horses  were  seen.  We  then  came  to  a  small  enclosure,  made  by  felling 
trees  in  such  a  vianner  as  to  form  a  triangi.iar  breastwork  for  defence.  With- 
in the  triangle,  along  the  north  and  west  faces  of  it,  were  about  thirty  lindies, 
mostly  mere  skeletons,  although  much  of  the  clothing  was  left  upon  them. 
These  were  lying,  almost  every  one  of  them,  in  precisely  the  nositiou  they 
must  have  occupied  during  the  fight, — their  heads  next  to  the  logs  over  which 
they  had  delivered  their  fire,  and  their  bodies  stretched,  with  striking  regular- 
ity, parallel  to  each  other.  They  had  evidently  been  shot  dead  at  their  post.s, 
and  the  Indians  had  not  disturbed  them,  except  by  taking  the  scalps  of  most 
of  them.  Passing  this  little  breastwork,  we  found  otiier  bodies  along  the 
road,  and  by  the  side  of  the  ron'l,  generally  behind  trees,  which  had  been 
resorted  to  lor  covers  from  the  enemy's  fire.  Advancing  about  two  hundred 
yards  further,  we  found  a  cluster  of  bodies  in  the  middle  of  the  rocd.  These 
were  evidently  the  advanced  guard,  in  the  rear  of  wliicli  was  tiie  body  of 
Major  Dade,  and,  to  the  right,  that  of  Cap'.,  Eraser. 

"These  were  all  doubtless  shot  down  on  the  first  fire  of  the  Indians,  except, 
perhaps,  Capt,  Eraser,  who  must,  however,  have  fallen  vi^y  early  in  the  tiglit. 
Those  in  the  road,  and  by  the  trees,  fell  during  the  first  attack.  It  was  during 
a  cessation  of  the  fire,  that  the  little  band  still  '•emaining,  about  thirty  in  num- 
ber, threw  up  the  triangidar  breastwork,  which,  from  the  haste  with  w  hieh  it 
was  constructed,  was  necessarily  defective,  and  could  not  protect  the  men  in 
the  second  attack, 

"  We  had  with  us  many  of  the  personal  friends  of  the  ofliccrs  of  Major 
Dade's  command ;  and  it  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to  state,  that  every  ofticer  w.-is 
identified  by  undoubted  evidence.  They  were  buried,  and  the  cannon,  a  six- 
pounder,  that  the  Indians  had  thrown  into  a  swamp,  was  recovered,  and  placed 
vertically  at  the  head  of  the  grave,  where,  \*  is  to  be  hoped,  it  will  long  remain. 
The  bodies  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  were  buried  in  two 
graves  ;  and  it  was  found  that  (!very  man  was  accouiued  for.  The  command 
was  composed  of  eight  ofliccrs,  and  one  lunidred  and  two  non-commissioned 
of1icoi-s  and  privates.  The  bodies  of  eight  officers  and  ninety-eight  men  were 
interred, — four  men  having  escaped,  three  of  whom  reached  Tampa  Bay  ;  the 
fourth  was  killed  the  day  after  the  battle, 

"  It  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  the  attack  was  not  made  from  a  ham- 
mock, but  in  a  tliiniy-wooded  country  ;  ilie  Indians  being  concealed  by  |iaimettc 
and  gni-in,  wiiieh  has  since  been  burned. 


'  V  # 


r 

420 


PRINCIPAL  SEMINOLE  CHIEF'S. 


5.1 


1.1* 


[Book  IV 


"  Th'  two  companies  were  Capt.  Fraser's,  of  the  3<1  artillery,  and  Cnpt 
Gnrdiner's,  of  tlie  ^d  artillfry.  The  olHrere  were  Major  Dade,  of  the  4th 
inftiiitry,  Capts.  Frazcr  and  Gardiner,  second  Lientenanl  Basinger,  brevet  second 
Li(!iit.  if.  Henderson,  Mudge  [late  of  Boston]  and  Keais,  of  the  artillcrj-,  and 
l>r.  7.  S.  Gatlin:' 

I'loin  a  comparison  of  the  above  report  with  the  official  accoinit  before 
given,  of  Captain  Helton,  n(^arly  every  thing  conciuiiii!;  this  signally  great 
disaster  is  learned  ;  but  from  the  report  of  tiie  three  men  that  iiad  the  singidar 
fortune  to  escape,  many  incidents  have,  frotn  time  to  time,  been  gathered,  and 
communicated  through  tiie  newspapei-s.  In  fact,  until  the  late  visit  to  the 
battle-ground,  no  other  account,  but  such  as  could  be  gathered  from  the  three 
poor  half-murdered  sohliers,  could  be  obtained ;  and  yet  it  appears  that  they 
gave  tiie  facts  as  they  really  were.  They  all  came  in  separatel}',  sorely 
wounded, — one  of  them  with  no  less  than  eight  wounds.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  dead,  and  was  thrown  promiscuously  into  a  heap  of  the  slain,  about  w  ich  a 
dance  was  held  by  the  Indians,  before  leaving  the  ground.  Tliis  man  crawled 
away  in  the  following  night,  and  thus  ellected  his  escape. 


Htees^ 


CHAPTER  X. 


Of  the  principal  chiefs  and  war  leaders  of  the  Seminoles — Osceola — Micanop,-- 
Jl'mpkr — Massacre  of  General  Thompson  and  others  at  Fort  King — Battli  <  ? 
TiiF  OuiTHLF.coocnE — Fight  near  Wetumka — Great  distress  of  the  cmintry — .Iction 
of  Coigrcss  upon  it — Battle  at  Musqiiito^Manij  Creeks  join  the  Sentinoles — Fight 
on  the  Suanee  River. 


There  has  been  occasion  already  pretty  fuily  to  sketch  i.ie  character  of  the 
cliii'f  geucraily  called  Powell  by  the  whites,  but  whose  real  name  is  Osceola, 
or  Ostoln.  This  chief  has  shown  himself  to  be,  thus  far,  equal  to  the  desperate 
cause  in  which  he  is  engaged.  We,  at  a  distance  from  the  Indians,  marvel 
that  they  should  be  so  short-sighted  as  not  to  see  that  to  wage  a  war  is  only  to 
hasten  their  ruin ;  but,  when  wo  tlius  reflect,  we  do  not  consider  the  scanty 
information  which  the  Indians  have  of  the  real  strength  of  the  whites.  Our 
means  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  is  incalculably  greater  than  theirs 
iij  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  us.  They  cannot  read,  neither  can  they  converae 
(or  but  very  few  of  them)  with  intelligent  white  men  ;  therefore,  that  they 
know  mncli  less  of  us  than  wo  do  of  them,  nnist  be  vcit  apparent.  They 
know  nothing  of  geogra])hy.  If  an  Indian,  in  the  interior  of  Florida,  slioidd 
be  told  that  New  England  was  a  great  place,  without  considerable  troid)lc  he 
could  not  bo  made  to  miderstand  whether  it  were  a  great  town,  as  large  as  a 
village  of  50  wigwams  in  his  own  country,  or  as  large  as  the  whole  of  Florida. 
We  leani  eveiy  thing  of  this  nature  by  comparison  ;  and  how  shall  the  Indian 
com))ieliend  our  terms,  but  by  comparing  ihem  with  his  own .''  Hence  it  is 
owing,  mainly,  to  the  unavoidable  ignorance  of  the  Indians  of  our  actual  con- 
ditio! ,  tluit  induces  them  to  hazard  a  war  with  us.  I  know,  from  the  best 
luitliority,  that  the  western  Indians,  previous  to  Black  Hatches  war,  were  gen- 
erally of  the  opinion  that  they  were  far  more  numerous  than  the  whit(\s  ;  and 
when  a  trader  told  them  they  eertaitdy  were  not,  they  laughed  at  him  with 
scornful  gestures.  We  have  no  reason  to  believe  the  Florida  Indians  any 
better  inibrmed  ;  and,  besides,  they  are  cheated  and  baffled  so  oflen  by  knaves 
who  go  akuoiig  them  *'".  iluit  pur|)ose,  that  they  imagine  all  the  whites  to  be 
of  the  same  character,  and  they  cannot  tell  whether  a  talk  really  comes  from 
thi'ir  great  fiuher,  the  president,  or  whether  some  impostor  be  cheating  them 
with  one  of  his  own,  to  get  their  lands  for  his  particular  benefit. 

With  this  view  of  tlie  case  l)efbre  us,  it  will  lun  ap])ear  altogether  rinac- 
?ountablc  that  a  daring  chief,  like  Osceola,  should  engage  in  a  war.  He  is  said 
not  to  be  a  chicjf  by  birth,  but  has  raised  himself  by  his  courage  and  jiecnliar 
abilities  to  that  station.    His  father  is  said  to  Imve  been  uu  Englishman,  anJ 


Chap.  X.]        MASSACRE  OF  GENERAL  THOMPSON  AND  OTHERS.       4"21 

hip  mother  i\  Creek  woman.  lie  belongs  to  the  Red  Stick  tribe.  In  person 
be  is  slender,  but  well  formed,  muscular,  and  capable  of  enduring  great 
fatigue;  is  an  excellent  tactician,  and  an  admirer  of  order  and  discipline.  He 
would  frequently  practise  military  manoeuvres  with  the  whites,  and  none  of 
tlieni,  it  was  observed,  could  excel  him.  His  com}ilexion  is  rather  '.iglit,  deep 
restless  eyes,  char  and  shrill  voice,  and  not  more  than  about  35  years  of  age. 
He  is  said  to  have  conducted  in  person  every  impciUMit  action  from  tiie  time 
of  WairtrCs  defeat  to  the  battle  of  the  Ouithlecooirhee.  General  Thompson 
imprisoned  him,  as  we  have  before  related,  because  he  would  not  acknowl- 
edge his  authority,  and  for  asserting  that  the  countiy  was  the  Indians',  "that 
they  wanted  no  agent,  and  that  he  had  better  take  cue  of  himself." 

Of  old  Micanopy  as  well  us  Osceola  I  have  alreacy  had  occasion  to  sjieak. 
He  was  said  to  have  joined  the  latter  with  500  men  :  he  is  a  short,  lliick-si;t, 
"ugly-looking  Indian,  and  much  given  to  intoxication."  Jumper  is  jliicano- 
pv'.*  (rliief  counsellor,  and  a  warrior  of  great  perseverance,  activity,  and 
courage.  Wo  shall  now  take  U|)  the  narrative  of  events  in  the  order  of  their 
occurrence,  and  the  next  of  importance  was  the  massacre  near  Camp  King, 
wliich  happened  on  the  samy  day,  but  at  a  later  hour  than  the  destruction  of 
the  detaclnuent  under  Major  Dade. 

Osceola,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  roughly  treated  at  this  place,  not 
many  months  before,  and  had  been  by  coercion  obliged  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  ]Mr.  Agent  Thompson,  about  a  removal,  &c.  He  was  known 
alterwards  to  declare  that  Thompson  siionld  pay  with  his  life  for  his  conduct. 
Accordingly,  with  a  small  bantl  of  warriors,  at  noon  day,  on  the  28  of  Decem- 
ber, he  approached  Camp  l\.in<r  tor  this  avowed  piu'pose.  Thompson  rcsid.d 
here,  and  was  in  the  eni|)loy  of  the  United  States'  government,  as  agent  for 
the  removal  of  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  other  affairs  concerning  them.  He 
was  a  man  of  considerable  conseciuence,  and  had  formerly,  it  is  believed, 
been  a  member  of  congress.  Whether  it  was  his  usual  custom  to  dine  out 
of  the  Ibrt,  we  are  not  inlbnned,  but  on  this  fatal  day,  it  seems,  he,  with  nine 
other  gentlemen,  met  at  the  store  house  of  Mr.  Rogers,  wliich  was  but  VJ50 
yards  from  the  i'ort,  and  while  seated  iit  dinner  there,  they  were  attacked  by 
Osceola;  and  what  was  remarked,  at  the  time,  as  very  singular,  was,  that 
those  j)eople  should  I)e  beset  and  slain,  and  all  scali)ed,  within  reach  of  two 
six-pound  cannon  then  mounted  upon  the  fort,  which  was  garrisoned  with  50 
men  ;  but  such  are  the  liicts  upon  record. 

Mr.  Rogers  was  silting  at  the  head  of  his  table,  and  (he  first  intimation  of 
the  presence  of  Indians  was  a  volley  of,  as  was  judged,  100  guns.  The  door 
of  the  hous(i  beii'^  ojien,  nothing  prevented  the  deadly  aim  of  the  Ibe,  who, 
after  the  first  discharjie,  rushed  upon  the  house  with  savage  tiny.  Those 
who  were  not  killed  jiimprd  out  of  liie  windows,  on  each  side,  and  lied;  five, 
who  ran  to  the  ibrt,  es(!aped ;  the  others,  in  running  lor  a  haimnock  near  by, 
were  shot  down.  The  negro  woman,  a  coolc,  ran  behind  the  coiniter  and  hid 
behind  a  barrel.  Ositola,  i.t  the  head  of  his  warriors,  rushed  into  the  house, 
but  did  not  discover  her,  and  immediately  left  it.  The  names  ol'the  five  that 
were  killed,  were,  (itjiieial  Thompson,  Lieutenant  Vonslnntinc  Smith,  Erastus 
Rogers,  sutler,  a  Mr.  Suggs  and  Hilzler.  F'it\ei]n  bullets  were  fbiuul  to  have 
been  shot  through  GentM-al  Thompson,  and  Ki  through  iMr.  Rogers.  Their 
heads  were  scaljied  ail  over,  as  liir  as  the  hair  exteiuled. 

IJloody  events  now  l<)llowed  eacii  other  in  tpiick  succession.  A\'e  have 
seen  that  upon  the  same  day  ha|vpened  the  two  niassat;res  last  I'ehited,  .'uid 
scarcely  iiad  the  news  of  them  ceased  vibrating  on  the  ear,  when  the  battle  of 
the  Ouithlccooclnje  was  amiouni'i  d.  Tiie  movements  of  d'eneral  Clinch,  in  the 
very  end  of  the  year  18.T),  brousrht  about  this  event,  which  will  presmtly  be 
detailed  in  his  own  words.  He  was  lying  in  garrison  at  Vuvt  Drane,  a 
stockade  about  ',]0  miles  from  Camp  King.  He  had  here  a  ])lanta!ion,  upon 
which  was  a  hirg<>  crop  of  corn  ;  this  he  lib(!rally  dealt  out  to  the  soldiers  ; 
other  supitlies  having  failed.  On  the  arrival  of  (.'eneral  Call,  an  e.xpediiion 
wa.s  innnediately  set  on  loot  for  the  liead-cpiarters  of  the  lii<liuns. 

As  the  narrative;  of  every  transaction  is  ol"  inci'eased  imi)ortaiife  anil  value, 
iii  proportion  to  the  means  of  knowledge  and  veracity  of  the  narrator,  we  are 
always  led  to  u  tlesire  to  hear  the  history  ot'  such  transactions  Irom  tin;  very 

;)0 


:fj 


422 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITHLECOOCHE. 


[Book  IV. 


vi 


actors  ill  tliein;  because,  from  such  sources,  we  seldom  fail  ofamving  at  the 
truth.  A  commander  or  leader  in  a  battle  or  expedition,  if  lie  would  wish  to 
misi-epresent  a  transaction,  would,  in  scarce  one  time  in  a  thousand,  dare  to 
do  so ;  because  all  his  followers,  or  at  least  all  those  wronged  by  a  lalse 
statement,  would  rise  in  evidence  against  him.  I  need  not,  however,  have 
prefaced  General  Clinch's  official  account  of  the  Battle  of  Ouithlecoochee 
with  these  observations,  for,  from  the  very  face  of  it,  his  dim  at  the  strictest 
veracity  is  apparent.  But  it  is  proper  that  we  know  how  to  value  the  real 
sources  of  history ;  it  was  to  this  end  that  the  above  observations  were  made. 
J  will  now  proceed  with  General  Clinches  account  ol'liis  battle  with  Osceola. 

"  Head  'Quarters,  Territory  of  Florida,  Fort  Drane,  Jan.  4,  1836. 
"Sir — On  the  24  ultimo,  brigadier  Gen.  Call,  conunanding  the  volunteers 
called  into  service  by  his  excellency,  G.  R.  Walker,  acting  givernor  of  Flori- 
da, formed  a  junction  with  the  regular  troops  at  this  post,  and  informed  me 
that  his  command  had  been  raised  to  meet  the  crisis  ;  that  most  of  their  terms 
of  service  would  expire  in  a  few  days,  which  made  it  necessary  to  act 
promptly.  Two  large  detachments  were  sent  out  on  the  15th  [Dec]  to 
scour  the  country  on  our  right  and  left  flank.  Lieut.  Col.  Fannmg,  with 
three  companies  from  Fort  King,  arrived  on  the  27th  ;  and,  on  the  2L)th,  the 
detachment  having  returned,  the  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers,  composed 
of  the  1st  and  2d  regiments,  commanded  by  Brig.  Gen.  Call,  and  a  battalion 
of  regular  troo|)s  commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  took  up  the  line  of 
march  for  a  point  on  the  Ouithlccooche  river,  which  was  represented  by  our 
guides  as  being  a  good  ford.  About  4  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  [of 
Dec]  after  leaving  all  our  baggage,  provisions,  &c,  protected  by  a  guard 
commanded  by  Lieut.  Dancy,  we  pushed  on  with  a  view  of  carrying  the  ford, 
and  ol'surjirising  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  supposed  to  he  concentrated 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river;  but  on  reaching  it,  about  day-light,  we  found, 
instead  of  a  good  ford,  a  deep  and  rapid  stream,  and  no  means  of  crossing, 
cxc(!pt  in  an  old  and  damaged  canoe.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  however,  soon 
succeeded  in  crossing;  the  regular  troops  took  a  position  in  advance,  whilst 
Brig.  Gen.  Call  was  actively  engaged  in  crossing  his  brigade,  and  in  having 
their  horses  swam  over  the  river.  But  belbre  one  half  had  crossed,  the  bat- 
talion of  regulars,  consisting  of  about  200  men,  were  attacked  by  the  enemy, 
who  were  strongly  posted  in  the  swamp  and  scrub,  which  extended  from  the 
river.  This  little  band,  however,  aided  by  Col.  Warren,  3Iaj.  Cooper,  and 
Lieut.  Yeoman,  with  27  volunteers,  met  the  attack  of  a  savage  enemy,  nearly 
ihree  times  their  number,  headed  by  the  chief  Oseola,  with  Spartan  valor. 
The  action  lasted  nearly  an  hour,  during  which  time  the  troops  made  three 
brilliant  charges  into  the  swamp  and  scrub,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  every 
direction.  And  after  the  third  charge,  although  nearly  one  third  of  their 
number  had  been  cut  down,  they  were  ibund  sufliciently  firm  and  sfenrly  to 
fortify  the  formation  of  a  new  line  of  battle,  which  gav<i  entire  '^irotectiou  te 
the  flanks,  as  well  as  the  position  selected  for  recrossing  the  troops.  Brig. 
Gen.  Call,  after  using  every  effort  to  induce  tlie  volimteers  remaining  on  the 
cast  bank,  when  the  action  commenced,  to  cross  the  river,  and  in  arranging 
the  troops  still  remaining  on  that  hank,  crossed  ovci  a::;',  endered  important 
service  by  his  coolness  and  judgment  in  arranging  part  of  his  corps  on  the 
right  of  the  regulars,  which  gave  much  strength  and  security  to  that  flank. 
Col.  Fanning  displayed  the  greaU'st  firnuiess  throughciit  the  action,  and 
added  much  to  the  high  re|)ufatiou  long  since  establislu  d.  Captains  Drane 
and  Mellon  exhibited  -eat  biavery  and  judgment,  and  likewise  aililid  to  the 
character  they  ae(|uire(l  in  ilu;  kite  war.  Nor  was  Caj)t.  Gates  wanting  in 
firuuu'ss.  Capt.  //>«.  .}f.  Gritham,  4th  nifsuitiy,  was  l''ailcssly  brave,  and 
althouiih  very  severely  wounded  eiu'ly  in  the  cngMgemeiit,  continued  to  head 
Ills  company  in  the  most  gallant  ninnner,  milil  lit^  ri-cived  another  severe 
wound,  when  ho  was  taken  from  the  tield.  Ills  lirotlier,  Lieut.  Cainj)bell  Gra- 
futin,  conunanding  tlu?  adjacent  ennipany,  \\aM  like\'ise  smeri  ly  \\(>uiided 
etuiy  in  the  fight,  but  continui'd  wiili  liis  men  until  another  wound  foi'ced 
him,  from  loss  of  blood,  to  retire  fioni  ilie  field.  1  lent.  .MiiUhi'rl,  wlio  com- 
niaiuled  a  company,  contrihuted  much,  hy  his  galla'.itry,  to  encourage  his  men. 


!   Wi 


Chap.  X] 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITIIIECOOCIIE. 


423 


Lii'uta.  Talcot,  Capron,  John  Graham,  Riilgelij,  (who  was  wonnded  early  in  the 
iictioi),)  and  Brooks,  all  displayed  good  courage  and  coolness  tlirouglioiit  the 
action.  When  almost  every  non-commissioned  oificer  and  private  exhibited 
sncli  firmness,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  discriminate  between  them ;  but 
the  commanding-general  cannot  withhold  his  high  approbation  of  judgment 
and  courage  displayed  by  sergeant  Johnson  of  H  company,  third  artillery,  on 
whom  the  command  of  the  company  devolved,  after  Lieut.  Graham  was 
removed  from  the  field ;  and  who,  although  severely  wounded,  continued  at 
the  head  of  the  company  till  the  action  was  over.  Also  of  ««'rjreants  Kt  lot 
and  Lofton,  and  corporal  Paget,  4th  infantrj'.  Sergeants  tScaJjicld  and  Potter 
D  company,  2d  artillery ;  sergeant  Smith,  C  company,  first  artillery,  and  cor 
poval  Chapin,  C  company,  3d  artillery.  Colonel  John  Warner,  commaiuhini 
1st  regiment  volunteers,  Maj.  Cooper,  and  Lieut.  Yeoman  of  sanie  corps,  whc 
had  formed  on  the  left  flank,  were  all  severely  wounded,  while  leading  tlieii 
littli'  hand  o  the  charge,  and  all  behaved  with  great  bravery,  as  well  as 
adjutant  Phillips.  Lieut.  Col.  Mills  disj)layed  great  coolness  and  judgment 
(luring  the  action,  and  in  recrossing  the  river  with  his  command.  Lieuts. 
Stewart  j"id  Hunter  of  the  2d  regiment,  with  a  few  men  of  that  regiment,  were 
judiciously  posted  on  the  right,  and,  from  their  reputation  for  firiimess,  would 
have  given  a  good  account  of  the  enemy,  had  he  made  his  appearance  in  that 
quarter.  Col.  Parkill,  of  the  F.  volunteers,  who  performed  the  duties  of 
adjutant-general,  displayed  much  military  skill  and  the  utmost  coolness  and 
courage  throughout  the  whole  action  ;  and  his  services  were  of  the  first 
im|)ortance.  Col.  Rcid,  inspector-general,  displayed  much  firnniess,  but  he 
had  his  horse  shot,  and  received  a  slight  wound  early  in  the  engagement,  and 
was  sent  with  orders  to  the  volunteers.  My  volunteer  aid,  RIaj.  Ljitlt;  and 
Maj.  Wclford,  aid  to  Brig.  Gen.  Call,  were  near  me  throughout  the  aciion,  and 
displayed  the  most  intrepid  courage  and  coolness.  Col.  J.  H.  Mcintosh,  one 
of  my  aids,  and  Maj.  Gamble,  aid  to  Gen.  Call,  both  displayed  much  finnness 
and  courage,  and  were  actively  employed  on  the  left  flank.  I  also  feel  it  due 
to  Lieut.  Col.  Bailey,  Capt.  Scott,  and  Lieut.  Cuthbert,  to  say,  that,  although 
the  action  was  nearly  over  before  they  could  cross  the  river  with  a  lew  of  the 
2d  regiment,  they  took  a  judicious  position,  and  showed  much  firmness. 
Capt.  IVyatt,  of  the  same  corps,  was  entirely  employed  in  erecting  a  tempora- 
ry bridge,  and  manifested  much  firmness.  Much  credit  is  also  due  to  the 
medical  department,  composed  of  Doctors  ff'ightman,  Hamilton,  Handolpli,  and 
Bradon,  for  their  activity  and  attention  to  the  wounded. 

"The  time  of  service  of  the  volunteers  having  ex|)ired,  and  most  of  them 
having  expressed  an  unwillingness  to  remain  longer  in  the  service,  it  was 
considered  best,  after  removing  the  dead  and  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  to 
return  to  this  post,  which  we  reached  on  the  2d  instant,  without  the  least 
interruption,  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  volunteers  from  Middle  Florida 
took  up  the  line  of  March  for  Tallahassee ;  and  this  morning  tlios(r  from  East 
Florida  proceeded  to  their  respective  homes,  leaving  me  a  very  few  men  to 
guard  this  extensive  frontier.  I  am  now  fully  convinced  that  there  has  been 
a  great  defection  among  the  Florida  Indians,  and  that  a  great  many  Creeks 
have  united  with  them ,  consequently  it  will  require  a  strong  force  to  j)ut 
them  down. 

"J  also  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wonnded  of 
the  res|)ective  regiments  and  corps.  I  am,  sir,  with  high  respect,  your  most 
obedient, 

D.  L.  CMxcit, 
Brevet  B.  General  U.  S.  Arnvj,  Commanding, 

"R.  Jones,  Adjutant- General  U.  S.  .Irmy." 

"Return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  at  the  battle  of  the  Ouithlecooche  on 
the  Hist  day  of  December,  18.'}5. — C  company,  1st  artillery,  Cnpt.  Gates  com- 
miinding — one  artificer  killed;  1  corporal  and  .'5  privates  wounded,  I)  com- 
j)any,  2(1  artillery,  Capt.  G,  Drane  commanding — 1  privnti' kill(!d ;  ]  second 
Lieut.,  1  corporal,  anil  12  privates  wounded.  F  com|)auy,  2d  artillery,  ht. 
Ca|)t.  Mellon  coimnanding — 1  artificer  killed.  C  com|Kuiy,  'M  artillery,  1st 
Lieut.  Maitland  commanding — 1  artificer  killed,  imd  7  privates  wounded.     H 


W  ! 


424 


FIGHT  NEAR  WETUMKA. 


[Book  IV, 


company,  3d  artillery,  1st  Lieut  C.  Graham  commanding — 1  private  killed 
I  first  Lieut.,  1  sergeant,  2  corporals,  and  12  privates  wounded. 

"Total— -4  killed,  and  52  wounded."  How  many  of  the  wounded  died 
after  the  return  was  made  out,  I  cannot  ascertain ;  but  uo  doubt  many  did,  as 
is  always  tiie  case.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  is,  as  usual  on  such  occasions, 
variously  estimated.  Some  friendly  Indians  who  came  into  Tallahassee,  said 
that  Osceola  lost  104  men,  and  was  himself  twice  wounded  during  the  battle. 

There  were  with  General  Clinch,  as  guides  in  his  expedition,  three  or  four 
[udians  of  tlie  white  party,  relatives  of  the  chief,  Charles  Omathla,  who  doubt- 
less rendered  eminent  service. 

Osceola  was  observed  foremost  of  all  his  iiKm  in  this  battle,  and  was  well 
known  to  General  Clinch  and  many  of  his  men.  He  wore  a  red  belt,  and 
three  long  feathers.  Having  taken  his  stand  behind  a  tree,  he  would  step 
boldly  out,  level  his  rifle,  and  bring  <lown  a  man  at  every  fire;  nor  was  ho 
dislodged  until  several  volleys  from  whole  platoons  had  been  fired  upon  hint. 
The  tree  behind  which  he  stood  was  literally  cut  to  pieces.  It  is  almost  a 
wonder  that  he  had  not  now  fulfilled  the  measure  of  his  threat  made  on  a 
former  occasion,  which  was  to  kill  General  Clinch.  He  jjrobably  tried  his 
best  to  do  it,  for  the  general  received  several  sliots  through  his  clothes. 
General  Thompson,  Charles  Omathla,  and  General  Clinch  were  the  three  per- 
sons ho  had  declared  vengeance  against. 

An  officer  in  General  Clinch's  army  wrote  the  next  day  after  the  battle,  to 
a  friend  in  Washington,  "  You  will  see  from  Gen.  CWich^s  ofiicial  letter, 
gi>iMg  an  account  of  the  battle,  that  he  says  nothing  of  himself.  I  was  in  tins 
battle,  and  allow  me  to  say  to  you  resp(;cting  him,  what  I  s^aw  and  know  to  he 
true.  Throughout  the  engagf^ment  he  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  His 
horse  was  shot  under  him  in  two  places,  neck  and  hip.  A  ball  jtassed  through 
his  cap,  entering  the  front,  and  i)assing  out  at  the  back  i)art  of  the  toj).  An- 
other ball  passed  through  the  sleeve  of  the  bridle-arm  of  his  coat.  This  was 
my  first  b«':',e,  and  I  may  not  be  the  best  judge,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  any 
man  ever  displayed  more  intrepid  courage  than  Gen.  Clinch  ilid  on  this 
occasion.  At  one  moment  a  little  confusion  occurred  among  the  troops,  in 
consequence  of  some  soldiers  giving  the  word  "Retire!"  The  general 
immediately  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  men,  and  his  horse  staggering 
under  him,  he  dismounted,  advanced  to  the  front,  and,  amidt.  a  shower  of 
bullets  from  the  Indians,  said,  that  before  he  would  show  his  back  to  the 
enemy,  ho  would  die  upon  the  field.  The  high  and  chivalric  bearing  of  the 
general  kindled  among  the  men  an  enthusiasm,  which,  I  believe,  was  never 
surpassed.  A  gallant  charge  fi)llowed,  which  routed  and  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  field,  and  they  did  not  again  show  themselves.  We  kept  the  fieUl 
about  three  hours,  and  then  rccrossed  the  river  in  good  order,  and  without 
disturbance." 

The  next  events  which  occurred  were  not  of  so  much  moment  as  those 
immediately  preceding  them  ;  but  it  is  our  duty  to  notice  all,  which  we  will 
do  in  the  onhn*  of  time. 

On  the  12  .January,  "Col.  Parish,  at  the  head  of  200  mounted  volimteers, 
co.nposed  of  the  companies  of  Ca[)t.  ./?Wo»j,  Bellami/,  and  Caswell,  had  a  sharp 
encounter  with  a  large  body  of  Indians  near  Wetumka,  in  Middle  Florida. 
The  attack  commenced  with  the  advanced  guard  under  Capt.  Jielinmv,  who 
had  l)een  allowei!  by  the  enemy  to  pass  their  main  body.  Col.  Parish  imme- 
diately hastened  forward  to  his  support,  when  siuldenly  he  was  attacked  on 
both  flanks  by  the  enemy  in  ambush.  The  volunteers  made  an  unsuccessfiil 
attempt  to  charge  on  lioi-sebaek ;  they  were  then  dismounted  and  fitimi'd  in 
admiraiile  order.  They  then  chai-'cd  the  enemy  in  a  manner  worthy  of 
veterans.  In  the  mean  time,  Cajjt.  lieVamj,  having  routed  tlu;  attacking  party 
opposed  to  him,  fell  back  on  the  main  Iiody.  The  enemy  were  soon  forced 
to  tak(;  slujlter  in  a  ihicket.  YKy  this  time,  night  coming  on,  it  was  not  thought 
prudent  to  fidlow  them,  when;  the  localities  of  the  place  and  the  tiarkness 
would  have  given  them  great  advantages.  Oiu'  men  rested  on  tlunr  arms  in 
tin- open  ])iM^  woods,  prepared  to  renew  thi'  action  at  day-light ;  hut  during 
the  ni^'lit  tile  savages  ell'ecti^d  their  rein-at.  Their  less  must  liiive  iicen  con- 
siilerable,  as  six  dead  \)odies  were  counted  in  one  pint  of  the  field  of  battle. 


Chap  X.] 


CONGRESS.— BATTLE  OF  DUNLAWTON. 


425 


Two  dii}-s  after,  Col.  Parish  marched  for  Fort  King,  and  arrived  there  in 
sul'ety.  He  tluui  proceeded  to  PowelVs  \^Osceola^s^  town,  and  destroyed  it. 
The  vohniteors  tlien  returned  to  Fort  Drane." 

The  host  opinion  can  he  formed  of  the  distress  of  the  people  of  Florida  at 
this  period,  from  the  sufferers  theuiselves,  or  those  momentarily  expecting  to 
become  such.  On  the  IG  January,  a  newspaper  published  at  Tallahassee 
contained  as  follows: — "Since  the  engagement  on  the  Wythlacoochee,  no 
intelligence  has  been  had  of  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  The  situation  of 
the  inhabitants  east  of  the  St.  John's  and  south  of  3t.  Augustine,  is  truly 
deplorable.  New  Smyrna  has  been  burnt,  and  all  the  fine  plantations  in  that 
neighborhood  are  broken  up.  Many  of  the  negroes  have  been  carried  off,  or 
have  joined  the  savages.  The  Indians  are  dispersed  in  small  parties,  aud 
wlien  pursued  they  take  refuge  in  the  thickets,  which  abound  every  where, 
and  fight  with  desjieration,  until  they  are  dead,  no  matter  by  what  numbers 
they  are  assailed.  It  is  literally  a  war  of  extermination,  and  no  hope  is 
entertained  of  putting  an  end  to  it,  but  by  the  most  vigorous  measures.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  number  of  the  enemy  is  daily  increasing  by  desperadoes 
fi'oin  other  tribes,  and  absconding  slaves.  The  Mickasooky  tribe  is  considered 
the  loatling  [one]  of  the  Seminolcs.  "">ey  have  always  been  noted  as  the 
most  ruthless  and  determined  of  the  savage  race." 

IJiit  it  must  not  he  Bup|)osed,  that  the  measure  of  the  Bufferings  of  the 
Floiidians  was  yet  full,  at  this  date  of  our  history,  nor  even  at  the  very  writing 
hereof,  (20  July,)  although  the  whole  coast  from  St.  Augustine  to  Ca[)e  Florida 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  has  remained  so  ever  since  the  11  Febru- 
ary. Nevertheless,  nothing  seems  yet  to  have  oc<;urred  sufliciently  alarming 
to  awakcai  the  sympathies  of  the  heads  of  the  nation.  But  on  the  30  January, 
Mr.  jniile,  in  the  house  of  representatives,  asked  leave  to  introduce  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: — 

"Ilesolvea  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  pn  .-i  lent  of  the  U.  States  he 
authorized  to  cause  lations  to  be  d(.>livered  from  the  public  stores  to  the 
untbrtuiiate  sufferers  who  have  been  driven  from  their  homes  by  Indian 
dej)redations,  until  they  can  be  re-established  in  their  possessions,  and  enabled 
to  procure  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of  themselves  and  flunilies." 

Tins  resolution,  after  some  debate,  was  passed,  and  became  a  law.  The 
notice  of  this  act  of  congress  is  in  anticipation  of  the  order  of  events  ;  but  one 
thing  is  certain,  that  if  I  have  noticed  congress  a  litUe  prematurely,  they  have 
not  conunitted  the  like yau/<  in  noticing  the  affairs  of  Florida. 

Upon  the  17  Jarmary,  as  George  IV.  Rockleff  and  Jem/  Bowers,  pilots  in  the 
sloop  Pilot,  of  Mosquito,  were  proceeding  up  Halifax  River,  and  when  nearly 
opi)osito  Mi-s.  ArulersoiCs  plantation,  they  were  tired  upon  by  Indians,  about 
100  in  number,  as  they  judged,  who  continu'cd  their  fire  about  a  quarter  of  an 
hour.  They  ov(!rshot  the  men,  but  the  sail  and  rigging  of  their  vessel  was 
much  injured  ;  30  bullets  having  passed  through  the  mainsail. 

The  next  day,  18  January,  Major  Putman,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
independent  company,  styled  the  St.  Augustine  Guards,  stationed  at  Mos- 
(piito,  proceeded  to  Mrs.  ^inderson^s  plantation,  at  a  jilace  called  Dun  Lawton, 
about  50  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine,  on  the  Haliflix  Uivir,  upon  <liscovery. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  whole  of  the  Moscpiito  country  was  destroyed 
on  the  2(\  and  27  of  December,  as  we  have  before  related,  and  the  buildings 
of  Mrs.  .Anderson  were  at  that  time  burned.  While  there,  this  company,  com- 
jtosed  of  the  generous  and  spirited  young  men  of  St.  Augustine,  joined  by  a 
few  fVom  Mosquito,  making  about  40  men,  was  attacked  by  I.IO  Indians,  as 
was  supposed  Mr.  Geo.  Anderson  and  Mr.  Douglas  Dummit,  standing  on 
guard,  saw  two  Ind'  .is  approaching,  upon  whom  they  lirecl,  killing  one  and 
wounding  the  other.  Dummit  ran  to  the  fallen  Indian,  and  as  he  w.is  stoojiing 
over  him,  received  a  wound  in  the  bark  of  the  neck.  At  llii^  same  moment 
the  whole  body  of  the  Indians  rushed  out  of  a  Hcruh,  distant  a  littlis  more 
tliiiii  inuski!t  shot,  and  connnenced  a  fin-ions  attack  upon  MMJor  Pulm(tu''s  men, 
who,  from  behind  the  fragments  and  luokcn  walls  of  tin-  hin-iit  lHiildin<rs 
gave  the  Indians  a  warm  reception  ;  and  altlioiigli  but  10  in  niimlKT,  tuning 
coverts  from  which  to  fight,  and  the  Indians  bring  in  open  space,  tliev  ke[it 


426 


CONfiKESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


[Rook  IV 


t  ii    ' 


them  at  luiy  for  about  an  lioiir  During  tliia  time  but  one  hod  been  wounded. 
The  Iiuliuiis  now  cliarged  tiiom  vvitii  such  determined  fury  upon  tiieir  flnnivs, 
tliut  tlioy  were  obliged  to  fly  to  their  bouts,  wiiich  were  at  considerable 
distance  from  tlie  siiorc,  and  were  closely  ])ursued  by  the  Indians.  In  their 
hurry,  the  whites  rendered  all  their  guns,  but  one,  usel^^,  by  wetting  them, 
with  tills  one,  however,  tiiey  fired  as  ollen  as  possible,  and  pushed  off  with 
energy ;  but  the  water  being  shallow  for  a  great  distance,  they  were  in  the 
most  immhient  danger  of  being  boarded  by  the  numerous  Indians ;  in  such 
event,  every  man  must  have  jierished.  However,  they  escaped  with  1!)  hailly 
wounded,  and  several  of  these  mortally.  One  boat  fell  into  the  hands  oi"  tin- 
Indians,  in  which  were  eight  or  ten  men,  wlio  all  jumped  overboard  and 
escaped,  except  one,  n  Mr.  Edward  Gould,  who  swam  to  Pelican  Island,  and 
was  there  lefl;  nor  was  it  in  the  power  of  the  others  to  relieve  hiin,  they 
being  pursued  by  the  Indians  in  the  boat  which  they  had  just  taken.  He  was 
not  heard  of  ulterwards,  and  Wiis  supposed  to  have  been  drowned  next  day 
in  endeavoring  to  swim  from  the  island.  A  Air.  Marks  swam  to  the  opposite 
beach,  and  escaped  to  Ihdowville ;  the  othere  were  taken  into  the  boats  again. 

Great  fears  having,  all  along,  been  entertained  that  the  Seminoles  would 
be  aided  by  tlie  Creeks,  it  is  now  confidently  aflirmcd  that  at  least  1000  of 
them  have  gone  down  into  Florida  for  that  end. 

About  the  20  January,  Captain  Hooder,  on  the  lower  Suanee  River,  finding 
the  opposite  side  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  crossed  over  with  nine  men  to 
attack  them.  As  they  landed,  two  of  his  men  were  shot  down ;  one  with 
nine  balls,  the  other  with  five.  With  his  remaining  men  he  charged  the 
Indianc  with  great  boldness.  In  the  mean  time  his  boat  got  adrill,  and  no 
other  alternative  was  lefl  but  victory  or  death.  After  a  close  and  deadly  coiu 
lest  of  some  minutes,  the  Lidians  were  routed  with  severe  loss. 


»#»##>« 


l# 


CHAPTER  XI. 

CowGRESS  makes  an  appropriation  for  carrying  on  the  tear — Remarlis  in  the  Scnat9 
of  the  United  States  on  the  war  loith  the  Seminoles — Debate  in  the  hmsc  of  repre- 
sentatives on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  Florida — Mack,  on  some 
Creeks  at  Bryant's  Ferry — General  Gal''cs's  campaign  in  Florida — Fights  the 
Indians  on  the  Ouithlacoochee — His  conference  with  Osckola — Resigns  his  com- 
mand,  and  haves  the  country — Captain  Allison's  skirmish — The  chief  Ouchee 
Billy  killed — Siege  of  Camp  McLemore — Great  sufferings  of  its  garrison — Deliv- 
ered by  Captain  Read — The  chief  Mad  Wolf  slain. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  preceding  chapter,  notice  was  taken  of  the  delay 
in  congress,  and  by  the  executive  of  the  nation,  to  agitate  the  subject  of  this 
war.  At  length  Mr.  Webster  of  the  senate,  from  the  committee  on  finance, 
reported,  without  amendment,  a  bill  making  further  appropriation  for  sup- 
pressing hostilities  with  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  asked  for  its  immediate 
consideration,  as  the  state  of  the  country  required  its  passage  with  the  utmost 
despatch.  The  amount  of  the  appropriation  was  500,000  dollars,  and  the  bill 
was  passed  afti  r  some  explanatory  remarks;  which  remarks,  as  they  not  only 
set  the  affairs  of  the  war  forth  as  they  were  known  in  Washington  at  that 
period,  but  discover  to  us  something  by  which  we  caa  judge  who  has  been  in 
fault  there,  shall  here  be  laid  before  the  reader. 

"Mr.  Clay  saul  he  should  be  glad  to  hear  the  communications  from  the 
departments  read,  ••i  order  to  see  whether  tlu'y  gave  any  Hccount  of  the 
causes  of  tiiis  war.  No  doubt,  he  said,  whatever  may  have  been  the  causes, 
it  was  nccessju'y  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  itsi-lf,  by  all  the  possil]le  means 
within  oiU'  power.  Ihit  it  was  a  condition,  alti  gctiicr  without  iirccedt  ul,  in 
which  tiiiMMiuntry  was  now  placed.  A  war  v.is  rtiging  with  the  most  ran- 
corous violence  within  our  borders;  con^rress  had  bien  in  session  nearly 
two  months,  during  which  time  this  conflict  was  raging  ;  yet  ol'  the  causes  oi 


Chap.  XI.] 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


427 


the  war,  linw  it  wns  prodiicetl,  if  the  fault  was  on  one  side  or  on  both  sides, 
in  short,  what  liad  liglited  up  the  torcli,  conj^ress  wa.s  ultojLtctiier  uninformed, 
and  no  inquiry  on  the  suhject  had  been  niacle  by  citlier  branch  of  tiie  legis- 
hitui'e.  He  should  be  glad,  he  said,  if  tiie  chairman  of  tlie  committee  on 
finance,  or  of  the  committee  on  Indian  affairs,  or  any  one  else,  would  tell  him 
how  this  war  had  burst  forth,  and  what  were  its  causes,  and  to  whom  the 
blame  of  it  was  to  be  charged. 

"Mr.  fVcbsler  replied,  that  he  could  not  give  any  answer  to  the  senator 
from  Kentucky.  It  was  as  much  a  'imtter  of  surprise  to  him,  as  to  any  one, 
that  no  official  communication  hat  *'n  made  to  congress  of  the  causes  of 
the  war.  All  he  knew  on  the  aiivect  he  liad  gathered  from  the  gazettes. 
The  communications  from  the  departments  spoke  of  the  war,  as  a  war  grow- 
ing out  of  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  the  government  of  the  U. 
States,  and  gave  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  had  its  origin  in  any  quarrel 
with  the  citizens.  It  i)roi)abiy  grew  out  of  the  attempts  to  remove  these 
Indians  beyond  the  Mi8.->is.siiipi.  According  to  the  latest  accounts,  the  country 
between  Tallahussei!  and  St.  Augustine  was  overrun  by  hostile  Indians,  and 
the  communication  between  those  ))laces  was  interrupted.  The  view  taken 
by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  was  imdoubtedly  the  true  one.  But  the 
war  rages,  the  enemy  is  in  force,  and  the  accounts  of  their  ravages  are  dis- 
astrous. The  executive  government  has  asked  ll)r  the  means  of  suppressing 
these  hostilities,  and  it  was  entirely  proper  that  the  bill  should  pass. 

"  Mr.  White  expressed  his  regret  that  he  could  add  nothing  to  the  informa- 
tion given  on  this  subject  He  knew  nothing  of  the  cause  of  the  war,  if  it 
c<-  nmenced  in  any  local  quarrel  or  not.  It  was  the  object  of  the  government 
t  "'move  these  Indians  to  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  he  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  difficulty  had  arisen  out  of  this  measure.  He  hati,  however, 
no  information,  which  was  not  in  the  possession  of  every  other  senator.  He 
was  for  the  bill. 

"  Mr.  Benton  said  he  was  also  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the  war.  Some 
years  ago,  he  said,  he  was  a  member  of  the  committee  on  Indian  afiiiirs.  At 
that  time  these  Indians  in  Florida  were  in  a  state  of  starvation  ;  tli(^y  would 
not  work,  and  it  was  necessai-y  that  they  shoidd  be  fed  by  the  U.  States,  or 
they  must  subsist  on  the  plunder  of  our  citizens.  These  Indians  are  a  very 
bad  tribe,  as  their  very  name  signifies,  the  word  Seminole,  in  Indian,  being, 
^wild  runaway  Indians,^  They  were  therefore  considered  a  bad  race.  It  was 
obviously  the  best  policy  to  remove  these  Indians  to  a  place  where  they  would 
be  able  to  obtain  plenty." 

When  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  Florida  was  bi  fore 
the  house  of  representatives,  which  was  noticed  in  our  lust  chapter,  the  follow- 
ing interesting  debate  arose  upon  it,  which  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader,  for 
the  same  reasons  which  caused  the  remarks  in  the  senate  to  be  given  above. 

"The  resolution  having  been  twice  read,  the  house,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
ff'hite,  agreed  to  consider  it  now. 

"Mr.  IK  said  that  he  would  not  occupy  the  time  of  the  house  further  than 
to  say,  that  in  East  Florida,  five  hundred  families  were  driven  from  their 
hmnes,  and  had  had  their  possessions  destroyed  in  the  progress  of  a  war, 
which  had  commenced  in  consequence  of  relatiors  between  the  Imlians  ami 
t]  '\i  government,  and  with  which  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  that  coimtry 
have  had  nothing  to  do. 

"Appropriations  had  frequently  been  made  to  succor  Indians  when  in  cir- 
cumstances of  distress,  and  he  hoped  that  no  member  of  the  house  would 
object  to  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  for  the  succor  of  our  own  citizens. 

"Mr.  Granger  of  New  York  rose  and  said, — Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  little 
observation  I  have  had  of  men  and  things,  I  have  learned  that  i)recedent  is 
ofien  used  to  restrain  our  generous  impulses,  but  seldom  to  impel  us  to  gen- 
erous action.  In  the  little  time  I  have  been  here,  I  have  not  been  so  much 
gratified  with  any  thing  that  has  occuired,  as  I  have  at  the  prompt  maimer  in 
which  this  house  has  stepped  forward  to  provide  means  for  carrying  on  the 
war  in  Florida.  Whilst  we  have  been  witliout  any  official  information  from 
tl :?  executive  department  of  government — whilst  the  newspajiers  Utiyc  been 
discussing  the  question,  whether  censure  should  rest  upon  one  of  the  dejmrv 


f 


4 


If:.' 


428 


FIGHT  AT  BRYANT'S  FERRY. 


[Book  IV. 


le  s.^nate.    If  they  had,  the  erroneous  )niprcssion  aa 
pa   .  "?nt,  or  the  executive,  would  not  have  gone 


on  'vays  and  means,  thai 
"Mr.  Graijg-er  resumed. 


iMciits,  or  r|)on  .he  commanding  officer  in  Florida,  this  house  and  the  other 
hraiitli  (if  ih(;  I  gisbturc  have  stepped  forward  to  suatuin  this  war,  although 
no  r((|tii.sitioii  lias  been  made  by  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  Sir  I 
rejoici!  that  they  have  done  so. 

"Mr.  Cambrekng  rose  to  explain,  and  Mr.  Granger  yielded  the  floor. 

"  Mr.  Camhrdeng  said,  that  great  injustice  Iiad  been  done  in  the  newsjjapers 
to  tlio  conduct  i>ursued  by  the  departments.  The  committee  of  ways  anil 
means  had  been  furnished  with  tha  first  communication  on  which  they  acted 
by  the  secretary  of  war.  They  next  day  received  a  second  communication 
with  all  the  documents  relating  to  the  Indian  war,  and  which  contained  all 
the  information  that  was  requisite.    The  documents  had  not  gone  forth  to  the 

Cubllc — which  was  an  extrao-^inary  circumstance.     They  certainly  were  sent 
y  the  committee  to  this  houef,  md  ought  to  have  accompanied  the  bill  and 
been  printed  and  ser 
to  the  remissness  of 

into  tiie  newspapers,    i       is  n<  i    'e  fault  of  the  executive,  c  r  of  the  committee 

>'.d  had     ^'^  Heen  done. 
_  If  the  ^^:\.  :eman  had  listened  t )  me  a  little  longer, 

he  wouKl  have  discovered  that  I  intended  no  censure  on  th  i  executive ;  but  as 
he  has  chosen  to  challenge  me  to  speak,  I  do  say  that  the  histoiy  of  this  nation 
can  present  nothing  like  the  silence  which  has  existed  on  this  subject.  I  do 
say  tiiut  whilst  this  hall  has  been  ringing  with  plaudits  upon  one  administra- 
tion, and  whilst  we  have  been  called  upon  day  after  day  to  hunt  up  the 
bones  of  dead  quarrels  here — whilst  your  settlements  have  been  laid  wat*te 
and  desolate,  no  communication  has  been  made  to  this  house  as  a  branch  of 
the  government.  Whatever  information  you  have,  even  upon  the  gentleman's 
own  showing,  is  a  letter  from  the  secretary  of  war  to  the  chairman  of  the 
cotnmittee  of  ways  and  means. 

"  Mr.  Cambrekng.    That  letter  contained  all  that  was  necessary. 

"Mr.  Granger  continued :  Sir,  I  repeat  that,  with  a  war  known  to  exist  in 
this  country,  we  have  been  occupied  in  hunting  up  the  possibility,  not  only 
of  a  war  which  might  take  place  hereafter  with  a  foreign  nation,  but  also  to 
discover  whether  a  war  was  last  year  likely  to  have  existed. 

"  We  have  war  enough  upon  our  hands  to  take  care  of.  The  war-cry  is  up 
in  the  woods;  the  tomahawk  glitters  in  the  sunbeam;  the  seal  ping-knife  is 
m-ged  to  its  cruel  duty;  the  flower  of  your  chivalry  is  .:rewed  along  the  plain, 
and  yet  every  depaitment  of  this  administration  is  as  dumb  as  the  bleeding 
victims  of  this  inglorious  contest. 

"In  legislating  for  a  suffering  people,  I  want  no  precedent  but  that  which 
my  Creator  has  implanted  in  my  iKjsom.  I  do  not  believe  that  we  stand  here 
with  the  sympathies  of  our  nature  chilled  and  frozen  by  the  mere  force  of  the 
oath  which  we  have  taken ;  1  do  not  believe  that  our  duty  requires  that  we 
should  be  thtis  chilled  and  frozen.  I  believe  that  the  existence  of  this  govern- 
ment depends  upon  its  extending  its  fostering  hand  to  the  unfortunate  when- 
ever it  can  be  done  within  the  limits  of  the  constitution.  Especially  should 
this  be  the  case,  where  the  sufferers  reside  within  a  territory,  and  have  no 
state  government  to  which  they  can  look  for  succor. 

"  Such  is  the  true  course  to  be  pureued  in  this  nation  ;  and  then  our  people 
will  feel  that  they  are  indeed  members  of  one  common  family,  and  that, 
whilst  they  beai*  equal  burdens,  they  are  the  equal  recipients  of  the  bounty 
and  protection  of  the  government. 

"On  motion  of  Mr.  White,  the  resolution  was  read  a  third  time  and  passed." 

We  have  now  to  return  to  the  recital  of  warlike  operations.  About  the 
middle  of  January,  great  alarm  spread  through  the  confines  of  Georgia,  that 
the  Creek  Indians  were  imbodying  in  various  parts  of  their  country,  and  the 
utmost  consternation  prevailed.  On  the  23  January,  it  being  reported  at 
Columbus,  that  the  Indians  were  in  force  at  Bryant's  Ferry,  1.5  miles  below 
that  place,  a  company  of  whites,  consisting  of  about  20  or  30  men,  under 
Captain  Jfatson,  marched  down  upon  discovery.  They  discovered  30  or  40 
Indians,  some  of  whom  had  rifles,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  hud  done, 
or  intL'uded,  any  mischief.  However,  the  whites  pmsued  tliein,  and  pretty 
Hoon  a  firing  commenced,  and,  though  of  short  duration,  two  wen;  killed  on 


Chap.  XL] 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE   CAMPAIGN. 


4i!) 


each  side,  nnd  tlie  whites  were  driven  from  the  ground,  having  several  of 
their  number  wounded. 

Tlie  next  operations  of  imj)ortanre  were  those  between  tlie  forces  uiidei 
General  Gaines  and  Osceola,  and  u|)on  tiic  mernorai)lc  Ouitblocooclue.  Gi^n- 
eral  Gaines  was  upon  a  tour  of  inspection  nnd  duty,  wiien  he  tirst  learned  that 
serious  disturbances  had  occurred  between  the  whites  nnd  Seuiinoles.  This 
wns  about  the  15  January,  nnd  tlie  general  was  nrrived  at  New  Orleans.  His 
previous  head-quarters  had  been  at  Memphis,  in  Tennessee.  He  thereliire 
called  on  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  to  have  a  body  of  volunteers  in  readiness 
for  military  service,  and  set  out  liirnself  innnediately  for  the  scene  of  hostilities. 
At  Pensncola  he  found  some  vessels  of  war,  undi;r  Commodores  Dallas  nnd 
Bolton,  and  Captain  IVehh,  wlio  iiad  already  commenced  operations  in  the 
neitrl'.borliood  of  Tampa  IJay,  and  other  adjacent  inlets.  Colonel  Twig<!:s  had 
neen  ordered  to  receive  into  service  eight  companies  of  volunteers,  to  be  raised 
by  tlie  governor  of  Lotiisianu,  and  tlie  regular  force  nt  Ilaton  Rouge,  Mew 
Orleans,  and  other  stations  in  the  ittmiediate  vicinity  of  New  Orleans,  and  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  for  a  movement  towai'ds  Tampa.  This  force  con- 
sisted of  about  1100  men. 

That  no  time  should  be  lost,  General  Gaines  returned  immedi.'  'y  to  New 
Orleans  (about  2(5  Jaimary),  and,  on  the  4  F^ebruary,  was  under  ./  i*  -nin  for 
Florida,  with  his  forces  organized.  He  arrived  at  Tampa,  with  r'.i  ft  es,  in 
three  steam-boats,  on  the  Oth,  and,  on  the  13th  began  to  proce -I  intc  i.  3  In- 
dian country.  His  first  movement  was  to  the  east,  on  the  Alafii.  Ilivei,  having 
understood  there  had  been  a  fight  in  tliat  direction,  near  Fort  Brooke,  between 
the  hostile  and  friendly  Indians  ;  but  aller  two  days,  no  enemy  being  di.'<eov- 
ered,  the  lino  of  march  was  altered  for  Fort  King.  General  Gain  's  army  had 
but  ten  (lays'  ratiims;  but,  by  advices,  lie  wns  assured  that  there  was  plenty  at 
Fort  King. 

On  the  20  Feiiruary,  the  army  passed  Major  Dade's  fa.  .  field,  on  which 
was  found  10(5  men,  all  of  wliom  they  decently  interred.  All  tiie  ofUcers  who 
fell  in  that  disastrous  fight  were  identified,  and,  what  was  very  remarkable, 
every  man  was  accounted  for ;  but  wliat  struck  every  one  with  the  greatest 
Btu'prise,  was,  that  the  dead  were  in  no  instance  ])illaged ;  articles  the  most 
esteemed  by  savages  were  untouched  ;  the  oflicers'  bosom-pins  remained  in 
their  places;  their  watches  were  found  in  their  pockets,  nnd  money,  in  silver 
nnd  gold,  was  left  to  decay  with  its  owner, — a  lesson  to  all  the  world — a  testi- 
mony that  the  Indians  are  not  fighting  for  plunder! — nay,  they  are  (ightiiig 
for  their  rights,  their  country,  their  homes,  their  very  existence  !  The  urms 
nnd  ammunition  were  ail  that  had  been  tuken,  except  the  uniform  coat  of 
Major  Dade. 

On  the  22  February,  the  army  nrrived  at  Fort  King,  much  to  the  agreeable 
surprise  of  the  garrison,  which  it  had  been  reported  was  cut  off  by  the  Indians. 
Owing  to  the  country's  being  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  no  supplies  harl 
jirrived  ;  and,  the  next  day,  a  trooj)  of  horse  was  despatched  to  Fort  Drane, 
(2*2  miles  north-west,)  in  hones  to  obtain  further  supplies.  They  returned  the 
24,  but  with  only  seven  days*  additional  rations.  To  this  they  added  two  days' 
more  at  Fort  King.  The  general  scarcely  knew  what  course  next  to  take ;  but 
he  finally  coneliidod  to  move  down  the  Oiiithlecoochee,  over  General  Clinch's 
battle-ground,  and  so  to  Tampa,  thinking  such  a  route  might  bring  him  in 
contact  with  the  main  body  of  tlie  Indians.  Accordingly  the  army  moved,  on 
the  2()tli,  from  Fort  King,  and,  at  two  o'clock  on  the  27tli,  arrived  at  General 
Clinches  crossing-place.  Here,  while  examining  and  sounding  the  river,  the 
Indians  fired  ujion  them,  nnd  set  u|)  n  fierce  war-cry  ;  but  their  numbers  wort 
not  sufficient  to  make  nny  mat<;rial  impression,  although  they  continued  the 
fight  for  about  half  an  hour.  The  whites  lost  one  killed,  and  eight  wounded. 
On  the  28th,  the  army,  having  resumed  its  march,  was  again  attacked,  about 
two  miles  from  its  former  position,  and  a  fire  was  kept  up  about  half  of  the 
day.  At  the  commencemont  of  the  action.  Lieutenant  Izard,  of  the  United 
States  dragoons,  fell,  mortally  wounded.  In  the  course  of  the  fight,  another 
was  killed,  and  two  wounded.  In  the  evening,  express  was  sent  to  Fort 
Drane,  with  directions  fi)r  the  commanding  oflicer  to  march  down  with  a 
frirce  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ouiiblecoochee,  and  thus  come  upon  ih»> 


430 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN. 


[Hook  IV. 


|{!i|| 


V      if 


renr  of  tlie  tiidiiins ;  which  movement,  should  it  miceeed,  it  was  hoped,  woulil 
finish  the  war. 

On  llic  riiorniiig  of  the  29th,  no  Indians  were  to  he  seen ;  hut  the  gcnrral  did 
not  relax  his  |)rceauti(ins,  A  party  wan  preparing  tiiiihcr  and  canoes  for  cross- 
ing tiie  river,  when,  aiiout  !i  o'elocit,  tiiey  were  sharply  fired  upon,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  the  cMcampMHrnt  was  attacked  upon  every  side,  hut  tiiat  towards 
the  river.  Tiie  Indians  now  seemed  in  great  force,  (12  or  1500,  as  wiw  supposed,) 
having  lieen  collecting,  from  ail  (piarters,  since  the  fight  on  the  jirevions  day. 
Tliey  continued  the  contest  two  hours,  in  which  time  one  man  was  killed  and 
33  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  the  general  himself, — a  rifle  hall  having 
passed  through  his  lower  li[i,  knocked  oiu  one  tooth,  and  damaged  two  others. 
When  it  was  found  that  the  general  was  wounded,  his  companions  expressed 
much  regret ;  hut  he  talked  of  it  as  a  matter  of  sniall  moment ;  said  "  it  waa 
very  unkind  in  the  rascals  to  take  away  a  tooth  which  he  valued  so  highly." 

On  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  ground,  after  he  had  fled,  Gaines's  men  found 
one  of  their  dead,  which  hud  heen  dragged  a  considerahle  distance  and  left 
unhuried,  from  which  circumstance  they  conjectured  he  had  fled  in  haste. 
His  rifle  had  been  taken  away,  hut  he  was  found  to  be  well  provided  with 
amnnmition,  having  plenty  of  [)owder  and  sixty  bullets.  The  place  of  this 
attack  Gaines  called  Camp  Izard. 

The  flight  of  the  Indians  was  no  security  for  their  not  appearing  again  ;  for, 
on  the  2d  of  March,  they  returned,  ami  commenced  pouring  in  their  shot  upon 
the  whites,  which,  at  intervals,  they  contiiuied  to  do  until  the  5tli.  BIcantime 
all  of  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  began  the  slaughter  of  their 
horses  to  sustain  life.  But  it  is  said  that,  during  all  this  time,  no  one  was  heard 
to  murmur  or  com|>lain. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th,  about  10  o'clock,  a  call  was  heard  from  the  woods, 
and  some  one  requested  a  parley.  On  the  officer  of  the  guard's  demanding  what 
was  wanted,  it  was  answered  that  the  Indians  were  tired  of  figiiting,  and  wished 
for  peace.  The  general  ordered  the  officer  of  the  guard  to  answer,  that  if  the  In- 
dians wished  to  treat,  to  send  a  messenger  the  next  morning,  with  a  white  flag, 
nud  he  should  come  and  go  in  safety.  He  replied,  "  veiy  well,"  anrl  added  that 
"  he  desired  to  have  a  friendly  talk,  and  to  shake  hands."  Accordingly,  on  tho 
morning  of  the  Gtli,  about  300  Indians  filed  out  from  the  river,  and  took  a 
position  in  the  rear  of  the  whites,  about  500  yards  off.  They  exj)ected  nothing 
now  but  a  most  bloody  contes^t,  supposing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  to  ho 
concealed  in  a  neighboring  hammock.  Both  parties  remained  a  siiort  time  in 
suspense,  each  doubting  what  the  other  would  do.  At  length,  one  or  two 
advanced  within  hailing  distance,  and,  being  joined  with  othera,  repeated  what 
had  heen  said  the  night  before.  The  general  now  sent  out  to  them  a  staft' 
officer,  and  they  told  him  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  any  more,  but  recpiosted 
that  the  army  should  withdraw  from  the  Ouithlecoochee.  Osceola  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Indian  deputation.  When  the  officer  who  had  met  the  Indians 
reported  this  talk  to  Gaines,  he  ordered  him  to  return  to  Osceola,  and  to  inform 
him,  in  the  plainest  terms,  that  they  would  be  subdued,  that  a  large  force  was 
on  the  way  into  their  country,  and  tliat,  unless  they  submitted,  every  Indian 
found  in  arms  would  be  shot.  When  this  was  communicated  to  the  Indians, 
they  said  they  would  go  and  hold  a  council,  and  would  meet  theiri  again  in  the 
afternoon.  The  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  accordingly,  took  place,  and  the 
Indians  urged  what  they  had  said  in  tiie  moridng,  and  added  that  they  had 
lost  many  of  their  men  by  death  and  wound.*,  and  were  tired  of  the  war ;  but 
as  their  governor  (as  they  styled  Micanopy)  was  not  there,  they  must  first  con- 
sidt  him,  and  asked  to  have  the  war  sus|)ended  imtil  lie  could  be  considted. 
They  were  told  that  if  they  would  cease  from  acts  of  hostility,  go  south  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee,  and  attend  a  council  when  called  u[)ou  by  the  United  States 
commissioners,  they  should  not  be  molested.  This  they  agreed  to,  and,  at  the 
same  moment,  General  Clinch  came  ujion  the  main  hodv  of  the  IndiaiiH,  and 

they  all  fled  with  the  lUmost  j)recipitation,  ])rol)ahly  ( (diidiiig  iliis  was  a 

stratagem  which  the  whites  had  prepared  to  cut  them  oil'.  Clinrlt  cami'  with 
500  men  and  su])plies,  which  was  doubtless  more  agreeable  to  the  >iarviiig 
army,  than  even  a  treaty  with  Osceola. 

Tlie  Indians  seem  to  have  heen  well  acquainted  v.'.th  the  condition  of  CJen- 


Ciiij.  XI.] 


SIEGE  OF  CAMP  M  l.EMORE. 


431 


ernl  Gaineit'a  army ;  for,  during  the  interviow  with  Osceola,  he  nsked  hew  tlioy 
were  oH'Ibr  provirtionSjiiiul  when  tiiey  told  him  they  litid  enough,  he  shook  his 
head,  saying,  "It  is  not  so;  you  liave  notiiing  toeat;  but,  il' you  will  comic  over 
the  river,  I  will  give  you  two  heeves,  and  some  bnuidy."  It  is  tiiereloro 
surprising  that  lie  should  have  been  now  asking  for  peace.  It  sliovvs,  liowever, 
tliat  he  was  well  aware  of  the  hopelessness  of  his  case  ;  and,  although  he  was 
able  to  deal  with  General  Gaines,  he  early  knew  of  tlu;  approach  of  General 
Clinch,  and  it  was,  probably,  on  his  gaining  that  knowlt;dgu,  that  he  concluded 
to  see  what  kind  of  terms  could  be  got  of  the  whites,  as  the  affairs  of  war 
then  stood. 

General  Gaines,  having  transferred  his  command  to  General  Clinnh,  left  for 
New  Orleans  about  the  9  March,  and  General  Clinch  proceeded  with  his 
united  forces  to  Fort  Drane.  A  negro  spy,  who  had  been  sent  among  the 
hostile  Indians,  from  Camp  Izard,  soon  after  returned,  and  confirmed  the 
peaceable  intentions  of  the  chiefs:  they  told  him,  that  in  their  various  skir- 
mishes  with  General  Gaines  on  the  Ouitldacoocho  they  had  lost  30  men.  Of 
the  whites  but  5  were  killed,  and  60  wounded.  It  is  rather  uncotnnion  that 
there  should  be  so  great  a  disproportion  between  the  slain  of  the  parties,  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  Indians  almost  always  fought  from  coverts. 

On  the  9  March,  Captain  Allison  of  the  Florida  volunteers  had  a  skirmish 
near  his  camp,  not  far  from  Fort  Brooke.  He  routed  the  Indians,  whom  ho 
judged  to  be  a  thousand  strong,  and  took  considerai)le  plunder.  Hence,  not- 
withstanding the  Indians  were  supposed  to  desire  peace,  skirmishes  contimjed. 
And  on  the  SiS  Mareli,  a  coitipany  of  volunteers  were  attacked  about  six  miles 
from  Vohisia,  in  which  the  whites  lost  three  men  killed,  and  six  woimded,  and 
the  Indians  tive  or  six.  Among  the  latte.  was  their  chief,  called  Oucliee  Billy,  or 
Billij  Hicks.    He  was  found  the  day  aftck  the  fight,  concealed  in  some  brusfi. 

About  the  5  April,  Major  .McLemore,  by  order  of  General  Scott,  took  a 
position  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  and  erected  a  block-house,  which  was  called 
Ca.np  McLemore.  Here,  about  40  men,  far  removed  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  were  to  remain  until  relieved  by  the  General,  or  Majtr 
McLemore,  who,  it  apj)ears,  after  establishing  the  post,  immediately  left  it. 
This  small  force  seems  to  have  arrived  here  at  a  most  fortunate  time,  for  it 
was  four  days  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  Indians,  and  during  this 
period  they  had  completed  a  block-house  lor  their  protection. 

It  is  scarcely  to  be  credited  that  this  little  company  of  men,  sent  here  by 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  should  be  left  without  the  means  of 
escape  in  extremity  of  circumstances,  and  no  way  kept  open  by  which  their 
situation  from  time  to  time  might  be  known ;  such,  however,  was  the  case,  and 
for  about  six  weeks  nothing  was  heard  of  them.  They  had  not  been  provided 
with  provisions  for  more  than  two  weeks,  and  it  was  the  general  impression 
of  every  one  that  they  had  all  perished  by  famine  or  the  hands  of  the 
Indians. 

The  following  account  of  the  siege  of  Camp  McLemore  by  Dr.  Lawrence, 
surgeon  thereat  the  time,  shall  be  given  in  his  own  words: — "We  had  just 
completed  building  the  block-house,  and  dug  out  a  spring  near  the  edge  of  the 
fort,  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  at  a  little  before  dawn  of  day, 
we  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  who  had  encompassed  us  on  three  sides,  and 
were  in  number  about  150  or  200.  The  engagement  lasted  one  hour  and 
three  quarters,  when  they  found  out,  to  their  sorrow,  that  our  reception  was 
not  oidy  too  warm,  but  that  they  had  ventured  too  near  us  without  due  reflec- 
tion. On  the  next  day,  we  had  one  man  killed  on  his  post  by  an  Indian  rifle, 
fired  from  the  opjjosite  side  of  the  river.  On  the  15  April,  we  were  attacked 
by  a  body  of  the  savages  who  had  completely  surrounded  us,  and  whose  num- 
ber we  computed  at  4  to  500,  though  we  have  since  heard  that  Powell  had 
1000  to  1500  of  them.  This  was  the  hottest  engagement  we  had  during  our 
stay  on  the  Ouithlacoochee.  They  fired  their  guns  by  hundreds  at  the  same 
moment  at  our  block-house,  and  succeeded 
escape,  our  boat — wliieh  they  took  down  the 
battle.  The  engagement  continued  two  hour 
three  men  slightly  wounded. 

"On  the  24th,  we  had  a  very  severe  battle,  in  wliicli  they  displayed  liieir 


m   taking  our  only  means  of 

river  and  destroyed  aft.  i-  tiie 

5  and  45  miiiuto,  and  we  had 


433 


DEATH  OF  MAD  WOLF. 


fBooK  IV. 


i  i 


ingenuity  l>y  shooting  fire-Birowii  on  fire  upon  tlie  roof  of  tlin  lionse,  which 
destroyed  the  roof  und  loft  iia  e.xposcd  to  the?  inclemency  of  the  weutiier. 
This  arrow-liring  wu8  iiorformed  by  20  of  tiieir  men,  wiiilHt  al)out .')  to  500 
iiHed  tlieir  (jmiis.  We  lind,  on  this  occaHion,  two  or  tiirco  of  our  men  woimded. 
We  prolmhiy  Itillcd  40  or  50  of  the  InihaiiH.  Tiio  iiij^ht  nllcr  tiie  hatile,  \vn 
lioard  their  cliicf  hail  iih,  and  say,  "that  he  was  going  away  in  the  morning, 
and  would  troidile  tis  no  jnore,"  He  kept  his  j)roini.s(!  very  well,  though  lid 
did  give  us  ahi>ut  100  guns  the  next  morning,  en?  he  \ci\.  Our  captain,  Holto- 
man,  was  killeil  on  the  13  May,  whilst  endeavoring  to  fortify  and  strengthen 
our  position.  The  Indians  contitiuc<l  to  give  us  a  passing  shot,  from  50  to 
100  guns,  every  five  or  six  days,  though  he  ke|)t  u  spy  ujion  us  at  other  times. 
I'lie  ofticerK  were  21  days  living  on  corn,  without  salt  or  meat,  und  the  men 
about  28  days." 

It  appears  that  the  great  danger  of  ascending  the  Ouithlacoochee,  togethrr 
with  the  known  circumstances  of  tin;  garrison,  had  fixed  in  the  minds  of  nil 
those  who  were  able  to  lend  them  aid,  that  they  hud  been  cut  oft';  und  there- 
fore, to  hazard  any  thing  to  clear  up  this  extremely  doidnful  case,  was  con- 
sidered next  to  crime  itself.  At  length,  the  poor  di.stres.sed  handful  at  Cumj) 
McLemore,  found  among  their  number,  three  that  would  venture  out  for 
succor,  and  they  arrived  at  Tallahassee  in  a  canoe,  about  the  16  April.  This 
circumstance,  in  all  probabilit}',  proved  the  saftty  of  their  fellows,  as  W(?ll  ns 
themselves.  A  company  was  mode  up  at  St.  Marks,  and  under  Captain  Leigh 
Read,  proceeded  in  a  steam-boat  for  the  Ouithlacoochee  on  the  22  May,  and 
on  the  24  took  off  the  garrison  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

While  these  affairs  were  being  transacted  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  a  consid- 
erable force  marched  from  Volusia  to  a  point  on  the  Oklawaha  River,  distant 
30  miles,  on  their  way  to  Fort  Brooke.  The  river  being  higher  than  usual, 
the  force  was  obliged  to  halt  to  build  a  bridge  for  the  passage  of  their  cannon 
niid  baggage  wagons.  On  the  opposite  side  of  a  lake,  on  the  left  of  the 
detachment,  two  fires  were  soon  discovered,  whicii  it  was  supposed  were 
mad(!  as  signals  by  two  parties  of  Indians.  Colonel  Butler  immediately  |)ro- 
ceeded  to  cros.s  over  the  river  with  his  battalion,  and  when  he  hud  marclietl 
about  three  miles,  some  Indians  were  discovered  and  pursued  by  the  advanced 
guard.  General  Joseph  Shelton  was  oi Butler's  \y>nM,  who,  being  ahead  of  the 
advanced  guard,  charged  upon  one  of  the  Indians,  who  was  in  the  rear  of  the 
retreating  party.  At  about  25  paces  from  him,  the  Indian  turned,  and  they 
botli  levelled  their  rifles — Shelton  firea  firet,  and  mortally  wounded  the  Indian 
in  the  neck,  who  then  endeavored  to  make  his  escapt;.  Shelton  droj>ped  his 
gun,  and  rushed  on  him  with  his  pistol,  which  mi.ssed  fire  at  five  or  six 
paces  from  him.  The  Indian  now  turned  and  shot  Shelton  in  the  hip,  and 
ut  the  same  moment  another  white  came  up  and  shot  the  Indian  in  the  back, 
and  he  was  immediately  despatched.  The  ball  which  entered  Shelton's  hip 
passed  round  near  the  spine,  and  was  cut  out,  and  he  wns  recovering 

I  have  been  particular  in  detailing  this  uffuir,  as  the  Indian  who  fell  in  it, 
proved  to  be  a  chief  of  distinction,  known  among  the  whites  by  the  name  of 
Mad  Woff,  which  was  the  English  signification  of  his  name.  In  Indian  it 
was  KoHAHAJO.  He  was  of  Micanopys  tribe,  and  hud  under  him  40  or  50 
warriors,  and  wns  probably  one  of  the  leaders  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  who 
beset  General  Gaines  so  long.  His  name  was  given  in  among  them  by  Black 
Dirt,  as  Coahaijo.  It  is  also  to  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing,  und  he  was 
one  of  the  Indian  deputation  who  visited  tlie  counti-y  west  of  tlie  Mississippi 
afterwards. 

The  next  day  after  Kohahajo  was  killed.  Colonel  Butler  and  Goodicin,  with 
a  battalion  of  mounted  men,  were  sent  to  reconnoitre  Pilaklikaha,  the  resi- 
dence of  Jum/?cr  und  JWicano/Ji/.  When  they  hud  proceeded  about  six  miles, 
their  advanced  guard  received  a  sharp  fire  from  a  hammock  on  the  left,  but 
were  soon  dislodged  by  a  charge  from  the  main  body.  Two  of  the  whites 
were  badly  wounded,  one  horse  killed,  and  four  wounded.  Afler  another 
considerable  swnmi)-fight,  in  which  several  were  wounded,  the  army  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Indian  town,  but  it  had  been  deserted  for  a  long  time.  They 
burnt  it,  und  tlii'ii  proceeded  to  Fort  Brooke. 

All  officer  in  General  ScolVa  army  at  Tampa  wrote  on  the  15  April : — "  All 


CHAr.XlI] 


CREEK  WAR. 


439 


the  militia  will  leave  us  by  tiin  20  Mnv,  and  the  rrgiilnra  will  go  into  Biimmnr 
quartern  at  this  place,  Ke^  West,  Volusia,  Mosquito,  and  oiio  or  two  mora 
posts  at  the  south.  Without  the  greatest  good  lu(^k  nothing  will  be  done  thia 
summer,  and  the  war  must  l)e  renewed  in  the  autumn." 

About  the  time  General  Gainea  left  Fort  Draine,  General  ScoH  arrived 
there,  with  instructions  to  assume  the  chief  command  of  the  forces  in  Florida. 
Since  that  time  the  operations  have  been  of  not  much  importance.  About 
the  20  March,  Captam  Hitchcock  communicated  the  following  vnluabin 
information  respecting  the  hostile  Indiana,  which  wos  given  him  by  the 
friendly  chief,  Black  Dirt,  whose  Indian  name  is  Tdck-aluster  Harjo.  Ho 
says  that  in  the  fights  with  General  Gainea  were  the  following  chiefs  and 
warriors,  viz.: — ^Jumper  with  30,  Asschola  [Oaceo/a]  with  7,  Ai.lburtu- 
iiARjo  with  30,  Jarharto  Chee  with  30,  Carciiar  Tosknusk  (Mecosukee) 
with  470,  Mecanop  (principal  chief)  with  80,  Abram  (JVe^o)  with  80,  VVf.ea 
Flocko  Mattez  with  70,  Yarharhacjo  with  ItiO,  Toskieucar  with  50, 
EcHUA  Mattez  with  50,  Hat  How  Emattez  with  30,  Charles  (a  Negro) 
with  3,  CoAHARJO  with  1,  and  Toparlagef  with  40. 

There  had  been  alwiit  400  Seminoles  collected  at  Tampa,  chiofly  women 
and  children  of  BlcKk  DirVa  trilie,  who  were  on  the  12  April  shipped  oS'  for 
"  beyond  the  Mississippi"  by  General  Scott. 


Hi§t 


CHAPTER   XIL 

Oreek  War — Murders  anu,  devastations  begin — Eleven  persons  killed  near  Colum 
bus — Mail  routes  in  possession  of  the  Indians — ^  steam-boat  attacked  and  men 
killed — Chiefs  of  the  war  parties — Mail  stages  destroyed — The  town  of  Roanoak 
burnt — Colonel  Lindsay's  Florida  affair — Excessive  dismay  of  the  people  of  Geor- 
gia— Murder  of  families — Flight  on  the  Chattahoorhie — Capture  of  Situ  Henky  and 
Neabiathla — Iccount  of  the  chirfs — Surrender  of  the  Indians. 

ADjnTANT-G«5ERAL  Mclfitosh  WTOte  from  Fort  Mitchel,  Alabama,  (on  the 
Chattahoochiei,  15  miles  above  Columbus,)  7  May  last,  as  follows : — "  It  has 
just  been  reported  to  me,  that  Col.  Floumoy  was  shot  dead  by  the  Indiaii»  on 
the  5th  instant,  about  15  miles  below  this  post.  I  am  also  informed  that  a 
report  is  currently  circulating  among  the  Creeks,  that  the  Seminole  Indians 
have  defeated  the  whites  in  Florida.  This  report  will  no  doubt  imbolden 
them  to  many  acta  of  hostility  that  they  would  not  otherwise  daro  commit. 
A  constant  communication  must  be  kept  up  between  them,  as  the  Creeks  are 
conversant  with  every  transaction  that  occurs  in  Florida.  Marshal,  tiie  half- 
breed,  says  he  is  apprehensive  mischief  will  be  done  by  the  Indians  before 
long.  Other  friendly  Indiana  are  of  this  opinion.  Opothleyohola,  priiici|)al 
of  the  upper  Creeks,  says  he  cannot  keep  his  people  together,  or  restrain 
them." 

At  the  same  time  Colonel  Flourrwy  vras  killed,  ten  others  met  a  like  fate, 
some  '  '■  them  within  12  miles  of  Columbus,  at  the  Ochee  Bridge  on  the  Old 
Federij  Road.  "  The  Indians  have  entire  possession  of  that  road,  and  all  the 
settlers  i  ave  fled.  A  train  consisting  of  150  wagons,  with  about  150  fugitives, 
on  their  way  to  Columbus,  were  fired  upon,  on  the  10  April." 

Up  to  th'  18  May,  at  Augusta,  (Ga.)  it  was  reported  that  all  the  southern 
mail  routes  were  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  except  that  to  IMobile.  The 
day  before,  all  the  mails  were  brought  back.  Colonel  CroweWa  plantation, 
anil  many  others,  had  been  burnt,  and  a  stage  agent  and  two  drivers  had  been 
killed.  The  governor  of  Georgia  had  ordered  two  regiments  of  volunteers  to 
take  the  field.  About  this  time  the  steam-boat  Hyperion  was  attacked  on  her 
passage  up  the  Chattahoochie,  and  two  pilots  and  one  passenger  were  killed. 
She  was  then  run  on  shore  on  the  Georgia  side,  and  after  being  abandoned, 
was  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 

The  Creek  towns  and  tril>es  which  have  declared  themselves  hostile  are  a 
37  2C 


434 


CREEK  WAR.— STEAM-BOAT  DESTROYED. 


[Book  IV. 


jIT 


part  of  the  Ocliees,  the  Hitclietns,  the  Pah-lo-cho-ko-los,  the  So-wok-ko-los, 
and  a  part  of  the  Ufalhiys.  The  principal  cliiefs  wlio  have  sliovved  tlieiiiselves 
as  their  leaders,  are  old  Neamatula,  of  whom  we  have  already  several  times 
B|)okeii,  chief  of  the  Hitchetas,  Jim  IlE^aY,  and  Neo  Mice.  Many  friendly 
Indians  immediately  joined  the  whites,  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of  whom 
is  a  chief  ciilied  Jim  Hot.  The  war  party  have  discovered  great  boldness. 
Ahout  the  10  May  a  party  came  within  30  or  40  yards  of  Fort  Mitchell,  a 
strong  and  well-defended  place,  entered  the  hospital,  and  carried  ofl'  wiint 
they  pleased,  and  the  gairison  thought  it  not  best  to  disturb  them. 

On  the  14  following,  the  mail  from  Montgomery  to  Cohunbus  was  attacked 
about  20  miles  from  the  latter  place.  A  driver  on  that  route  was  riding  along 
the  road  on  horseback,  about  50  yards  ahead  of  the  stage,  when  he  was  fned 
upon  by  about  30  Indians,  yet  he  unaccoimtably  escaped  injury.  Ilis  horse 
took  fright  and  threw  him,  and  he  escaped  into  a  thicket.  Wlivn  he  arrived 
at  the  next  stage  relay,  tl.s  horses  had  got  there,  but  without  any  carriage,  imt 
hid  about  them  some  fragments  of  their  harnesses.  Mr.  Mams,  who  was  in 
the  stage,  made  his  escajjc  by  leaping  into  the  woods  when  the  stage  upset. 
A  driver  and  two  others  were  killed.  Tnere  were  It)  hoi-ses  belonging  to 
the  line  in  tlie  company,  of  which  but  three  were  recovered,  and  these  were 
wounded. 

About  this  time  the  old  steam-boat  Georgian  was  burnt  while  lying  at 
Roanoak,  and  all  on  board,  except  the  engineer,  jjerished.  The  town  of 
fCoanoak  was  at  the  same  time  laid  in  ashes,  but  the  citizens  esca])ed  to  a 
fort.  Irwinton,  a  flourishing  town  on  the  Georgia  side  of  the  river,  soon  aller 
Bhared  the  same  fate. 

Meanwhile  some  aflliirs  of  considerable  moment  were  transpiring  in  Flori- 
da. Colonel  hindsay  had  been  despatched,  at  the  head  of  about  750  men,  froiu 
Fort  Brooke,  with  orders  to  proceed  to  Fort  Alabama,  to  destroy  it,  and  bring 
away  the  sick,  wounded,  and  provisions.  Having  proceeded  there,  and 
effected  their  object,  the  forces  marched  again  for  Fort  IJrooke.  Before 
leaving  the  foit,  a  mine  was  prepared,  by  leaving  powder  in  the  magazine, 
which  should  exjjlode  on  its  being  opened.  They  had  got  but  a  mile  or  two, 
when  .he  mine  was  sjirung  with  a  fearful  noise,  but  what  effect  it  had  ))ro- 
duced  was  not  known.  The  whites  had  missed  two  of  their  number  the  day 
before,  whom  they  found  on  their  return  march,  about  12  miles  fiom  Fort 
Alabama,  killed  in  the  way,  and  one  shockingly  mangled.  While  the  army 
was  contemi)lating  this  spectacle,  it  was  fired  upon  by  500  Indians,  as  was 
suj)posed,  from  a  hammock,  no  more  than  30  yards  off.  The  whites  immedi- 
ately formed,  and  fired  in  their  tm-n,  and  a  regular  tight  ensued.  The  Indians 
could  not  be  dislodged  until  sevend  rounds  of  grajie  shot  from  the  artilleiy 
had  been  poured  in  uj)on  them ,  This  was  a  bloody  affray  for  them,  but  their 
loss  was  not  fully  known ;  several  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  and  numerous 
traces  of  others  who  had  been  dragged  ofl'  dead  or  severely  wounded  were 
discovered.    The  whites  had  3  killed  and  22  woumled. 

A  letter  addressed  to  the  editor  of  the  Uichmond  Enquirer  gives  a  foarfid 
picture  of  tiie  aflliirs  in  the  '^rcek  country.  It  was  written  i  Talbotton,  (Ga.) 
11  May,  and  is  in  these  >voriis; — "1  .vrotc  you  yesterday,  informing  you  ot 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Creek  Indiajis,  and  the  commencement  of  their 
murderous  career.  We  have  fidl  information  here  to-day  of  the  distressing 
Btat(!  of  things  among  the  whites  who  have  settled  over  in  that  territory.  The 
Indians  are  killing  all — men,  wo'nen,  and  chiUlren.  Vast  niunbei-s  have  been 
butchered  without  doubt;  and  the  whole  country  on  this  side  of  the  Chatta- 
hoochie  is  in  uproar  and  contiision.  The  population  of  the  territory  had 
become  consiilerablc,  and  they  who  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  esc  ipe  are 
conte  over  in  droves  on  the  Georjria  sine;  some  with  a  part  of  their  children  ; 
some  who  have  lost  their  children;  some  their  husbands;  and  many  children 
without  fiither  or  mother;  some  are  found  as  they  were  wandering  ahout  si> 
young  that  they  could  give  no  account  who  their  parents  wctc.  So  perfect  a 
inixture  and  conliisi(>n  as  never  was  witnessed  before.  Manv  have  seen  a 
part  of  their  families  min-dcred.  One  gentleman  saw  'is  fatlier  shot  down 
near  him,  and  his  mother  and  sisters.  Some  of  the  dead  have  Vww  brought 
over  Hhuckingly  mangled.    It  is  thought  tlie  whole  nation  is  in  hostile  array  ; 


Chap.  Xll] 


MLRUF.R  OF  MANY  FAMILIES. 


435 


111 


ing 


LMi ; 
nil 

SI) 

•1  a 
n  a 
iwn 
Kilt 

ay; 


tlicir  warriors  are  roinjiutcd  at  G  or  7000  strong.  Tlie  general  impression  is, 
that  a  part  of  the  SemiiioleH  have  come  up  among  tiieni.  Tlie  town  of  Co- 
lumbuy  is  in  great  danger  of  an  attack,  as  they  have  threatened  it  strongly. 
\  con;pany  of  40  or  50  men  left  Columbus  yesterday  morning,  and  went  over. 
On  their  return  at  ni  .^it  they  brought  hi  seven  children,  which  they  had  found 
scattered  about." 

Such  are  the  accounts  which  have  been  daily  circulated  for  two  months 
together  and  although  they  are  distorted  in  many  particulars,  yet  out  of  thetn 
we  are  .ii  present  to  collect  all  that  is  known  of  this  war.  The  Columbus 
Centinel  of  the  13  May  contains  the  following  facts,  which  are  conlirmed 
from  other  quarters : — "On  INlonday  we  received  information  that  hostilities 
liad  commenced  on  the  road  between  Columbus  and  Montgomery,  at  the 
Uchee  bridge,  and  further  on,  and  in  the  evening  the  bridge  at  this  jilaee,  the 
streets  leading  from  it  were  thronged  with  the  unfortunate  refugees,  who 
were  fleeing  before  their  savage  neighbors.  The  pitiable  condition  of  many 
of  them  was  past  the  power  of  description.  Wives  severed  from  their  hus- 
bands, and  parents  from  (he:-  children ;  all  dismayed,  all  terror-stricken  ;  jire- 
sentcd  a  scene  which  we  nevti  again  desire  to  see.  An  interesting-looking 
girl,  just  blooming  into  woinanh;  ;)d,  was  brought  in  on  horseback,  behind  a 
benevolent  stranger,  who  had  found  her  in  the  nation,  making  her  way,  unat- 
tended, to  this  place,  i  ;ie  stuiteil  with  her  parents,  but  before  they  liu<l 
proceeded  far,  they  were  brutally  shot  down  before  her  eyes.  She  fled  to  the 
woods  "'id  escaped  from  her  savage  pursuers,  and  was  found  and  brought  to 
Colinn'  'IS  above  stated.  A  young  man  arrived  at  this  jilace  also  witnessed 
the  sav.  lurder  of  his  parents.  Another  young  man,  in  the  act  of  fleeing, 
perceiveu  iie  Indians  dragging  away  his  sister.  He  returned,  declaring  he 
would  rescue  her  or  die  in  the  attempt,  and  he  has  not  been  heard  of.  From 
this  time  their  deeds  of  savage  barbarity  have  been  too  numerous  to  particu- 
larize. A  woman  was  brongiit  in  on  Tuesday,  wounded  in  the  hand,  whose 
husband  had  been  shot  the  preceding  evening  at  the  Uchee  bridge.  Col.  »'l.  Ii. 
DawsorCs  negroes,  who  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  made  their  escajie, 
state  that  they  saw  three  corpses  on  the  road  near  the  Uchee  bridge;  a  man, 
woman  and  child,  who  nad  all  been  murdered.  We  learn  that  about  liiO 
friendly  Indians  have  rejiorted  themselves  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  are  ready  to 
assist  the  wliites.  Accounts  to  the  17  May  further  state  that  the  Indians  had 
entered  the  house  of  one  family,  and  murdered  the  whole — including  husband, 
wife,  and  six  chil'lren.  All  were  scal|)ed,  and  the  children  beheaded.  The 
house  of  a  BIr.  Colton  had  been  attacked,  and  himself  killed." 

Generals  Scott  and  Jesup  wern  at  Fort  Mitchell  on  the  3  June ;  the  for- 
mer left  that  place  on  that  day  witii  an  escort  of  150  men  for  Alabama,  to  take 
the  conimaad  of  the  troops  of  that  state.  On  the  4tli,  Capt.  /'«^c  r('|)orted  in 
General  Scott  that  a  party  of  Indians  was  about  to  cross  the  Chattalioochie  in 
their  way  to  Florida,  and  steps  were  immediat(!ly  made  to  stop  tlieni.  Tiie 
day  before  a  party  was  stopped  by  a  com|)any  of  Georgia  militia,  after  a  sharp 
f  kirmish,  in  which  one  white  and  sevral  Indians  were  supjiosed  to  have  been 
Killed.  Two  chiefs  were  woui.ded,  EalaJuiyo  in  the  shoulder,  and  Jim  Htnnf 
in  the  head.  The  action  tool-  |tlace  across  the  river,  which  being  high  and 
wide,  little  was  cff'ected.  Tlie  Indians  dared  the  whites  to  come  ovci-,  calicd 
them  dogs  and  cowards,  and  the  most  the  whites  could  do  was  to  ntaliule  in 
the  same  sort  of  language. 

About  the  end  of  .lune,  a  party  of  whites,  who  were  scouting  on  Flint  River, 
accide-ntally  found  a  young  woman  about  three  miles  from  Caudiridge,  \\  lio 
had  been  wounded  by  u  shot  in  the  breast.  She  stated  that,  on  the  2(\  of 
June,  about  300  Indiaiis  killi'd  all  the  family  to  which  she  belonged,  13  in 
number,  except  hers(;llj  and  her  fiither,  who  made  his  escape.  Alter  being 
shot,  she  feigned  death,  and  as  the  miinlered  were  not  scal|nd,  sin;  made  her 
escape  after  the  Indians  left  the  scene  of  butchery. 

Up  to  the  Itj  June,  all  the  houses  of  the  whites  in  the  Creek  coimtry  had 
b(!en  burned.  On  the  13th,  in  an  attack  on  an  Indian  town  by  s(Mne  \\)iit<s, 
24  persons  were  taken,  auiong  v.lnini  were  three  chiefs.  'J'hese  were  held  as 
liostages  at  Fort  Miicliell,  and  word  was  sent  to  the  hostile  i>nrty,  tiiat  if  they 
did  not  come  hi  and  surrender  they  shoidd  be  jiut  to  death.    The  next  day, 


Ijiip' 


436 


CAPTURE  OF  JIM  HEXRY  AND  NEAMATHLA. 


[Book  IV. 


120  came  in  and  declared  tlienisclves  friendly.  As  laie  as  tlie  28th  of  June, 
it  V  fis  reported  at  Coluinl)iis,  Ga.,  tliat  tiie  Creek  war  was  probably  at  an  end, 
"as  livr  as  fighting  was  concerned.  Jim  Henry's  party  Jiave  nearly  all  been 
taken.  They  were  confined  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  all  the  smiths  were  at  work 
making  handcuffij  for  them."  These  will  donbtless  he  sent  beyond  the  Mis- 
pissii)])i,  "except  the  chiefs,  five  or  six  in  number,  who  will  be  punished  with 
death,"  as  was  sui)posed. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  Jim  Henry  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  batxl  of  friendly  In- 
dians, under  a  chief  named  Jim  Boy.  For  a  few  days  previous  he  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  on  his  way  for  the  "promised  land;"  but  he  was  found  in 
the  Creek  nation,  a  few  miles  from  Tuskegee.  About  the  same  time  old 
JS/eamaUda  gave  himself  up  to  the  whites,  and  was,  on  the  day  of  the  cap- 
ture of  Jim  Henry,  with  about  15C0  others,  sent  off  for  Arkansas.  The  circum 
stance  of  his  falling  in  with  the  whites  is  said  to  be  as  follows: — General 
Jessup  had  left  Tuskegee  with  about  700  men,  intending  to  make  a  direct 
march  for  JS/eamcdhla's  camp,  which  was  on  Hatchahubbee  River.  As  Jesup 
marched  along,  his  forces  increased  to  2700  men,  of  which  1500  were  In- 
dians, under  tlie  chiefs  Hopoithleynhola  and  Jim  Boy.  When  he  had  arrived 
within  about  seven  miles  of  JVearnuthla's  camp,  he  ordered  a  halt,  to  refresh 
his  men  and  horses,  at  the  expense  of  the  beautiful  oatfields  of  the  Indians. 
While  the  army  lay  here,  a  scout  discovered  JVeamalhla  on  horseback.  He 
had  concluded  to  surrender,  and  had  a  white  cloth  tied  about  his  head,  and 
some  white  gannent  for  a  flag,  extended  upon  a  stick,  and  was  approaching 
towards  them.  They  ordered  him  to  halt,  but  he  gave  no  heed  to  them,  until 
within  a  few  paces.  He  was  talien  to  Gen.  Jessup^s  camp,  and  made  prisoner. 
With  him  were  his  son  and  daughter,  and  a  niece  cf  JVea  Mico.  The  two 
females  were  released,  but  his  son  was  confined  with  him  at  Fort  Mitchell 
On  being  asked  where  he  was  going  when  he  was  taken,  he  said  his  life  had 
been  threatened  by  his  own  people,  and  he  was  hastening  to  Fort  Mitchell,  to 
give  himself  up. 

JVea  Mico  had  some  days  before  given  himself  up.  He  was  considered  a 
great  chief.  David  Hardige,  a  half-breed,  was  taken  by  surjjrise,  with  about 
n  hundred  of  his  men,  with  their  women  and  childi'en.  By  the  8th  of  June, 
there  had  been  secured  between  3  and  4000  Indians,  which  were  despatched 
for  the  west  as  fast  as  circumstances  would  admit. 

A  party  of  about  GO  warriors,  who  were  endeavoring  to  escape  into  Florida, 
were  overtaken  by  Col.  Beat,  in  Chickasatchic  Swamp,  Baker  county,  Alabama, 
and  a  considerable  skirmish  ensued.  Nine  Indians  were  killed  and  20woiui(l- 
ed.  Of  Col.  BeaVa  men,  two  were  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Indians 
were  left  in  possession  of  the  swamp. 

The  following  account  was  published  in  the  Georgia  Herald  ofthe28  June, 
at  Columbus.  It  is  headed,  "Grand  Entree  into  Fort  Mitchell,"  and 
then  proceeds : — "  On  the  22  Juno,  we  witnessed  the  grand  entree  of  a  drove 
of  savages  into  the  Fort  [Mitchell]  consisting  of  men,  women  and  children, 
in  all  about  .1000;  among  them  200  warriors;  they  were  brought  in  by  a  bat- 
talion of  Alabama  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  Patterson.  The 
mm  were  placed  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  while  the  women  and  children 
were  encamped  on  the  outside.  It  was  an  assemblage  of  human  beings,  such 
as  we  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  the  sight  filled  us  with  thoughts  and  t'eel- 
iugs  to  which  we  shall  not  give  vent  at  this  time.  They  were  of  all  ages,  from  a 
month  old  to  a  hundred  years, — of  all  sizes,  from  the  little  papoosie  to  the 
giant  warrior.  The  old  "  Blind  King,^'  as  he  is  called,  rode  in  the  centre  of 
the  throng,  and  altiiough  it  has  been  many  years  since  he  beheld  the  light  of 
day,  yet  bus  the  feelings  of  hostility  continutid  to  rankle  at  his  heart.  The 
nutn(!s  of  the  hostile  chiefs  who  have  been  taken  and  have  come  in,  are  jVea 
E-Mathia,  Octo  Jlrcho-Emalhla,  [probably  son  of  JVeamathla,]  Miccocholey,  oi 
Blind  King,  Tustee-.Yiiggce,  Chopko-Yar-oar-Hadjo." 


»-^r-f. 


m^.. 


Wv,  > 


ill 


'    />'■ 


V    '//,•!,■/>:■        Or///)'  .'aj/ f>//C'f/.>'' 


'•  *♦  T  f: 


'^^m^" 


I 


Chap.  XIII.] 


HISTOIIV  OF  THE   ClIKKOKEES. 


437 


CHAPTER  xia 


UI3T0Uy    «iF     Vil»-.    f  \C*TKlA.TIO.N    OK    TUF    CHKK'**' 


enli'it , 


•>■•<•■   ^niiMiai,  tliKt   tbii  Unli-ff  of  tli«M   prcacnt  tiitiPk  munt  not  1i"  wri'i' 
■u.-!t    .11  my  0|>irfii>n.  ii    'i«, fif.-'f'ii  *t>  ir.  lii!<ioii.-iri,  ami  very  pr<'JM>liiii'  r 
•  ■'  ii>  «rile  111  "  ili«t  h'-:,  thnl  nl>  i\n\y  "iiijiil  prolirl  timir  mUlik'-"  ft  ■ 
•1      IV  iIh-  tru'li  I-  nm  ti;ie  ••ii<iu;-li  u   li.'  writ    in  !lii  Hyo  we  tivu  in: 

>     t>     I'M     lltJ*     liialfkri  ii  I  .     tia     frunii     a. it     II. a     »..^I«     nf     .fiti     1l.itj.«       ri.«l     flii>     titnii.1     I. 


■hi.y 


-  ••    '  ' •*  *■   ■'■»■"-••  .-    ■' '  "y'    "-•    "-"  •" 

h  ve  tlio  iii.itu[iui    tu  (Mail  bU  ti'O  iierli  nt  .iiii  li.'Uri,  iisi  tlio  tiniuii 

".''lil!  Ill  Uic  w>iita  iou>\'«  wrtnts  llicr"  i«  n.'  eti"! : 
Ho  «nl(t,  '  hryonJ  ilvo'o  liil  ,.  lie  wijukI  not  comi>,' 
Hill  •"  iln^  »i!«ii'rn  SCI.-  !.;■    Imni!«  exKiml, 

K.'C  yi-t  Ilia  pr)iiii»u  dii;*  up.jii  lil»  tu<iguc." — I'NruBi.istiEii  Tm. 

U  lui-F.  tl>f!  Will-  is  protrrp-siii;;  in   Flojitla,  wv  will   procccil  to  lay  opnti 

l>w  imiics  ol'  Cherokee  liistory,  |>ray!ng,  ia  xho.  nid.n  i\w\  lor  it.-;  -|ici.(|y 
'oii'lu.sioii. 

'I'Ik  >iiu;itioTi  of  llic  Cliemk'.'O  roiiiitry  it;  most  ilfiightfui ;  it  i:-  every  fliiiiic 
i'frtl  heart  coiihl  wish,  whither  uetiiatetl  hy  th«'  h<;t.t  or  worst  <»f'  inotivcs.  It 
;•  .•  II)  alKMit  tlMity-ti''^  ili>>rn'tv-i  i  T  jiorUieni  latitude.  Ijomidcti  rth  luid  west 
i'v  'r<'ijiiuK»e*i,  on  the  i^ontit  h\  Alnh«ir»;i,  and  e/i'^turly  l)y  (;i«'orpia  aii(!  Norili 
'  '•'iliiia,  coiii|»ri.«i!i,i;  al><iiit  8.(.fM)  *>\i::tr-  tinle:*.  h\  If'W  it  e<'Pi;(iu(5d  11.  [75; 
•  IfVer  VI  ••    ,i'Hi!!.,'  [tiM'u  luM  to  the  I  int<d  iS!i«i>;j»  lor  th--  iiiH)  of  (i-  o.  jjut. 

fhiit  riiu-  ■  • 'i  I'Y  livicrr  sprinu:-,  in  .  vj-r    :.,,it,  ^•'' 

t;i.ii.-  nre  ok'  .        '!■  i  j/reur  >:!■•::(';  hy  tli,  a.-'l     I  iti;m ;  ii 

II'.  ''1'  sujierior 'i(M/)ii!  if:«;  oi  '/•mi'  ";,'•  i..l  r'';<er\oir«,  rj>ii>ie'l  byspiunif  •■f 
1*11  . 1  lolly  nuiff'.  ot"  iiiouiitaiiis  wlileli  Mn  Irh  across  the  \',i.t'U.-.  i!.''!  ,  '  :i„ 
ii'M'i'i  it  is  liill^  ;  liiit  ill  tiie  *Mitli  HI'-  iiiiiiierotiii  fi-rtile  plain.-,  in  .tl 

Willi  t.-i'!  trees,  lliroiii(li  wlii'-ii  heiniiiiiil  .srr<'iiiiis  "f  wuti;!  '.riide,  '..  i  .liji- 
ill  va.-t  iurds,  roam,  and  lior.e.s  are  j'li  lUy,  aiid  in  ;:ll  Uif  sirdii  .iry  Us«:s  lunong 
llie  Indi.'ms.  Flocks  ol'slx  i-p,  tmat.-^,  aiiil  s^virir,  live  om  the  slopes  of  the  Jiill-<. 
Oil  their  iiavii;ahle  rivers  tlic  ('  lii;n>kei«  have  vt^sscls  enjjaifed  in  coiiiiiieree. 
Their  s[>riii;,'  ope;).-'  in  ^'re-if  heiury;  iiic  moU  is  exee'letit  !i>r  com,  '.ittoM, 
i.)i)aec'o,  wlieai.  Oat.-*,  iudJ!.'*!,  sweet  aiii!  Irish  potatoes;  and  tho  peopKi  had,  in 
Ifr'io,  hei'viii  to  li.vport  t'oiioii  ?.i  Nc'v  ('  :  ans  in  th«frr  own  m  ir^.seL-. 

They  have  )»ii!iJic  roaiif*.  .hhI  tuvpr.n.  wt.ih  {food  at'e<  i:  ('il;ir,.ius,  and 
hiitler  iUi'i  •heeee  nr.-'  ruiiioi  ui  i»|h»'i  ih.-  ardiuary  tahlfs  ot'  lav  Jndian  inliab- 
iii.ii! -.     Ne.it  nnd  f!o«tn»hiii;^  vili,in«'«  i'"ve  ■i'jmmI',  -si.  ■»  '  .i-.fo  tji'tny.    •'oltoii 


lUjliV- 


■iindf.    Theni  is 


}   had  ifi- 


ai)(l   woolh'ii  eh  ^hfi  vou  nianivfa'.'iun  >^  i.uS 
scari'flv  a  Inmily  wliJeh  doe'   e*        < 

Their  iiado  is  nlinoM  wholiy  can;  . 

arts  are  eonsidorahly  enltivated,  aiin.x  .;■.  i;^...  uir, ,      :  <  ^^ 
teiilioii  of  ilii'  inhaliilanl--'. 

\u  I'-i'.t,  there  Were  ahoot  10,(100  inliahitai.ls,  and  in  \fih 
eri'ahud  to  i:>.."iii;k  ail  natives;  there  wrre,  in  addition,  147  \\liil«;  na-ii  niarrj.  d 
!o  the  naiioM,  and  1\\  wliite  women.  Of  .f^^laves  there  were  1.'277.  lltMiet!  it  i< 
;i..iin  that  the  CiirrokeeM  th)  not  le'roiist',  hut  have,  in  al-uni  iive  jears.  -n- 
••nsHsed  over  ;i,.'50O.  This  is  etpial,  at  It  ast,  to  the  inerciise  of  wliite  popula- 
itmr  under  similar  cireiiinstanees, 

IJy  the  laws  of  the  nation,  rlie  whiif^*  n  •  :dl<>\ved  the  prtvijejfes  of  iiulives, 

Af,  pt  Ih.nf  of  KiilVrnL'e,  toudlier  with  the  -  mtdiirihility  to  Imld  I'tihi.s,    Somo 
«>l  (he  ("^h.-rokees,  lit'lowins:  the;  exaiiudi'     *  dieir  wmtlieru  n^:i;J;ld)ol•s•,  hii\e 
t><"riiino  ;ihive-lioldris;   hnyini^'  tli.  ir  m 
iiiio  t'le    lali'iii.     And  here  the  n-ih  et,> 
ih"  relative  harharity  of  iljo  white  nod 
Kirm    rtoiithern  Hiali.viwn,  iluit  tiir  fndl:    • 
they  eouli!  not  think  of  living  beside  ; 
bv  thptn  to  tliese  biirhnriiiu.i!    Hut,  iml.'*. 
1*    I  "•.   mix  with  thoir  bluvt"^ 

;  h<'  i.'ifiou  was  reoriranize'!  in  I?'"'',  ■  tnl  by  a  r«*p<>lve  of  its  ii-iti-eud  cotin- 
•  t  1   \'.;t;d  into  eijrht  disirici-,  tae'i     i   .vhieh  had  die  jirivii-fiv  of  swndtug 
87  • 


•viiiio  MU!!i  who  Liriiifj  ihciii 

ly  tirisv-  in  the  iiapiiry  upon 

:i,ii.     It  \>aA  sfrtiiijjiy  urjied  hy 

■  •re  sneh  Imrbjiroiih  wretches  ih; : 

and  yet  poor  Africans  arc  m' ! 

die-  whiles  in  o;k  pjuticiilur,  th*  v 


»i«:.i( 


■10' 


Chap.  XIII.l 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEUOKEES. 


437 


CHAPTER  xm. 


HISTORY   OF    THE    EXPATRIATION    OF    THE    CHF.ROKEES. 


"Sottip  entertiin,  that  tho  history  of  these  present  tiinon  must  not  bo  written  by  any  one  nlivo  ; 
vvliich,  in  my  U|>iiiion,  is  (liH;;r:iieriil  to  lui  liiKtuti.in,  nnil  very  prejudicial  to  [)o«ti>rity  ;  na  if  they 
were  to  write  at  ii  di.Jtanre,  that  ohflcurity  niiirlit  protect  their  mistakes  from  discovery.  Otheri 
ul!4o  say  the  truth  is  not  lipe  enough  to  he  writ  in  the  age  we  live  in:  80  politicians  would 
not  h.ive  the  hi^itoriun  to  tread  on  the  heck  of  tho  times,  Icit  the  timet  tread  on  liis  heels." 

VVlN3Ti\I.r. 

"  Still  to  the  white  man's  wants  there  is  no  end  : 

lie  said,  ■  ln-yund  those  hills  he  would  not  come.' 
But  to  the  westerti  seas  his  hands  extend, 
Ete  yet  his  promise  dies  upon  his  tongra." — UrtrusLisHEo  Poem. 

While  the  war  is  progressing  in  Florida,  we  will  proceed  to  lay  open 
a  tew  pages  of  Ciierokee  history,  j)raying,  in  the  mean  time,  for  its  speeily 
conclusion. 

Tlio  situation  of  the  Cherokee  country  is  most  delightful ;  it  is  every  thing 
that  heart  coidd  wish,  whether  actuated  by  the  best  or  worst  of  motives.  It 
lies  in  about  thirty-five  degrees  of  northern  latitude,  hounded  north  and  west 
by  Tennessee,  on  the  soiuh  by  Alal)aina,  and  easterly  by  Georgia  and  Nortli 
('arolina,  com[)rising  about  8,000  sipiare  miie.s.  In  1802  it  contained  11,175; 
tho  difiijrence  huvuig  been  sold  to  the  United  States  for  the  use  of  Georgia. 

That  coimtry  is  well  watered  by  living  springs,  in  every  part,  whose  loim- 
taiiis  are  like  reservoirs  raised  to  a  great  height  by  the  art  of  man  ;  they  hav- 
ing the  sujjerior  advantage  of  being  natural  reservoirs,  raised  by  .springs  in 
their  lolly  range  of  moimtains  which  stretch  acro.ss  tlie  whole  nation.  In  the 
nortli  it  is  hilly ;  but  in  the  south  are  numerous  fertile  plains,  in  jjart  covered 
with  tall  trees,  through  which  beautiful  streams  of  water  glide.  Here  cattle, 
in  va.^t  herds,  roam,  and  horses  are  plenty,  and  in  all  the  ordinary  uses  among 
the  Lulians.  Flocks  of  sheej),  goats,  and  swine,  live  on  the  slopes  of  the  hills. 
On  their  navigable  rivers  the  Cherokees  have  vessels  engaged  in  commerce. 
Their  spring  opens  in  great  beauty:  the  soil  is  excellent  for  corn,  cotton, 
tobacco,  wheat,  oats,  Jidigo,  sweet  and  Irish  potatoes ;  and  the  people  had,  in 
18'2.5,  begun  to  export  cotton  to  New  Orleans  in  their  own  vessels. 

They  Iiavt;  ])ublic  roads,  and  tavtjrns  with  good  accommodations,  and 
butter  and  citeese  are  coiimion  upon  the  ordinary  tables  of  the  Indian  inhab- 
itants. Neat  and  (iourishing  villages  have  already  sprung  into  being.  Cotton 
and  woollen  cloths  are  manufiiciiu'ed,  and  bi/ milive  Indian  hands.  There  is 
scarcely  a  liimily  which  does  not  rai.se  cotton  siiflicient  lor  its  own  use. 
Their  trade  is  almost  wholly  curried  on  by  native  Cherokees.  The  mechaiiitj 
aits  are  coiisidenibly  cidtivatetl,  although  agricultiue  chiefly  engLgcs  the  at- 
tention of  till!  inliabitants. 

In  1819,  tbiMM!  were  about  10,000  inhabitants,  and  in  1855  they  had  in- 
creased to  1!{,5(>;{,  all  natives;  there  were,  in  addition,  147  white  lu.en  married 
ill  the  nation,  and  7;?  white  women.  Of  slaves  there  were  1,'277.  Hence  it  is 
jilain  that  the  Clierokees  do  not  decrease,  but  have,  in  about  five  years,  in- 
creased over  J},500.  This  is  etpial,  at  least,  to  the  increase  of  white  popula- 
tion imder  similar  circumstances. 

By  the  laws  of  the  nation,  the  wliites  are  allowed  the  privileges  of  natives, 
except  that  of  sufirage,  together  with  their  ineligiiiility  to  hold  offices.  Some 
of  the  (Cherokees,  following  the  exam|)le  of  their  southern  neighbors,  lia\e 
become  slave-holders;  buying  their  ncgro(>s  of  white  men  who  iuing  them 
into  tho  lalion.  And  here  the  reflection  iifitiirally  iifi.ses  in  the  iiii|uiry  upon 
the  relative  barbarity  of  the  white  and  red  m(!ii.  It  was  strongly  urged  by 
some  soiilhern  slalesmrn,  that  the  Indians  were  such  barbarous  w  retches  that 
they  could  not  tliink  ot"  living  beside  them;  and  yiit  ])oor  Ali-icaiis  are  sold 
by  them  to  these  barhnrlnns!  But,  unlike  the  whites  in  one  particular,  they 
will  not  mix  with  their  slaves. 

The  nation  was  reorganized  in  1820,  and  by  a  resolve  of  its  national  coun- 
ril,  divided  into  eight  districts,  each  of  which  had  the  privilege  of  sending 
37* 


438 


HISTORY  OF  the;  CIIKROKEES. 


[BuoK  IV. 


four  mcni1)ors  to  tne  legislatiiro.  The  pny  of  nionibers  was  pptablislied  at 
one  dollar  per  (lay;  that  of  the  speaker  being  li.xed  at  one  and  a  hall'  dollars 
and  the  principal  chicls  were  to  receive  150  dollars  a  year.  Home  ol"  tlieli 
principal  laws  and  regidations  were — a  prohibition  of  j-piritiioiis  liqnors  be- 
ing brought  into  the  nation  by  white  men.  if  u  white  man  took  a  Oherokeo 
\\  ile,  li(i  must  marry  her  according  to  their  laws  ;  but  her  pro|)erty  was  not 
ariected  by  sncli  union.  No  man  was  allowed  but  one  wife.  A  judge,  mar- 
shal, sheriff  and  dejjuty,  and  two  constables,  were  co'.iimissii  ned  in  each  dis- 
tiict.  Endiezzlement,  intercepting  and  opening  sealed  letters,  was  j)unished 
by  a  fine  of  100  dollars,  and  100  lashes  on  the  hare  back.  No  business  was 
allowed  on  Simdays;  and  fences  were  regulated  by  statute.  They  also  had 
u  statute  of  limitations,  which,  however,  did  noi  affect  notes  or  settled  ac 
eoimls.  A  will  was  valid,  if  found,  on  the  decease  of  its  maker,  to  have  been 
written  by  him,  and  witnessed  by  two  creditable  p«'rsons.  A  man  leaving  no 
^\ill,  all  his  children  shared  e(pial,  and  his  wile  as  one  of  them  ;  if  he  h.-lt  no 
children,  then  the  widow  to  have  a  fourth  j)art  of  all  pro])erty ;  the  otlier 
three  lijin'ths  to  go  to  his  neanist  relations.  And  so  if  the  will'  died,  leaving 
jtroperty.  Before  the  division  of  the  nation  into  districts,  and  the  aj)point- 
mt^nt  of  the  above-named  civil  officers,  there  was  an  orgiuiized  conijiany  of 
light-horse,  which  ex(!cute(l  the  orders  of  the  chiefs,  searched  out  oflenders, 
and  brought  them  to  justice.  It  was  a  fundainental  law,  that  no  land  shouhl 
be  sold  to  the  white  j)eople,  without  the  authority  of  a  majerity  of  the  nation. 
Transgressors  of  this  law  were  punished  with  death. 

The  Cherokees  were  similarly  situated  to  the  Creeks,  in  respect  to  the  Uni- 
ted States.  They  had  been  treated  with  from  the  earliest  days  of  the  n!j)ub- 
lic,  as  an  independent  nation,  with  only  this  diflerence — the  United  States 
regarding  treaty  stipulations  with  them  without  any  regard  to  their  weakness, 
or  inability  to  defend  themselves  against  unjust  intrusions.  And  thus  were 
they  considered  through  the  early  administrations  of  this  government;  until 
])olitical  intrigue  had  become  the  order  of  the  day,  and  to  strengthen  a  party 
l)y  the  accession  of  a  state,  it  was  found  necessary  to  disregard  sacred  trea- 
ties, not  at  first  by  an  open  denial  of  obligations,  but  by  a  perversion  of  lan- 
guage, authorizing  "any  means  to  encompass  the  end."  And  like  tlie  Creek 
nation,  the  Cherokees  were  tampered  with,  and  eventually  divided  and  ruined ; 
thus  verif'ing  that  remarkable  passage  of  Scripture,  namely,  "a  house  divided 
against  its 'K' cannot  stand." 

The  con.  (;i]uences  which,  by  evei-y  thinking  mind,  were  considered  sure  to 
follow,  did  follow ;  but  not  so  immediately  as  had  been  anticipated,  reasoning 
from  tlie  summary  course  which  the  Creeks  had  j)ursued  in  executing  ven- 
geance upon  the  heads  of  a  similar  faction,  for  a  precisely  similar  outrage 
upon  the  will  and  the  laws  of  that  nation.  But  the  day  of  retribution  was 
at  hand,  and  the  heads  of  the  Cherokee  faction  have  met  a  like  (ate  in  the 
distant  land  to  wliich  they  had  forced  their  despairing  executioners.  The 
history  of  the  fate  of  Kidge  and  his  associates  will  go  down  upon  the  same 
page  of  history  with  that  of  Mackintosh ;  over  which  the  i)hilanthropist  of 
succeeding  ages  will  mourn,  and  the  philoso|)her  will  frown  witli  just  indig- 
nation, as  he  contem])lates  the  source  of  guilt  whence  the  stream  flowed. 

But  the  bare  recit{d  of  the  events  in  the  history  of  the  Cherokees  is  suffi- 
cient to  create  the  deepest  ii'eliiigs  of  commiseration  in  every  breast,  without 
any  reflections  ti-oui  the  historian. 

Georgia,  finding  she  could  not  drive  the  United  States  govei^nment  into 
Ihu"  measures  for  the  forcible  possession  of  the  Cherokee  country,  resolved 
to  do  soon  her  own  account;  but  not  having  the  courage  to  go  sword  in 
hand,  and  do  it  ai  a  blow,  she  resorted  to  the  equally  condenmable  course  of 
management,  which  was  to  seize  U])on  the  country  under  cclor  of  law.  And 
those  laws,  made  for  the  very  occasion,  were  so  exceedingly  oppi-essive  that 
X\n'  Indians  could  not  live  mulcr  them. 

The  laws  alluded  to  were  ])assed  on  the  20tli  of  D(>cember,  182!),  by  the 
legislature  of  the  state  of  (Jeorgia,  and  were  of  this  complexion:  "It  is  here- 
by ordained  that  all  the  laws  of  (icorgia  are  extench^d  over  the  Cherokee 
coiuitry.  That  after  the  Jst  day  of  .June,  1850,  all  Indians  then  and  at  that 
time  residuig  in  said  territory,  shall  be  liable  and  subject  to  such  laws  a)"t 


I 


Chap.  XIII.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


439 


rt'sfulations  as  tlic  Iej,'iriliitiirc  may  hereafter  prescril)e.  Tliat  all  laws,  usages, 
and  customs,  made  and  estahlislied,  and  entorccd  in  tlic  said  territory,  l>y  tlie 
said  Clierokce  Indians,  be,  and  tlie  same  are  iiereity,  on  and  atler  tlit^  1st  day 
of  June,  ItiMO,  declared  null  and  void  ;  and  no  Indian,  or  descendiint  of  an 
Indian  residing  within  the  Creek  or  Cherokee  tuitions  of  Indians,  shall  he 
d.inied  a  (lompetent  witness,  or  party  to  any  suit  in  any  court,  when;  a  white 
ni:ui  is  a  deti'iidant."  Such  is  a  specimen  of  the  laws  allude<l  to;  trained  to 
throw  the  Jiidians  into  entire  couliision,  that  they  might  he  the  mort!  easily 
overcome,  destroyc-d,  or  forced  I'roin  the  laud  of  their  nativity. 

That  the  Cherokees  could  not  live  tinder  the  laws  ot'  (Jeorgia  i.s  most 
inanilest,  and  it  is  etpially  mamtest  that  said  laws  were  never  made  in  expec- 
tation that  they  could  be  subinitt(!d  to.  Thus  tli(!  constitution  of  the  I'liited  ' 
Slates  was  trampled  on  with  iin|Miniiy,  by  an  utter  disregaril  of  one  of  it.s 
('.\|)ress  provisioii.s,  "That  no  state  shall  pass  any  law  or  laws  going  to  imi)air 
the  obligation  of  contracts."  Now,  how  could  a  Cherokee  compel  a  (leorgiau 
to  pertiirm  a  contract?  Thus  was  the  axe  not  only  laid  at  the  foot  of  the 
tree  of  Cherokee  liberty,  but  it  was  shortly  to  be  wielded  by  the  strong  arm 
of  |)ower  with  deadly  etlect. 

Alarm  now,  as  well  it  might,  was  seen  perched  upon  the  brow  of  every 
true  Cherokee,  and  they  bisgan  to  revolve  in  their  minds  the  nature  of  their 
condition,  and  to  in({uire  of  one  another  what  they  were  to  do.  They  remon- 
strated, but  remonstrance  wa>5  met  with  contumely,  and  all  the  haughtiness 
that  characterizes  the  triumph  of  might  over  right. 

Though  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  the  Cherokees  were 
determined  not  to  jiersist  in  any  course,  however  just  it  might  a])pear  to  them, 
without  first  consulting  some  of  the  ablest  jurists  and  best  men,  as  well  as 
the  most  devoted  to  the  good  of  their  country,  among  the  eminent  men  of  the 
L'nited  States.  There  was  but  one  opinion  among  them.  Chief  .Fiistici;  'VFar- 
sliall.  Chancellor  Kent,  William  Wirt,  iMr.  Justice  iM'Lane,  Daniel  Webster, 
and  Henry  Clay,  are  names  carrying  authority  with  them;  an  array  of  talent 
which  other  nations  may  eipial,  but  not  surpass. 

Accordingly  the  Lidians  brought  their  case  before  the  supreme  court  of  the 
United  States,  where  it  was  argued  with  fidelity  and  ability  by  IMr.  Sargent 
and  Mr.  Wirt,  and  finally  and  clearly  given  in  favor  of  the  Cherokees.  Mr. 
Wirt  Irppily  adverted,  in  his  argument,  lo  the  jiast  and  present  eondiiet  of 
Georgia;  niininded  her  that,  with  the  other  states,  she  had  coi())erated  with 
the  most  Christian  assiduity  and  perseverance  to  bring  about  a  chaiigi;  in  the 
intellectual  and  moral  condition  of  that  people  t  and  having  completely 
effected  the  purpo.so,  she  found  in  this  very  change,'  i  ground  of  (piarrcl  with 
them,  as  well  as  with  her  sister  states,  her  auxiliarie.  in  tlu^  laudable  work; 
accusing  these  of  hyitoci  isy  and  an  aflijcted  benevolence,  by  which  they  were 
violating  Georgia's  soveicignty  in  bringing  U|)  an  independent  government 
within  her  chartered  limits;  that  so  long  as  they  were  savages  and  barba- 
rians, Georgia  had  no  objection  to  their  governing  themselves,  but  having  now 
become  civilized,  and  consecpiently  capaltic  of  governing  tliemselves,  their 
right  of  self-government  must  cease.  "Hence  we  ask,"  says  Mr.  W'irt,  "what 
can  this  unfortunate  people  do  ?  " 

"  The  existence  of  this  remnant  of  a  once  great  and  mighty  nation,"  added 
!Mr.  Wirt,  "is  at  stake,  and  it  is  for  this  court  to  say  whether  they  shall  be 
blott(!tl  out  from  creation,  in  utter  disregard  of  all  our  treaties.  Tlii'y  are 
here  in  tlie  last  extremity,  and  witii  them  must  perish  tonsver  the  honor  of 
the  Amijrican  name.  The  faith  of  our  nation  is  iiitaliy  linked  with  their 
e.xislence,  au<!  the  blew  which  destroys  them  (pieiiches  forever  our  own 
glory:,  t<)r  what  i:lory  can  there  be  of  which  a  ])atriot  can  ne  proud,  affer  the 
good  name  of  his  country  shall  have  d(>parted  ?  We  may  gather  laurels  on 
the  rii^ld  of  battle,  and  troi)hi(!S  on  flu;  occ^an,  but  they  will  never  hide  this 
foul  blot  uiKUi  our  escutcheon.  'Remember  the  Ch(!rokee  nation,' will  be 
answer  enough  to  the  ]iroudest  boasts  that  we  can  ever  make.  Such,  it  is 
possible,  there  may  be  who  are  willing  to  glory  in  their  own  shame,  but  thank 
Ifeaven,  tliey  are  comparatively  ti'W.  The  great  majority  of  the  AiiK^rican 
jieople  see  this  subject  in  its  true  light.  And  I  cannot  believe  that  this  honor- 
able court,  possessing  the  newer  ol'  preservation,  will  stand  by  and  see  tlnse 


440 


HISTORY  OF  Tin:  CUCROKEES. 


[ISooK    IV 


people  stripped  of  tlicir  property  and  cxtirpntcd  from  tlic  enrlli,  wiiilo  they 
arc  lioldiiif,'  up  to  us  tlnir  treaties  and  elaitninjr  llie  fulfilment  of  our  en^tage- 
ments.  h'  truth,  and  tiiitli,  and  honor,  and  jiislice,  have  fled  from  every  other 
jmrt  of  our  oountry,  we  shull  find  thcni  here,  if  not,  our  sun  has  yone  down 
in  treachery,  blood,  and  erinie,  in  the  tiice  of  tlie  world;  and  instead  of  being 
proud  of  our  eountry,  we  may  well  eall  upon  the  rocks  and  mountains  to 
hide  our  shame  liom  earth  aiKl  heaven." 

riiich  were  the  opinions  of  the  great  and  good  upon  the  Cherokee  question  ; 
hut  how  was  he  mistaken  in  respoet  to  the  virtue  of  a  government,  of  which 
lie  was  a  pillar  and  chief  siipiioiter  in  all  its  just  dealings!  With  what  grief 
must  he  liave  seen,  notwitlistanifing  the  sacritices  and  efforts  he  had  made 
to  obtain  justice,  and  the  decision  of  the  highest  tribunal  of  his  country, 
all  disregarded,  this  decision  set  at  naught,  and  that  country's  si/7i  go  liown 
in  treuclicn/,  hlood,  and  crime!  And  it  is  with  (lee]»  mi'lanclioly  we  add,  that 
the  great  statesman  and  ]iliiluiithn>pist  saw  the  near  appmach  to  the  horizon 
of  the  once  glowing  star  of  empire  of  a  noble  ])eo|'.le!  lie  saw,  as  his  own 
lanii)  flickered  ou  the  cvv.  of  departure  to  another  world,  tliat  de<'p  stain  fitll 
upon  the  escutcheon  of  his  country's  honor,  \\  liich  he  had  so  niiich  feared. 
\\  ii-i,iAM  Wirt  descended  to  the  tomb  in  the  beginning  of  tla;  year  Ifiliiy. 

Th(!  Cherokecs,  like  the  Creeks,  had,  by  designing  and  avaricious  men, 
been  divided  into  two  jjarties,  which  were  distinguished  fiom  one  another  by 
very  marked  diflerences.  The  peojile  composing  the  first  were  generally 
temperate,  industrious,  and  fhigal ;  liad  made  great  advancement  in  the  arts 
of  civilized  liti-,  and  hence;  had  become  tar  more  .ittached  to  their  country 
than  those  of'  an  opposite  character.  The  other  jiart  of  the  nation  consisted 
of  a  majority  of  indolent,  intemiierate.  roving,  and  ignorant  citizens;  always 
restless,  ever  ready  to  hear  to  nny  new  siiKxah-toiigued  miscreant,  who  might 
throw  himself  among  tlicMii  ii]»on  any  design,  ^'et  there  were  many  among 
the  second  party  whose  character  was  good,  and  who  were  made  seriously  to 
think  that  it  would  he  f()r  their  interest  to  sell  out  their  possessions,  and  take 
up  a  new  country  beyond  the  Mississi|)|ti.  Ihit  the  talent  and  learning  were 
not  with  them,  and  consecpiently  they  had  not  the  ability  to  judge  of  such  u 
project,  according  to  tiie  admonitions  of  the  true  policy  of  the  nation. 

At  the  period  of  Cherokee  history  now  under  consideration,  that  nation 
contained  a  population  of  18,000  souls.  How  near  it  was  divided  in  rcsjiect 
to  numbers  is  not  i)recisely  known,  but  that  part  1  have  denominated  the  first 
was  by  liir  the  most  numerous,  as  well  as  '.\h\  jiiost  respectable.     These  two 

1)arties  had  each  its  head  or  leader,  and  was  known  by  his  name.  Mr.  Jolm 
ioss  led  the  first,  and  ]\lajor  Ridge  the  second.  IMr.  Koss  had  become  an 
eminent  citizen,  and  being  |)nssessed  of  a  fine  education,  res])eetabl('  talents, 
and  extensive  and  enlarged  views  ui)ou  all  subjects,  soon  becani*!  piominent 
without  any  efforts  to  make  himself  so.  On  ihi'  other  hand  IMr.  Ridge,  though 
girf.ly  beloved  by  his  own  people,  and  highly  res|iectcd  among  the  whites, 
had  not  the  moral  courage  to  withstand  tempations  that  u  trtie  patriot 
requires. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things,  when  it  was  decided  by  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  that  Ccorgia  must  not  execute  her  pernicious  laws 
in  and  over  the  Cherokee  country.  Yet,  as  has  already  been  observed,  she 
did  proceed  to  execute  them,  and  finding  that  many  of  the  Indians  would  not 
at  once  be  forced  away  by  tlieir  cruel  and  oiiprcssive  execution,  but  continued 
to  suffer  under  them,  resort  was  had  to  buying  up  such  of  the  chiefs  and 
head  men  of  the  nation  as  money  wou'il  succeed  with.  And,  finally,  a  treaty 
was  made  with  such  men  as  bribery  iniliieiiced,  and  on  its  sciigth,  event- 
ually, tin;  Cherokecs  were  f<)rced  beyriid  the  Mississipj)i. 

The  engagement  entered  into  with  Ceorgia  by  the  T'nited  States  govern- 
ment in  180'<i,  has,  in  iv  former  chapter,*  been  noticed.  In  that  compact  there 
was  no  stiitulation  that  the  Cherokecs  should,  at  any  time,  be  forced  to  sell 
their  remaining  lands;  but  when  they  were  iciV/incr,  if  any  such  time  should 
ever  arrive,  and  the  ])rice  should  not  he  an  objection,  then  the  United  Stjites 
had  thepoiwr,  and  not  till  then,  to  buy  lut  the  Cherokecs, 


*  13ook  IV.,  page  o3,  aiile. 


Chap.  XIII.] 


HISTORY  or  Tiir,  fiii:iioKKi:s. 


441 


But,  in  18;}o,  Georgia  liiid  becoino  ho  clainorous,  that  "the  government" 
tlioiight  best  to  make  um  uttcnipt  to  treut  willi  tlieso  Indians  to  go  west,  on 
some  terms  or  otiier.  Accordingly,  tiio  president  appointed  one  Rev.  J.  F. 
tschcrnit-riiorn,  of  Ncnv  Yorit,  to  proceed  to  the  Cheroiiee  country  for  that 
j)urpose.  He  j)roce(!dcd  to  the  nation,  and,  with  some  trouiih-,  got  tiie  cliiefs 
together,  and  ()|iened  the  natnn;  of  liis  niissi()n  betijre  them.  He  waa 
informed  that  tliey  wouM  not  treat  for  tlie  sale  of  tiicir  country  on  any  con 
ditions,  and  the  connnissioner  gave;  up  tiie  design  luiil  returned  to  Wash- 
ington. Jhit  there  is  no  salety  to  tlie  iiuiocent  where  the  cui)idity  of  designing 
knaves  can  In;  brought  to  bear  upon  thiuu. 

'I'lie  ])lan  inunt'ifiaii-ly  adoi)tcd  by  Scliermcrliom  was  to  seduce  some  of  tho 
ciiiefs  by  gratuities  of  luoucN,  and  tiiereby  to  get  together  sucii  as  he  could 
of  the  nation,  and,  if  possible,  make  a  treaty  with  them  which  should  biiul  uh 
the  rest;  but  to  tlit;  honor  of  the  secretary  at  war,  (Jen.  Cass,  it  will  be  re- 
niemhered,  that  wiieii  such  a  proje(;t  was  made  known  to  him,  he  rejected  it 
with  disdain.  Whether  this  instrument  of  injustice  was  countenanced  by 
men  higher  in  otlice  than  the  secnstary  at  war,  1  leave  to  be  determined; 
but  however  that  might  l)e,  it  is  certain  that  Hchermerhorn  was  found  without 
loss  of  time  ])ursuing  that  nefarious  plan,  which  Gov.  Cass  had  set  his  seal  of 
nn(pialitied  disapj)rol)ation  U|)on.  lie  circulated  noticesof  his  design  through- 
ftiit  the  CluM-okee  nation,  refpiesting  them  to  meet  him  in  council ;  and  fuially 
he  got  a  nuiid)er  of  the  nation  together,  which  he  called  a  council  of  tlie  nalion, 
and  made  a  treaty  with  them.  J{y  the  stipidations  of  this  treaty,  (fiilsely  so 
called,)  tln!  whole  country  was  to  be  given  u|)  to  the  whites  within  two  years 
li-om  the  time  it  should  be  ratilied  by  the  senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  great  majority  of  the  Cherokees,  as  has  been  observed,  woidd  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Schermerhorn,  and  consecpiently,  whatever  he  did  had 
nothing  to  do  with  them  ;  and  when  its  acknowledgment  and  acceptance 
were  urged  at  Washington,  it  was  rebutted  with  the  astounding  memorial, 
signed  by  near  Jifleen  thousand  of  the  nation,  protesting  in  the  strongest  terms, 
that  the  instrument  j)rocured  ])y  Schermerhorn  was  utterly  false,  and  iniaii- 
thorizcd  by  the  Cherokees.  Yet  after  all  that  those  1.5,000  people  coidd  do, 
that  tredli/  was,  with  some  little  variation,  published  to  the  world,  at  the  city 
of  Washington,  on  tin;  14th  of  IMarch,  18U),  as  the  act  of  that  nation! 

When  tli(!  nation  tbund  that  the  party  which  had  executed  the  treaty  were 
going  to  Washington  to  furtiier  its  ratitication,  the  council  of  the  nation  im- 
mediately appointed  a  delegation  of  twenty  of  its  best  men  to  proceed  there 
also,  clothed  with  authority  to  represent  their  countrymen  truly.  It  had  be- 
come now  apparent  that  if  they  would  not  sell  their  country  for  ivliril  it  teas 
the  pleasure  of  the  government  to  give,  they  would  be  driven  trom  it  without  any 
thing;  therefore,  all  that  was  letl  lor  them  to  do,  was  to  g(!t  the  best  terms 
tii(!y  could.  And  it  was  finally  agreed  by  the  authorized  delegation,  that  they 
would  abide  by  such  an  award  as  the  senate  should  make  lor  their  lands,  pro- 
vided that  when  it  was  laid  belbre  the  nation,  it  should  be  consented  to  by  it; 
accordingly,  a  paper  was  signed  by  the  Indians,  agreeing  to  abide  the  action 
of  the  senate.  Of  that  action,  l\ir.  Ross,  the  principal  chief,  says,  he  would 
not  have  complained,  if  it  had  been  "fully  and  fliiriy"  obtained  ;  but  "a  res- 
olution was  submitted  at  midnight,  on  the  3d  of  March,  just  as  the  senate 
were  about  to  separate,  premising,  tluit,  in  its  opinion,  the  president  ought  to 
allow  a  sum  not  exceeding  5,000,000  .  f  dollars.  This  resolution,  proposed  in 
a  Inury,  was  carried  in  as  great  a  lun-rv,  and,  though  a  mere  opinion,  not 
pledging  either  the  i)resident  or  tho  senate  to  any  consetpient  action,  was 
represented  to  us  as  an  ^award^  and  we  were  told  we  had  engaged  ourselves 
to  be  bound  by  it." 

The  delegation  next  proceeded  to  lay  the  matter  before  the  nation  ;  which 
liaving  done,  the  "award"  of  the  s(Miate  was  unanimously  rejected.  Ihit  Gen, 
Jackson  had  now  taken  the  matter  into  his  Ik  <is,  and  whatever  might  be 
said  or  done  by  an  Indian  council,  would  make  no  lillerence  with  his  deter- 
mination. And  when  he  found  that  they  were  reluctant  to  submit  to  what 
they  had  never  had  any  intention  of  agreeing  to,  he  ordered  Mr.  Secretary 
Harris  to  inform  them,  "that  no  pro{)ositions  for  a  treaty  would  heicaftci-  ho 
made,  more  favorable  than  those  now  offered.    The  sum  of  five  millions  of 


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IIISTOIIV  OF  THE  CIIF.UOKKES. 


[Book  IV 


dollara  was  fixiul  upon  by  tlie  senate,  an  nn  ample  oiuivalcnt  for  tlie  relin* 
qniHliMHMit  ()l°  all  their  rights  and  poHsessions ;  thut  most  assuredly  the  presi- 
dent would  nut  HunctioM  any  ex|H.-ctation,  that  more  tiivorcble  urningenientfl 
woidd  herealter  be  held  out  to  them ;  that  thifl  wuh  the  last  jr.-opoaition  the 
president  would  make  them  while  he  was  president,  and  they  might  abide  the 
conM'(|ueMc*cri ;  that  they  need  not  expect  cither  brunch  of  the  government 
would  ever  do  any  more,  and  that,  therelbre,  they  need  not  e.\i>ect  another 
dollar."* 

Thus  nil  further  negotiation  was  cut  off,  and  the  Indians  liad  nothing  fur- 
ther to  <lo,  but  to  submit  to  what  tliey  had  long  Ibrcseeu  would  probably  lie 
tlieir  only  alteriuitive. 

With  regard  to  the  treaty  of  Dcccml)cr,  ISW,  procured  by  Schermerhom, 
and  since  called  by  his  name,  as  also  » the  treaty  of  New  Lc  I  iota,"  we  liave 
but  a  remark  or  two  more  to  make ;  and,  firstly,  it  will  be  uiquired,  who  or 
what  part  of  the  Cherokee  nation  made  that  treaty  ?  According  to  the  ac- 
count of  Schermerhom  himself,  the  number  which  he  got  together  to  treat 
with,  <lid  not  exceed  (jOO  persons,  men,  women,  and  children;  of  which  num- 
ber l)Ut  70  wi!i"c  men,  and  of  these,  aliout  30  were  Arkansas  emigrants,  or 
Cherokees  enrolled  tor  emigration,  and  consequently  had  no  real  interest  in 
the  nation,  and  had  no  right  to  act  in  matters  affecting  its  affairs.  The  reatler 
has  only  to  compare  this  statement  with  the  memorial  before  spoken  of, 
sijrncd  by  15,000  persons,  to  enable  hitn  to  decide  on  the  magnitude  of  the 
injustice  done  that  ])cople.  Secondly,  of  the  course  "this  great  and  mighty 
government"  has  pursued  to  disinherit  Indians  in  certain  cases. 

hi  IVIuy,  18;fi>,  Gen.  Carroll  was  sent  with  instructions  by  our  government, 
to  induce  the  Cherokees  to  remove.  Some  pnssa^ves  in  those  instructions 
would  never  lie  believed,  were  they  not  past  contradiction,  and  staring  us  by 
thousands  in  the  fiice.  They  recite,  that,  whereas  nothing  could  probably  be 
efiecled  in  open  council,  by  negotiation,  "  be  must  go  to  them,  not  as  a  nego- 
tiator, hut  as  a  friend ;  appeal  to  the  chiefs  and  inlVuential  men,  not  together, 
but  apart ;  make  offers  to  them  of  erlensive  reservations  in  fee  simple,  and 
other  rewards ;  secure,  even  from  the  chiefs,  your  official  character ;  move  upon 
tiiem  in  the  line  of  their  prejiulices  ;  tell  them,  unless  they  remove,  their  laws 
ujill  be  trodden  under  foot;  enlarge  upon  the  advantages  of  their  condition  in  the 
west."  Such  is  another  si>ecimeu  of  another  state  paper,  which  emanated  from 
ihis  administration. 

The  case  has  changed.  Tlie  whites  Imve  become  powerful,  and  the  red 
men  have  become  weak.  They  are  able  to  destroy,  or  drive  them  l)efbre 
them  to  another  country,  and  how  has  it  turned?  The  red  men  have  gone. 
Who  are  the  "cruel  savages?"  In  the  "great  debate,"  as  it  was  termed,  on 
*l<e  "Lidian  bill,"  in  1830,  some  of  its  supporters  pointed  to  the  «ast,  and  cried 
o'  t,  "  Savages  !  savages ! "  iKJcause  the  voice  of  humanity  had  been  heard  in 
mat  direction ;  but  they  might,  with  almost  equal  propriety,  have  pointed  to 
the  ca]iital  of  the  state  of  Georgia— even  that,  where  those  most  oppressive 
laws  origijHited,  contained  philanthropists  too.  The  votes  in  that  house  stood 
out  little  more  than  eciually  divided,  on  the  bill  to  take  forcible  possession  of 
the  Ciierokee  country.  But  the  philanthropist  is  derided  and  scorned ;  and 
that  people  have  only  escaped  the  iron  grasp  of  superstition's  haiul,  to  die  by 
that  of  avarice.  It  used  to  be  a  proverb,  that  Justice  had  leaden  feet,  but  yet 
was  sure  to  o.ertake  her  enemies ;  but  where  her  feet  are  clogged  with  gold, 
the  ])roverb  requires  a  new  explication. 

We  have  seen  how  the  Schermerhom  treaty  was  disposed  of  in  the  senate 
of  the  Ifnited  States.  The  house  of  representatives  nnist  vote  the  appropria- 
tion, or  it  could  not  be  carried  into  effect.  Wli(;n  it  came  up  there  lor  action, 
sonic  I'livo  as  a  reason  for  voting  for  it,  thut  tlicy  had  no  choii-e,  but  w«!re 
botuid  to  ilo  so,  because  the  treaty  had  been  ratified  by  the  |)resi(lent  and 
senate,  and  it  was  hence  the  law  of  the  Innd.     On  the  other  hand,  it  was 

*  T\*  ciTiiiinly  was  a  stale  papor  worlliy  "f  "  My  ■rovcniinfiil,"  "  My  ntrrcnrv,"  and 
Bhiive  ml,  "Mv  rp'Jpniisiliilily."  Mr.  Jacksnii  had  lu-l'oro  lolil  ciTiiiiii  lii'liaiK  llinl  all  llie 
lands  l)i>y»iid  dip  .Missis:4i|i|ii  belon^cil  to  liiiii!  \(  iliu  Cliuroki'cs  buliuvcd  liii  told  llio  Irulk, 
no  one  will  wi.iider  they  uid  uol  wish  to  go  tliore  I 


CH»r.  XIV.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKKKS. 


443 


u 


ar^Kui  that  the  action  of  the  president  and  senate  ronid  ni'vcr  iiuike  llmt  in* 
Htriinient  u  treaty  whieli  was  ihlse,  and  hud  not  lieen  n^n'ced  to  Ity  liiit  onu 
party  ;  that  this  wna  tnie  uhini<hintiy  a|>p«'anMl  l>y  a  protrst  then  iN-lbru  the 
i)oii.se,  signed  by  almost  the  entire  Cherokee  nation.  And  lM.'Hi<U;s  this,  tiie 
most  zealous  advocates  fi)r  removal  did  not  priUend  that  the  treaty  wns  tiiirly 
made  by  the  nation,  or  by  any  Iwdy  authorized  by  it ;  but  they  ar^ned  that 
the  bill  oiii'ht  to  |Kt8s  from  necessity,  as  it  was  to  benetit  the  Indians  mora 
t'rui  any  iMMly  else.  And  witii  thia  kind  of  argument  the  bill  passed,  10*2 
to  !•?. 

Thus  we  are  to  be  judges  of  what  is  lN;8t  for  our  neighlmr,  and  if  he  does 
not  conform  to  our  wishes,  we  will  force  him  to  do  so.  On  the  same  princi- 
ple wu  may  say,  that  it  is  decreed  by  unerring  fate  that  the  red  men  must  be 
Hwept  from  the  face  of  the  earth ;  but  do<>s  it  iollow  that  we  must  hasten  their 
ruin  ?  With  as  nnich  reason  all  mankind  might  conunit  suicide,  iKicause  liite 
has  decreed  that  we  must  all  die,  sooner  or  later. 

As  soon  as  congress  had  disposed  of  the  ( °li<;rokee  question,  the  executive 
of  the  nation,  apprehensive  that  trouble  would  arise  between  Georgia  and  the 
Cherokees,  oniered  Gen.  Scott  to  repair  thither  without  delay.  He  was  soon 
on  the  way,  witli  about  2,000  men.  This  was  eurlv  in  the  year  1838.  Mean- 
while Gov.  Gilmer  liad  tlireatened  "collision,"  unless  the  work  of  expulsion 
was  inunediately  begun.  How  much  in  tear  Mr.  Van  Burcn  stood  of  this 
and  other  bravadoes,  we  do  not  undertake  to  say ;  but  he  pressed  matters  aa 
fast  as  he  could,  more  afraid,  doubtless,  of  the  votes,  than  the  steel  of  Georgia. 

But  what  did  that  excellent  old  general  find  on  his  arrival  in  the  Cherokee 
country .'  Armed  Indians  be\iind  every  bush,  prepared  to  shed  the  last  ilrop 
of  tlieir  blood  in  defence  of  their  beloved  country  ?  No.  Not  a  semblance 
of  op|)08ition  ^vas  there;  aiI  was  quietness;  all  were  alK)ut  their  ordinary 
afTairti,  in  their  own  fields. .  r>d  hy  their  own  habitations.  Having  established 
his  head  quarters  in  the  nation,  he  issued  a  procia  nation,  requesting  them  to 
assend>le  at  certain  |)oints,  from  whence  they  would  lie  sent  to  Arkansas. 
They  obeyed  tlie  summons,  and  thus,  in  due  time,  the  whole  nation  were 
removed. 


:il 


»«r#« 


CHAPTER  XIV 


EXPATR1ATI0:«   OF   THE    CHEROKEES,   CONTINUEU 

"  Wlii'te  i»  mv  hnmi- — my  fofnt  home?    tho  prouil  Innd  of  my  fires  i 
Whrri)  I'Iniiili  tho  wi2««iii  iif  my  priilo  ?    \Vli<"r«  itli'iim  llif  cuiiin'il  hrei 
Wht-re  nv  mv  ralh*»r<'  hnllowptl  jjr.ivnn?    my  rriciiil'i,  ho  lishl  fttnl  fr«i»  • 
(iuiio,  gone, — furever  from  my  view  !    Qreut  Spirit !    cun  it  be .'  "—A.  \V.  B. 

It  liiis  somehow  or  other  happened  that  great  changes  have  taken  place 
in  the  minds  of  our  rulers,  or  some  of  them,  within  u  lew  years,  in  regard  to 
what  certain  laws  and  tn;aties  mean.  As  late  as  IH'^  no  question  was 
rais<;d  almut  the  rights  of  the  Intlians ;  nothing  was  attempted  to  be  done,  6i/ 
govcmmcn/,  on  their  lands,  without  their  consent  being  first  obtained  ;  no  one 
even  dreamed  of  laying  out  a  road  through  their  lands  without  their  permis- 
sion. Itnt,  of  a  sudden,  it  is  discovered  that  the  government  has  lK>en  lalior- 
ing  under  a  great  mistake  all  the  time  of  its  existence  ;  that  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Andrew  Jackson,  wisdom  had  shed  her  light  so  abundant,  that 
ninnliers  had  ristm  up  in  her  fidl  armor,  and  unhesitatingly  declared  that  the 
vt'ry  men  who  formed  our  constitution  knew  very  little  about  it ;  that  under 
its  |)rovisions  no  valid  treaty  could  l>e  made  with  Indians ;  that  neither 
WAsni>oTON,  Jefferson,  nor  Jon.v  AoAMS,  coidd  make  the  discovery;  but 
it  nuist  lie  reserved  to  add  lustre  to  the  era  of  which  we  are  s|)eakinir. 

The  compact  iM^tween  the  general  government  ond  (leorgia,  in  1H02,  is  the 
principal  theme  of  their  oppressors.  Now  every  Inwly  knows  that  with  that 
compact  the  Cherokees  hail  nothing  to  do ;  they  hail  no  hand  in  forming  it, 
nor  never  consented  to  it    A  treaty  is  a  compact  of  mutual  coneessiotm  and 


m 


444 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


tUoox  IV 


'■I 


''■■;f 


agreements  iHJtween  nations.  The  Cherokees  agreed  tliat  if  they  ever  sold 
tticir  lands,  or  any  part  of  them,  it  should  he  to  the  United  States.  Now  this 
was,  as  times  have  been,  a  very  important  concession  on  the  jpart  of  the  Li- 
diaiis ;  but  if  tlie  faith  of  the  United  States  )iad  been  kept  inviolate,  it  would 
as  yet  have  amounted  *.o  but  little, — a  small  tract  of  land  here  and  there, — 
but  it  has  now  amounted  to  an  entire  countiy.  When  the  treaties  were 
formed,  it  was  supposed  that  against  this  concession  the  United  States  had 
put  one  of  much  greater  moment,  namely,  tliat  of  p-otedion.  What  have  we 
seen?  the  whites  in  possession  of  dl  the  lands  of  the  Lidians,  the  Jiidiaiiri 
protected?  Not  by  the  United  States;  for  it  has  driven  them  where  it  can- 
not, from  the  nature  of  their  situation,  protect  them.  These  conclusions 
inevitably  ibllow,  and  we  challenge  proof  in  contradiction. 

That  we  have  given  the  Indians  more  than  their  lands  were  worth,  has 
been  urged  as  an  argument  that  no  wrong  has  been  done  them.  That  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  point  at  issue.  Unenviable  must  the  mind  of  that 
man  be,  who  holds  nothing  almve  price,  mere  pecuniary  compensation. 
What  tliough  the  government  did  stipulate  that  it  would  buy  out  the  Chero- 
kees as  soon  as  it  could  be  done,  (a  very  foolish  bargain,  by  the  way,)  on 
reasonable  and  equitable  terms;  is  it  to  be  understood  that  they  mvsl  sell 
their  lands  just  wiien  a  demand  is  made  for  them?  This  argument  is  too 
fallacious  to  be  thought  of  by  rutioiiid  men.     Hence  the  only  way  lett  to  dis- 

1)08sess  a  nation,  too  weak  to  defend  themselves  by  force,  is  to  declare  tlioy 
lave  no  right  where  they  are.  And,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  the  worUl, 
such  were  the  grounds  of  argument,  and  such  the  arguments  that  succeeded 
in  an  American  congress  in  ruining  a  nation.  What  though  the  nation  were 
small,  and  consequently  weak  ?  So  much  the  greater  the  crime.  Are  not 
laws  made  for  the  protection  of  the  weak  against  tlie  strong  ?  as  well  in 
property  as  j)erson  ?  Shall  the  United  States  of  enlightened  America  deal 
woi-se  with  their  friends  and  allies  than  ancient  desjwtic  Rome  ?  Even  na- 
tions sulxliied  by  the  Romans,  and  included  in  their  dominions,  were  suffered 
"to  live  under  their  own  laws,  and  be  governed  by  their  own  magistrates."* 

It  has  been  urged  as  a  reason  lor  disinheriting  the  Cherokees,  that  it  is  ab- 
surd to  allow  a  nation  to  exist  under  a  separate  government,  within  another 
government  or  state,  and  hence  unconstitutional.  Allowing  all  this  to  lie 
true,  (which  we  do  not,)  what  has  it  to  do  with  the  Cherokees  ?  Had  not  the 
Cherokees  as  good  a  right  to  say  to  a  state  which  had  undertaken  to  extend 
a  line  l)eyond  them,  "You  have  no  authority  to  do  this,  and  must  instantly 
desist."  Now  tliere  can  be  no  question  but  that  a  state  would  be  compelled 
to  desist,  if  the  party  so  included  were  able  to  defend  itself  against  usurpa- 
tion. This  happening  not  to  l)e  the  case  with  the  Cherokees,  a  cordon  is 
passed  about  them,  at  first,  merely  nominal ;  but,  at  length,  like  the  coil  of 
the  serpent,  it  is  drawn  tigliter  and  tighter,  until  they  discover,  too  Inte,  tlint 
a  deatli-blow  is  aimed  at  their  very  existence.  Who,  or  what  is  Georgia, 
that  it  should  clai/n  priority  to  the  Cherokees?  Were  not  the  Cherokees  a 
nation  long  before  it  wtis  heard  of?  Which  permitted  the  other  to  grow  up 
by  its  side  ?  How  long  is  it  since  the  '^herokees  were  able  to  drive  that  hand- 
ful of  white  intruders  l)eyond  a  more  formidable  boundary  than  the  Missis- 
sippi? They  did  not  attempt  it  Their  "avarice"  was  not  strong  enough  to 
tempt  them  to  so  cruel  an  action.  No.  They  took  them  by  the  hand  at 
Yamacraw  Bluff,  and  at  Moisten,  -nd  said,  "  Brothers,  here  is  land  enough 
for  us  and  for  you.  Lie  down  upon  our  skins  until  you  can  make  wigwams 
and  mats  for  yourselves."    How  have  these  kindnesses  been  returnetl  ? 

We  will  hear  what  Georgia  herself  said  about  the  validity  of  Indian  trea- 
ties, no  longer  ago  than  18525.  In  that  year  a  treaty  was  made  with  the 
Creeks,  by  which  a  cession  of  a  portion  of  their  territory  in  Georgia  whs 
made  ;  and  by  an  article  in  sai«l  ti-eaty,  it  was  provided,  that  the  United  States 
Blioidd  protect  the  Indians  against  the  encroachments  and  impositions  of  the 
whites,  imtil  their  removal  should  take  place.  The  governor  of  Georgia, 
C  M.  Troup,  issued  his  proclamation  in  accordance  widi  the  treaty,  a  passage 
of  which  is  hi  these  words: 


Valtel,  "  Law  of  Nnliong,"  B.  I.  cli.  i.  sec.  II. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


445 


« I  linvo  thought  proper  to  issue  this,  itiy  proclnniation,  wnniing  all  per- 
Rons,  citizens  at  tieorgia,  or  otiiers,  against  trespassing  or  intruding  upon 
lands  occupied  by  the  Indians  within  the  limits  of  tliis  state,  either  for  the 
purpose  of  settlement  or  otherwise ;  as  every  such  act  will  be  in  direct  viola- 
tion of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty,  aforesaid,  and  will  expose  the  aggressora 
to  the  most  certain  and  sunnnary  punishment  by  the  authorities  of  the  state, 
and  of  the  United  States.  All  good  citizens,  theretiire,  pursuing  tlie  dirtntes 
of  ffood faith,  will  unite  in  onlbrcing  the  ohlif^ations  of  the  treaty  as  the  supreme 
law." 

How  (loos  this  accord  with  a  resolve  of  the  legislature  of  that  state,  but  a 
few  years  afterwards,  to  take  forcible  possession  of  the  country  of  the  Cliero- 
kiM>s?  A  comparative  view  of  these  enactments  led  a  bigli-mintled  senator* 
to  (ieclai-e,  "that  treaties  were  very  lawfiU  when  made  for  the  iwe  of  Georgiiu" 

III  1HU4,  tiie  Cieorgia  delegation  in  congress,  in  an  address  to  the  president 
of  the  I'liitcnl  States,  complained,  in  no  very  modenite  terms,  of  the  injustice 
done  to  their  state,  by  the  delay  of  the  government  in  not  extinguishing  the 
Clierokce  title  to  lands  within  its  limits;  thei'eby  acknowledging  what  they 
denied  nitcjrwards,  namely,  that  the  Clierokees  had  any  title.  They  say,  "If 
lli(!  ("iierckees  are  unwilling  to  remove,  the  causes  of  that  unwillingness  are 
tn  be  traced  to  the  United  States.  If  peaceable  purchase  caimot  Im:  made  in 
the  ordinary  mode,  nothing  remains  to  be  done  but  to  or(h;r  their  removal  to 
n  designated  territory  beyond  the  limits  of  Georgia,"  And,  in  conclusion, 
they  add,  "Our  duty  is  i)erlbrnied  by  remonstrating  against  the  policy  hereto- 
fore pursued,  by  which  the  interests  of  Georgia  have  been  disregarded;  and 
by  insisting,  as  we  do,  most  earnestly,  upon  an  immediate  fultilmeut  of  the 
obligntions  of  the  articles  of  cession  of  1802." 

Siicii  is  a  specimen  of  the  language  of  two  senators  and  six  representatives 
of  Georgia,  to  the  president  of  the  United  States,  upon  this  question.  And 
v/o  veiitiu'o  to  asKert  that  the  autocrat  of  all  the  RuHsias  is  not  more  despotic 
in  his  decrees,  thaii  these  gentlemen  were  on  this  occasion. 

A  \'cw  days  atler  the  address  of  the  (Jeorgia  delegates,  the  secretary  of 
war,  the  Hon.  Joiirr  C.  Calhoun,  issued  his  report  on  our  Indian  relations, 
in  which  he  says,  "  The  United  States  have  ever  Imjcm  solicitous  to  fulfil,  at 
the  earliest  period,  the  obligation  of  the  convention,  by  the  extinguishment 
of  the  Indian  titles  within  the  limits  of  Georgia ;  a  most  satisfactory  proof 
f  which  may  be  found  in  the  number  of  treaties  which  have  been  held  for 
that  purpose,  the  (piiuitity  of  lands  which  has  been  acquired,  and  the  price 
paid.  In  ftict,  such  has  been  the  solicitude  of  the  government,  that  but  little 
regard  has  been  had  to  tlie  ])rice,  whenever  it  has  been  found  possible  to  obtain  a 
cession  of  lands  to  the  state.  The  price  given  has  tiir  exceeded  that  whicU 
has  ever  Iwcn  given  in  other  purchases  from  the  Indians."  Thus  a  mighty 
clashing  of  opinions  is  apparent  on  a  comparison  of  these  two  extracts. 

From  certain  otimr  facts  in  Mr.  Calhottri's  report,  it  appears  that,  in  1802, 
the  Clierokees  owned  7,15'2,110  acres  of  land  in  the  limits  of  Georgiiu  Since 
tlie  late  war  with  England,  they  had  held  two  treaties  with  the  United  States, 
by  which  they  had  ceded  JH)5,.'U0  acres.  Emigration  had  lieen  uniformly 
encouraged,  and  many  had  voluntarily  gone  to  Arkansas.  To  this  course 
nobody  objected.  IJut  in  this  way  mattei-s  progressed  too  slow  for  greedy 
speculators,  and  it  was  urged  that,  as  many  Clierokees  had  emigrated,  a  pro- 
portionate quantity  of  the  country  should  be  set  off  lor  (Georgia.  An  enuiner- 
ntion  or  census  had  been  ottempted,  to  ascertain  what  the  proportion  would 
lie.  anil  it  was  eventually  concluded  that  one  third  of  the  nation  had  lefl  the 
country,  and  a  treaty  was  entered  into  at  Washington,  in  1811),  by  which  that 
amount  of  territory  was  ceded.  IJetween  181!)  and  ]H>4,  two  att(;in|tts  to 
treat  with  them  for  further  cessions  of  territoiy  had  been  made,  and  both 
proved  abortive.  "It  cannot  be  doubted,"  says  Mr.  (Calhoun,  "that  much  of 
till'  difficulty  of  acquiring  additional  cession  fi-om  the  Clierokees,  and  the 
other  southern  tribes,  results  from  tlie'r  growing  civilization  and  knowleilge, 
by  which  they  have  ieiuned  to  place  a  higher  value  upon  their  lands  than 
more  rude  and  savage  tribes.    Many  causes  have  contributed  to  place  them 


38 


*  Mr.  Frelinghutjsen,  of  New  Jersey. 


446 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEE:^. 


[i:ooK  IV, 


El         I 


higher  ill  the  BCiile  uf  civiiizution  than  other  Iiidiuns  within  our  limits  —  tlie 
guiiiui  iiatiire  of  (heir  eliiimte,  wliich  ciiublett  tiieiii  to  |>um8  more  reaiiily  from 
Uie  iimitor  to  tiic  herdi^iiiaii  Htute;  and  tliv  tertility  of  tlieir  soil,  uiid  tiiu  viihie 
of  their  Htupie  urticieH,  |mrticu!arly  cotton.  To  tiiei>c,  however,  must  Im;  added 
the  liiimuiiu  and  benevolent  pohcyoftlie  government,  which  hus  ever  directed 
a  tbsteiiiig  care  to  the  Indians  within  our  limits.  This  policy  is  us  old  us  the 
government  itself;  and  has  been  habitually  and  strongly  extended  to  the 
Cherokee  nation."  Such,  in  1824,  were  allowed  to  be  the  reasons  why  the 
Cherokees  could  not  he  prevailed  upon  to  forsake  their  country.  Now,  if 
they  hud  no  right  there,  hut  that  of  suH'erunce,  why  is  it  that  ♦'  this  Ibstcriny 
])olicy,  as  old  us  the  government,"  has  been  held  ibrth  and  mai:ituined  towardM 
them?  The  reason  i«  obvious:  no  ])resideut  l>elbre  Gen.  Jackson,  could  bring 
his  mind to  do  un  he  liu^  done. 

At  some  future  day,  uck  some  remnant  of  the  Cherokees,  of  tlie  Creeks,  or 
of  the  SeminoleH,  if  uiiy  nhould  remain,  why  they  should  leuve  the  lands  of 
their  fathers  to  U'conie  wunderers  beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  their  reply 
can  be  no  other  than  thin :  "  We  were  Ibrced  uwuy  by  the  white  men.  Some 
ot'  our  men  were  traitors;  of  :hem  they  bought  our  rights,  knowing  tticm  to 
be  false.''^ 

Compare  the  language  held  by  Uen.  Jackson,  in  1821,  with  what  he  has 
since  suid  und  done.  On  the  IHtli  of  January  of  that  year,  he  wrote  from 
his  head  (piurters  at  Nashville,  to  Path  Killer,  and  other  Cherokee  chiefs,  ub 
follows :  "  Friends  and  brothers :  I  have  never  told  a  red  brotlier  u  lie  nor 
deceived  hiin.  The  intruders  [on  your  lands,]  if  they  attempt  to  return,  will 
be  sent  off.  But  your  light*horse  should  not  let  them  settle  down  on  your 
land.  You  ought  to  drive  the  stock  away  Irom  your  lands,  and  deliver  tlio 
intruders  to  the  agent ;  but  if  you  cannot  keep  intruders  from  your  land, 
report  it  to  the  agent,  und  on  his  notice,  I  will  drive  them  from  your  land." 

On  the  (ith  ot  June,  1830,  he  informs  the  Cherokees,  "that,  having  no 
power  to  interfile  and  oppose  the  exercise  of  the  sovereignty  of  any  state, 
over  und  upon  all  who  may  be  within  the  limits  of  any  state,  they  will  pieimre 
themselves  to  abide  the  issue  of  such  new  relations,  without  any  hope  that 
he  will  iuterlere."  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  thut  the  Indians  iiad  done 
nothing  meanwhile  to  forfeit  any  one  right,  or  the  protection  promised  them 
by  ail  tlie  treaties,  sunctioned  by  ull  the  presidents,  including  Juckson  himself! 

In  April,  1824,  u  deputation  of  Cherokees  wus  at  Wushington,  und  on  the 
15th  day  of'  that  month  they  laid  befbre  congress  a  memoriul  "on  matters  of 
vast  importance"  to  them.  In  this  memoriul  they  refer  to  the  oppressive 
stand  taken  by  the  governor  of  Georgia,  as  communicated  by  him  in  u  letter 
to  the  sccrctuiT  of  war,  and  to  the  acrimonious  and  incongruous  ndtlress  of 
the  Georgia  delegution  to  the  president,  already  noticed.  Ui)oii  these  the 
delegation  reinuik :  "  We  cannot  but  view  the  design  of  those  letters  us  uji 
attempt,  bordering  on  u  hostile  disposition  towurds  the  Cherokee  nation,  to 
arrest  Irom  them,  by  urbitrarj'  means,  their  just  rights  and  liberties."  And 
this  is  the  harshest  language  they  any  where  compluin  in,  in  answer  to  tlie 
grossest  insults. 

Tn  regard  to  the  cession  of  more  land,  they  declare  their  sentinients  in  the 
following  words:  "In  relation  to  the  dinposilion  und  deUnnination  of  the 
nation,  never  af^ain  to  cedt  another  foot  of  land  is  positively  the  prodvdion  und 
voice  of  the  natiim,  und  whut  bus  been  uttered  by  us,  in  the  coiniminicalions 
which  we  have  mude  to  the  government,  since  our  an'ivul  in  this  city,  ia 
expressive  of  the  /r«e  sentiments  of  the  nation,  ugreeubly  to  our  inslructions, 
und  not  one  word  of  which  has  been  put  into  nur  mouths  by  a  white  man.  Any 
surmises  or  stntements  to  the  contiury  nre  ill-founded  und  nngeneioiis."  It 
should  be  remembered,  that  it  hud  been  basely  insinuated  by  their  eneniies, 
in  every  public  way,  that  the  Indiuns  were  influenced  by  designing  while  nun 
from  the  north,  in  ull  their  o])position  to  the  will  of  Georgiu.  'J'liis  iiu iiKuiul 
was  signed  by  Joii>  Ross,  George  Lowkev,  the  mark  of  Major  Kiugf., 
und  Elijah  1Iick». 

Immediately  after  this,  Gov.  Trntip  writes  from  Milledgeviile  a  very  (v</(- 
clusivn  letter  to  Mr.  Culliotm,  sccrrtiiry  of  war,  so  fin-  as  sojihistiy  and  angry 
words  can  be  conclusive  on  a  subject.    As  u  specimen  of  his  logic,  we  will 


:MAr.  XIV.] 


iiHToi.Y  OF  TiiK  cnt:tio;;EE9. 


447 


cite  «8  follows  from  U\h  coiiiiiiiiiiicotion.  Fomsniuch  "as  tlie  I'liritans  of 
Now  liii<r|aiid,  uiiii  Cliiakers  of  I'tMin^ylvuiiiii,  liad  never  repaired  tlie  wrongs 
done  Indians,  wliy  m  (iuoi-<;ia  to  Im;  called  upon  to  make  propitiator^'  ofter- 
iiiffs?"  And  "  if  tlie  jirinciplu  of  I'enn'tt  treaty  wad  right,  all  otiiers  tlial  liavo 
tbilowed  uro  wrong." 

Aliont  the  same  time  tlie  Clicrokco  memorial  was  before  the  house  of 
representatives,  of  which  we  have  s(iokcn,  its  auth'  "s,  to  counteract  certain 
false  reports  of  their  traducera,  pul)lit>hed  in  the  iVatioiial  Litclligencer  a 
statement  of  their  case,  from  which  we  note  the  ibilowing  passages:  "Not 
satislied  with  wishing  the  executive  of  the  United  States  violently  to  rupture 
the  solenm  bond  of  oui  rights  to  our  lands,  and  to  put  at  defiance  the  pledged 
which  existing  treaties  contain,  guarantying  to  us  our  huids,  it  is  attempted 
to  take  from  us  the  intellect  wjiich  has  directed  us  ui  conducting  the  several 
negotiations  witii  conunissioners  appointed  to  treat  with  us  lor  our  lands,  and 
with  the  executive  government,  by  the  unlbunded  charge,  that  Hhe  last  letUr 
of  the  Clwrokeea  to  the  secretary  at  tear  conlnitu  internal  evidence  that  il  was 
never  written  or  dictated  by  an  Indian,^  Whilst  we  profess  to  be  compliiiicnted 
on  the  one  hand  by  this  blow  at  our  intelligence,  we  cannot,  in  justice,  allow 
it  to  pass,  upon  the  other,  without  a  flat  contradiction.  That  letter,  and  every 
other  letter,  was  not  only  tcrilten,  but  dictated  by  aii  Indian." 

We  are  not  surprised  that  the  Georgia  statesmen  are  not  willing  to  allow 
that  they  have  insulted  so  much  intellect  and  hitelligence,  aware,  as  they  must 
have  lieen,  that  in  point  of  manner  and  matter,  their  own  coniimsitions,  side 
hy  side  with  the  Cherokees,  would  suffer  in  no  inconsiderable  degree  by 
comparison.  In  closing  they  say,  "  It  is  not  for  us  to  vindicate,  or  attempt  to 
. indicate,  our  great  father  the  president;  he  does  not  need  an  Indian's  aid, 
nor  an  Indian's  eulogy ;  but,  however  we  are  Iraund  to  love  him,  yet  it  is  due 
to  j;istice  to  state,  that  we  have  been  ollen  pained,  and  especially  of  late,  at 
the  earnestness  with  which  be  has  pressed  upon  us  the  subject  of  ceding  our 
lands.  Why  he  liius  acted  thus  we  are  at  a  loss  to  conceive.  We  are  not 
ignorant  of  the  nature  of  the  convention  of  1802.  We  know  every  one  of 
its  promises.  If,  however,  these  ore  to  be  violated,  and  the  fell  wur-whoop 
should  ever  be  raised  against  us,  to  dispossess  us  of  our  lands,  we  will  gratify 
the  delegation  of  Greorgia,  in  their  [irescnt  earnestness  to  see  us  removed  or 
destroyed,  by  adding  additional  fertility  to  our  land,  by  a  deposit  of  our  body 
und  our  bones ;  /or  we  are  resolved  never  to  leave  them  btU  by  parting  from  them 
and  our  lives  together.'"  Such  was  the  resolution  of  the  Cherokees  at  this 
period.  But  fifteen  years'  suffering  overcame  them,  and  tliey  were  compelled 
to  submit  to  a  fate  they  could  not  avert. 

We  have,  in  an  earlier  page,*  stated  the  manner  in  which  the  Creeks  hod 
been  divested  of  their  country,  and  the  fiital  catastrophe  that  fell  upon  tlie 
heads  of  the  chiefs,  who,  against  the  will  of  the  nation,  had  bargained  it 
uway.  The  most  prominent  character  in  that  work  among  the  Creeks  was 
Gen.  William  M'Intosh.  We  have,  in  the  same  place,  stated  the  attempt 
made  by  that  chief  to  hrWtc  Mr.  Ross  to  undermine  his  nation,  in  the  same 
corrupt  manner  as  himself  iitid  done  in  regard  to  his  own;  and  the  part 
enacted  by  the  Cherokees,  upon  that  occasion,  is  now  necessary  to  be  stated. 

A  meeting  of  the  legislative  council  of  the  Cherokees  was  held  in  Octolier, 
1823,  to  hear  what  the  agents  of  our  government  had  to  say  to  them,  they 
having  procured  the  meeting.  The  object,  of  course,  was  well  understood, 
and  the  agents  urged  their  case  in  every  possible  form;  but  they  were 
answered  in  the  most  manly  manner,  that  the  nation  would  never  part  with 
another  foot  of  land.  Gen.  M'Intosh  v/as  present  at  this  conference,  and  with 
his  son  was  treated  with  every  kindness,  and  during  the  proceedings  were 
seated  by  the  side  of  Mr.  Ross,  as  was  customary  with  both  nations  at  their 
councils,  when  any  distinguished  chiefs  were  present,  to  signify'  that  good 
correspondence  between  them  exist*  d.  At,  or  about  this  time,  M'Intosh  ven- 
tured to  recommend  a  cession  to  some  of  the  chief  men  in  conversations , 
what  feigned  encouragement  he  met  with,  to  draw  out  his  real  character,  i» 
not  upon  our  records,  but  it  is  certain  that  a  communication  in  writing  was 

•  Of  this  Book,  Oiap  vi.,  p.  32. 


r      i^ 


'    Vtfl 


•  iii 


h'  "ii 


448 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Bojx  IV. 


i 

'^ 

^Jm 

!»' 

1i'.  *' 


m 


I  1 

i  I 


thereupon  riuiclc  to  Mr.  Robr,  wIio,  witliout  delnv,  Icid  it  before  the  council, 
wlien  it  WU8  decided  that  it  Bhoidd  lie  rend  in  Ai'lntotih's  prem-nce.  He  wrs 
accordingly  culled  in,  and  his  letter  wos  read,*  uUer  which  Air.  Itoss  niude  t]ie 
tollowin^  addresn: 

"My  triciuls:  five  ycnrs  have  clapRod  since  I  have  Iwcn  called  to  prcBide 
over  the  national  connnittee;  and  your  upprolmtion  of  my  conduct  in  the  tli:^- 
cliarge  of  my  oiiicini  duties,  is  rnunileBted  by  the  HUcccsHive  rcappointmcntH 
which  you  have  bcBtowed  on  me.  The  trust  w  Inch  you  have  rcponed  in  me 
has  Imjcii  sacredly  muinUiined,  and  Hhall  ever  be  iin-i'crvcd.  A  traitor,  in  all 
nations,  is  looked  upon  in  the  darkest  color,  and  is  more  despicable  than  tlia 
meimest  reptile  that  cniwls  u]ton  the  earth.  An  honorable  and  h>  nest  char- 
acter is  more  valuable  than  the  filthy  lucre  of  the  whole  world.  Tiierefbre,  1 
would  prefi;r  to  live  as  poor  as  the  worm  that  inhabits  the  earth,  than  to  >raiii 
the  world's  wealth  and  have  my  reputation  as  an  honest  man  tarnished  by 
the  acceptance  of  u  |)ecuiiiary  brilH;,  lor  self-nirgrnndizement.  It  has  now 
become  my  jminful  duty  to  in<i>rm  you  that  a  gross  contempt  is  ofliired  to  my 
character,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  nie:!il)ers  of  tho  general  council.  This 
letter  which  I  hold  in  my  hand  will  speak  lor  itself,  liut,  fortunately,  the 
author  of  it  has  mistaken  our  character  and  sense  of  honor." 

This  took  place  on  the  tiA  Octol)cr,  18iS},  and  was  but  the  commencement 
of  the  denunciations  M'lntosh  was  to  receive.  As  chief  speaker  of  the  nation, 
the  duty  of  severely  reprimanding  the  traitor  devolved  on  Major  Ridge.  This 
was  an  exceedingly  painful  duty  to  liim,  es|>ecially  as  they  liad  been  old 
friends  and  officers  together;  liud  fought  under  Jackson,  side  by  side,  at 
Taladega,  Tohopekn,  and  in  numerous  other  battles;  they  had  been  co- 
laborers  in  the  civil  litOd ;  frequently  called  together  to  settle  and  adjust 
im|iortant  mutters  between  their  respective  nations ;  and  they  were,  at  this 
time,  undtT  an  appointment  as  connnissioners  to  run  the  botnidary  line 
lietween  the  two  nations.  Hut  all  these  considerations  and  circumstances 
did  not  cause  Major  Kidge  to  shrink  Irom  his  duty.  He  said  that  what  he 
was  about  to  say  must  not  only  be  heard  by  the  Ulieroke«;s,  but  by  others,  tin 
and  wide.  He  adverted  to  tlieir  acknowledged  muxims  in  relerence  to  tho 
duties  of  those  intrusted  with  their  government,  who,  if  once  found  astray 
from  tlieir  duty,  were  never  again  to  l^  trusted.  M'lntosh,  he  said,  had  borne 
the  character  of  high  moral  rectitude  among  his  own  people,  the  Creeks,  but 
how  stands  his  character  now?  "1  cast  bini  behind  my  back.  He  may 
depart  in  peace.  I  here  publicly  disgrace  him.  He  now  Knows  we  are  not 
to  be  bought  with  money.  We  will  not  exult  over  lidlen  greatness.  He  may 
go  to  his  own  nation,  and  in  the  bosom  of  his  liimily  mourn  the  loss  of  a 
good  name."  Such  is  the  substance  of  the  speech  of  Major  Kidge,  who  him- 
self fell  into  the  same  siiare  alierwards,  and  sutiered  the  same  tiite,  with  the 
man  he  now  so  pointedly  and  justly  condemned. 

In  1829,  a  society  wns  formed  in  New  York,  "for  the  emigration,  prpser\-a- 
tion,  and  improvenie»,t,  of  the  aborigines  of  America,"  an  account  of  which 
was  transmittal  to  tiie  president  of  the  United  States,  then  at  the  Rip  Raps, 
in  Virginia.  The  president  replied  to  a  letter  which  accompanied  the  ac- 
count, througli  Major  Eaton,  in  a  very  conciliatory  and  gracious  manner. 
One  passage  is  especially  worthy  of  notice,  from  its  surprising  contrast  with 
what  was  uflenvun's  avowed  by  the  same  authors.  "I  beg  leave  to  assure 
you,"  says  the  general,  "that  nothing  of  a  compulsory  course,  to  eflect  the 
removal  of  this  unlbrtunuto  race  of  people,  has  ever  been  thougnt  of  by  the 
president ;  although  it  Ims  been  so  asserted."  Now,  all  the  world  knows 
wliut  bos  since  been  said  and  <lone.  In  a  sort  of  a  reply  which  Mr.  Benton 
made  to  Mr.  Clay  in  the  senate,  in  1835,  he  said  he  rose  not  lor  the  purpose 
of  taking  any  part  in  the  little  discussion,  [about  Indians,]  but  of  culling- 
up  a  voice  far  more  powerfid  than  his  own — that  of  Mr.  Jefferson."  But  as 
he  said  nothing  in  his  hulf  hour's  talk  that  he  attributed  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  or 
that  Mr.  JeHerson  ever  thought  of|  except  that  good  man's  name,  it  is  fair  to 
presume  that  that  wus  the  extent  of  his  argument  We  are  prej»nred  to  use 
something  more  than  the  nume  of  Jefferson  against  the  op])ressors  of  tlie  In- 


Tlie  same  we  liave  givon,  ante,  page  5'i. 


Chap.  XV.l 
(linns,  and  v 


IIISTOKY  OF  THE  CIIEROKEKS. 


440 


li 


offo 


of  hia  Round  and  Rolmr  convictions.    "I 


Boinc 

opinion,"  lio  Buys  in  a  ifltcr  to  (J«u.  A'nor,  of  10  August,  17S>1,  "tlmt  povi-rn- 
luent  should  firmly  maint^iin  iIiIh  ground ;  tlmt  the  IndiauH  Jinvu  a  right  to 
the  <  'cupation  of  their  landr*,  indtpeniltnl  of  I  he  stales  tvilhin  whose  chartered 
llmita  theu  happen  to  be ;  that,  until  they  cede  thein  ity  treaty,  or  otiicr  trauHae- 
tion  equivalent  to  a  treaty,  no  act  of  a  etato  can  give  a  right  to  such  lands; 
that  neither  under  the  present  constitution,  nor  the  ancient  confederation,  hail 
any  state,  or  ]icrHoiis,  a  riglu  to  treat  with  the  Indiaim  wiliioiit  thn  consent  of 
the  general  government ;  that  that  consent  has  never  Ijecn  given  to  any  treaty 
for  the  cession  of  the  lands  in  ((uestion  •  that  the  government  is  determined 
to  exert  all  its  enerfQifor  the  patronage  ami  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  Indiana, 
and  the  preser>'ation  of  peace  lietween  the  United  States  and  them  ;  and  that 
if  any  settlements  arc  made  on  lands  not  ceded  hy  them,  without  the  previous 
consent  of  the  United  States,  the  gc  t'ernment  will  think  itself  bound,  not  only 
to  declare  to  the  Indians  that  such  settlements  are  without  the  axdhurity  or  pro- 
tection of  the  United  States,  bid  to  remove  them  also  by  the  public  force.  Such 
was  the  "voice"  CoL  Benton  said  he  was  to  "call  up,"  to  drown  that  of  the 
friend  of  the  Indians.  But  "how  are  tiio  mighty  fallen ! "  The  helpless  In> 
dians  have  been  forced  to  fly  Ixjlbre  the  steel  of  the  white  man  to  inhospi> 
table  regions,  leaving  their  fine  fields  and  comlbrtuble  houses  to  their  ava- 
ricious oppressors. 

Uut  atler  all  that  has  happeiicd,  all  Uia  wrong  that  has  been  done  the 
Indian,  all  the  wrong  that  lias  been  done  to  every  countryman  of  Jeflcrson, 
we  would  not  change  our  condition  with  a  subject  of  Algiers,  because  we 
have  well-grounded  ho])C8  that  good  men  will  ere  long  stand  in  the  |)lace 
where  justice  emanates ;  yet  it  fills  the  heart  of  the  philautlu:t>pist  with  sor- 
row, that  their  coming  cannot  relieve  the  Cherokees. 

The  dey  of  Algiera  holds  out  no  pretensions  to  Christians  that  they  may 
expect  justice  at  his  hands ;  but  he  says  to  them,  "  Do  you  not  know  that  my 
I)eople  are  a  band  of  robljers,  and  that  I  am  their  captain  ?  "  *  A  president  of 
the  United  States  has  said  tliat  he  intended  no  harm  to  the  Cherokees;  but 
what  has  he  done  ? 

It  is  painful  to  be  compelled  to  reproach  the  government  of  a  beloved 
coutitry  with  acts  like  these ;  but  we  ha\e  no  alternative,  excepting  in  a  der- 
eliction of  duty.  We  would  gladly  have  been  spared  this  part  of  our  under- 
taking ;  but  Justice  has  claims  upon  us  now  as  strong  as  she  had  upon  our 
government,  and  we  cannot  so  deliberately  disregard  them. 


.tV . 


*:)■ 


90006 


CHAPTER  XV. 


niSTORT   OF   THE   CHEROKEES,  CONTINUED. 

"  Tliejr  have  t:tken  the  renlm  which  our  anceitori  gnve  ; 
Tlioy  h:ivc  thrown  their  chains  o'vr  the  linil  anil  the  wave ; 
Thf-  ruri-iit  i     wu<itect  with  swonl  nnil  with  flame ; 
And  what  liava  wo  left  hut  our  once  honorud  name?" — Alorzo  iiiiwia. 


We  have  seen  how  Jefferson  viewed  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  as  guaran- 
tied to  them  in  the  times  of  Washington ;  and  what  have  the  Cherokees  since 
done,  that  they  are  to  forfeit  those  rigJits  ?  Have  they  forfeited  tliem  by  adopt- 
in.^  tlie  manners  and  customs  of  a  civilized  people  ?  or  by  fighting  their  bat- 
tles ?  That  a  president  of  this  day  should  say  to  them,  when  they  are  about 
to  be  grossly  tyrannized  over  by  a  state,  "  that  he  has  no  power  to  interfere 
and  to  oppose  the  exercise  of  the  sovereignty  of  any  state,  over  or  upon  all 
who  may  be  within  the  limits  of  any  state ;  that,  therefore,  tliey  must  prepare 
themselves  to  abide  the  issue  of  such  new  relations,  without  any  hope  that  he 
will  interfere;" — thus  did  Gen.  Jackson  speak  to  the  insulted  Cherokees,  ou 


*  See   «lr.  liiiiiU's  IWicf  Exaiiiination,  &c.,  p!ig:e  16. 

38  •  2D 


I  ''- 


460 


IIISTORV  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


^      ■ 


the  6  June,  18%.  He,  at  tlie  same  time, assured  them  "that  ho  loves  tliem;(!) 
llmt  lie  is  tlieir  friciKi;  that  lie  feels  lor  them  ns  a  I'uther  feels  for  his  chiU 
dren."  With  whatever  truth  this  might  iiave  Iteeti  spoken,  we  do  not  hesitate 
to  itresumc  that  such  was  not  tlie  way  tiie  Cherokees  lelt  "for  tiieir  children." 
And  in  an  address  to  the  jieoplc  of  the  United  Htates,  which  tliey  jiuhlished 
on  the  17  J  ily  of  the  some  yeur,  they  say,  "It  would  be  impossible  to  dcKcribe 
tht  sorrow  which  uflects  their  minds,  on  learning  that  tlie  chief  magintrate  of 
tlie  United  States  has  come  to  this  conclusion,  that  all  his  illustrious  prede. 
cessoiN  had  held  intercourse  with  them  on  erroneous  principles ;  principles 
tliat  co'jid  not  be  sustained ;  that  they  hud  made  promises  of  vital  ini|iortuiicu 
to  them,  which  could  not  be  fullilled — promises  made  hundreds  of  times,  in 
almost  evei*y  conceivable  manner — oUeii  in  the  Ibrm  of  solemn  treaties — 
eometimes  in  letters  written  by  the  chief  magistrate  with  his  own  hand — very 
often  in  letters  written  by  the  secreUiry  of  war  under  his  direction — these, 
all  these,  are  now  discovered  to  lie  upon  liilse  prinei|)le8." 

The  Cherokees  had  now  l)ecome  cajiablc  of  meeting  the  white  people  with 
the  arguments  of  reason,  and  not  with  steel ;  and  they  were  capable  of  judg- 
ing between  sincerity  and  mere  jirctension.  This  was  well  jiortniyed  by 
the  chief  Speckled  Snake,  in  a  s|ieech  which  he  made  in  a  council  which 
had  been  summoned  to  hear  a  talk  from  President  Jackson  read  to  them.  It 
was  as  follows : 

'^Brothers!  We  have  heard  the  talk  of  our  great  father;  it  is  very  kind.  lie 
nays  he  loves  his  red  children.  Brothers!  When  the  white  man  first  came  to 
these  shores,  the  Muscogees  gave  him  land,  and  kindled  him  a  fire  to  make 
him  comfortable ;  and  when  the  pale  fiices  of  the  south*  made  war  on  him, 
tlieir  young  men  drew  the  tomaliawk,  and  protected  his  head  from  the  scalp- 
ing knife.  But  when  the  white  man  had  warmed  himself  before  the  Indian's 
fire,  and  filled  himself  with  the  Indian's  hominy,  he  liecame  very  large ;  he 
stopped  not  for  the  mountain  tops,  and  his  feet  covered  the  plains  and  the 
valleys.  His  hands  grasped  the  eastern  and  tlie  western  sea.  Then  he  be- 
came our  great  father.  He  loved  his  red  children  ;  but  said, '  You  must  move 
a  little  fiuthcr,  lest  I  should,  by  accident,  trcud  on  you.'  With  one  foot  he 
pushed  the  red  man  over  the  Oconee,  and  with  the  other  he  tram|)kd  down 
the  graves  of  his  fathers.  But  our  great  fiither  still  loved  his  red  children, 
and  he  soon  made  them  another  talk.  He  said  much  ;  but  it  all  meant  noth- 
ing, but  '  move  a  little  fiirther ;  you  are  too  near  me.'  I  have  heard  a  great 
many  talks  from  our  great  father,  and  they  all  l)eguu  and  ended  the  same. 
Brothers!  When  he  made  us  a  talk  on  a  fbrmer  occasion,  he  said,  'Get  a  little 
farther;  go  beyond  the  Oconee  and  the  Oakmulgce ;  there  is  a  pleasant  coun- 
try.' He  also  said, '  It  shall  be  yours  forever.'  Now  he  says, » The  land  you 
live  on  is  noi  yours;  go  beyond  the  Mississippi;  there  is  game;  there  you 
may  remain  while  the  grass  grows  or  the  water  runs.'  Brothers!  Will  not 
our  great  father  come  there  also  ?  He  loves  his  red  children,  and  his  tongue 
is  not  forked." 

The  doctrine  of  a  right  inherent  in  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
remove  the  Cherokees  by  force,  is  comparatively  new.  It  was  not  thought  or 
even  dreamed  of  before  1808.  In  that  year  a  deputation  from  that  nation  was 
encouraged  to  visit  the  seat  of  government,  more  for  the  renewal  of  friend- 
Bhip  than  any  thing  else  perhaps,  who,  in  a  conference  they  hnd  with  Presi- 
dent Jefferson,  "  declared  their  amcioxts  desire  to  engage  in  the  purstiit  of  agri- 
culture and  civilixed  life,  in  the  country  they  then  occupied;"  but  said,  "as  all 
their  countrymen  could  not  he  induced  to  exchange  the  hunter's  life  for  an 
agricultural  one,  they  requested  that  their  coimtry  might  be  divided  by  a  lino 
lietween  the  upper  and  lower  to^vns,  so  as  to  include  all  the  waters  of  the 
Highwassee  River  to  the  upper  to^vns ;  that,  by  thus  contracting  their  society 
within  narrower  limits,  they  might  begin  the  establishment  of  fixed  laws  and  a 
regular  government.  Those  wishing  to  lead  the  hunter's  liite,  owing  to  the 
scarcity  of  game  in  their  country,  requested  lilierty  to  go  over  the  Mississippi, 
and  occupy  some  vacant  lands  belonging  to  the  United  States.     To  tliese 

•  The  Spaniards  of  Florida  endeavored  to  break  up  the  Eiiglisii  setilcnieiit  under  Gen. 
Oglethorpe  in  Georgia. 


riMP  XV) 


iii.sToiiv  nK  rm;  niF;u(>KKr..s. 


451 


It 


Gen. 


propoHitioiis  the  |>r(;Hi<leiit  giivc  li'm  entire  niicl  iiri(|iiMlifu'(l  a|i|ir<>liali()ii.  No 
olijitctioii  is  heard  ot'  aguiii.'<t  tiieir  erecting  n  govfrninent  lur  tiienwf l\08,  or 
a  wisli  to  reHtrniii  tlicin  in  anv  niiinncr. 

Kvontimliy,  some  four  or  hve  tiioiisand  of  tiin  lower  town  Cherokers  did 
eiiiigratu  to  ArJcunsuH,  and  there  n  wretched  lite  ninny  of  thetii  worrieii  oia  ; 
niuny  fell  in  wuni  with  the  Otuiges,  some  few  got  \mrk  to  tlieir  own  coiiutry, 
and  sickness  swept  off  many  more.  8nch  IriiilM  of  emigration  tended  to 
strengthen  the  upper  towiiM  in  their  reHolntion  of  enltivuting  tiio  land ;  and 
wlien,  in  lif£\,  connnissioners  were  appointed  to  treat  with  them  tc)r  their 
counti-y,  and  tor  tiieir  removal  west,  they  directly  refused,  and  showed  how 
much  l»etter  off  they  were  lor  continniiig  in  their  own  nation  than  those  who 
had  emigrated.  And  here  ended  tor  some  years  all  attempts  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States  to  treat  with  them  lor  u  removal.  The  seeds  of  avarice, 
although  sown,  had  not  cnmc  to  maturity,  but,  like  a  plant  in  an  uncongenial 
soil,  remained  without  seeming  to  flourish  or  decay;  yet  at  length  a  proH|M>r< 
ous  cidtivator  being  found  in  a  president  of  the  United  Htutcs,  its  growth  soon 
BStonishtM  all  beholders,  and  its  hmnches  cast  a  deathlike  shade  over  a  pros- 
perous nation,  and  withered  it  away. 

We  have  betbre  remarked  \t\mn  the  discovery  made  by  the  southern  poli- 
ticians, namely,  that  from  the  time  of  VVashi.V3Ton,  there  had  been  no  presi- 
dent (including  that  great  man)  who  knew  what  laws  and  treaties  meant ; 
that  all  the  time  and  money  which  had  been  siient  in  making  treaties,  had 
been  thrown  away ;  for  it  was  now  discovered  that  Indians  were  only  tenants 
at  will,  and  had  no  right  on  any  lands  within  certain  state  Imnndaries,  any 
longer  than  the  charity  of  the  good  people  near  them  would  humanely  per- 
mit In  fiv-t,  all  these  treaties  were  now  found  out  to  be  uncorutitulionaL 
This  doctrine  was  finallv  the  hinge  on  which  the  whole  business  turned. 
But  Georgia  herself  could  condescend  to  treat  with  the  Cherokees  in  '7KJ, 
and  obtained  from  them  a  considerable  tract  of  country.  Did  that  state  con- 
descend then  to  acknowledge  the  Cherokees  an  independent  nation  to  get 
from  them  by  treaty  that  which  she  was  not  strong  enough  to  take  by  force  ? 
I  will  not  aver  that  it  was  so.  One  thing,  however,  there  is,  about  which 
there  can  be  no  misconception ;  the  (Cherokees  were  then  powerful ;  and 
though,  in  the  war  with  Lngland,  which  had  just  terminated,  they  fought 
against  us,  they  now  came  tbr^vnrd  and  declared  lor  us ;  and  their  alliance 
WHS  considered  of  no  small  account,  situated  as  we  then  were  in  relation  to 
the  Spaniards  in  Florida,  And,  besidc^s,  it  must  lie  considered  tliat  at  the 
close  of  the  revolution,  our  people  desired  peace  with  the  Cherokees  as  much 
as  they  v.ith  us;  and,  in  the  language  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,*  "  When  the 
United  States  gave  peace,  did  they  not  also  receive  it  ?  Did  the  Cherokees 
come  to  us,  to  our  seat  of  government,  to  solicit  peace ;  or  did  our  govcni- 
ment  send  commissioners  to  them  to  ask  it  ?"  The  result,  however,  was  the 
treaty  of  Hopewell,  "  within  the  Cherokee  nation,"  and  not  at  New  York,  that 
that  celebrated  treaty  was  made. 

The  series  of  usurpations  commenced  upon  the  Cherokees  ami  other 
Indians,  has  at  length,  in  this  present  year,  1840,  reached  the  climax  of 
oppression  contemplated  by  its  originators.  That  people  had  long  viewed 
further  encroachments  upon  them  as  certain,  inasmuch  as  such  encroach- 
ments had  never  actually  ceased  from  the  day  of  their  acquaintance  with  the 
white  man ;  but  the  awful  thunder  which  burst  upon  them  in  our  day  had 
never  been  thought  of  by  the  whites,  much  less  by  themselves,  until  within  ii 
few  years.  They  had,  indeed,  as  early  as  1823,"  observed  a  dark  cloud  gather- 
ing in  the  north-east,  but  they  rationally  thought  that  the  extent  of  country  it 
must  pass  over,  before  it  should  reach  them,  would  qiialif-  its  rage,  and  waste 
its  deadly  effects;  happy  for  them  had  it  proved  as  tliey  had  hop<>d,  rinil  m 
every  friend  of  humanity  and  justice  had  hoped  it  would ;  but  it  catne  and 
Bweiit  away  the  Cherokees. 

The  monstrous  project  of  a  removal  of  nil  the  Indians  within  our  limits 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  is  not  chargeable  to  any  one  of  our  chief  magistrates, 
but  Mr.  Monroe  is  conspicuous  among  them.    He  proposed  it  with  difiiduucb 

•  Opinion  in  llie  case,  Worcester  vs.  the  Sl-ite  of  (ieorgia,  p   14. 


lii 


b     .v> 


453 


mSTOKV   <)!■  Tin:  rilKIJOKCF.S 


[roi.i  rv 


ill  Ills  oponinjf  rncHsapi!  to  roiiffn-.xH,  on  tlic  7lli  of  Dorniil)or,  IP2-1 ;  nnd  licre 
K-t  UN  oliscrvf,  iliiit  tlic  Hii^'^rsiioii  wim  iiiailt:  ii|ion  tlir  hiiiii-  inoiitli,  inul  iicorl} 
til*'  siiiif  (lay  ol'tlKi  iiioiitli,  that  our  lalliciM  caiiK;  to  tli<>m!  r<liori-H;  uiiii  on  tLu 
M7lli  ol  Jatnuiry,  tiillowing,  In;  Mrongly  recoiiiini-iulril  tlic  iii<-a>>ur<>.  lie  wdh 
iiiiliji'cd  to  |iru|H)S(*  Hiich  a  plan,  lie  Haul,  u»  tlit;  only  oii<;  liu  coiiUI  duvino  to 
rrlii'vo  till)  country  t'roin  the  dillifuity  liy  which  Iih  i-xccMitive  was  surrounded, 
tiiul  which  «!very  day  thickened,  (jcorjfia  was  |ii(*Miiij5  with  Hcvere  earnoHt- 
iiess;  allegiiifr  that  the  tiiiu;  had  arrived  when  the  Indian  title  to  liindN  within 
it.'<  limits  should  Ih.>  extinguislKul,  and  the  new  states  were  crowding  on  all 
sides  with  iinihie  iiniiortunity,  that  their  claim  for  Indians'  lands  was  as  good 
ar>  their  neighhorh'.  I'lu!  iiresident,  iherelbre,  like  n  haiikrupt,  who,  to  get  rid 
ot'a  dilliciilt  demand  to-day,  ohiigates  hiniMelt'to  iiuy  u  greater  one  to-morrow, 
disregards  tliu  dictates  ot'  his  own  jiidgiiient.  It  was  under  tlieso  circuin- 
stunceg  that  u  removal  was  recoiiiineiid<Ml. 

Hut  with  this  recommendation  of  removal,  Mr.  Monroe,  although  he  speaks 
ni' force,  repudiates  in  the  strongest  terms  its  employment.  And  wc  cannot 
douht  his  suggestion  was  dictated  hy  the  purest  lienevolence.  Ho  says,  "The 
condition  ot  the  altorigincs  within  our  limits,  and  especially  those  who  urn 
within  the  limits  of  uiiy  of  the  states,  merits  peculiar  attention.  Ex|>erience 
lias  shown,  that  'Jiiless  the  trilx's  l)e  civilized,  they  can  never  be  incorporated 
into  our  system,  in  any  form  whatever.  It  has  likewise  shown,  that  in  the 
regidar  augmentation  of  our  population,  with  the  extension  of  our  settle- 
nie!.>ts,  their  situation  will  become  deplorable,  if  their  extinction  is  no* 
menaced.  Some  well-digested  jdan,  which  will  rescue  them  from  such 
calamiies,  is  due  to  their  rights,  to  the  rights  of  humanity,  luid  to  the  honor 
of  the  nutio:i.  Their  civilization  is  indispensable  to  their  safety,  and  this  ran 
l)c  accomplished  only  by  degrees.  Difficulties  of  the  most  serious  character 
present  themselves  to  the  attainment  of  this  very  desirable  result,  on  the 
territory  on  which  they  now  reside.  To  remove  them  from  it  by  force,  even 
with  a  view  to  their  own  security  or  ha]>piuess,  would  be  revolting  to 
humanity,  and  utterly  unjiistifiuble." 

And  touching  this  matter  we  hove  a  very  cleor  view  of  the  o])inion8  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  regarding  Indian  rights,  in  another  message,  in  which  he  expresses 
himself  Of)  follows:  "I  have  no  hesitation,  however,  to  declare  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  thp  Indian  title  was  not  aflected  in  the  slightest  circumstance 
by  the  compact  with  CJeorgia,  and  that  there  is  no  obligation  on  the  United 
atates  to  remove  the  Indians  61/  foree.  The  express  stipulation  of  the  compact, 
that  their  title  should  be  extinguished  at  the  ex|>en8e  of  the  United  States, 
w  hen  it  may  lie  «lone  peaceably^  and  on  reasonable  conditions,  is  a  full  proof 
that  it  was  the  clear  and  distinct  understanding  of  both  parties  to  it,  that  the 
Indians  had  a  right  to  the  territory,  in  the  disposal  of  which  they  were  to  be 
regarded  aa  free  agents.  An  attempt  to  remove  them  by  force  would,  in  my 
o|iinion,  he  unjust.  In  the  future  measures  to  be  adopted  in  regard  to  the 
Indians  within  onr  limits,  and,  in  consequence,  within  the  limits  of  any  state, 
the  United  States  have  duties  to  perform,  and  a  character  to  sustain,  to  which 
they  ought  not  to  be  indiHerent"  But  what  have  the  admonitions  of  all  good 
men  availed?  And  the  more  we  meet  with,  tlie  more  we  are  astonished  at 
the  result  of  things,  and  the  more  severely  do  we  deprecate  and  denounce 
the  advocates  of  the  course  pursued. 

The  president  evidently  had  not  thought  very  seriously  about  the  removal 
of  the  Indians  at  this  time,  tt\id  knew  little  of  the  history,  or  actual  state  of 
the  Cherokees ;  they  had  then  become  considerably  civilized,  and  instead  of 
decreasing,  were  increasing.  But  about  two  months  after,  he  again  makes 
the  Indian  subject  the  object  of  a  special  message,  in  the  outset  of  which  he 
holds  this  language:  "Being  deeply  impressed  with  the  opinion,  that  the 
removal  of  the  Indian  tribes  from  the  lands  which  they  now  occupy  within 
the  limits  of  tiie  several  states  and  territories,  to  the  country  lying  westward 
uiid  northward  thereof,  within  our  acknowledged  boundaries,  is  of  very  high 
importance  to  our  Union,  and  may  be  accom])lished  on  conditions  and  in  a 
manner  to  promote  the  interest  and  happiness  of  those  tribes,  the  attention 
of  government  has  been  long  drawn,  with  great  solicitude,  to  the  subject" 

First  a  removal  is  barely  thought  about,  then  talked  about,  then  proposed, 


Omp.  XV.] 


iiisTCUY  OF  Tim  ciir.iu»K;;i:s. 


4  J 


J 


then  8troii^'ly  rccominciKli-d ;  so  fnr  tli<Tt>  inn.'<t  In>  no  coiniiiilsioii,  Ihtiiiim-  it 
W()ii!(|  )m3  too  iHirL-tiiOMl  uii  oiitnige  on  the  I'liniiiion  m-iisu  ot' the  |i(Mi|ih-; 
Im-ciiiiho  tlie  IndiiiiiH  in"//  rciiiovo  witlioiit  lorre;  they  nin  lie  liouffhi  out. 
Thiie  showed  thut  they  conhl  not  Ik;  ohlif^ed  to  m-\\  their  country ;  tlien  the 
project  of  extending  state  hiws  over  them  is  Mtarte«l,  wliich,  thouj:h  ^lnl•^»n^*li- 
tiitionul,  ran  Im;  entiiroed  in  spite  of  the  ffenemi  government,  to  the  in<-al- 
i-iihdilu  mischief  of  the  Indiann;  and  lK-f<i«TeH,  couUl  it  lie  Hnp|io8ed  that  the 
general  government  woidd  rcsixt  Htutc  Iaw8  unto  a  drop  of  wliitu  hlood  in 
deli-nee  of  liic  rights  of  Indiana  f  A  i»rci)0!«terous  idea!  A  result  \vhi«'h  eouUI 
not  Ih!  nllo\ve<l  to  happen  in  these  days  of  iiglit  and  reason  in  ahundanee. 
While  the  executive  of  the  gcnend  government  is  ]>ondering  the  matter,  not 
oiilv  Indians,  hut  citizens  of  the  United  States,  among  them  as  instruetorH, 
and  by  the  direction  nnd  imder  the  authority  of  the  pre^iih'nt  liimseif,  are 
sei/ed  l)y  an  armed  force,  dragged  tu  a  distant  n'gion,  and  thrown  into  prison ! 
.Months  pass  away,  and  the  guvtniment  is  stii!  pondering  on  what  is  to  Im)  done. 
In  the  mean  time  Georgia  sends  out  an  armed  force  to  protect  the  Indians, 
and  we  will  hear  how  this  force  performed  tlie  service,  as  set  forth  in  a 
memorial  to  congress  from  some  of  the  most  respectable  of  the  Chcrokces, 
in  isn. 

"  In  the  name  and  authority  of  G.  R.  Gilmar,  governor  of  Georgia,  a  bill 
was  tiled  in  chancery,  in  the  su|)eri(>r  court  of  Hall  county,  in  July  Iast,(l8:i0,) 
against  certain  Cherokee^,  praying  for  an  injimction  to  stop  them  from  digging 
and  searching  for  gold  within  the  limits  of  their  own  nation ;  and  the  bill 
lM;ing  sworn  to  lieforc  Judge  Cluyton,  he  awarded  an  injunction  against  the 
parties  named  in  the  bill  as  detciidants,  commanding  them,  forthwith,  to 
desist  from  working  on  those  mines,  under  the  penalty  of  1/0,000  dollars ;  at 
the  siunc  time  and  place  there  were  unmolested  several  tlioiisaiid  intruders 
from  Georgia  and  other  states,  engaged  iii  robbing  the  nation  of  gold,  tor 
which  the  owners  were  ordered  not  to  work  by  the  said  writ.  Under  the 
authority  of  this  injunction,  the  sheriff  of  Hall  county,  with  an  armed  force, 
invaded  the  nation,  consisting  of  a  colonel,  a  captain,  and  IJO  or  40  of  the 
militia  of  the  state  of  Georgia,  who  arrested  a  niuiil)er  of  Cherokces  engagetl 
ill  digging  for  gold,  who  were  at  first  rescued  by  the  troops  of  the  United 
States,  stationed  near  the  place,  and  the  sherifi  and  his  party  tlu  in^elvca 
mndc  prisoners,  and  conducted  fifteen  miles  to  the  military  camp,  when  a 
council  of  examination  was  held,  and  the  exhibition  of  their  re.-pective 
authorities  made,  which  resulted  in  the  release  of  the  sheriff  u:.d  his  party, 
nnd  a  written  order  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  United  State?  troop's, 
rlirecting  the  Cherokees  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  Georgia,  and  that  no 
further  protection  could  be  extended  to  them  at  the  gold  mines,  as  he  could 
no  longer  interfere  with  the  laws  of  Georgia,  but  would  afford  aid  in  carrying 
them  into  execution.  On  the  return  of  the  sheritf  and  his  party,  they  passed 
by  the  Cherokees  who  were  still  engaged  in  digging  for  gold,  and  ordered 
them  to  desist,  under  the  penalty  of  Ixsing  committed  to  jail,  and  proceeded 
to  destroy  their  tools  and  machinery  for  cleaning  gold,  and  after  committing 
some  further  aggression,  they  returned.  Shortly  afterwords,  the  sheriff,  with 
a  guard  of  four  men,  and  a  process  from  the  state  of  Georgia,  arrestecl  three 
Cherokees  for  disol»eying  the  injunction,  while  peaceably  engaged  in  their 
laliors,  and  conducted  them  to  Wadkinsvillc,  a  distance  of  75  miles,  before 
the  same  judge,  A.  S.  Clayton,  who  then  and  there  sentenced  them  to  pay  a 
fine  of  93  dollars,  costs,  and  to  stand  committed  to  prison  until  paid ;  and 
also  comi»elled  them  to  give  their  bond  in  the  sum  of  1,000  dollars,  for  their 
pereonal  appearance  before  his  next  court,  to  answer  the  charges  of  violating 
the  writ  of  injunction  aforesaid.  They  were  retained  in  custo<ly  five  days, 
then  paid  the  costs,  and  gave  the  required  bond.  They  appeared  agreeably 
to  the  Iionds,  and  Judge  Clayton  dismissed  them,  on  the  ground  that  the 
governor  of  Georgia  could  not  become  a  prosecutor  in  the  case.  For  these 
unwarrantable  outrages,  committed  on  their  persons  and  property,  no  apology 
was  offered,  nor  to  this  day  has  anj'  of  their  money  been  refunded." 

If  tliere  are  any  blacker  cases  of  outrage  any  where  conmiitted  in  a 
Christian  country,  we  are  not  informed  of  them.  Such  would  not  be  sub- 
mitted to  in  Turkey  or  China.    The  manner  in  which  aflairs  were  managed 


454 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV 


in  Georgia,  under  color  of  law,  is  a  disgrace  to  tlie  least  civilized  community. 
Gen.  Macomb  marched  the  troops  of  the  United  States  into  tlie  Cherokee 
country,  ke  said,  to  guard  against  the  difficulties  which  it  was  apprehended 
would  grow  out  of  tlie  conflicting  operations  of  tlie  Cherokees  and  the 
lawless  intruders  upon  the  mineral  district,  and  having  fuljilltd  the  inatructiona 
of  the  government,  the  troops  were  directed  to  return  for  the  winter  to  tlieii 
respective  quarters." 

About  the  same  time  Gov.  Gilmar  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  requesting 
the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  observing  that  Georgia  could  enforce  her  own 
laws.  When  this  notice  was  received  at  Washington,  the  secretary  wrote  to 
Gilmar  that  he  had  "just  ordered  tlieir  withdrawal,  because  tlie  object  for 
whicii  they  had  been  sent  was,  in  a  great  measure,  accomplished!"  Now,  if 
the  Cherokee  country  belonged  to  Georgia,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  business 
the  general  government  had  to  send  its  troops  into  her  territory,  to  remove 
gold  diggers  or  any  other  kind  of  diggers,  whether  digging  lawfully  in  their 
"own  diggings,"  or  unlawfully  in  thos^  of  another  It  was  a  new  doctrine, 
but  of  a  tenor  with  all  the  re°t,  that  the  United  States  must  enforce  the  laws 
of  Georj^iiu  That  is  i--  say,  she  must  enforce  them  for  Georgia,  if  Georgia 
desired  it,  or  if  no.,  there  would  be  no  interference  on  tlie  part  of  the  general 
government. 


CILVPTER  XVL 


1*^^ 
**.• 


?'  ?4i 


1      * 


BISTORT    OF    THE    CHEROKEES,   CO^'CI.UDED. 

"  Come,  Lethd,  come  !   thy  tide  oblivions  roll 
O'ur  all  that  pruud  complacency  of  soul, 
'I'liat  generous  ardor,  tliat  cnli%'ening  flame, 
That  wurmi-d  my  licMoin,  wlien  I  heard  thu  name 
Of  my  onre  honored  country; — let  thy  wave, 
Diirk  as  Avernus,  gloomy  as  the  grave, 
Drown  every  vestige  of  that  country's  fame, 
And  shade  the  light  that  bursts  upon  her  shame!" — Purport. 

To  mark  the  progress  of  oppression,  we  here  note  as  follows  from  the 
Cherokee  Phcnix,  under  date,  "Aew  Echota,  19  February,  1831.  This  week 
we  present  to  our  readers  but  half  a  sheet  The  reason  is,  one  of  our  printers 
has  lei\  us ;  and  we  expect  another,  who  ig  i^  tvhite  man,  to  quit  us  very  soon, 
either  to  l)e  dragged  to  tlie  Georgia  peniten  -y  for  a  term  not  less  tlian  four 
years,  or  for  his  personal  safety  to  leave  tlie  nation,  to  let  us  shiA  lor  our- 
selves us  well  as  we  can.  Thus  is  the  liberty  of  tlic  press  guarantied  by  the 
constitution  of  Georgia.  But  we  will  not  give  up  the  ship  while  she  is  afloat. 
We  have  intelligent  youths  enough  in  the  nation,  and  we  hope  before  long  to 
make  up  our  loss.  Let  our  paU'ons  bear  in  mind  that  we  are  in  the  woods, 
and,  as  is  said  by  many,  iu  a  savage  country,  where  printers  are  not  plenty ; 
and  therefore  they  must  not  expect  to  receive  the  Phoenix  regular  for  a  while, 
but  we  WiJl  do  the  best  we  can." 

One  month  after,  namely,  March  19,  the  Phoenix  says,  "The  law  of  Geor- 
gia, making  it  a  high  misdemeanor  for  a  white  man  to  reside  in  the  Cherokee 
nation,  without  taking  the  otith  of  allegiance,  and  obtaining  a  permit  from  the 
governor  of  Georgia,  or  his  agent,  is  now  in  a  course  of  execution.  On  lust 
Suhbutli,  afler  the  usual  time  of  divine  service,  the  Georgia  guard  arrived,  and 
arrested  thi-ee  of  our  citizens,  viz.,  Rev.  Samuel  A.  Worcester,  Mr.  J.  F. 
Wheeler,  one  of  our  printei-s,  and  Mr.  Thomos  Gunn,  the  two  lust  being  citi- 
zens, with  Cherokee  families.  Mr.  Isaac  Proctor,  assistant  missionary  at  Car- 
mel,  hud  the  evening  before  been  taken,  and  came  with  the  guard  as  a  pris- 
oner. On  Monday  they  were  marched  to  Etahwah,  where,  the  same  evening, 
were  taken  the  Rev.  John  Thompson,  uiiJ  Mr.  William  Thompson."  Upon 
tills  oiitnige  the  editor  of  the  Pho'iiix  in  jckly  remarks,  that  his  object  was 
tilniply  to  give  facts,  and  not  lii*1nl<re  In  ony  ri'iimrks  upon  their  origin.  Wil- 
iuni  ^riioinpson  was  thrown  into  jail,  but  ullerwuids  dit-chuigcd,  it  being 


Chap.  XVI.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CIIEROKEES. 


455 


ascertained  that  lie  did  not  live  in  the  nation.  The  missionaries  and  two 
others  were  taken  before  Judge  Clayton,  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  lib- 
erated by  hii)'  II  the  ground  tliat  they  were  agents  of  the  government ;  tliey, 
however,  m;  uo  such  plea.  It  was  aptly  suid  by  the  Cherokees,  tliat  if  the 
iiiissionaries  were  agents  of  the  government,  tlic  public  might  rest  assured 
ttiut  Uen.  Jackson  would  reform  them  out 

Tliey  were  true  prophets ;  for  it  seems  tliat  Mr.  Worcester,  lieing  postmas- 
ter lit  New  Echoto,  was  an  agent  of  government,  and  wtis  discharged  to  moke 
room  tor  a  more  certain  process  against  him.  The  next  thing  to  be  done  was 
to  drive  him  from  the  post  othce,  which  Mr.  Barry  did  without  delay,  and  put 
another  in  his  place,  who,  liesides  performing  his  duty  of  postmaster,  per- 
formed onother,  of  more  jirofit  to  himself,  probably,  of  selling  li(]uors  to  the 
iuiduns,  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  tlie  United  States,  as  well  as  tliose  of  the 
Cherokees. 

W'o  will  produce  another  short  narrative,  exhibiting  the  progress  of  crime 
and  cjipression  against  the  Cherokee  nation,  belbru  pu»<sing  to  other  details. 
It  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  John  Kidge  to  Elias  Boudinot,  and  is  in  these 
words*:  "The  Georgia  guard,  under  Col.  Nelson,  ore  now  here  [at  Ougillogy] 
with  four  prisoners,  Mr.  Elliott  and  Mr.  Dennis,  white  men,  citizens  uf  this 
nation  by  maniuge,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Trott,  also  a  white  man,  who  are 
charged  with  a  violation  of  the  Georgia  laws,  in  living  in  this  nation  by  its 
allowance  and  laws.  The  other  is  Mr.  John  West,  a  young  gentleman,  a 
Cherokee,  who  is  charged  with  the  high  crime  of  using  insolent  language  to 
the  guard.  These  four  I  saw  last  night  under  guard,  chained  together  in  uair«, 
and  fastened  together  with  locks.  Air.  David  Vann,  a  memlier  of  the  Chero- 
kee senate,  and  Thomas  Woodward,  ai'e  also  arrested,  but  not  chained,  who 
are  not  allowed  to  know  the  reason  of  their  aiTcst  until  they  arrive  at  head 
quarters,  70  or  80  miles  from  their  homes.  The  guard  are  still  in  ])ursuit  of 
other  men.  They  have  a  wagon  along,  in  which  tliey  have  a  drum,  on  which 
thev  beat,  and  a  nfe,  to  make  martial  music." 

'fhe  above  was  under  date  of  June  1.  On  the  21  May,  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal Cherokee  citizens  assembled  at  New  Echota,  and  issued  an  appeal  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  which,  though  claiming  nothing  but  justice, 
and  asking  for  protection,  time  passed  away,  and  none  were  tbiuid  to  step 
forward  to  relievo  them.  We  have  a  heavy  debt  to  pay,  at  some  time  ond  \a 
some  manner,  which  will,  it  is  feared,  be  more  difficult  to  discharge,  than  it 
would  have  been  to  have  supported  the  Cherokees  against  an  iiisigniHcant 
rabble  of  self-constituted,  inflated  contemners  of  law  and  justice. 

Li  1826,  Georgia  sent  on  commissioners  to  make  a  topographical  survey 
through  the  Cherokee  nation.  C.  R.  Hicks  was  then  principal  chief,  who 
forbids  the  proceeding  in  a  friendly  letter  to  Mr.  W.  Lumpkin,  under  whom 
the  survey  was  to  be  prosecuted.  No  attention  being  paid  to  this  notice,  Mr. 
Hicks  sent  his  son  with  two  other  Indians  to  remonstrate  with  the  surv«;yor 
in  more  pointed  terms.  He  was  told,  that  unless  he  desisted,  his  instruments 
should  be  taken  from  him.  Not  thinking  it  proper  to  incur  further  displeas- 
ure, he  accordingly  desisted  for  that  time.  It  was  against  the  express  will  of 
the  Cherokee  council  that  any  sui-vey  should  be  undertaken  without  an  order 
from  the  secretary  of  war,  because  no  state  hiis  any  authority  to  go  u|)on  the 
lands  of  the  Indians  for  any  such  purpose ;  and  even  the  United  States  never 
take  such  liberty  without  a  grant  from  them. 

Affiiirs  progressed,  without  much  of  interest  until  the  next  year.  Mean- 
while Georgia  had  been  intbrmed  that  she  was  transcending  her  powers,  and 
that  she  would  not  lie  tolerated  by  the  United  States  in  her  encroariinu'iits 
I'pon  the  Indians.  Whereupon,  Gov.  Troup,  not  finding  any  object  whereon 
ti  use  his  sword,  if  he  had  had  one,  seized  that  "  mighty  instrument  of  little 
iiitMi."  his  pen ;  and  liad  we  not  known  that  steam  is  harmle8.'3  when  there  is 
intliing  to  confine  it,  we  should  have  apiirehended  "an  awful  exjilosion." 
Take,  as  a  specimen,  what  he  says  to  the  Hon.  James  Harbour,  secretary  at 
war:  "Sir,  you  ar-j  sufficiently  explicit  as  to  the  means  by  wh.cli  you  propose 
to  carry  your  resolution  into  effect.  Thus  the  military  character  of  the 
menice  is  estabhshed,  and  I  am  only  at  liberty  to  give  to  it  the  defiance 
which  it  merits.     From  the  first  decisive  act  of  liostility,  you  will  bo  consid- 


i-.,''^ 


1     •:■■ 


456 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV 


ered  and  treated  as  a  public  enemy ;  and  with  the  less  repugnance,  because 
you,  to  whom  we  might  constitutionully  have  appealed  for  our  own  defence 
against  iuvasioii,  are  yourselves  invaders ;  and  what  is  more,  the  unblushing 
allies  of  tlie  savages,  whose  cause  you  have  adopted." 

Vapor  is  soon  dissolved  in  air,  and  words  i'rom  a  southern  furnace  amount 
to  no  more  in  this  case  than  echoes  from  an  icebijrg.  In  1828,  a  long  re- 
port was  made  by  a  committee  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  Georgia, 
seconded  by  sundry  resolutions  of  a  character  with  I'ormer  proceedings.  It 
was  resolved,  that  inasmuch  as  the  United  States  had  failed  to  procure  the 
Cherokee  lauds  "  as  early,"  and  upon  as  "  reasonable  terms,"  as  it  might  have 
done,  they  had  tl.ereby  ^^ palpably  violated  their  contract  urith  Georgia,  and  are 
now  boiuid,  ut  all  hazurdsj  and  without  regard  to  terms,  to  procure  aid  lands 
lor  the  use  of  Georgia ;  that  all  said  lands  belong  to  her  absolutely,  and  that 
the  Indians  are  tenants  at  her  will."  This,  the  coumiittee  s"\''.  was  tlieir  last 
appeal. 

The  administration  of  BIr.  Adams  being  at  an  end,  Georgia  liad  no  longer 
any  thing  to  fear,  but  practised  its  abuses  with  singular  impunity.  Parties 
from  that  state  would  go  over  the  Cherokee  line,  steal  and  drive  off  their 
stock;  and  the  Indians  had  not  the  least  remedy  left.  Some  despairingly 
said,  "If  tliey  could  get  uo  redress,  they  could  feel  deeply  the  injustice  done 
theitu" 

Had  the  upright  and  consummate  statesm- n,  John  Quincy  Adams,  been 
continued  in  the  presidential  choir,  the  fate  of  the  Clierokees  would  have 
been  different ;  at  least,  so  long  as  his  sage  counsel  hud  been  followed,  tliey 
would  have  been  secure  in  their  rights.  In  his  message  to  congress  on  the 
5  February,  1827,  lie  said,  "  It  is  my  duty  to  say,  that  if  the  legislative  and 
executive  authorities  of  the  state  of  Georgia  should  persevt  e  in  acts  of  en- 
croachment upon  the  territory,  seciu'ed  by  a  solenm  treaty  to  the  Indians,  and 
the  laws  of  the  Union  remain  unaltered,  a  superadded  obligation,  even  higher 
than  that  of  human  authority,  will  compel  the  executive  of  the  United  States 
to  enforce  the  laws,  and  fulHl  the  duties  of  the  nation,  by  all  the  force  com- 
mitted for  that  purpose  to  his  charge."  It  was  to  such  decisive  language,  held 
l)y  tJie  head  of  the  government,  that  the  Clierokees  owed  what  little  quiet 
they  had,  until  1829,  when  a  new  interpretation  given  to  our  laws  changed 
order  into  anarchy. 

On  the  15  September,  1831,  eleven  persons  were  brought  to  trial  at  Law 
rcncevii'e,  for  the  crime  of  living  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  without  taking  an 
oath  to  obey  the  lawj  of  Georgia.  They  were  all  brought  in  guilty  by  a  jury, 
after  being  out  fifteen  minutes.  Nine  of  the  convicts  were  pardoned,  on  giv- 
ing assui-ances  that  they  would  not  offend  again.  The  two  missionaries, 
VVorcestcr  and  Butler,  having,  as  they  averred,  committed  no  crhne,  would 
accept  no  pardon,  and  were  accordingly  taken  to  the  penitentiary.  The  gov- 
ernor (Gilniar)  of  Georgia,  dreading  tho  expression  of  jiublic  opinion,  was  in 
hopes  to  have  got  rid  of  the  missionaries  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  was  now 
promised,  writes  to  the  inspectors  of  the  prison,  requesting  that  they  would 
"  converse  with  each  convict  alone,  and  ascertain  fiom  them  whether  they 
are  disposed  to  promise  not  again  to  ofl'end  the  laws,  if  tlicy  should  be  par- 
doned." But  this  overture  amounted  to  nothing,  for  they  were  determined 
in  tlioir  course,  and  went  accordingly  to  "hard  labor"  among  (oloiis!  Prison 
clothes  were  put  on  them,  bearing  iibout  their  waists  the  iniiiuls  of  their 
names  in  large  red  letters. 

In  November  following,  Georgia  was  cited  to  appear  before  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  to  show  cause  why  the  judgment  of  one  of  her  courts 
should  not  be  set  aside  in  the  case  of  JMessrs.  Butler  and  Worcester.  Geor 
gia,  through  her  executive,  raised  the  cry  of  state  rightt*,  and  said  that  any  ut- 
temjit  of  the  United  States  to  interfere  with  her  criminal  jiu'isdiction,  woidd 
challenge  the  most  determined  resistance,  and,  if  persisted  in,  would  inevitabif 
annihilate  the  Union.  When  tlio  case  came  on,  there  was  no  a])i)earance  on 
the  part  of  Georgia ;  thus  showing  its  conteni])t  li)r  that  tribunal.  And  when 
it  was  decided  that  that  statt;  hiid  no  right  to  imprison  any  persons  on  the 
ground  assumed,  and  a  mandaiiins  was  S(!rved  on  the  coiut  which  had  tried 
he  missiontivies,  for  a  habeas  corpus,  it  was  refused,  and  the   mandamus 


/i* 


!     '! 


Chap.  XVI] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


457 


.i* 


disregarded.  Thus  stood  matters  in  March,  1832,  and  nothing  was  expected 
to  be  done  in  favor  of  tiie  prisoners  for  a  year  to  come,  owing  to  the  delays 
conseqiitnt  upon  law  proceedings.  And  iiere  we  will  remark,  that  laws  are 
excellent  wiicn  they  suit  the  views  of  avaricious  men,  but  when  they  thwart 
their  haise  pro|)ensiiies,  they  are  exceedingly  oppressive.  In  the  time  of  Mr. 
Jetierson's  administration,  Pennsylvania  attempted  to  resist  a  mandate  of  the 
suprcfne  court,  hut  in  due  time  wisely  yielded  to  her  duty ;  and  he  it  remem- 
bered, that  Georgia  was  among  the  foremost  to  declare  that  Pennsylvania 
should  be  coerced  into  subtnission. 

lu  Sc|>tember,  1830,  a  detachment  of  «^nited  States  troops  again  scoured 
the  gold  mine  country.  At  the  upper  mines  they  arrested  upwards  of  one 
hundred  i)ersons,  whites  and  Cherokees.  The  latter,  after  bemg  kept  under 
guard  one  night,  were  dismissed  with  the  peremptory  injunction,  not  to  dig 
any  morz.  Hence  it  follows,  that  if  the  Cherokees  had  potatoes  in  the  ground, 
they  had  no  right  to  dig  them  up,  neither  had  they  any  right  to  plant  them. 
In  i>hort,  Georgia  having  carried  her  injustice  as  far  as  she  could,  the  United 
States  steps  in  and  lends  her  a  hand  in  extending  it ! 

About  the  time  of  this  mi7(^ary  expedition,  the  principal  men  of  Agnohee 
district  met  in  council,  and,  in  an  affectionate  and  feeling  manner,  thanked 
all  those  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  hud  in  any  way  come;  forward  and 
raised  their  voices  against  their  oppressors.  They,  at  the  same  time,  issued 
an  address  to  us,  which  would  do  honor  to  the  head  or  heart  of  any  philan- 
tin'opist  that  ever  flourished  upon  the  proudest  page  of  history.  And  we 
doubt  if  there  exists  that  nation  under  the  sun,  even  in  this  enlightened  age, 
which  would  have  suffered  as  the  Cherokees  have  done,  without  taking 
revenge  on  their  inhuman  oppressors.  To  what  then  are  we  to  attribute 
their  nohle  and  philosophic  forbearance :  to  their  civilization  or  degradation  ? 

As  matters  now  stood,  it  seemed  that  serious  difficulty  must  ensue  hetv.een 
the  United  States  and  Georgia,  if  swaggering  and  high-sounding  words  had 
any  meaning,  when  proceeding  from  governors,  ex-governors,  and  others, 
hi.L'li  III  otKce  in  that  state.  But  while  the  deci^<ion  of  the  supreme  court  was 
Bleeping,  Gcorgi:i  was  sweeping  onward  in  full  triumph ;  she  parcelled  out 
the  Cherokee  country,  and  drove  the  honest  owners  out  of  doors,  put  her 
own  citizens  in  their  places  from  one  corner  to  the  other  of  their  country ; 
every  white  man  who  had  moral  courage  enough  to  question  these  nefarious 
proceedings,  was  obliged,  at  the  s:ime  time,  to  exercise  discretion  enough  to 
keep  himself  at  a  safe  distance  from  penitentiary  jurisdiction. 

Hence,  in  alraut  a  year  from  the  time  the  missionaries  were  thrown  into 
prison,  Georgia  had  got  full  and  undisturbed  poss»ssion  of  all  the  country  in 
question,  and  had  nothing  to  fear  from  mis.<ionary  or  any  other  influence.  It 
was  therefore  concluded  that  a  sort  of  a  drawn  game  might  be  played  with 
tlie  supreme  court;  thinking,  probalily,  that  it  was  not  worth  while  to  try 
their  strcii;.'th  with  it  at  this  time,  for  if  tliey  should,  it  might  estaltlish  a  pre- 
cedent which  would  prevent  a  profitable  use  of  the  same  farce  hereafter, 
when  it  miglit  be  convenient  for  them  to  usurp  other  powers. 

It  seemed  now  tmderstood,  that  if  Georgia  would  liberate  the  missionaries, 
thny  would  not  urge  their  suit  any  fuither  against  her;  and  accordingly,  Gov. 
Lumpkin,  in  a  very  gracious  manner,  proclaimed,  on  the  14th  of  January, 
1833,  that  "  whereas  the  prisoners  hud  signified  to  him  that  they  had  in- 
structed their  counsel  to  prosecute  their  suit  no  further,  and  should  therefore 
'  leave  the  question  of  their  continuance  in  confinement  lo  the  magnanimihj  of  the 
state;*  and  taking  into  view  the  tiiumphant  ground  which  tne  state  finally 
occupies  in  relation  to  this  subject  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  as  has  been 
sufficiently  attested  through  various  ciianncls,  especially  in  the  recent  dver- 
whelming  rededion  oj  President  Jackson,  the  known  defender  of  the  rights 
of  the  state  throughout  this  controversy ;  and  above  all,  the  maonammity  of 
Georgia  being  app.-aled  to,  know  ye,  that  I  have  thought  proper  to  remit  the 
further  execution  of  their  sentence,  and  that  they  be  forthwith  disclmrgcd." 
Inns  nearly  a  year  had  passed  since  the  suprtine  court  had  docided  tha^  the 
acts  of  Georgia  were  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  land,* 

*  The  drci^ion  was  made  by  Judge  Mitrsiliall  on  (lie  3d  March,  1832. 

39 


t      \  ^ 


I.: 


I 


i  (■; 


li 


n  i!„., 


i'§m 


458 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV 


No  reflections  will  ever  be  required  upon  this  aflTair  from  the  historian,  aa 
tiiey  will  imtiiraily  suggest  themselves  to  the  mind  of  every  reader,  who  hua 
only  to  consider,  that  argument  had  very  little  to  do  where  Andre  tv  Jackson 
was  concerned. 

In  the  mcmorinl  which  the  chiefs  of  the  Chrrokee  nation  submitted  to 
congress  on  the  3d  of  March,  1829,  are  remarks  and  reasonings  so  pertinent 
and  cogent,  that  it  is  surprising  to  us  how  it  could  have  b<en  disregarded  by 
honorable  men.  Among  other  things  noticed,  they  remark  that,  "Jt  is  with 
no  little  surprise  that  we  have  seen,  in  a  document  printed  for  the  use  of 
congress,  connected  with  the  subject  of  Indian  emigration,  the  tbilowing 
sentiments:  'from  the  ascertained  feelings  of  the  chiefs  of  the  southern 
Indians,  there  is  a  fixed  purpose,  by  threats  or  otherwise,  to  keep  their  people 
from  emigrating'  And,  'there  is  no  doulit  but  these  people  fear  their  chiefs, 
ind  on  that  account  keep  back.' "  Tht-se  insinuations,  the  memorialists  say, 
if  meant  fbr  them,  are  the  production  of  culpable  ignorance  or  willul  fidse- 
liood.  'J'he  idea  that  their  people  are  overawed  and  in  lear  of  their  chielis, 
is  ns  ridiculous  as  it  would  be  to  suppose  the  people  of  the  United  Statts  are 
afraid  of  their  rej)reHentatives.  "The  great  Washington,"  they  continue, 
"advised  a  plan  and  aflbrded  aid  for  the  general  impro  tment  of  our  nation. 
President  Jefiervon  followed  the  noble  example,  and  in  concluding  on  address 
to  a  delegation,  he  said,  '  I  sincerely  wish  you  may  succeed  in  your  laudable 
endeavors  to  save  the  remnant  of  your  nation,  by  adopting  industrious  occu- 
pations and  a  government  of  regular  law.  In  this  you  may  always  rely  on  the 
counsel  and  umstance  of  the  United  States.^"  But  of  what  avail  have  been  the 
determination  of  Washington  and  the  earnest  desire  of  Jefferson? 

The  "Book  of  the  Troubles  and  Miseries  of  the  emigrating  Indians,"  has 
not  been  published.  Hundreds  have  been  swept  off  by  sickness  on  their 
rugged  road;  old  an-*.  Irflrm  persons  have  fallen  under  the  fatigues  and  hard- 
ships of  their  journ  y;  huhJreds  have  been  buried  beneath  the  waves  of  the 
Mississip])i  in  one  awful  catastrophe ;  *  wives  left  husbands  on  the  way,  never 
more  to  join  them;  mothers  are  hurried  from  the  graves  of  their  children. 
Mrs.  Ross,  wife  of  the  great  chief  of  that  name,  languished  and  died  before 
reaching  the  unknown  land  to  which  she  was  bound ;  but  I  cannot  go  into 
these  particulars. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1832,  a  fast  wa'j  observed  in  the  Cherokee  nation. 
President  Ross,  in  his  proclamation  recommending  it,  observes,  that  "  whereas 
the  crisis  in  the  affmre  of  the  nation  exhibits  the  day  of  tribulation  and 
sorrow,  and  the  time  appears  to  be  fast  hastening  when  the  destiny  of  this 
people  must  be  sealed ;  whether  it  has  been  directed  by  the  wonted  depravity 
and  wickedness  of  man,  or  by  the  unsearchable  and  mysterious  will  of  an 
all-wise  being,  it  equally  becomes  us,  as  a  rational  and  Christian  community, 
humbly  to  bow  in  humiliation,"  &c.  This  is  ])roduced  as  an  ever-standing 
memorial  for  all  such  as  may  desire  to  contrast  the  actions  of  the  Indians 
with  those  of  Georgia;  that  they  may  be  able  to  judge  which  best  deserved 
the  name  of  a  Christian  community. 

Thus,  in  the  year  1832,  the  Cherokees  gave  up  nil  hope  of  receiving  justice 
at  the  hands  of  our  government,  and  we  see  in  the  Phosnix  of  June,  among 
others,  these  observations:  "The  gigantic  silver  pipe  which  George  Wash- 
ington placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Cherokees,  as  a  memorial  of  his  warm  and 
abiding  fiiendship,  has  ceased  to  reciprocate ;  it  lies  in  a  corner  of  the  ex- 
ecutive chamber,  cold,  like  its  author,  to  rise  no  more."  And  in  the  same 
piiragraph  they  refer  to  the  value  of  the  gold  mines,  as  follows: 

"  The  value  of  the  Cherokee  nation  can  hardly  be  set  down  in  figures.  It 
is  wflrth  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  Let  us  estimate.  From 
l-'ro^rtown,  near  the  source  of  the  Chestatee,  commences  the  gold  region,  and 
is  termeil  tiie  limit  of  Georgia.  From  this  point  almost  one  lumdred  miles 
on  a  straight  line  south,  or  towards  the  western  corner  of  Cat  roll  county,  is 

*  On  llie  31st  of  October,  1837,  as  the  steamboat  Monnioiiili,  wiili  (100  cmifrraliii";  Iji<liaiis, 
was  ascending  the  Mississippi,  it  was  run  into  by  another  vessel,  mid  31 1  of  those  iniserabis 
creatures  ilrowiied!  Tliat  such  a  number  should  have  been  crowded  inio  one  boat  is  incred. 
iblo,  and  we  .ire  iiifoniicd  that  the  boat  was  an  old,  coMdemnod  vessel,  li  was  probably  hired 
"heap  by  the  contractors  for  removing  lM<liaiis ! 


Chap.  XVI.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


459 


one  continued  bed  of  gold.  Tlie  width  of  this  region  is  not  yet  known,  but 
at  tlie  southern  pnit  it  is  soiniithing  lii\e  thirty  miles  broad.  Millions  ot 
dollars'  worth  of  gold  have  been  taken  here  l)y  thousands  of  intruders." 

Let  the  oppressors  of  tlie  Cherokees  look  well  to  their  motives  of  action. 
Are  they  ignorant  of  the  acts  of  the  S|mniards  in  the  south  ?  or  are  they 
acting  upon  the  same  principles?  If  the  respective  cases  be  analyzed,  the 
excuse  for  Georgia  is  not  half  as  good  as  for  the  wholesale  murderers  of  the 
Mexicans  and  Peruviana;  for  there  cantiot  be  so  strong  a  motive  to  action  aa 
when  the  agent  is  acting  under  the  firm  conviction  that  he  is  executing  the 
will  of  God.  It  was  a  dark  and  superstitious  age  when  South  America  waa 
desolated.  The  Indians  of  that  country  were  in  the  very  depths  of  a  bloody 
Buperstitiou ;  inhumanly  sacrificing  thousands  a  year  of  tlitir  innocent  country- 
men in  their  religious  performances,  and  with  a  cruelty  that  cannot  be  ima- 
gined; for  it  required  ages  to  find  out  the  various  refined  modes  in  which  to 
practise  their  diabolical  executions.  They  even  shocked  the  Spaniards,  who, 
to  put  an  end  to  them,  thought  themselves  justified  in  destroying  those  who 
practised  them.  Gold  was,  at  first,  a  secondary  consideration.  What  hua 
Georgia  to  plead  at  the  bar  of  future  history  but  "  gold  ?  "  With  unprincipled 
men  what  will  its  corrupting  influence  not  do  ?    What  has  it  done  to  Spain  ? 

The  poor  Cherokees  have  said,  "Georgia,  beware  of  the  pits  thine  avariee 
has  made;"  echo  has  reverberated  it  frorn  every  hill,  and  children  yet  unborn 
will  hear  it  from  their  cradles  to  their  graves.  To  all  whom  these  facts  shall 
come,  a  voice  will  speak  which  cannot  be  misunderstood.  No  traveller  shall 
thread  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  ancient  Cherokees  without  feeling  deep 
emotions  of  sorrow  in  his  breast,  that  he  had  not  lived  at  a  time  when  he 
could  have  rendered  that  oppressed  peoj)le  assistance.  As  a  people,  we  have 
not  done  our  duty  to  those  Indians.  Why  did  we  not  rise  to  a  man,  and 
cause  justice  to  be  done  them?  Where  is  the  honest  man  who  is  not  now 
sorry  that  he  had  not  done  it  ?  And  does  he  not  say  he  would  do  it,  were  a 
like  case  to  arise  again  ? 

To  the  "  Cherokee  Phoenix,"  the  first  newspaper  ever  published  by  Indians, 
we  have  been  considerably  indebted  for  many  valuable  items  of  intelligence 
in  this  part  of  our  work ;  and  we  again  notice  it  for  the  last  time,  in  all  prob- 
ability; forasmuch  as  Georgia  has  laid  her  lawless  hand  upon  it,  we  CiUi 
expect  no  other.  In  October,  1835,  the  Georgia  guard  took  possession  of 
that  newspaper  establishment,  and  its  further  issue  stopped,  unless  it  would 
uphold  the  course  of  Greorgia  against  the  Indians. 

At  thjs  time  Mr.  John  Ross  lived  in  Tennessee,  and  was  recognized  as  a 
citizen  of  that  state.  But  for  some  cause  or  other,  that  "guard,"  of  infamoua 
memory,  then  rnder  the  command  of  one  Capt.  Bishop,  proceeded  to  the 
residence  of  Mr.  loss  on  the  7th  of  November,  made  prisoner  of  him,  seized 
upon  all  his  papers  and  records  of  the  nation,  and  marched  him  into  Georgia. 
Mr.  John  II.  Paine,  of  New  York,  happening  to  be  then  at  the  residence  of 
Mr.  Ross,  was  treated  in  like  manner.  He  had  been  engaged  in  the  laudable 
pursuit  of  material  for  an  historical  work  on  the  Indians,  and  had  many 
papers  containing  memoranda  for  that  object,  of  great  value  to  himself,  but 
ot"  none  whatever  to  others;  these  were  also  seized.  These  individuals, 
howi'ver,  were  not  long  detained,  but  tliey  got  no  redress  for  the  injury  and 
insult,  that  has  ever  come  to  my  knowledge.  Where  the  "  magnanimity"  of 
Georgia  was  now,  which  was  so  prominent  in  the  case  of  the  missionaries, 
we  leave  to  the  determination  of  others. 

What,  then,  are  the  first  fruits  of  this  expatriatio.i  of  the  Cherokees? 
Deadly  feuds  among  them,  executians  and  murders.  These  have  but  begun, 
and  how  or  where  ihey  will  end,  are  events  hidden  in  the  future.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  principal  men  who  sold  their  country,  Major  Ridge,  his  son, 
Jihn  Ridire,  Elias  Boudinot,*  and  otheio,  have  been  executed  in  pursuance 
of  the  laws  of  the  Cherokees,  for  their  wickedness  in  violating  the  most  vital 
of  their  rights  and  their  constitution.  Who  could  have  expected  any  thin 
different  from  those  Indians?    They  had  been  induced  to  form  a  code  o: 

•  He,  it  is  believed,  is  tlio  sntne  who  was  educated  at  tlio  Missidiiarv  school  at  CoriiwDll,  in 
Comicclicul,  and  who,  about  18:^5,  married  a  white  lady,  Harriet  K.  Uold,  of  that  village. 


I  !•- 


i   'i 


460 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKKES. 


[Boor.  IV. 


laws  many  years  ago  by  Washington  and  Jefferson,  and  to  live  under  the 
openitioii  of  tliose  laws  until,  in  1830,  they  were  forced  to  abandon  *hein  by 
the  interll;rence  of  Georgia. 

It  had  been  an  old  stan<ling  low  among  the  Cherokees,  as  well  as  among 
the  Creeks,  "  that  if  any  persons  or  person  should  sell  any  lands  by  treaty, 
without  tlie  authority  of  the  nation,  they  should  be  punished  with  death." 
In  183i),  this  law  was  bro  '~t  up  in  their  legislature,  and  confirmed  as  the 
luw  of  the  land.  John  Ridge  himself  brought  it  forward,  a,jd  Elias  Boudinot, 
editor  of  the  Cherokee  Phoenix,  published  it  It  was  a  law  before  letters 
were  known  among  the  Cherokees,  and  was  first  printed,  we  believe,  in  18*<?J. 

Having  seen  the  Cherokees  driven  beyond  the  Mississippi,  if  v  e  would 
pursue  their  history  we  must  follow  theui  into  that  region ;  but  ai  best  we 
can  know  but  littla  about  their  affairs  now,  the  intercourse  between  them 
and  intelligent  white  men  having,  from  their  remote  situation,  become  unfre- 
qucnt.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1838  the  business  of  emigration  was 
completed,  and  this  was  no  sooner  effected  but  the  white  inhabitants  border- 
ing on  Arkansas  began  to  express  great  alarm,  believing  the  Indians  were 
making  preparations  to  spread  destruction  among  them.  But  their  fears 
were  without  any  foundation ;  the  Cherokees  having  found  enough  to  do  for 
several  months  to  prepare  shelters  for  themselves  and  families.  Yet  amidst 
their  busy  preparations  of  this  sort,  to  pocify  their  white  neighbors,  they  con- 
vened the  nation  in  a  great  council,  in  which  it  wos  solemnly  protested  that 
all  reports  which  had  neen  circulated  of  t'leir  hostile  intentions  towards  the 
whites  were  without  foundation,  and  utterly  false. 

The  next  matter  of  moment  took  place  in  June  of  last  year,  1839.  Tliis 
was  no  less  than  the  murder  0**  the  principal  men  of  the  Ridge,  or  treaty 
purty.  Of  the  parties  into  which  'iie  Cherokees  were  divided  un  account 
has  been  given.  It  appears  that  from  the  time  the  Ridges,  father  and  son, 
and  their  followers  executed  the  treaty  of  New  Echota  with  Schermerhoin, 
their  lives  were  forfeited  in  the  minds  of  a  certain  part  of  the  nation,  and 
they  only  waited  a  llivoriible  time  to  put  their  resolution  in  execution.  It  is 
not  our  intention  to  justify  the  executions  of  which  we  are  now  to  give  a 
narration,  for  be  it  remembered,  that  we  protest  against  taking  human  lifo 
under  any  circumstances  whatever,  and  firmly  believe  that  a  community  is 
vastly  more  injured  ihan  benefited  by  the  practice  of  that  law  of  retaliating 
murder  with  murder. 

It  is  matter  of  historical  record,  that  the  Ridges,  Boudinot,  Bell,  Rogers, 
and  others,  who  signed  the  treaty  of  December,  1835,  very  suddenly  changed 
their  minds  in  respect  to  the  policy  of  removal.  They  were  ns  forward  as 
Mr.  Ross,  or  any  of  that  party,  in  protesting  against  the  acts  of  Georgia,  and 
as  nuich  rpposed  to  making  any  treaty  of  sale  of  their  country,  up  to  the 
time  of  a  certain  mission  of  Schermerhorn,  as  any  of  the  nation.  Therefore 
it  is  not  strange  that  the  Ross  party  were  surprised  at  their  suddenly  coming 
out  and  advocating  an  opposite  course.  They  were  immediately  accused  of 
bribery  and  corruption,  and  whether  true  or  iiot,  the  party  that  ren«iined 
firm,  believed  them  guilty ;  and  the  most  we  can  say  concerning  their  con- 
duct is,  there  were  strong  grounds  of  suspicion  against  them. 

Our  information  of  the  massacra  of  Ridire  and  others  is  ver-  indirect, 
though  circumstantial,  and  is  as  follows:  When  it  became  known  to  Ross 
that  the  lives  of  certain  chiefs  were  to  be  taken,  he  used  all  the  means  at  his 
command  to  prevent  it.  But  a  party  collected,  and  on  Saturday,  the  2t2d  of 
June,  the  executioners,  to  the  number  of  about  forty,  went  to  the  house  of 
John  Ridge  early  in  the  morning,  before  he  was  up,  and  took  him  from  his 
bed,  and  murdered  him  in  a  manne~  too  savage  to  relate;  treating  his  lifeless 
body  with  all  the  indignity  of  ancient  barbarians.  They  next  proceeded  in 
pur  ...it  of  Mcjor  Ridge,  his  father,  who  had  the  day  before  set  out  to  visit 
some  friends  in  Van  Burcn,  Arkansas.  He  was  overtaken  near  the  foot  of 
Boston  Mountain,  about  35  miles  from  his  place  of  destination,  and  there  shot 
from  his  horse,  and  died  without  hardly  knowing  why  he  had  been  thus 
savagely  d^'  !t  with.  Thus  fell  Major  Ridge  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  OL'e, 
and  his  son  at  the  oge  of  thirty-seven.  Of  the  circuiristances  of  the  death 
of  Boudinot,  Col.  Bell,  and  two  or  tijree  others,  we  are  not  informed. 


Chap.  XVII] 


SEMINOLE  WAR. 


461 


Major  Ridge  once  erdputed  a  chief  for  an  act  of  niiich  more  doubtful 
atrocity  than  that  for  \\liich  he  now  fell.  In  180(i,  the  noted  orator  Double^ 
HEAD  was  charged,  wi  h  other:;,  witli  the  iin|tortant  bwriiness  of  making  a 
troaty,  at  Tellico,  with  ilie  United  States,  for  a  tract  of  lan«i  to  accommodate 
'lie  seat  of  government  of  Tennessee,  and  for  "  the  first  island  in  the  Ten- 
ncisgce,  aliove  the  mouth  of  Clinch."  In  this  business,  Chuquacuttague,  or 
Douhleliiad,  was  charged  with  hriltcry;  yet  nothing  was  done  about  it  by 
the  nation,  and  he  went  unpunished;  but  in  1817  he  was  again  guilty,  and 
was  followed  by  Major  Ridge  nnd  others,  and  in  the  tavern  of  one  Mcintosh, 
in  the  evening,  was  fallen  upon  and  shot  by  the  hand  of  Ri<lge.  He  escaped 
with  a  desperate  wound,  and  was  lor  a  short  time  secreted  in  a  neigliboring 
dwelling,  but  his  pursuers  found  him,  and  an  Indian  naniid  Saunders,  one  of 
Ridge's  company,  sunk  iiis  tomahawk  into  his  head,  which  finished  the  exe- 
cution. This  was  near  the  agcticy  in  Calhoun.  Doublehead  had  iiimself 
killed  a  man  in  his  way  thither,  for  charging  iiim  with  the  crime  lor  which 
he  siifiored.  This  execution  is  mentioned  to  show  that  Ridge  was  well 
aware  that  he  had  forfeited  his  life  by  what  he  had  done  at  New  Echota. 


iM 


H§tt 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  Semisoi.e  War  Resumed — Further  account  of  the  causes  of  the  irar — JW 
mcrous  cases  of  gross  imposition — Bad  conduct  of  gorernmint  officers — A  new 
treaty  of  removal  urged — .1  deputation  visits  the  west — Their  rtport — Jiiiother  treaty 
— Speeches  of  the  chiefs — Examination  of  the  policy  of  the  gurernmeut,  relative  to 
a  removal  of  the  Indians — Character  of  borderers — Revieio  of  the  manner  treaties 
of  sale  were  procured — The  president  angry  at  the  Indians'  presumption — Barbarous 
treatment  of  three  Mickasaukies. 

"  Let  them  come  with  the  pipe  ;  we  will  tread  it  to  diiiit, 
Anil  niir  iirrnws  of  war  ahull  ne'er  moulilcr  with  rnst ; 
L>'t  them  come  with  their  hosta  ;  to  thu  cl  .'aert  we'll  fl  -n, 
And  tlie  drought  and  the  famine  our  helpers  aliall  be." — Pike. 

The  events  of  the  Seminole  war  have  astonished  all  to  whom  the  knowl- 
edge of  them  has  extended.  And  the  astonishment  has  been  as  varied  aa 
the  wilds  of  Florida  are  represented,  by  those  whose  misfortune  it  has  been 
to  serve  there  against  their  fellow-men.  As  this  war  progressed,  we  wrote 
down  its  events  in  detail,  as  we  have  long  been  wont  to  do  of  all  occurrences 
relating  to  tlie  Indians,  but  from  the  conflicting  statements,  purporting  to  be 
from  the  theatre  of  their  enactment,  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
arriving  at  facts  and  dates. 

Nobody  could  have  been  much  surprised  that  a  war  in  Florida  should 
break  out,  if  they  were  at  all  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  which  caused 
it,  nor  could  they  have  been  much  surprised,  that  a  hundred  men  in  the  midst 
of  the  Indian  country  should  have  been  beset  and  slain,  leaving  none  to  carry 
the  tidings  of  such  disaster.  Our  only  surprise  is,  that  the  work  had  not 
been  done  in  a  more  savage  manner;  that  even  one  could  escape  by  feigning 
death;  and  that  a  monument  only  of  a'ihes  of  the  slain  had  not  marked  the 
place  where  they  fell.    These  things  astonish  us,  not  the  war  itself! 

We  had  supposed,  like  every  body  else,  that  there  could  be  but  a  single 
ciinipaign,  wiien  it  was  known  tl.nt  the  Indians  had  resisted  in  good  earnest; 
and  when  we  consider  the  power  of  the  United  States  set  against  a  single 
corner  of  a  territory  surrounded  witii  every  advantage  for  warlike  operations, 
wo  could  form  no  other  conclusion  but  that  the  poor  Indians  would  be 
crushed  almost  at  a  single  blow;  and  it  was  not  until  two  distinguished 
gi'uerals  had  shown  that  the  Seminole  was  not  to  be  despised,  that  the  war 
with  him  became  matter  of  serious  consideration  at  the  seat  of  government. 
But  of  these  affairs  we  have  already  said  as  much  as  was  necessary. 

In  bringing  down  the  events  of  this  war  to  its  conclusion,  circumstances 
make  it  necessary  to  detail  some  afiairs  from  tlie  beginning  of  it^  which  we 
39* 


H'  '¥ 


462 


SE.MIN().,L  WAR.— NO  LAW  FOR  INDIANS. 


[Hook  IV. 


II  ^?  .. 


m 


have  not  noticctl;  Imving  closed  our  account  in  the  summer  of  1830,  many 
luctH  rnd  ilocumentH  have  Hince  come  to  hand  which  could  not  then  lie 
known,  u:id  which  throw  much  new  light  on  the  subject,  as  well  aa  iurnisli 
much  new  and  important  matter.* 

Of  (he  origin  of  the  late  Seminole  war,  such  facts  only  have  been  given  aa 
were  known  to  the  writer  at  the  earliest  period  of  it.  We  have  now  addi- 
tional sources  laid  open,  and  shall  proceed,  in  the  next  place,  to  draw  from 
them. 

It  wotdd  be  tedious  to  relate,  and  irksome  to  read,  the  half  of  what  n)ight 
be  gathered  of  the  robberies  and  enormities  committed  by  infamous  white 
villains  in  Indian  borders;  and  it  is  equally  insufferable  to  read  of  the  maimer 
that  JUSTICE  is  there  trodden  under  foot  by  liodics  hearing  the  name  of  court- 
Law  is  all  on  the  side  of  the  white  man,  and  consequently  justice  is  no 
dweller  in  such  bodies.  Indians  cannot  testily  in  cases  to  which  they  are  a 
party,  and  they  are  obliged  to  submit  to  whatever  decision  their  learned 
guardians  pronounce.f 

One  Col.  Humphreys  was  for  some  time  Indian  agent  in  Florida.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  man's  vociferous  avowal  of  the  right  of  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  Lulians,  he  was  elec'ed  a  nieml)er  of  the  legislative  coimcil  of 
Florida.  Thus  much  for  urging  that  negro  claims  should  be  settled  <n  the 
territory,  instead  of  their  being  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  Now  such  suits  could  be  disposed  of  with  perlect  ease, 
because  no  Indian  could  have  a  heai'ing  except  against  his  otcn  people.  Some 
notorious  scoundrel  had  sold  negroes  to  Col.  Humphreys,  which  belonged  to 
a  Seminole  woman  named  Culekeeckowa,  He  bought  them  after  application 
hod  been  made  to  him  as  agent,  by  their  owner,  for  their  recovery,  of  tlsat 
very  villain !  Nevertheless,  he  promised  to  exert  himself  for  their  restoration. 
He  afterwards  said  he  bought  them  to  prevent  their  being  sent  to  Charleston. 
Some  of  the  negroes  that  were  young  when  the  transfer  took  place,  having 
grown  old  enough  to  lie  made  to  understand  the  nature  of  the  case,  went 
back  voluntarily  to  their  real  mistress ;  and  the  double-dealor  Humphi-eys  had 
tiie  audacity  to  apply  to  agent  Thompson  for  his  interlerencc  that  he  might 
hi:ve  them  again.  Thomi)son  had  independence  and  honesty  enough  not  to 
comply,  the  fiicts  being  so  strong  in  fovor  of  Ctdekeeckotoa,  but  referred  Hum- 
vhreys,  together  with  the  facts  in  the  case,  to  the  decision  of  gove'.nment 

Another  man  was  employed  by  a  certain  Indian  woman  for  the  recovery 
of  negroes.    She  gave  hnn,  as  he  told  her,  a  power  of  attorney  for  that  piir- 

1)ose.  She  soon  found  that,  instead  of  a  power  of  attorney,  she  bid  given 
lim  a  bill  of  sale  of  all  her  negroes !!!!!!! 

On  another  occasion,  the  chief  Micanopy  requested  on  individual  to  draw  a 
form  of  writing  for  him,  which  soon  after  proved  to  be  a  conveyance  of  a 
valuable  tract  of  land ! 

A  black,  named  Abraham,  who  has  figured  largely  in  the  war,  was  basely 
robbed  by  one  of  the  white  border  fraternity.  The  fellow  owed  Abraham  a 
large  amount  of  money,  got  his  receipt  for  it  under  pretence  that  it  was  a 
certificate  that  he  owed  him,  which  it  was  necessary  should  be  sent  to  Wash- 
ington before  he  could  i)ay  him !  These  are  a  few  of  the  abominations  daily 
practised  by  individuals ;  and  we  shall  now  pass  to  others,  in  which  the  gov- 
ernment itself  becomes  implicated. 

We  have  spoken  plainly  of  the  treaty  of  Paine's  Landing,  in  the  e:.rly  part 
of  our  history  of  this  wiu* ;  but  as  new  fiicts  have  since  come  to  our  knowl- 
edge, it  will  be  necessary  to  extend  the  examinp.cion  here.    It  must  be  re- 

*  Tlinro  were  publislic<I  in  the  vear  IR.T)  three  liistorios  of  the  Florida  Avar.  The  first  was 
by  Mr.  Cohen,  the  seooiid  by  a  laic  "  staff  officer,"  and  the  third  by  "  a  lienlt  nniil  of"  the  letl 
wiiiif."  All  three  of  them  seem  to  be  very  well  done,  but  that  by  Mr.  W.  iVitlcr.  ("  a  late 
slafi"  otTiPcr,")  if  I  mistake  not  the  gentleman,  is  far  the  most  valuable  to  the  historian.  To 
these  works  I  gladly  reiiir,  and  tender  here  the  authors  my  acknowledgments  for  the  iise  T 
have  made  of  the  facts  cuiitained  in  their  pages.  Nine  of  them  hail  appeared  whr'ii  my  .ork 
was  published,  and  hence  I  could  not  profit  by  thein  in  my  previous  editions.  Hut  for  these 
last  hve  years  of  the  war  I  have  had  to  gather  my  materials  from  the  "  tliousand  and  one" 
reports  of  the  day. 

t  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  read  Oen.  Thompson's  speech  to  llie  Lidiaiis  at  a  council 
iu  Oct.  1834,  in  wliith  he  plainly  holds  die  same  language  to  ihein. 


1/   .  ■    ( 


IV. 


Chap.  XVII.) 


A  NKW  Tlir.ATY. 


4G3 


membcrcd  that  by  tlie  trcnty  of  Camii  Moultrio,  M8  Soptciiihcr,  IS'JH,)  ilio 
3miiiiiolt:8  lirnl  soctired  to  tli<;iii  nil  uiuiiiity  of  Jj'.'ijOOO  lor  20  yciii-H,  nml  tliuy 
were  to  roiiiuvo  wiihiii  c<;rtuiii  iioiiiiiiuriuH  (l<!ttcril)ed  by  tlic  treuty,  eiiibniciii|j 
u  tract  of  laiitl  of  iMjar  5,000,000  acres.  No  sooner  bud  tliey  reiii(»ved  witliiii 
th'iH  tract,  tliaii  wliitc  men  intruded  tbenisclvcs  among  them,  and  committed 
violence  on  tlie  persons  of  acverul  Indians.  Nor  is  this  an  Iiiiiiaii  story; — it 
was  i>o  represented  liy  the  agent  to  Gov.  DuV(U,  and  without  the  least  reason 
lor  tiic  oiitrngc.  What  was  done  ?  Why,  the  agent  said  lie  hud  left  a  notice 
witli  a  magistrate  to  have  the  offenders  warned  ojfof  the  reservation  in  one  day 
from  the  lime  the  notice  should  be  served.  Thus,  instead  of  seizing  at  once 
U|)oii  the  villains,  and  bringing  them  to  justice,  they  ore  mildly  ordered  off  of 
the  Indians'  lands  in  one  day !  What  riglit  liad  siicli  depredators  to  any  better 
treatment  than  is  aHbrded  i)y  the  toinuhuwk  and  sculping-kiiife  ?  Yet  we  bear 
of  no  retaliation  by  tlie  Indians.  They  luul  no  newspapers  in  which  to  circu- 
lat'  .ccoi lilts  of  (Aetr  wrongs  and  siitleringH; — these  ure  the  niagnitying  glasses 
of  li.e  Ixid  white  men. 

At  the  same  time,  i>etition  after  petition  was  got  up  among  the  white  in- 
habitants of  Florida,  and  sent  in  to  the  president  of  the  United  States,  setting 
forth  the  wrongs  they  were  daily  suffering  fi'oin  the  Indians  in  various  slinpes, 
and  urging  an  earlier  removal  than  the  former  treaty  specified.  We  do  not 
jiresume  but  tiiat  Indians  did  sometimes  infringe  U|>on  their  white  neighbors, 
und  were  often  found  hunting  and  fishing  beyond  tiie  line  of  tlie  treuty.  Tliis 
is  not  denied;  and  the  affair  at  Hogtown  in  Aluchuu  county,  already  men- 
tioned, is  an  iustiuice.  WJietber  these  petitions  began  to  flow  in  before  Gen. 
Jackson  was  president,  we  are  not  informed  ;  but  if  they  did,  President  Jldams 
knew  what  to  do  with  them.  Be  tliut  as  it  may,  the  lute  president  had  not 
been  long  in  the  chair  of  state,  when  he  made  known  his  willingness  that  an- 
other anangeinent  might  be  made  with  the  Indians,  and  upiMinted  Col.  Gads- 
den to  confiir  with  t!iem,  to  see  what  could  be  done.  It  na|)pened  that  this 
was  the  most  favorable  time  that  could  have  been  fixed  upon,  namely,  the 
spring  of  1832,  for  such  conference,  liecause  the  crops  of  the  Indians  bud  lieen 
cut  off',  and  they  were  in  a  stute  Iwixlering  upon  starvation ;  hence  they  were 
ready  to  hear  any  prapositions  which  promised  thetn  immediate  relief.  Col. 
Gailidcn  visited  Alicanopy,  and  on  the  8  April  had  an  interview  with  him,  in 
"'/icli  little  difficulty  was  sxperienced  in  persuading  him  that  liis  condition, 
as  well  us  that  of  ids  peojile,  would  be  greatly  impi-oved  by  a  removal  to  the 
fruitful  west.  Micanopy  sulci,  however,  that  he  would  defer  treating  at  that 
time,  as  his  men  were  dispersed  upon  their  yearly  hunting  tours,  and  muiiy 
of  them  l.")0  or  200  miles  off;  but  that  he  would  collect  them  as  soon  as  he 
coidd,  and  then  they  would  consider  the  matter  together,  for  he  wished  them 
all  to  hear  what  their  father,  the  president,  had  to  say  to  them.  Accordingly 
the  8  May  following  was  fixed  ujran  for  the  day  of  council,  and  Puine's  Land- 
ing the  place  of  the  meeting. 

Agreeably  to  arrangement,  the  parties  met  on  the  8  of  Rlay,  18.32,  and  on 
the  following  day,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  such  chiefs  and  head  men  as  were 
assembled,  to  the  number  of  fifteen.  Of  the  small  numlier  of  chiefs  who  ex- 
ecuted this  great  treaty,  we  liave  l)efbre  remarked,  and  we  liave  also  noted  its 
chief  conditions.  It  is  said  that  the  agent  had  much  difficulty  in  bringing  the 
Indians  to  any  terms,  touching  a  removal ;  and  they  finally  signed  only  a  con- 
ditional treaty,  one  of  the  chief  articles  of  which  stipulated  that  a  deputation 
of  some  competent  chiefs  of  their  own  should  visit  the  jiroposed  country  to 
which  they  were  to  remove,  and  if,  when  they  returned,  and  rejtortcd  the  re- 
sult of  their  observations  to  the  nation,  it  should  then  be  thought  advisable, 
they  would  :move  from  Florida.  The  chiefs  sent  out  upon  this  important 
embassy,  were  seven  in  number,  and  their  names  were  as  follows:  Jon.v 
Hicks,  representing  Sam  Jones,  (Ajiiaca,  Abica,  Arpiucki,  &c.) ;  Jumper,  who 
afterwards  fought  in  the  liloody  battle  at  Okeechubee  Lake,  in  which  Kfi)  whites 
were  killed  and  wounded ;  Nehauthulo,  representing  Black  Diiit  ;  Holata 
F.MATHLA,  GoA  Hadjo,  (Alligator);  Charles  Emathla,  Ya-Ha-Hadjo,  [IuvA 
Wolf);  and  Abraham,  a  negro,  who  accompanied  the  de[)utation  as  inter- 
preter. 

What  means  were  taken  to  cause  these  chiefs  or  agents  to  express  their 


1 1\ 
.1 


% 


'i    I 


•<1 


4G4 


SEMINOLE  WAR— DECEPTIVE  OIILIOATION. 


[Book  IV, 


entire  nppronnt  '"  the  country  tlicy  lind  examined,  1  will  not  nndertake  to 
Bay,  Init  cerliiin  ey  did  ni^n  a  writin^r,  in  wiiicli  tiiey  miy,  "We,  the  un- 

derpinned, Seinin.  iefij,  express  ourselves  well  Nlti^4tied  with  the  ronntry 

examined  liy  im,  and  we  du  ugi'eo  to  remove  us  soon  as  government  will 
make  the  nece  isary  arrangements,"  &c.  How  mneh  they  really  understood 
of  this  writing,  helbre  they  signed  it,  is  j)retty  clearly  shown  hy  what  they 
themselves  say  to  agent  Tnommon,  when  calletl  upon  to  rnltil  their  engage- 
ment to  remove ;  and  from  tlie  same  source  it  will  lje  likewise  seen  how 
much  they  inxferstood  of  the  treaty  of  Moultrie  Creek.  All  that  ran  now  he 
said  is,  that  if  they  imderstood  what  they  were  signing,  wiien  they  expressed 
their  satisfiiction  with  the  country  to  wiiicli  the  nation  was  to  remove,  they 
entirely  transcended  the  powers  delegated  to  them  hy  their  countrymen. 

Although  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  at  Paine's  Landing  a  treaty  was  made, 
which  stipulated  that  all  the  Seminoles  should,  in  three  years  tliereatt(;r,  re- 
move trom  the  country,  utuler  certain  conditions,  yet  it  is  well  known  that 
it  was  with  very  great  ditiiculty  that  the  chiels  coulJ  Im;  persuaded  to  execute 
it,  even  under  its  expressed  contingencies.  On  this  matter,  we  will  hear  the 
United  States  commissioner.  Col.  Gadsden,  who  procured  the  treaty  to  |je  ex- 
ecuted. In  his  communication  to  the  secretary  of  war,  he  says,  "There  is  a 
condition  prefixed  to  the  agreement,  without  assenting  to  which,  the  Florida 
Indians  most  po»i7iVe/j/  refused  to  negotiate  for  their  removal  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. Even  with  the  condition  annexed,  there  was  a  reluctance,  (which 
with  some  d'fticulty  was  overcome,)  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  to  hind  them- 
selves by  any  stipulations,  before  a  knowledge  of  iticts  and  circumstances 
would  enable  them  to  judge  of  the  advantages  or  disadvantages  of  the  dispo- 
sition the  government  of  the  United  States  wished  to  make  of  them.  'J'hey 
were  finally  induced,  hoMcver,  to  assent  to  the  agreement."  By  "agreement," 
does  Col.  iiwhden  refer  to  the  treaty  itselfj  or  to  a  st![)arate  writing,  forwarded 
to  the  war  otiice  witii  the  treaty.' 

We  have  questioned  the  manner  hy  which  tlie  Indian  commissioners'  sig- 
natures were  obtained  to  a  certain  certificJitc,acknowledging  their  sntistiiction 
of  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi.  \\\  another  writing,  they  have  been 
made  to  express  approbation  ofj  and  even  affection  for,  Maj.  Phagan,  one  of 
the  government  agents  who  accompanied  them  on  that  journey.  It  shall 
now  be  shown  that  these  papers  speak  a  vciy  different  language  fiom  that 
spoken  by  the  chiefs  before  their  accusers,  in  open  council,  afterwards.  The 
council  here  alluded  to,  was  held  at  the  Senunole  agency,  immediately  aft«;r 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  Paine's  Landing  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, viz.,  in  October,  18134.*  It  was  opened  by  Gen.  Thompson,  in  whose 
speech  we  find  these  words :  "  You  alone  have  the  rieht  to  decide  whether  yov 
will  accept  the  invitation\  or  not ;  it  is  left,  as  it  slunda  be,  entirely  optional  with 
you,  ana  no  person  but  yourselves  has  any  right  to  say  you  shall  or  shall  not  ac- 
cede to  the  proposition."  Thus  it  is  evident  that,  aUhough  the  chiefs  had  ex- 
[iressed  their  approbation  of  the  coimtry,  a  matter  of  much  greater  moment 
lad  been  lefl  open  to  negotiation.    We  will  now  hear  the  chiefs : — 

MicANOPY  rose  and  said,  "  When  we  J  were  at  Camp  Moultrie,  we  made  a 
treaty ;  and  we  were  to  be  paid  our  annuity  for  twenty  years.  This  is  all  I 
have  to  say." 

Jumper,  since  so  celebrated  in  the  war,  and  a  leader  in,  it  is  said,  the  mas- 
sacre at  Fort  Mimms,  next  s])oke:  "At  Camp  Moultrie  we  were  told  that  all 
ditHculties  should  be  buried  for  20  years,  from  the  date  of  the  treaty  then  and 

*  By  the  usages  of  civilized  nations,  the  Indians  were  under  no  obligation  to  abide  by  the 
treaty  of  Paine's  I.nndiiis^,  for  it  was  two  years  after  it  was  concluded  before  congress  ratified 
It ;  and  all  treaties  must  be  ratified  iu  a  reasonable  liinc — but  any  time  vmst  answer  tor 
Indians. 

t  The  Creeks,  already  removed  to  the  west,  had  invited  the  Seminoles  lo  settle  amonsj 
ihem  promiscuously  :  and  it  seems  the  chiefs  had  given  encouragement  ihnt  lliey  would,  when 
all  the  neiglii>oring  Indians  had  made  peace  with  them.  It  will  be  necessary  timt  this  fact 
be  borne  in  mind  hy  the  reader. 

}  He  was  among' the  signets  of  that  treaty.  I  have  omiUed  (o  mention  earlier,  that  Mi 
CANOPY  is  grandson  to  the  distinguisiied  Kino  Paine,  and  that  his  father's  name  was  Sk 

COFFEE. 


*'ii,.i 


Chap.  XVII.l 


SPEECHES  OF  CHIEFS. 


465 


tliere  mnde.  Before  tlie  20  years  were  out,  we  made  a  ti"en*y  nt  Painr's  I^nnel- 
iii^r.  W(!  were  told  we  iniglit  go  and  Bee  the  land,  hut  that  we  wi>re  not 
<>l)Jijred  to  remove.  When  we  »aw  the  country,  we  miid  nothing,  hut  llii> 
whites  that  went  with  us  nuuU  us  siffti  our  hands  to  a  ;>a/>er,  whicli  yon  noto 
nivf  sii^nitied  our  couHent  to  remove  ;  lint  we  thouf^ht  tiie  |»a|M'r  tuiid  only  that 
vt  likeil  the  land,  an<l  when  we  returned,  our  nation  would  decide  u|ioii 
ienioval.  We  hud  no  authority  to  do  more.  My  |)co|ile  cannot  nay  tlit^y  will 
).'o.  >Ve  are  not  willing  to  go.  If  their  tongueH  way  y«:s,  their  licMirts  cry  no, 
and  call  them  liarH.  The  country  to  which  you  invite  \\f^  is  Murroimdcii  hy 
hii.itile  noighl>orri,  and  although  it  may  firoduct;  good  ti-uit,  the  iiuit  of  a  haii 
nt-ighhorhood  in  blood,  that  Hpoiln  the  land,  and  a  fu'e  that  dries  up  the  brooks. 
When  in  the  west  1  said  to  the  agent,  •You  8ay  the  Hcminolcs  are  rn^uts,  but 
you  wish  to  bring  us  among  icorsf.  rog^iea,  that  we  may  be  destroyed  liy  tlieui.' 
Did  they  not  steal  our  horses,  and  were  not  some  of  us  obliged  to  return  with 
our  packs  upon  our  own  backs  ?  " 

CiiAHi.es  Ematiila  was  no  friend  to  a  removal  at  this  time,  but  suhsc- 
■juently  cons<;nte<l  to  go,  and  having,  with  three  daughters,  gone  to  Camp 
King,  al)out  the  2<i  November,  IH-'i."),  to  make  arrangements  tor  bringing  in 
his  cattle,  on  his  return  was  set  upon  and  shot  down  in  the  way,  a  little  in 
advance  of  his  daughters.  Nino  balls  were  found  in  him,  and  it  is  said  the 
deed  was  done  by  Osceola  and  some  others  of  the  Mickasiuiky  tribe.*  He 
spoke  as  follows:  "Our  old  speaker  was  Hicks,  j  He  is  dead,  but  1  have  not 
Ibrgotten  his  words.  I  was  not  at  the  treaty  of  Moultrie  Creek.  It  was  not 
made  by  children.  Great  men  made  it,  and  it  is  sjicred.  By  it  wc  were  to 
receive  the  annuity  for  20  years,  |  and  to  enjoy  the  lands  therein  detineiL 
The  time  has  not  expired ;  when  it  does,  it  is  time  enough  to  make  a  new  bar- 
gain. Our  father  has  often  said  to  me  that  he  loves  his  children — they  love 
him.  When  a  man  is  at  home,  and  has  his  things  about  him,  he  sees  that 
hiiuself  and  family  depend  upon  them.  He  thinks  of  these  things  when  he 
leaves  home.  My  young  men  and  family  are  all  around  me.  Should  I  go 
West,  I  should  lose  many  on  the  way.  A  weak  man  cannot  get  there,  the 
liitigue  would  be  so  great.  None  buf  'rong  people  can  go.  I  am  an  Indian. 
Tiiere  is  none  but  Indian  blood  in  i  ...  The  agent,  Majoi-  Phagan,  thai  ivent 
with  us,  is  a  man  of  violent  passions.  le  quarrelled  with  us  on  the  waii,  and  after 
we  got  there.  If  fie  had  done  his  duty,  all  xoould  lutve  ended  well.  If  I  know  my 
heart,  I  speak  true.  If  I  difter  from  the  agent,  he  is  a  fi-ee  man,  and  can  talk 
as  he  pleases.  I  hope  bis  talk  will  bring  all  things  right,  so  that  we  may  all 
live  together  hereafler  in  friendshij)." 

HoLATA  Emathla  Said:  "The  horses  that  were  stolen  from  us  by  tlie 
Clierokees,  when  we  were  viewing  the  country  in  the  west,  were  never 
restored  tc  us.  We  told  the  agent  the  land  was  good,  but  the  people  were 
bad.  We  saw  them  bring  scalps  to  the  garrison.  We  had  a  meeting  with 
AVIntosh.^  He  told  us  that  among  all  their  neighbors  they  had  peace;  that 
he  and  Col.  Jlrhuckle  were  to  send  out  to  have  a  treaty  of  peace  with  all  the 
S|)anish  Indians,  and  when  that  was  done,  a  report  of  it  was  to  be  sent  to 
Washington.  I  am  sick.  I  cannot  say  all  1  want  to  say.  I  want  to  talk 
coolly,  and  veli  the  truth  in  all  things.  They  promised  to  send  word  to  us 
when  peace  >vi  s  made  with  all  the  Indians  west  of  the  great  river."  It  had 
been  now  aboi.t  three  years,  and  it  does  not  oppear  that  any  news  of  a  treaty 
liad  reached  the  Semmoles;  therefore  could  it  be  expected  they  should  be 

*  Here  is  a  slight  disrrepanoy  between  this  antl  our  former  relation,  (p.  72,)  occasioned  by 
c  compaiison  of  Cohen  ana  WilliaTns.  It  will  also  be  observed,  that  from  the  several  printed 
versions  of  the  speeches  of  the  chiefs  on  this  occasion,  I  have  drawn  these. 

t  He  was  a  signer  of  the  treaty  of  Camp  Moultrie,  and  is  said  to  have  been  deslroj-ed  by 
the  machinations  of  Jumper  in  1825;  and  that  although  Micanopywas  considered  the  chief 
of  chiefs,  yet  Hicks  was  much  the  greatest  man.  Hext  he  is  sometimes  called,  and  to  the 
treaty  of  Moultrie  his  name  is  written  Tokose  Mathla. 

t  .VIr.  Williams  had  probably  not  read  that  trcatv,  as  he  intimates  that  it  stipulitted  that  the 
Indians  were  to  remotie  at  the  end  of  20  years.  The  treaty  says  nothing  about  a  removal, 
(unly  on  to  (heir  5,000,000  acres,)  but  stipulates  that  an  annuity  shall  be  paid  them  for  20 
\ears. 

ij  Chilly  M'fntosh,  son  of  Gen.  W,  M'Intosh,  executed  for  treason  by  his  own  people. 
See  p.  54  of  this  book.  _ 

^  2£ 


H 
i 

!  "^ 


V  ;i 


':% 


Am 


SEMINOLE  WAR.— POLICY  OF  REMOVAL  EXAMINED.     [DboK  IV. 


■\ 

i 

' 

I  i 


willinff  to  go  Itcforc  itcnro  wm  CHtiililislioil  ?    TIi'ih  coiiHideration  alone  wum 
eiioiigh  to  have  chiihcU  a  (tuluy  on  tht;  |mrt  of  the  )hrov<-niirifiit. 

Tlio  agent  had  o|hmic(1  tliu  coiiffrencc  with  mild  language,  but  lie  no^v 
waxed  wroth,  and  suid  many  hard  thingH  to  the  cliiefd;  a<TU8cd  one  of  lying 
and  another  of  duplicity,  and  floscd  liy  thrcatcnings.  8till  the  chiefk  dir*- 
covored  but  little  irritation,  and  Hignified  only  that  tiiey  should  remain  lirni  in 
their  reHolution.  In  one  of  the  H|H>L-chi>H  which  Charles  Emalhla  made  at  tliiH 
council,  there  occuru  this  pasHage:  "The  agent  told  us  yesterday  we  did  not 
talk  to  the  point.  I  have  nothing  to  say  dift'erent  from  what  I  iiavc  said.  At 
Paino's  Landing  Ihe  whiles  forced  im  iiilo  the  trealij.  I  was  there.  I  agreed  to 
go  west,  aiul  did  go.  I  went  in  a  vessel,  and  it  made  me  sick.  The  Indians 
and  the  whites  have  shed  no  blood.  They  stole  things  from  each  otiu  r 
Thov  agreed  at  Paine's  Landing,  that  if  blood  should  be  seen  in  the  path,  to 
tliink  it  was  because  a  person  had  snugged  his  foot." 

The  policy  adopted  by  the  general  government  of  a  removal  of  the  Indians 
is  most  uiupiestionalily  the  worst,  both  lor  the  whites  as  well  as  the  Indians, 
that  could  liave  been  devised.  It  is  next  to  a  system  of  deliberate  nnirder. 
To  cast  one  strange  tribe  upon  another  is  but  to  ])nt  weapons  into  their 
hands,  and  in  the  language  of  Tecumseh,  "  to  cry  stuboy."  Their  pensions 
and  other  efl'ects  draw  among  them  from  the  whites  the  vilest  of  knaves, 
many  of  whom  are  obliged  to  fly  their  own  country  for  crimes  of  the  darkest 
hue.  It  matters  not,  say  many,  so  long  as  it  is  out  of  our  sight  and  hearing. 
Is  this  the  manner  a  parent  should  treat  his  children  ? — Send  them  forth  into 
the  world  before  they  have  been  instructed  in  correct  j)rinciple8,  and  thus 
abandon  them  to  the  baunts  of  criminals  and  vile  seducers  ?  Hud  not  the 
authors  of  this  policy  foresight  enough  to  discern,  that  in  a  very  few  years 
tribes  so  removed  would  be  again  surrounded  by  their  own  people  ?  That 
the  cry  would  again  and  again  bo  raised  against  their  vicinity — that  in  the 
very  nature  of  the  case  there  could  be  no  otiier  result,  so  long  as  a  solitary 
Indian  remained  on  the  continent  ?  To  write  essays  in  proof  of  this  result 
is  the  same  as  to  write  an  elaborate  treatise  in  tlie  winter  to  prove  that 
Bumnicr  would  return.  How  mtich  better  would  it  have  been  to  have  let 
them  remain  in  their  own  countiy,  where  it  were  easy  to  j)roteci  thetn,  easy 
to  provide  against  their  contamination,  by  kec])ing  out  unprincipled  jjcople 
from  among  thein !  how  much  easier  tliey  coidd  have  been  instructed !  how 
much  easier  that  author  of  all  iniquity,  (spirituous  liquors,)  had  been  kejrt  from 
among  them !  But  what  are  we  to  expect  fi-om  a  government,  when  the  heads 
who  compose  it  tliink  nothing  of  so  much  ini{)ortancc  as  the  means  by  whi(;h 
they  shall  retain  their  places,  and  serve  those  looking  to  them  for  rewards  lor 
their  servile  machinations,  who  have  contributed  lurgest  to  place  them  there? 
Washington,  .Tefferson,  Adams,  the  elder  and  younger — to  their  eternal 
honor  be  it  remembered — advocated  no  such  policy.  How  can  it  be  but  that 
the  Indians  on  our  borders  should  be  bad  ?  It  is  true  with  regard  to  a  mmier- 
ous  class  of  them,  but  not  to  the  extent  that  many  honest  people  supitose, 
who  have  never  dwelt  on  a  border.    As  a  fair  illustration  of  this  fact,  I  will 

§ive  in  the  testimony  of  a  gentleman  from  New  England,  with  whom  I  met 
welling  upon  an  Indian  border,  and  in  the  midst  of  both  Iiidians  and  whites. 
I  first  questioned  him  with  respect  to  the  general  character  and  conduct  of 
the  white  inhabitants.  His  answers  were  just  what  I  supposed  they  would 
be.  I  inquired  first  about  the  whites,  that  he  might  not  tliink  me  jiarticularly 
friendly  to  the  Indians.  But  when  I  inquired  concernuig  the  latter,  his  answer 
was,  "  They  are  the  only  civil  people  here." 

The  complaints  of  the  white  man  are  carried,  as  it  were,  "  on  the  wings  of 
the  wind,"  while  that  of  the  poor  Indian  is  drowned  in  the  temiicst.  A  clamor 
is  raised  on  a  frontier,  and  commissioners  are  despatched  to  buy  the  Indian's 
lands.  He  is  bewildered  with  the  parade,  ostentation,  and  lidse  show  of 
greatness  displayed  before  iiim.  He  puts  confidence  in  what  tlie  agents  of 
government  tell  him,  and  accedes  to  their  wishes.  Still  he  occupies  his 
country — but  very  soon  learns  that  it  is  not  his, — that  he  has  sold  it, — rnd 
must  now  leave  it  forever!  He  then,  for  the  first  time,  begins  to  realize 
what  he  has  done.  He  sees,  too  late,  that  he  has  done  what  he  had  no  intention 
of  doing. 


Cuip.  XVII.l 


RKMOVAI,  POI.ICV— ITS  ABSURDITY. 


4({7 


It  ia  cnrtniiily  trn«  tlint  tlit>  people  of  Gror^in,  South  Cnrolinn,  nnil  AlaWmm, 
I'xprcMMud  ^reiit  witiMtiietioii  ut  the  aiiti('ipatc<l  rehcf  to  Im>  rrali/cil  >vh)-ii  tho 
liiiliiiiiH  MhoiiM  Im^  i'ciit  t'rotii  their  iMinh-rM  Im-voiuI  the  iMississiitpi.  Jtiit  are 
not  these  very  Iiuliaim  net  down  in  the  innnediate  vieinity  ol'  otJier  while 
neophi?  Whenec  then  eoineH  tlie  In-netit  to  the  Indian.s:  and  wlience  the 
benefits  to  the  wliites,  too,  in  the  end ?  Look  at  the  eaxe  any  way,  and  I  mu 
no  iroint  of  ntihty  gained  to  eitlicr  party,  lint  there  m  a  consideration  ahont 
whieli  1  liave  lieard  very  little  Hiiid.  It  in  the  .r.iisidemtion  that  the  frontier 
HtatCH  and  territories  have  liut  tew  votes  in  n  presi(h>ntiai  eh-rtioii,  whih>  those 
from  whieh  the  Indians  are  nwnovcd  have  many.  Now  how  nnieli  this  u(hls 
to  tiie  jiialict  of  removing  In<iians  I  leave  my  n'a<lers  to  judge.  Is  it  not 
]ire|K>sterons  in  the  highirst  <legn;o  to  relieve  a  thoiis<nid  individnals  in 
(jrtiorgiu  hy  taking  away  the  Indians  from  among  them,  nnd  setting  them 
down  in  Arkatisas,  where  they  can  he  in  the  way  i)f  hut  a  hundred  people  ? 
Thus  iM.'cause  one  state  can  make  more  noise  than  another,  its  clamors  must 
Ite  hushed  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  Itnt  cries  of  distress  have  already 
ntached  the  cars  of  the  distant  north,  from  the  south-east  Imrder,  and  it 
requires  no  prophet  to  see,  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  these  cries 
will  Ik;  redoubled,  and  demand  as  much  from  the  government,  and  with  as 
much  authority  as  has  already  heen  done  by  Georgia,  i^outh  Carolina,  ^lissis- 
8ip])i,  or  Alabama. 

The  general  government  has  anticipated  a  state  of  things  upon  the  Irorder, 
which  might  require  no  inconsiderable  military  force  to  restrain  ;  and  hcncu 
the  late  attempt  to  provide  a  standing  army.  And  some  have  shrewdly  said, 
that,  as  its  officers  would  oil  be  appointed  i»y  the  president  of  the  fruited 
States,  and  officers  and  men  to  be  voters  to»),  he  had  attempted  to  seize  an- 
other leading-string  of  power  to  continue  him  in  office,  or  to  elect  such  suc- 
cessor as  he  should  designnto,  "to  follow  in  his  footsteps."  However  this 
may  be,  we  decline  any  opinion  on  the  matter,  further  than  to  observe,  that  a 
much  less  army,  in  all  probability,  would  have  protected  the  Indians  in  their 
own  country,  than  will  now  be  required  to  protect  the  white  iuhabittuits  in 
the  comitry  to  which  they  have  been  driven. 

If,  in  18"^,  there  was  great  fear  among  the  inliabitants  of  the  south-western 
frontier,  fi*om  the  increased  numlwr  of  Indians  forced  into  their  vicinity,  what 
must  now  be  their  fears,  with  some  30,000  since  turned  loose  there  ?  tlarly  in 
18'24,  great  alarm  spread  along  that  region ;  ofTenee  had  lieen  given  hy  the 
whites,  and  they  were  ibr  a  while  in  constant  agitation,  expecting  revenge. 
They  said  there  were  not  more  than  3,000  troops  stationed  to  defend  and 
keep  order  over  nearly  5,000  miles,  and  to  keej)  in  check  upwards  of  20,000 
Indian  warriors.  If  there  was  need  of  a  standing  army  in  1824,  siuely  Mr. 
Van  Buren  ought  to  have  re  ommended  one  in  IKW. 

It  is  no  less  absurd  than  ridiculous,  to  entertain  the  idea  that  we  can  re- 
move the  Indians  out  of  the  way  of  the  whites ;  ever}'  citizen  who  knows  any 
thing  of  the  character  and  habits  of  the  kind  of  people  hanging  upon  all  In- 
dian borders,  will  tell  'is  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  that  nuudM^s  of  this 
class  will  be  (bund  in  the  country  in  advance  of  the  removing  Lidians,  as 
completely  equipped  for  defrauding  them,  as  liefbre  their  departure.  We 
cannot  rim  away  from  this  class  oi'  lumgi-y  pioneers,  for  the  very  good  reason 
that  we  cannot  get  beyond  them.  They  know  where  the  emigrants  are  to  he 
located,  a  long  time  before  they  set  out,  and  any  law  made  to  bear  on  such 
intrtiders,  is  none  other  than  a  by-word  and  a  jest  with  them.  They  are  as  fa- 
miliar with  the  woods  as  we  are  with  our  closets ;  and  the  fln-ther  we  go  with 
the  Indians,  with  proportionate  impunity  will  they  set  our  laws  at  defiance.* 

We  have  already  premised  some  facts  for  consideration,  touching  the  num- 
ber of  Indian  chiefs  f  in  Florida,  who  executed  the  treaties  for  tiicir  |)(!0|)le, 
and  those  found  in  arms  after  the  war  had  begun.  We  will  now  ask  a  mo- 
ment's attention  to  a  further  consideration  of  this  matter.  In  the  year  1821, 
the  agent  in  Florida  made  a  return  to  government  of  such  villages  or  settle- 

•  See  Hon.  Mr.  Vinlon'a  speech,  H.  R.  18J8. 

t  Wlioii  llip  previous  part  of  (liis  fniirlh  l)ook  was  wrilton.  I  w.Ti  not  correrll)-  inrormcd  tc\- 
Btivo  to  llie  chiefs'  standing  in  regard  to  one  another,  anil  lienco  a  >!ighl  discrepancy  between 
tJic  facts  before  detailed,  and  the  same  now  under  consideration. 


\i 


i    \ 

fit 


wwj  '  ^'li 


4C8 


OPPOSITION  OF  THE  CHIEFS. 


[Book  IV. 


meiits  orBominoles,  as  were  kno\VTi  to  liim.  This  niinil)er  was  thirty-fite. 
Ot'tlie  i-tati.stics  of  some  oftliese  towns  the  ngent  knew  very  little  ;  unci  there 
wi>re  (loii[)tless  intiny  others  ol'  which  he  knew  nothing.  TUe  JVIikusunkiea 
he  reckoniid  at  ],000  souls ;  and  conoeniing  several  other  trihcs,  he  snys  they 
contained  "u  great  many  sonls."  Now  it  is  in  no  wise  prolwhle  but  that  one 
half  of  these  tribes  had  at  least  two  chiels  or  head  men,  and  tliis  would  give 
to  the  whole  nation  fifty-two  chiefs.  AVas  it  not  necessary  that  a  chief 
lioin  each  tribe  should  have  been  a  party  to  all  treaties,  either  in  his  own 
proper  pei-son,  or  by  another  d^'y  by  him  authorized  ?  This  same  agent  reck- 
oned there  were  5,000  souls  in  all.  C'omi)are  these  facts  with  the  well-known 
one,  that  or\\y Jijleen  chiefs  and  sub-chiefs  signed  the  treaty  of  removal,  which 
is  that  of  Paine's  lianding.  Not  half  of  the  nation  could  have  been  repre- 
sented. If  any  would  dispute  this,  with  the  array  of  evidence  now  adduced, 
1  will  pronounce  him  wilfiilly  blind,  and  incapable  of  reasoning.  Look  at 
the  treaty  of  Moultrie  Creek ;  there  are  the  names  of  more  than  double  the 
nuniber  attached,  than  were  obtained  to  that  of  Paine's  Landing ;  and  one  of 
the  best  Seminole  chiefs  has  said,  "  The  whiles  forced  us  into  the  treaty"  It  is 
not  very  strange  that  there  were  but  15  chiefs  at  this  treaty,  or  that  signed  it, 
lor  there  had  been  but  one  month's  notice  given  that  any  sucli  treaty  was  on  foot. 

We  shall  now  show  that  when  a  full  council  of  the  chiefs  was  together, 
nothing  like  a  general  consent  to  a  removal  could  be  obtained  from  them.  In 
March,  18^35,  when  preparations  for  removal  began  to  be  strongly  urged  by 
Gen.  Thompson,  at  the  solicitation  of  Jumper,  he  gave  them  until  the  22  April, 
to  meet  him  in  council,  when  he  would  hear  what  they  had  to  say  touching 
the  matter.  At  the  time  appointed,  "  several  hundreds  of  the  chiefs  and  war- 
riors had  assembled,"  and  a  talk  was  read  to  them  from  Gen.  Jackson,  en- 
forced and  illustrated  by  the  agent  and  Gen.  Clinch,  all  of  which  amounted  to 
no  more  than  this,  "  Go  you  must,  and  go  you  shall,  without  further  delay." 
Some  of  the  chiefs  were  in  favor  of  a  compliance ;  but  the  ])rincii)al  ones 
were  firm  in  their  opposition,  and  expressed  themselves  accordingly.  These 
were  Micanop;/,  Juniper,  Holala  Mico,  Coa-Hadjo.  and  ^rpiucki.  However,  a 
writing  was  drawn  up,  and  signed  by  10  other  chiels  and  sub-chiefs,  expres- 
sive of  their  willingness  to  abide  by  jHevious  treaties,  and  their  wish  to  re- 
move This  was  signed  on  the  23  April,  1835.  It  was  through  the  influence 
of  a  very  influential  chief  (whose  name  was  Fucta  Lusta  Hajo,  or  Black-dirt) 
of  the  removal  piuty,  that  this  last  treaty  was  made.  No  sooner  had  it  been 
effected,  than  Gen.  Tliompson  (acting  by  j)reccdent,  of  course)  decix-ed  that 
the  live  opposing  chiefs  should  no  longer  be  considered  or  obeyed  as  chiefs. 
When  this  high-handed  act  had  been  reported  to  Gen.  Cass,  secretary  at  war, 
he  re{)robated  the  proceeding  in  very  strong  terms,  from  reasons  too  obvious 
to  require  detail  in  this  place. 

It  still  remains  a  question  with  us,  whether  an  accommodation  might  not 
have  been  brought  about,  if  the  officers  of  government  had  not  ])er8isted  loo 
ptrongly  in  their  determination  that  the  Scminoles  should  settle  with  the 
Creeks ;  but  the  cry  of  retrenchment  and  reform  was  up,  and  it  was  easy  to 
begin  with  the  Indians.  It  would  cost  the  government  much  less  if  they 
could  be  included  with  the  Creeks, — a  most  absiu'd  and  blind  i>olicy ! — The 
Seminoles  were  now  a  great  nation.  Were  they  to  be  lost  and  abso.bed  in 
another .'  The  very  idea  was  revolting  to  them. 

Matters  remained  in  this  unsettled  state  for  several  months.  At  length  it 
seems  that  the  principal  chiefs,  to  the  number  of  25,  assembled  at  the  agency 
on  the  19  August,  to  try  once  more  what  could  be  done  by  negotiation.  Ho- 
Inln  Emathla  was  chosen  speaker  for  the  bidians,  and  he  delivered  himself  us 
follows: — 

"  My  friends,  we  have  come  to  see  you  to  talk  with  you  on  a  subject  of 
greut  importance  to  us.  Ilenr  us,  and  tell  our  groat  fiither  wiiat  his  children 
say.  Wc  made  «  treaty  at  Paine's  Landing,  by  which  we  agreed  to  go  west 
of  the  Missi88ii)i)i :  we  were  told  to  scn«l  some  of  our  principal  chiefs  to  view 
the  place  to  which  we  were  to  remove.  Wc  did  so;  tJiey  found  the  country 
good.  While  there,  our  chiefs  had  a  talk  with  Gen.  Stokes  and  the  commis- 
sioners; they  were  told  that  the  Scminoles  and  Creeks  were  of  the  same  fiini- 
ily ;  were  to  be  considered  as  the  same  nation,  and  placed  under  the  muue 


,!^»ll 


Chap.  XVIII] 


ATROCIOUS  BARBARITY 


460 


agent  They  answered,  thut  the  Semiuoles  were  a  large  nation,  and  should 
have  their  own  agent,  as  before ;  that  if  our  fatlicr,  tlio  president,  would  give 
as  our  own  ugcnt,  our  own  blacksmith,  and  our  plouglis,  we  would  go ;  but 
if  he  did  not,  tee  should  be  unwilling  to  remove;  that  we  sliould  be  among  stran- 
gers ;  they  nii^tht  be  friendly,  or  they  might  be  hostile,  and  we  wanted  our 
own  agent,  whom  we  knew  would  be  our  friend,  who  would  take  care  of  us!, 
would  do  justice  to,  and  see  justice  done  us  by  others.  They  told  us  our  lo- 
quests  were  reasonable,  and  they  would  do  all  they  could  to  nidiicc  the  pres- 
ident to  grant  them.  We  have  been  unfortunate  in  the  agents  our  iiither  has 
sent  us.  Gen.  Thompson,  our  present  agent,  is  the  friend  of  the  Semiuoles. 
We  thought  at  first  tliat  he  would  le  like  the  others ;  but  we  know  better 
now.  He  has  but  one  talk,  and  what  he  tells  us  is  truth.  We  want  him  to 
go  with  us.  He  told  us  he  could  not  go,  but  he  at  last  agreed  to  dp  so,  if  our 
great  father  will  permit  him.  We  know  our  fiither  loves  his  red  children, 
and  won't  let  them  suffer  for  want  of  a  good  agent.  This  is  our  talk,  which 
we  want  you  to  send  to  our  father,  the  president,  hoping  we  may  receive  an 
early  answer." 

Tills  talk  was  despatched  to  Washington,  and  that  there  may  be  no  grounds 
to  question  the  truth  of  its  contents,  I  will  subjoin  an  extract  from  a  jiaper  by 
Gen.  C/incft,  which  was  transmitted  with  it  The  general  says,  "In  fbrwanl- 
ing  you  the  enclosed  document,  I  beg  leave  to  make  a  few  remarks.  Although 
the  subject  to  which  it  relates  is  itself  of  no  great  iniportance,  yet  it  may  have 
an  important  bearing  on  the  ])resent  quiet  and  future  happiness  of  these  chil- 
dren of  the  forest  They  are,  from  peculiar  circumstances  and  long  habit, 
suspicious  of  the  white  man.  It  is  hard  to  induce  them  to  believe  that  all  tlie 
efforts  and  operations  of  government  are  intended  for  their  o\m  good.  The 
question  of  a  separate  agency  was  again  and  again  brouglU  forward  by  llie  chiefs, 
last  lointer  and  spring,  and  appeared  to  be  considered  by  them  of  the  Jirst  impor- 
tance  to  their  future  interests,  prosperity,  and  luippiness." 

Notwithstanding  the  pathetic  ajjpeal  of  the  Indians,  and  the  kind  intnna- 
tions  of  Gen.  Clinch,  the  president  would  give  them  no  hearing,  and  they 
were  informed  that  he  was  "  very  attgry"  to  think  they  should  have  so  mucli 
presumption. 

Meanwhile,  some  circumstances  of  a  veiy  aggravating  nature  had  taken 
place.  Three  jmor  Mikasaukies,  from  Long  Swamp,  were  seized  by  a  plant- 
er, and  tied  with  a  rope  by  their  hands  and  feet,  and  confined  in  his  barn, 
without  sustenance,  till  they  were  nearly  dead.  They,  or  some  other  Indians, 
had  been  accused  of  i)urloiningfiom  his  plantation  some  of  the  necessai'ies  of 
life;  the  drought  of  the  preceding  season  having  ruined  their  crops,  they  were 
reduced  to  extreme  want  The  friends  of  the  three  Lidians  became  alarmed 
li*om  their  long  absence,  and  the  chief  of  the  village  to  which  they  belonged, 
sought  them  out  and  demanded  them.  The  inhuman  wretch  would  not  re- 
lease them.  The  chief  then  rc[mired  to  his  village,  and  taking  several  of  his 
men  with  him,  demanded  them  again,  but  was  again  refused.  They  were  in 
hearing  of  the  distressed  cries  of  their  friends,  and  obeying  the  promptings 
of  a  generous  nature,  procecdt^d  to  the  barn,  and  liberated  them  by  force. 
They  were  in  a  j)itiful  condition,  could  neither  stand  or  go ;  the  ropes  with 
which  they  were  tied,  had  cut  tiirough  the  flesh  to  the  very  bones!  When 
their  friends  were  carrying  them  away,  they  were  fired  upon  by  the  owner 
of  the  place,  and  one  was  wounded.  They  retaliated  oidy  by  burning  his 
barn,  not  suffering  him  to  remove  any  thing  out  of  it ;  and  whoever  knows 
tlie  circumstances,  will  only  wonder  that  he  had  not  been  confined  in,  and 
consumed  with  it 


!  -H 


CHAPTER  XVUL 

CARRYING   THE    EVENTS    OF    THE    WAR  TO   THE    CLOSE    OF    THE   TEAR    ISJJC. 


Review  of  early  difficvlties — The  llogtown  murder — 7%e  insidt  to  Osceola — Micanopv 
— Ki.No  Pavne — Gen   Clinch's  expedition — Gen.  Scott  attacked — Matsucre  at  Char- 

40 


470 


THE  INSULT  TO  OSCEOLA. 


[Book  IV. 


II  •  ''■', 


iH.-^i 


1 


i  I:::: 


■i:- ; 


ZoWe  Harbor — Fort  Micnnopy  busieged — Death  of  officers — Lighthouse  affair— 
Battlk  or  Wemka — Creeks  and  Cherokee  affairs — Indians  surprised — Murders 
— Battle  of  San  Felasco — Col.  Lane's  Expedition — Ilis  melancholy  death — 
Gov.  Call  in  command — Battles  of  the  Waiioo  Swamp— Cen.  Je*«/>  resumes 
command — His  expedition  to  the  fyahoo. 

The  murder  of  ITogtown,  to  which  we  have  before  alhuled,  was  a  serious 
crisis.  It  very  much  hastened  liostihties,  from  tlie  outrageous  nature  of  the 
case.  Tiie  additional  factt  to  those  we  have  ahrady  given  are  these.  Tliero 
were  ei^^lit  Lidians  belonging  to  tlie  party,  and  in  their  wanderings  tliey  had 
killed  ii  cow  which  did  not  belong  to  them,  near  Deaniond's  Pond.  A  part  of 
them,  on  the  19th  of  June,  being  encamped  at  a  sink-hole  where  tlicre  was 
water,  about  '3  miles  Irom  Kenapalm  Pond,  are  fallen  upon  by  n  gang  of 
whites,  i«even  in  number,  who  seized  as  many  of  the  guns  belonging  to  tlie 
Indians  as  tliey  were  able,  and  then  commenced  whijiping  them.  Two  of 
tlie  Indians  had  gone  out  upon  a  hunt,  and  returned  wliile  this  business  was 
in  progress.  They  made  a  shot  upon  the  whites,  wounding  one  of  them,  and 
in  their  turn  tiiey  fired  u])on  the  two  Indians,  killing  one,  named  IMxe,  and 
mortally  wounding  the  other,  named  LecJwtichee.  Here  the  rencontre  seems 
to  have  ende(L 

A  great  ciy  was  now  raised  along  the  Indian  border,  and  the  surviving 
Indians,  who  iiad  done  all  of  this  viischief,  were  demanded  oi'  the  chiefs  by  the 
agent.  They  were  readily  siuTendered,  the  whole  surviving  six,  and  thrown 
into  prison,  where  they  remained  over  thiity  days,  while  their  accusers  were 
left  at  perfect  liberty  to  commit  other  outrages,  and  to  make  preparations  for 
convicting  the  Indians  at  the  tiial  which  was  supposed  to  await  them ;  but  it 
does  not  appeal*  that  any  trial  ever  took  place,  and  niy  inf  jrmant  says,  that  the 
balance  of  prool  was  so  much  against  the  whites  that  they  were  glad  to 
"dodge  tiie  (juewion;"  and  hence  we  supjwse  the  Indians  were  set  at  lilwrty. 
But  could  any  rational  man  suppose  that  an  outrage  of  such  a  flagitious  char- 
acter would  pass  without  retaliatio.i ?  It  followed,  but  not  immediately.  On 
the  11  August,  a  private,  named  Da'ton,  carrying  the  mail  between  Fort  Brook 
and  Fort  Kuig,  was  met  on  his  route  and  killed.  Some  seized  his  horse  by 
the  rems,  while  others  dragged  him  off  and  shot  him.  When  found,  his  body 
bore  evidence  of  savage  vengeance,  being  nearly  torn  in  pieces.  The  party 
committing  this  act  are  immediately  demanded  by  Gen.  Clinch,  and  the  chiela 
l)romised  they  should  be  surrendered,  probably  without  any  intention  of  so 
doing.  They  were  Mikasaukies,  and  having  fled  among  the  Redsticks  of 
the  Onithlacooche,  could  not  be  found.  If  the  Indians  did  not  avow  this  mur- 
der to  be  in  revenge  lor  that  of  Fuxe  and  Lechoiichee,  it  was  known  to  be  so. 

The  Indians  were  now,  if  possible,  treated  with  greater  contumely  than 
before,  and  Osceola,  about  this  time,  went  to  the  agent  to  complain  of  some 
ruthless  villain  who  had  been  guilty  of  grossly  illtreating  some  of  his  people. 
It  so  hajjpencd  that  some  white  person  had,  only  the  preceding  day,  made  a 
similar  coiiiplaiiit  against  the  Lidians;  which  complaints  were,  it  is  said, 
occasioned  by  the  afliiir  at  llogtown.  The  general  therefore,  Jiaving  ])re- 
Judgcd  tl  e  case,  as  good  as  told  Osceola  he  lied,  and  that  it  was  his  men  who 
were  guilty  of  outrage.  An  altercation  ensued,  and  this  was  the  time,  we  are 
told,  that  this  chief  was  seized,  manacled,  and  i)laced  in  the  guard-house  of 
the  garrison ;  the  circumstances  of  which  have  already  been  ■  .;lated,  agreeably 
to  the  then  existing  inibrmation. 

We  now  pass  to  the  events  of  the  war,  taking  up  the  subi'  ^t  where  it  had 
been  suspeiid(!d  in  the  summer  of  IS.'IO. 

One  of  the  divisions  of  the  army  under  Gen.  Clinch  marc  ed  from  Tampa 
(iir  Fort  Drane  on  the  14th  of  yV|)ril,  1830.  Ailer  a  march  of  three  days,  they 
came  within  four  miles  of  Fort  Cooper,  where  Major  Cooper  had  been  left 
with  Ills  Georgia  battalion.  Having  encam^'cd.  Gen.  Clinch  detached  his  two 
/nounted  coinimnies  under  Capt.  Malonc  of  the  Washington  corps,  with 
wagons,  to  Rlajor  Cooper,  and  instructions  to  join  him.  When  this  «lctach- 
ment  had  j)roceeded  about  two  or  three  miles,  it  was  fired  u])on  by  Indians 
(•()iic(>al('(l  in  a  hommock  near  the  roiid,  and  Mr.  Howard  and  (^oriiet  Dmisari 
of  the  Washington  troops  wen?  wounded  ;  the  former  with  three  shot,  and 
ihe   lait.'r  with  one  in  the   leg.     IJoih  probably  recovered.    Capt.  Maione 


Chap.  XMII.] 


BATTLE  OF  WELIKA. 


471 


immediately  sent  to  Gen.  Clinch  for  a  reenforcement,  on  the  arrival  of  which 
no  Indians  were  to  be  found.  The  detachment  then  proceeded  to  fort 
Cooper,  wliich  had  been  attacked  for  13  days  together,  but  with  a  loss  only 
of  one  man,  Mr.  Zarock  Cook,  of  the  Morgan  Guards. 

At  the  same  time  Gen.  Clinch  marched  from  Tampa,  Col.  Lindsay  loft  also 
upon  a  scout,  and  while  crossing  the  Hillsborough  River,  the  Indians  fired  upon 
him,  killing  Mr.  James  Branham  of  the  Alabama  volunteers.  Gen.  Clinch 
made  but  a  short  stay  at  Fort  Cooper,  when  he  returned  to  Fort  King,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  2oth ;  having  had  one  man  wounded,  a  Mr.  Bostick  of  tlie 
Jeft'erson  troop.  At  the  same  time  Col.  Goodwin  burns  a  large  Lidian  town 
on  Peas  Creek ;  and  only  two  days  after,  a  company  of  Indians  attack  Fort 
Dnme,  make  prisoners  of  several  negroes,  and  carry  off  a  number  of  horse& 

Scarcely  a  day  passed  at  this  period  without  some  tale  of  blood.  Gen. 
Scott,  on  his  march  near  Ocklawaha,  is  attiicked  in  his  camp  on  the  22d  of 
April,  and  two  of  his  men  are  wounded.  Two  days  after,  the  general  sur- 
pri  ies  a  party  of  Indians  about  23  miles  from  Volusia,  but  they  all  escape, 
leaving,  however,  their  horses  and  packs  to  the  victori.. 

At  Charlotte  Harbor,  on  the  28th  of  April,  the  Indians  make  thorough  work, 
killing  Dr.  Creus,  the  collector  of  tliat  port,  "and  all  the  people  residing 
there."  They  next  appear  with  great  boldness  before  St.  Marks,  but  retire 
without  doing  any  other  damage  than  frightening  the  people.  About  the 
middle  of  May  depretlations  were  committed  within  two  miles  of  Mandarin, 
on  the  St  John's.  They  killed  and  scalped  a  Mr.  Motte,  a  highly  resj)ectable 
gentleman  from  New  York,  and  burnt  his  house  and  other  buildings. 

On  the  7th  of  June  the  Indians  burn  the  extensive  sugar- works  belonging 
to  Gfen.  Clinch,  together  with  70  hogsheads  of  sugar,  and  a  gi-eat  amount  of 
other  proj)erty ;  and  at  the  s<ime  time  they  burn  also  the  sugar-house  of  Col. 
M'Intosh,  of  Oaklii  iid.  The  next  day  about  150  warriors  invest  Fort  Micanopy, 
in  which  was  Major  Heillman  and  70  or  80  men.  After  some  preparations, 
a  sortie  was  made,  and  the  Indians  dispcsrsed.  The  whites  had  five  men 
wounded  and  one  killed.  Major  Heillman  had  been  an  active  and  valuable 
officer,  but  his  term  of  ser\'ice  expired  with  his  death,  which  took  place  at 
Micanopy  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month  ;  and  but  a  few  days  before,  (June 
15th,)  Lieut.  Wheelock  had  jnit  an  end  to  his  own  existence  with  his  rifle. 
His  duties  had  been  so  arduous  that  he  was  overcome  by  an  aberration  of 
mind,  in  which  condition  he  committed  the  fatal  act. 

On  the  23d  of  July  the  Seniinoles  attack  and  burn  the  lighthouse  on  Cape 
Florida;  the  keeper,  a  Mr.  J.  VV.  B.  Thomj)son,  is  most  surprisingly  delivered 
from  death,  though  not  till  he  had  been  forced  to  drink  drep  of  the  cup  of  its 
agonies.*  On  the  1st  of  August  the  express  rider  is  cut  oft'  between  New- 
nansville  and  Micanopy. 

Some  time  in  June,  the  unhealthiness  of  Fort  Drane  having  l)een  repre- 
sented to  Gov.  Call,  an  order  was  given  for  its  evacuation.  About  the  18th 
of  July,  a  train  of  22  wagons  left  that  place,  with  stores  and  munitions  for 
Fort  Defiance,  Micanopy,  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  escorted  by  2(J  dragoons, 
under  Capt.  Ashby,  and  36  artillerists,  detailed  from  different  companies;  in 
all  t>2  men.  They  had  a  five  and  a  half  inch  howitzer,  under  the  charge  of 
Lieut.  Whitly.  On  the  arrival  of  the  train  at  Welika  Pond,  within  u  mile  of 
its  destination,  as  usual,  the  first  notice  of  Indians  was  from  a  salute  ii'om 
theu"  rifles,  by  which  one  man  was  mortally  wounded.  The  place  whence 
the  discharge  proceeded  was  scoured,  but  the  Indians  had  g  j.  The  force 
moved  on,  and  at  about  a  quarter  of  -  mile  from  Micanopy.  i; ,  t  was  passing 
a  long  honimock,  a  tremendous  fire  was  poured  upon  the  whole  coluiini  fronj 
250  Indians,  as  was  supposed ;  their  lii'e  extending  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  Soon 
after  Capt.  Ashby  was  severely  wounded,  but  continued  in  action  until  com- 
[)elled  to  retire  from  loss  of  blood.  The  firing  brought  out  to  their  relief  two 
lompanies  from  Micanopy,  31  strong,  under  Lieuts.  Talcott  and  Templ(>,  who 
•endered  very  imirartant  service.  Tlie  Indians  stood  their  ground  until  dis- 
odged  by  a  charge,  wliich  was  not  until  the  fight  had  been  considerably  pro- 

•  I  have  ptihlislicd  Mr.  Thompson's  narrnlive  of  the  affair  in  my  Collection  of  Indian  Nar- 
raiivcs— a  very  proper  appendix  to  this  work. 


:m 


,1; 


m'. 


'ff' ' 


472 


CREEKS  AND  CHEROKEE  AFFAIR3. 


[Book  IV 


IS. 

I  ' 

V  ''' 

h  '" 


i  f 

f  i 

u. 

n 
it   I 


ti 


tracted.    Of  the  whites  11  were  killed  and  wounded ;  of  the  Indians'  loss  no 
account  was  obtained. 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  August  fell  Major  Williams,  near  St.  Artliur's 
Bridge,  on  his  way  from  Black  Creek  to  Nonardsville.  There  were  200 
Indians,  it  is  said,  who  did  this  single  act,  and  although  Mr.  Williams  had  a 
Bon-in-law  with  him,  he  was  suffered  to  escape ;  they  were  so  elated  tliat  they 
had  killed  the  man  who  struck  the  first  blow  in  this  wretched  war,  that  they 
thought  of  no  further  retaliation  at  that  time.  The  reader  will,  doubtless, 
readily  remember  the  19th  of  June,  1835,  and  the  pai'ailel  case  of  Caf)t. 
Chubb. 

It  is  a  relief,  in  pursuing  general  history,  to  be  able  to  meet  with  some 
thing  besides  scenes  of  blood,  but  in  particular  history  we  are  confined  to  the 
course  of  events,  which  when  they  lead  us  to  nothing  but  the  most  dreaded 
scenes,  we  have  no  choice ;  we  do  not  make  events,  only  record  them.     For 
a  moment  our  attention  will  be  drawn  to  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  countries. 

Much  was  said  about  the  more  nortliern  Indians  going  down  into  Florida 
and  joining  the  Seminoles,  and  it  was  even  said  that  the  Seminoles  had  sent 
a  messenger  to  tlie  shores  of  the  great  lakes  with  invitations  to  the  Indians  in 
those  regions  to  join  them.  It  may  be  ti-ue.  We  are  told  that  Gen.  Gaines 
did  not  disbelieve  it,  but  we  have  never  heard  that  any  came  down  from 
tlience.  The  Creeks  were  adjacent,  and  it  was  easy  for  them  to  effect  such  a 
junction.  Accordingly,  on  the  5th  of  July,  a  considerable  body  of  tliein  v.  uS 
discovered  making  their  way  towards  Florida,  which  the  people  of  Stewart 
county,  Georgia,  endeavored  to  prevent  They  followed  them  about  three 
days,  and  had  about  as  many  skirmishes  with  them.  The  final  result  was, 
each  party  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  the  other.  One  of  the  whites  was  wounded, 
and  threo  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  killed ;  the  former  being  satisfied 
to  display  the  remainder  of  their  courage  on  paper. 

On  the  16th  of  July,  2,400  Cherokees  were  shipped  at  Montgomery,  Ala- 
f^ma,  for  tlie  Arkansas.  In  such  a  vast  assemblage  of  people,  forced  from 
the  land  of  their  fathers,  it  would  be  veiy  strange  if  there  were  not  some  who 
should  show  an  unwillingness  to  go.  How  such  unwillingness  had  been 
manifested  we  are  not  iuformed,  but  at  this  time  "  some  12  or  15 "  men  were 
"  shackled  with  heavy  irons  to  prevent  their  rising."  One  of  them  was  deter- 
mined not  to  submit  to  such  felonious  indignity,  and,  wrenching  himself  from 
the  grasp  of  his  tormentors,  seizes  a  club,  and  knocking  down  one  with  a 
blow  on  the  head,  gives  the  war-whoop  and  attemi)ts  an  escape.  Alas !  his 
struggle  is  fraught  with  certain  death ;  he  is  shot  down,  and  instantly  expires. 
Another  is  pierced  with  a  bayonet,  lor  what  no  mention  is  made ;  he  dies  in  a 
few  hours  arter.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  three  had  escaped  from 
those  who  guarded  them.  Soon  after  one  was  retaken,  brought  in  in  a  cart, 
and  as  he  was  thus  conveyed  along  the  streets,  he  cut  his  own  throat,  and 
expired  without  a  groan !  To  such  deeds  of  desperation  does  this  work  of 
expulsion  lead. 

About  the  2d  of  August,  a  small  pait^  of  Indians  struck  a  small  settlement 
on  the  Oscilla  River,  which  flows  into  Appalachee  Bay,  and  about  40  miles 
from  TaMahassee,  killed  two  men,  took  a  boy,  and  burnt  a  house.  Collecting 
what  spoil  they  could,  they  decamped ;  but  being  immedi  <tely  followed  bj 
CapL  Fisher's  company,  they  abandoned  the  boy  and  plunder,  and  secured 
themselves  in  a  honnnock,  and  the  whites  marched  back  victorious. 

On  the  IGth  of  this  month,  Major  Pierce,  with  110  men,  marched  from 
Gary's  Ferry  to  att  ck  a  body  of  Indians,  who,  he  had  learned,  were  in  pos- 
session of  Fort  Drane.  He  was  fortunate  enough  to  come  upon  them  imdis- 
covered,  but  sucii  was  the  alertness  of  the  Indians,  that  they  escaped  with 
small  loss;  4  or  5,  being  badly  wounded,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites, 
who,  to  add  lustre  to  their  exploit,  barbarously  put  some  of  them  to  deatli. 
Osceola  was  there,  and  to  his  sagacity  we  may  impute  tlia  small  success  of 
his  enemies. 

On  the  15th  of  September  we  meet  with  a  melancholy  account  of  depre- 
dations. At  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  this  day,  a  Mr.  Hipginbotham 
nrrivod  at  Jacksonville  from  his  late  resi('tnce  at  Cedar  Swamj),  adiuanco  of 
7  miles,  without  a  hat  and  almost  exhausted.    His  house  had  been  attacked 


Chap.  XV'III] 


BATTLE  OF  SAN  FELASCO. 


473 


at  daybreak  by  a  party  of  Indians.  H«  had  two  men  and  nine  guns,  vvitli 
wliicli  before  lie  lell  they  iiad  been  able  to  silence  the  Indians.  A  number 
of  citizens  uninediately  volunteered,  and  inarched  for  the  scene  of  action, 
under  Major  Hart.  Tlioy  Ibund  Mr.  Iligginbotham's  family  salie,  and  firing 
liaving  been  heard  the  night  before  in  the  direction  of  a  Mr.  M'Corinick'8, 
they  proceeded  there,  and  found  it  had  been  burnt  down ;  and  its  ruins  were 
yet  smoking.  Among  them  they  found  the  remains  of  a  human  being.  This 
was  IB  miles  from  Jacksonville.  Thence  following  the  Lidiana'  trail,  they 
came  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Lowder,  7  miles  farther.  It  was  abandoned  by  its 
owners  but  very  recently,  as  fire  was  still  burning  in  the  kitchen.  Here  tiie 
Indians  had  done  no  uiischief.  Proceeding  thence,  the  detachment,  in  four 
miles,  came  to  3Ir.  Spurkinan's,  where  a  tragedy  was  oj)ened  to  their  view. 
They  ibund  Mrs.  Johns,  who  had  lived  in  Mr.  M'Cormick's  house,  her  scalp 
taken  off,  and  dreadfully  wounded  with  two  bullets ;  yet  she  was  alive,  and 
able  to  communicate  the  particulars  of  the  horrid  tragedy  through  which  she 
had  passed.  She  and  her  husband  were  about  20  yards  from  their  own  door 
when  they  discovered  the  Indians  emerging  from  the  comer  of  a  fence  close 
by  them.  They  ran  for  the  house,  entered  it,  and  closed  the  door ;  at  the 
same  moment  the  Indians  fired  on  the  house,  and  shortly  after  they  hailed  them 
in  English,  and  told  them  if  they  would  come  out  they  should  not  be  hurt. 
They  not  choosing  to  trust  them,  the  Indians  next  looked  through  between 
the  logs  of  the  houst',  and  ordered  them,  in  a  peremptory  manner,  to  come 
out,  but  they  Ptill  refused,  and  begged  for  their  lives.  The  India"-  lien 
charged  the  house,  burst  open  the  door,  shot  Mr.  Johns  through  t'-  iieail, 
and  Mrs.  Johns  as  before  related ;  he  tell  dead,  and  she  fell  upon  his  body. 
An  Indian  then  seized  her,  and  dragged  her  out  of  the  house,  and  soon  after 
dragged  her  in  again ;  and  afler  tearing  the  band  and  comb  from  her  hair, 
applying  his  scalping-knife  to  her  head,  and  fire  to  her  garments,  left  her ;  and 
to  make  a  more  sure  mark  of  his  vengeance,  he  next  set  fire  to  the  house, 
and  then  they  all  drew  off.  Tiiey  carried  away  a  portmanteau  containing 
100  dollars,  and  every  thing  else  they  thought  of  any  value.  As  soon  as  they 
were  out  of  hearing,  the  wretched  woman  raised  herself  up  and  crept  from 
the  burning  building;  saw  the  body  of  her  husband  lying  unscalped.  She 
fainted  and  fell,  again  and  again,  but  finallv  reached  the  edge  of  a  swamp  not 
far  distant,  where  she  got  some  watei",  and  lay  down  with  ho|)es  no  greater 
than  her  strength.  In  this  situation  she  was  found  by  the  scout  above  men- 
tioned, and  evenfally  recovered. 

On  the  mornii.g  of  tiie  17  September,  a  party  of  about  100  Indians  came 
within  a  mile  of  Fort  Gilleland,  on  the  Picolata  road,  took  a  cart  from  some 
toamiiers,  and  carried  it  off  a  piece,  then  set  it  on  fire.  Col.  John  Warren 
sallied  out  from  the  fort  with  150  men,  in  the  direction  of  San  Felasco  hoin- 
mock,  where  he  had  reason  to  bciieve  the  Indians  were  posted.  One  hundred 
of  his  men  were  mounted,  and  of  his  number  was  a  company  of  artillery, 
with  a  24  pound  howitzer.  He  could  meet  with  none  of  tlie  Indians  that  day. 
Early  the  next  morning  he  sent  out  8\nea ;  but  tliey  soon  returned  with  no 
intelligence  of  the  enemy ;  yet  so  well  convinced  was  he  that  the  Lidians 
were  at  Felasco,  that  he  divided  his  men  into  three  columns,  and  mar'-hed  on 
in  order  of  battle.  When  they  came  within  aljout  three  quarters  of  a  mile  of 
the  hommock,  they  found  the  Indians  in  their  own  peculiar  order  of  battle  ; 
and  they  rose  up  and  poured  uj)on  the  whites  a  sharp  though  not  a  destructive 
fire.  And  we  have  very  seldom  heard  of  so  much  manoeuvring  and  fighting, 
without  greater  execution,  on  any  former  occasion.  The  battle  having  lastecl 
an  hour  and  a  half,  but  one  of  the  whites  was  killed,  and  four  or  five  wound- 
ed ;  the  Indians  lo.st  none  that  their  enemy  were  certain  of,  though  they  re- 
port that  they  saw  a  great  many  fall.  In  the  first  of  the  onset  the  Indiiuis 
made  an  attempt  to  turn  the  left  fiank  of  the  Americans,  "  but  were  charged  on 
with  spirit  and  success  by  Lieut.  Col.  Mills's  command,  and  ilriven  into  a  thick 
oak  scrub,  who  then  dismounting  and  charging  on  them,  drove  through  this  into 
the  border  of  the  hommock,  when  the  artillery  played  upon  them  with  consid- 
erable effect ;  after  this  they  retired  to  the  right,  and  attempted  to  turn  tiiat 
wing,  but  a  charge  from  Copt.  Walker  and  Lieut.  Bruten'.-^  conunand,  drov(s 
them  within  tlie  range  of  the  artillery  again,  wiiich  opened  npon  them  witi 
40* 


f;  ^i 


''l. 


474 


BATTLE  OF  SAN   FELASCO. 


[Book  IV 


great  effeot."  Tliey  mo-le  several  desperate  attempts  to  maintain  tlieir  posi 
lion,  and  charged  twice  on  the  artillery,  but  were  beaten  oft"  at  all  points,  and 
began  a  retreat.  They  were  pursued  a  mile  and  a  half  into  a  dense  liom- 
mock,  and  then  abandoned.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  San  Felusco  Iloni- 
tnock,  as  it  was  called.  The  Indians  were  reckoned  at  300  men.  Several  of 
the  officers  under  Col.  Warren  were  highly  commended  lor  their  braveiy  and 
good  conduct,  in  his  official  account  of  the  battle ;  especially  Adj.  Uilleland, 
Cupt  D.  D.  Tompkins  of  the  artillery,  Cupts.  Ueekmau,  Walker,  and  Ward, 
Lieuts.  liruten  and  Hindly. 

About  this  time,  tiie  distinguished  Creek  chiefs,  Paddy  Carr  and  Jim  Boy, 
arrive  in  F'lorida,  with  UoO  of  their  warriors,  to  assist  in  subduing  the  Semi- 
uoles. 

On  or  before  the  28  September,  about  50  Indians,  sujjposed  to  be  Creeks, 
attacked  a  house,  near  Orange  Pond,  and  killed  a  Mr.  Uptegrove  and  his  wife. 
She  at  lirst  escaped  from  the  house,  but  they  pursued  her,  overtook  and  killed 
lier.  A  Mr.  Hunter,  living  in  the  same  house,  escajjcd  to  n  pond,  and  by 
buiying  himself  almost  entirely  in  water  for  24  hours,  they  supposed  him  to 
be  drowned ;  by  which  ai'tifice  he  presei"ved  his  lile. 

The  next  day,  namely,  September  2Utn,  Col.  Lane  landed  at  Tampa,  with  a 
ibrce  of  whites  and  friendly  Lidians,  from  A])alachicola.  Hearing  that  the 
Lidians  were  committing  depredations  in  the  neighborhood,  he  nuirchod  im- 
mediately, with  12  mounted  men  and  100  Indians,  to  beat  up  their  quarters. 
A  rapid  march  of  12  miles  brought  tliem  to  Lidian  River,  where  they  discov- 
ered the  enemy  on  the  opposite  side.  The  friendly  Creeks  had  not  come  up, 
and  though  there  were  near  200  Indiana  to  oppose  them,  yet  they  engaged 
them,  and  for  15  minutes  the  skirmish  was  sharp  and  obstinate.  The  Creeks, 
under  Muj.  Watson,  now  arrived,  and  the  Seminoles  began  to  relax ;  they, 
however,  maintained  their  order  for  a  mile  and  a  half,  when  they  separated 
and  fled  in  every  direction,  and  night  ended  the  pursuit.  This  battle  was  on 
the  30  of  September,  alter  which  the  colonel  returned  with  his  coniniand  to 
Tampa.  An  act  of  self-devotedness  occurred  in  this  fight,  not  of  a  very  com- 
mon character  on  record :  A  Mr.  Kelly  was  standing  near  Col.  Lane,  wlien  he 
obsei-ved  an  Indian  taking  deliberate  aim  at  him ;  having  just  discharged  hia 
own  gim,  he  saw  no  chance  of  saving  the  life  of  his  commander,  but  by  re- 
ceivmg  the  ball  himself,  which  he  did  by  instantly  throwing  himself  between 
him  and  the  Indian.  Kelly  received  the  ball  and  fell ;  happily  he  was  not 
moitally  wounded. 

On  the  10  of  October,  Col.  Lane  set  out  on  another  expedition  from  Tam- 
pa, and,  on  the  14th,  after  a  march  of  50  or  (50  miles,  he  came  in  full  view  of 
Oloklikana,  or  Spotted  Lake,  which  stretched  oft'  to  the  north  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach,  dotted  here  and  there  with  beautifully-wooded  islands. 
Here  they  fell  upon  a  fresh  trail,  and  soon  after  a  village,  but  it  was  aban- 
doned. In  another  direction  their  trail  led  them  to  a  ford,  200  yards  over, 
which  they  passed  by  wading  and  swimming, — having  left  their  horses  be- 
hind,— beyond  which  they  came  to  extensive  cornfields,  some  cattle  and 
ponies,  and  a  village ;  but  no  Indians  yet.  Passing  the  village,  the  trail  led 
to  a  marsh,  near  a  mile  in  extent,  covered  with  soft  mud  and  water ;  but  it 
was  no  barrier  to  the  Creeks,  and  they  dashed  into  it  at  once,  and  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  whites.  They  were  often  waist  high  in  mud,  fioni  which  hav- 
ing extricated  themselves,  found  they  had  reached  a  fine  island,  and  the  trail 
still  continuing  southerly.  Here  were  a  village,  domestic  animals  and  uten- 
sils, and  the  scalps  of  several  white  people.  Not  far  from  hence  they  came 
to  another  village,  which,  with  the  former,  contained  above  a  hundred  houses. 
Another  half  mile  brought  them  to  the  shore  of  a  pond,  skirted  with  a  thick 
SI  111!).  i)f  near  three  fourths  of  a  mile  in  extent.  Here  the  Seminoles  had 
matle  a  stand,  and  began  the  attack  by  a  volley  of  rifle-balls.  A  fight,  now 
begun,  was  kej)t  up  for  about  half  an  hour,  when  a  charge  from  the  Creeks 
put  them  to  flight,  and  they  were  soon  covered  by  a  hommock,  antl  were 
followed  no  farther.  But  one  of  the  whites  was  wounded,  and  whether  any 
of  the  Creeks  were  killed  or  wounded,  we  are  not  told  hy  their  white  as- 
sociates. Of  the  loss  of  the  enemy,  they  of  coinse  knew  nothing,  which 
no  doubt  amounted  to  the  same.     The  whites  destroyed  about  a  hundred 


i^W*»   WPii" 


Chap.  XVIIl.] 


GOV.  CAI.I-  IN  COMMAND. 


475 


cattle  and  hogs,  and  they  rcitumed  to  Fort  Drnne,  with  about  400  mote,  on 
the  hhh. 

Witli  this  exi)edition  terminated  the  career  of  an  active  and  valuable  offi- 
cer. Col.  Lane  complained  some  of  a  brain  fever,  and  being  left  alone  in  lie 
tent  of  Capt.  Golf  ibr  a  few  minutes,  was  found  by  him,  on  his  return,  expir- 
injf  on  his  own  sword.  It  was  supposed  he  had  fallen  on  it  accidentally,  in 
a  fit  of  dizziness;  or  that  in  a  moment  of  intellectual  al>erration,  arising  from 
the  nature  of  his  illness,  he  had  been  his  own  executioner.  This  occurred 
til  the  5i(itli,  and  cast  a  deep  gloom  over  the  whole  army. 

A  lew  days  previous  to  this.  Gov.  Call  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  in- 
forming him  that  he  had  taken  the  general  command  in  Florida,  and  that 
Gen.  Jesu])  had,  "with  great  magnanimity,"  declined  it;  but  that  he  had  pro- 
posed to  serve  under  him  as  a  volunteer  Some  entertained  high  expecta- 
tions at  the  present  prospect,  and  others  expressett  no  fiivorable  opinion  of 
the  result  of  Gov,  Call's  assumption.  Both  were  common  gratuities;  and  it 
would  have  been  singula*,  indeed,  if  neither  had  eventuated  in  lavor  of  the 
prophet 

On  the  28th,  Gov.  Call  commenced  active  operations.  He  marched  from 
the  Suanee,  at  Old  Town,  with  1,375  men,  in  high  hopes  of  speedily  jnitting 
an  end  to  the  war.  The  route  to  Fort  Drane  was  taken,  on  which  seven  In- 
dians were  killed.  Whether  they  were  warriors,  old  men,  women,  or  chil- 
dren, no  mention  is  made.  They  reached  Fort  Drane,  October  1st,  where  the 
fires  of  the  Indians  were  still  burning.  Had  it  not  been  for  a  faithful  spy, 
Osceola  and  his  Mikasaiikies  would  have  fallen  into  Gov.  Call's  hands.  Here 
he  waited  until  the  evening  of  the  6th,  to  be  joined  by  Maj.  Pierce,  who  was 
to  supply  him  with  provisions ;  which  he  effected  with  no  ordinary  efforts, 
having  marched  66  miles  in  two  days,  viz.,  from  Black  Creek. 

With  a  supply  of  8  days'  rations,  a  move  was  made  for  the  "Cove  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee."  On  the  way  they  fell  in  with  an  encampment  of  Mikasau- 
kies,  "killed  13  men,  who  did  not  fire  a  shot,  took  4  women  prisoners,  and  8 
children."  From  these  they  learned  that  tlie  Negro  Town  was  but  3  miles 
above  them.  Col.  Gill  Was  despatched  thence  with  300  Tennessee  volun- 
teers, on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  but  could  not  reach  the  town  from  the 
depth  of  water  in  the  creek  before  it.  He  accordingly  returned  with  loss ; 
having  had  3  men  killed,  and  7  woimded.  Among  the  former  was  Indian 
Billy,  an  interpreter,  in  much  esteem  by  the  whites.  He  was  brother-in-law  of 
Charles  Emathla,  of  whose  tragic  death  we  have  before  given  an  account. 

The  main  body  marched  to  the  river,  which  was  so  overflowed  that  its  width 
was  250  jards,  and  could  not  be  crossed.  The  Indians  appeared  on  the  op- 
posite bank,  and  fired  upon  them,  wounding  Maj.  Gordon,  though  slightly. 
Here  the  expedition  was  at  an  end;  the  army  being  obliged  to  retreat  to  Fort 
Drane  for  supjilies.  At  Gen.  Gaines's  battle-giound  they  fell  in  with  CoL 
Lane,  as  he  was  returning  from  his  exi)edition,  just  recorded. 

Little  seems  to  have  been  done,  or  attempted,  after  this,  imtil  abotit  the 
middle  of  November.  On  the  lltli  of  that  month,  the  army,  consisting  of 
2,100  men,  marched  once  more  from  Fort  Drane  for  the  Ouithlacoochee.  At 
this  time  the  river  was  220  yards  wide ;  yet  it  was  passed  on  the  13th,  though 
at  great  peril,  four  of  the  regulars  being  drowned  in  the  way.  The  anny  had 
now  arrivecl  at  the  "  Cove,"  where  Indians  were  expected  to  be  found  ;  hut 
none  were  visible,  and  it  appeared  that  the  place  had  been  some  time  aban- 
doned ;  yet  trails  were  discovered,  leading  into  Ochlawaha  and  the  Wahoo 
Hwamp.  The  left  division,  under  Gen.  Armstrong,  met  with  no  opposition  in 
crossing  the  creek  to  the  Negro  Town.  It  was  crossed  by  Col.  Trawsdale'a 
regiment.  Instead  of  one  town,  they  foimd  two,  and  burnt  them  both.  Here 
tliey  found  an  old  negro,  who  told  them  the  Indians  had  gone  to  the  Wahoo 
Swamp.  He  said,  also,  that  when  the  Tennessee  volunteers  made  an  attempt 
U])on  the  place  the  previous  month,  they  killed  46  Indians.  This  was  no 
doubt  said  to  flatter  their  vanity,  for  we  have  no  account  that  half  that  number 
of  guns  Avere  fired  at  that  time. 

Gen.  Call  now  made  di'^positions  to  pursue  the  Serninoles.  with  certainty 
of  success.  Col.  Pierce,  with  250  regulars,  the  Creek  Indian  right,  and  Col. 
Warren's  mounted  men,  were  to  pass  o>;c  of  the  Cove  by  the  only  practicable 
outlet  in  tliat  direction,  and,  after  exploring  the  coantry  south  and  west  of  the 


::i.v 


>      l| 


t% 


W! 

m 


476 


BATTLES  OF  THE  VVAllOO  SWAMP. 


[Bdui  IV 


:-r-.  > 


■,1 


K'HM 


nver,  to  reunite  with  the  main  army,  about  the  19th  or  20tli,  near  Dade's  bat- 
tle-ground ;  the  general,  meanwhile,  to  ninrch  by  the  river  in  the  direction 
of  tlie  Wulioo,  witii  the  Tennefasee  brigade,  two  companies  of  artillery,  and 
the  Florida  foot.  Both  diviHions  marched  on  the  lOth.  On  the  17th,  about 
noon,  a  large  party  of  the  enemy  was  discovered  by  the  main  body,  encamped 
near  a  honunock.  Col.  Bradford,  with  the  1st  regiment  of  Tennessee  volun- 
teers, was  inunediately  detached  to  attack  them. 

Although  the  Indians  were  surprised,  they  made  good  their  retreat  to  the 
hommock,  and  waited  the  approach  of  the  troops,  who,  when  dismounting, 
received  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  They  immedic.ely  returned  it ;  but  the  In- 
dians stood  their  ground  until  a  charge  was  made,  which,  as  usual,  put  them 
to  flight  They  left  'M  of  their  dead,  and  all  their  baggage,  on  the  ground ; 
and,  from  traces  of  blood,  a  far  greater  number  were  supposed  to  have  been 
carried  off.  The  number  of  Indians  engaged  were  said  to  amount  to  about 
200.  The  whites  had  two  killed,  and  10  or  12  wounded,  which,  after  being 
taken  care  of,  the  army  retreated  four  miles  to.a  favorable  site,  and  en- 
camped. 

On  the  18th,  the  general,  having  lefl  his  baggage-train  under  a  strong 
guard,  marched  again,  with  550  Tennesseeans,  chiefly  foot,  to  the  Wahoo 
Swamp.  At  about  3  miles  from  their  camp,  they  fell  upon  a  large  Indian 
trail,  which  led  through  two  dense  hommocks,  and  over  two  creeks,  into  a 
large  field,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  hommocks.  The  enemy  wt'O  re- 
treating to  gain  securer  positions  whence  to  begin  the  attack,  leaving  their 
houses  in  flames ;  at  length,  making  a  Etand,  the  whites  immediately  ibrnied 
tlieir  line  of  attack.  The  foot,  under  Col.  Trawsdale,  were  formed  in  open 
order  to  charge  into  the  hommock,  while  the  horsemen,  to  the  right  and  It  It, 
were  thrown  back  to  protect  the  flank,  and  to  act  as  a  corps  of  reserve.  TIk; 
columns  had  not  received  the  word  to  advance,  when  a  tremendous  fire  vi.s 
opened  upon  them,  along  their  whole  front,  from  a  hommock.  They  bejiaii 
slowly  to  advance,  exchanging  shots  at  short  inteiTals.  The  order  litMiij^ 
given  to  charge,  it  was  obeyed  with  iin|)etuosity ;  but  the  Indians  did  not 
break  and  fly  as  in  times  past;  tliey  stood  and  fought  hand  to  hand,  exchan- 
ging life  for  life, — while  at  the  same  time  their  wings  attacked  both  flanks  of 
the  army,  and  a  small  body  of  about  50  fell  boldly  on  its  rear.  The  battle 
had  raged  nearly  half  an  hour,  when  a  general  charge  broke  and  dispersed 
them  in  every  direction,  leaving  25  of  their  number  dead  on  the  field ;  whih; 
the  whites  had  but  three  killed  and  18  wounded.  600  Serninoles  were  said 
to  have  been  engaged  ui  this  battle.  The  hour  being  late,  and  the  men  niiicli 
exliausted,  the  army  retreated  to  its  appointed  place  for  the  meeting  of  Col. 
Pierce,  near  Dade's  battle-ground. 

On  the  21st,  the  army  marched,  in  three  columns,  into  the  swamp,  the 
Tennesseeans  and  regulars,  and  Col.  Warren's  mounted  men  on  the  right, 
the  centre  under  Col.  Pierce,  and  the  Creek  regiment  on  the  left.  Wlien 
they  came  to  the  battle-ground  of  the  18th,  they  found  it  in  possession  of  the 
Indians.  As  the  Tennesseeans  and  regulars  advanced,  a  heavy  fire  was 
opened  upon  them,  and  they  did  not  answer  it  until  they  got  into  the  midst 
of  the  Indians;  then  chai'ging  them,  they  gave  way  and  retreated. 

As  soon  as  the  direction  of  their  retreat  was  observed  by  a  party  in  reserve. 
Col.  Pierce,  with  his  division,  and  the  Creek  Indians,  were  ordered  to  puisue ; 
and  soon  after,  Col.  Trawsdale  witl-  his  regiment,  and  Col.  Warren  with  the 
Florida  horsemen,  were  sent  to  suj  "^ort  them.  Unfortunately,  the  greater 
part  of  the  regulars  and  Tennesseeans,  by  taking  a  trail  to  the  right,  became 
involved  in  an  almost  impassable  morass,  where  no  horse  could  move,  and 
where  the  men  were  obliged  to  wade  waist-deep  in  mud  and  water.  A  small 
number  of  Creek  wairiors  on  the  lefl,  led  by  CoL  Brown,  taking  a  better  jiatb, 
followed  closely  upon  the  enemy,  and  found  them  strongly  posted  in  a  cypress 
swamp.  The  Creeks  charged  them  with  great  spirit,  and  their  gallant  leatler. 
Major  Moniac,  was  killed,  as  also  were  several  other  Creek  warriors.  It 
was  soon  discovered  that  this  party  would  be  overpowered,  and  the  struggle 
was  momentarily  becoming  more  and  more  de8|)erate,  when  two  companies 
of  Florida  militia  under  Capt  Groves  and  Lieut.  Myrick,  three  companies  of 
artillery  under  Maj.  Gardner,  Capts.  Tompkins,  Porter,  and  Lee,  and  Col. 
Waire  with  his  mounted  men,  coming  successively  into  action,  enabled  th^ 


■■W'l'iwMW  v.m 


IV 


Chap.  XIX.] 


GEN.  JESUP  AT  THE  WAHOO. 


477 


;.-M 


en- 


Creeks  to  maintain  their  ground.  Still  the  figlit  was  animated ;  and  it  waa 
not  until  nearly  all  the  fon-c  of  the  whites  was  brought  to  bear  on  this  |>oint, 
that  the  Indians  could  be  di^slodgcd.  Then  it  would  seem  they  retired  more 
to  give  their  adversary  a  chance  to  retreat,  than  because  they  were  beaten 
themselves.  Thus  ended  the  second  battle  of  the  VVahoo  Swamp,  in  which 
!^5  of  Gen.  Call's  army  were  killed  and  wounded,  nine  being  of  the  ibrmer 
number.  The  Indians  loll  10  on  the  field ;  but  the  whites  said  they  lost  **  50 
at  least." 

The  anny  having  consumed  all  their  provisions,  and  being  very  severely 
handled,  was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  its  way  o'lt  of  this  hostile  region;  it 
accordingly  returned  to  its  late  encampment  at  10  o'clock  at  night,  and  the 
next  day  marched  for  Volusia. 

Where  Gen.  Jcsup  was,  or  what  service  he  was  rendering  at  this  period, 
and  for  some  time  previous,  I  am  uninformed ;  biit,  on  the  '2A  November,  he 
arrived  at  Volusia,  with  40O  mounted  Alabama  volunteers.  He  cume  late 
from  Tampa,  and  on  the  way  had  taken  l&  negroes,  the  ibrmer  property  of 
Col.  Rees,  of  Spring  Garden,  whence  they  had  Iwen  carried  off  by  the  Semi- 
noles.  Here  Gen.  Jesup  received  orders  from  the  secretary  of  war,  again  to 
resume  the  command  of  the  army  of  Florida.  Gov.  Call  had  pretty  confi- 
dently asserted  that,  in  the  campaign  now  just  concluded,  he  should  be  able 
to  finish  the  war ;  but  he  had  only  showed  the  Seminoles  that  some  of  his 
men  could  fight  as  well  as  Indians,  and  that  others  could  turn  their  backs 
with  equal  dexterity.  On  the  whole,  if  the  Indians  had  been  one  to  a  thou- 
sand against  the  Americans,  it  would  be  no  very  difhcult  question  to  settle, 
which  would  be  sent  beyond  the  Mis8i88ip|)i.  When,  in  October,  the  Creek 
deputation  visited  them,  to  persuade  them  to  submit  to  terms,  Osceola  as- 
sured them  with  firmness,  that  "  the  Seminoles  would  never  yield — never,  he 
said ;  the  land  is  ours ;  we  will  fight  and  die  upon  it."  The  Chief  Harjo  was 
at  the  head  of  the  peace  deputation  of  Creeks,  and  he  found  Osceola  in  a  great 
swamp,  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  having  then  with  him  about  3,500  people. 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  blows  which  Osceola  had  had  in  tlie  Wahoo 
Swamp,  it  yet  remained  the  Narraganset  of  Florida ;  and  such  were  the  ac- 
counts from  thence,  that  Gen.  Jesup  determined  to  proceri  there  with  a 
large  force.  Accordingly,  with  ten  days'  provision,  he  marched  on  the  12 
of  December  for  that  point ;  but,  on  reachuig  it,  no  India  were  found.  On 
the  17th,  he  marched  for  Tampa,  taking  the  course  of  the  Ouithlacoochee  in 
his  route ;  and  Col.  Foster  pursued  a  parallel  course  on  the  other  side  of  the 
same  river ;  a  single  Indian  was  the  result  of  all  this  business ;  yet  no  blame 
can  be  attached  to  those  who  performed  it,  for  what  can  men  do  where  there 
is  nothing  to  be  done  ?  Something  like  calculation  can  be  made  in  marching 
against  men  in  a  fort  or  city ;  but  where  it  is  known  that  a  people  remove 
their  cities  and  forts  as  easy  as  themselves,  quite  a  diflerent  calculation  ia 
required.  Ceesar  never  fought  Indians,  or  he  would  have  reversed  lus  celct 
brated  saying,  "  'Tis  easier  to  foil  than  find  them." 


9i00e 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


EVENTS    OF   THE    WAR  DURING  THE   TEAR   1837. 


Expedition  to  Mnpopka — Osuchef,  /cillcd — Jesiip  parleys  loith  the  chiefs — Col.  Hen 
acrson's  Expedition — Battle  of  Lake  Monroe — Treaty  of  Fort  Dade — Unob- 
served— Osceola  at  Fort  Mellon — J^umhers  of  the  Seminoles — Suddttn  abduction  of 
emigrants — Jesup  requests  to  be  relieved  from  command — Western  Indians  applied 
to — Gen.  Hernandez's  Expedition — Capture  of  King  Philip — Surprise  of  the 
lichees — Surrender  of  chiefs — Mediation  of  Ross — Capture  of  Osceola  and  others — 
View  of  the  affair— Wild  Cat's  escape — Battle  of  Okechobee. 

With  this  chapter  we  begin  the  events  of  the  year  18.37.    On  the  22  of 
January,  Gen.  Jesup  put  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  motion,  with  the  viev» 


>  tl 


478 


BATTLE  OF  IIATCIIEE-LUSTEE. 


fHooK  IV. 


T- 


!v!'^? 


of  attacking  atiotlier  8troii^-hol(l  of  tlie  IndiniiH.  wliicli  he  hud  learned  was 
upon  the  h*-''"!  waters  of  the  Okhiwahii.  'J'he  next  duy  lie  detaclied  LienU 
Cul.  Cuwhield  witli  liio  nionnted  hattuhon  of  Ahihaniu  vohinteerH,  Capt  Har- 
ris's company  of  marincH,  and  Maj.  Morris's  Indiui)  warriors,  witii  his  own  aid, 
i^ient.  Cliainliers,  to  attack  Obuciiee,  cornnjoniy  called  the  Chief  Coouer, 
whose  rendezvouH  was  then  on  the  liorders  of  Ahapopku  Lake.  Osucliee 
was  surprised,  and,  with  li  of  his  warriors,  killed  ;  nine  women  and  children, 
and  8  negroes  taken.  Th<!  whites  h)t*t  one  Indian,  who  was  mortally  wound- 
ed. From  the  captured  it  wus  discovered  that  the  main  hody  of  the  Semi 
noles  had  gone  southward. 

Pursuit  was  immediately  made,  and,  on  the  24th,  the  army  passed  a  rugged 
range  of  mountains,  hitherto  unknown  to  the  whites,  called,  by  the  Indians, 
Thlaxthatkee,  or  White  Moimtains.  On  the  27th,  the  Indians  were  discovered 
on  the  llatchee-Lustec,  in  and  about  the  "Great  Cypress  Swamj);"  and  a 
successful  charge  was  made  upon  them  by  Lieut.  Chambers,  with  Price's 
company  of  Alabama  volunteers,  by  which  25  Indians  and  negroes,  and  their 
horsej  and  baggage,  were  taken.  The  cajjtured  were  chiefly  women  and 
children.  Col.  Henderson  pursued  the  fugitive  warriors  into  a  swamp,  and 
acroiis  the  Hatchee-Lustce  River,  and  thence  into  a  more  extensive  swamp, 
where  they  could  not  be  pursued  without  great  difficulty  and  more  men. 
Meanwhile,  a  messenger  had  been  sent  to  the  general,  but  he  was  killed  in  the 
way ;  and  it  was  not  till  another  had  been  sent,  that  he  was  iulbrmed  how 
matters  were  progressing  with  Col.  Henderson. 

Gen.  Jesup  sent  a  prisoner  to  Jumper,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  endeav- 
oring to  get  a  parley,  while  he  moved  on  and  took  a  position  at  L»ike  Toho- 
pikalega,  within  a  few  miles  of  where  it  is  approached  by  the  Cypress  Swamp. 
Heie  he  took  some  hundred  head  of  cattle.  The  prisoner  sent  out  to  Jumper, 
returned  the  next  day,  bringing  lavorable  talks  from  Alligator  and  Abraliam ; 
and  two  days  after,  January  Slst,  Abraliam  visited  the  general  in  his  camp ; 
immediately  after,  he  returned  to  the  Indians,  and  on  the  3  February,  brought 
along  with  him  Jumper  and  Alligator,  with  two  sub-chiefs,  one  a  nephew  of 
ftlieanopy.  These  chiefs  agreed  to  meet  the  general  at  Fort  Dade,  with  other 
chiefs,  on  the  18th  following.  Jumper  and  Alligator,  it  is  said,  are  among 
the  lust  of  the  descendants  of  the  Yamassees. 

To  return  to  Col.  Henderson.  On  receipt  of  his  message,  Gen.  Jesup  or- 
dered the  disposable  force  of  Gen.  Armistead's  brigade,  Maj.  Gorham's  infan- 
try, and  Tustenugge  Hajo'&  Indian  warriors,  to  move  on  to  his  support.  They 
soon  captured  two  Indian  women,  and  several  negroes,  in  a  pine  wood,  over 
a  hundred  ponies,  50ine  plunder,  and  several  fire-arms.  The  "nain  force  of 
the  Indians  had  fled ;  but  not  having  much  time  in  advance,  we  e  soon  over- 
taken by  Maj.  Morris  on  the  border  of  a  considerable  stream,  20  or  25  yards 
wide,  in  the  midst  of  a  swamp.  The  Indians  were  in  possession  of  the  oppo- 
site side,  and  when  the  warriors  came  up,  they  were  fired  upon,  and  a  con- 
siderable skirmish  ensued.  The  creek  was  difficult  to  ford,  and  the  Indians 
had  passed  it  by  two  trees  felled  from  the  opposite  banks.  These  afforded  a 
sure  mark  for  the  Indians'  rifles,  a  ver*  few  of  which  could  stand  against 
many;  but  the  whites  and  their  Indian  allies,  being  much  the  more  numer- 
ous, were  able  to  extend  themselves  up  and  down  the  stream,  by  which  dis- 
play the  Indians  were  exposed  to  a  cross  fire,  and  soon  began  to  abandon 
their  position.  The  order  being  now  given  to  cross  the  creek,  Capt.  Morris 
(major  of  the  1st  Indian  battalion)  was  the  first  to  advance  on  the  log,  fol- 
lowed by  Lieuts.  Seaile  and  Chambers,  and  Capt.  Harris ;  Lieut  Lee  swim- 
ming over  at  the  same  time.  These  officers  led  the  van  throughout  this  ex- 
pedition, and  are  mentioned  with  high  encomiums  on  their  conduct.  Having 
all  crossed  the  creek,  the  Indians  made  several  stands  against  them,  but  were 
forced  to  fly  after  a  few  fires.  They  were  followed  for  a  mile  or  two,  and 
then  the  pursuit  was  given  up  ;  the  detachments  returning  late  at  night  to  the 
camp  oiC  the  main  army.  Tlie  result  of  this  affair  was  the  capture  of  28  nt;- 
groes,  and  Indian  women  and  children.  How  many  warriors  were  killed,  no 
certiiin  infbriimtio:i  could  be  given ;  but  some  two  or  three  they  saw,  lying 
dead,  as  they  marched  along.  Of  the  whites,  one  was  killed  at  the  pa.ssiige 
of  the  creek  in  the  swamp,  and  three  woimded;  and  in  the  pursuit  another 
was  killed.    Thus  ended  the  aflairs  of  one  day,  namely,  Januaiy  the  27th. 


p,f 


Chap.  XIX 


BATTLE  OF  LAKE  MON'UOE. 


479 


Tlie  next  afl'uir  of  importance,  which  trnnnjtircil  in  Florida,  was  the  battle 
of  l^ki;  iMonmo.  IJrovot  r.il.  A.  C  VV.  Fanninj^  had  Inien  Btatioiu-d  at  that 
place,  and  \\\»  ramp  there  li  m  the  name  of  the  lake.  Eaily  on  the  niorninjt 
of  the  8  February,  It)y7,  about  .'JOO  SeininoleH  coninienceil  firing  upon  C<>l. 
Fanniufi's  catnp  with  great  M|)irit.  Their  right  rested  on  tlie  lake  abf)ve  the 
lort ;  their  lefl  on  the  shore  below,  and  another  line  extended  around  their 
front.  Tliey  were  taken  rather  by  surprise,  many  of  whom,  being  new  recruits, 
scarcely  knew  what  they  were  alwut ;  hut  afler  wasting  a  good  share  of  theii 
annnunition,  being  bent  on  making  a  noise  by  some  means,  they  were  got  un- 
der soirie  sort  of  regular  modus  operandi,  and  the  action  became  sharp.  Mean- 
while, Lieut.  Thomas  received  orders  to  man  a  steamboat,  lying  in  the  lake 
under  cover  of  the  fort,  and  to  serve  a  six-pounder,  which  was  on  l)oard  of 
her,  u(M)n  the  right  of  the  Indians.  This  he  was  enabled  to  eflect,  and  they 
were  inuncdiately  driven  from  that  position ;  but  they  hung  upon  the  right 
and  front  for  near  three  hours,  before  they  would  give  up  the  contest.  The 
brave  Capt  Mellon  was  killed  near  the  l)egitming  of  the  fight,  and  15  others 
Were  wounded,  some  mortally.  I'addy  Cabr  was  here  with  his  Creeks,  and 
Was  among  the  foremost  in  all  danger ;  and  Col.  Faiming  gives  the  names  of 
many  of  his  officers  who  distinguished  tiicmselves. 

Thus,  only  ten  days  before  the  time  as-igned  to  treat  with  Gen.  Jesup,  did 
the  Seminoles  give  a  demonstration  of  tiie  value  they  set  upon  a  peace  with 
the  whites;  but,  perhaps,  the  party  whiili  attacked  Col.  Fanning  were  unac 

^uainted  with  the  arrangement.  However,  through  the  mediation  of  the 
'reeks,  the  general  got  a  hearing  with  IIolatoochee,  nephew  of  Micanopy, 
Jumper,  Abraham,  Little  Cloud,  and  several  others,  at  Fort  Dade,  on  the 
5  March.  Micanopy  sent  as  excuse  tor  his  non-appearance,  that  he  was  old 
and  infirm.  Jumper  was  inquired  of  resiM3cting  the  time  the  Indians  would 
be  ready  to  remove,  and  from  his  answer,  all  the  world,  if  they  had  lieard  it 
might  have  known  that  all  the  Indians  were  afler,  was  to  gum  time  ;  lor  lift 
replied,  that  they  could  not  l>e  ready  till  fall.  The  general  as  promptly  re- 
plied, tliat  "that  was  out  of  the  question,"  insinuating  also,  that  if  they  wished 
to  gain  time  by  such  a  manoeuvre,  they  were  mistaken.  Jumper  sliowp  1 
some  indignation  at  being  thus  suspected,  and  alter  considerable  other  talk, 
the  council  was  adjourned  to  tlie  next  day. 

Accordingly,  they  met  again  on  the  Gth,  with  augmented  i.umliers  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians ;  among  whom  were  representatives  of  Alligator,  Coa- 
chochee  or  Wild  Cat,  (Philip's  son,)  his  nephew,  and  Pease  Creek  John,  and 
a  treaty  was  drawn  u[)  and  signed.  It  purported,  that  hostilities  should 
from  that  time  cease ;  all  the  Seminoles  to  remove  immediately  beyond  the 
Mississippi ;  to  give  hostages  to  secure  its  observance  ;  all  the  Indians  to  go 
immediately  south  of  the  llillsborough ;  Alicanopy  to  be  one  of  the  hostages ; 
and,  by  the  10  April,  all  were  to  be  ready  to  remove.  To  these  articles  lour 
chiefs  put  their  marks,  with  Gen.  Jesup;  and  we  shall  see  how  they  were  ob- 
served. 

To  keep  up  the  deception,  and  make  sure  of  the  promised  rations,  the  In 
dians  began  to  frequent  the  general's  camp,  as  though  in  good  earnest  to 
fulfil  the  treaty.  By  the  26  March,  there  were  there,  or  had  been  there,  the 
chiel's,  Yaholoochie,  (Cloud,)  Jumper,  Abraham,  and  Tigertail;  and  the 
principal  chiefs  on  the  St.  Jonn's,  Tuskinnia  and  Emathla,  (Philip,)  had  sent 
word  that  they  would  emigrate  if  Micanopy  said  so,  and  Abiaca  (Sum  Jones) 
had  been  invited  by  Philip  to  go  to  Micanopy  to  arrange  for  a  removal.  Abi 
aca  being  chief  of  the  Mikasaukies,  his  acquiescence  was  thought  of  no  little 
consequence.  About  this  time,  it  was  reported  that  Yaholoochie  was  com 
mander-in-chief  at  the  battle  of  tlie  Wahoo  Swamp,  and  that  ^sceola  had 
been  deposed  for  cowardice  in  that  action.  On  the  18  March,  Micanopy 
signed  a  written  acknowledgment  of,  and  acquiescence  in,  the  treaty  of  the 
6tli ;  and  Gen.  Jesup  seemed  quite  sure  the  war  was  at  an  end.  Neverthe- 
less, about  this  time  a  circumstance  occurred  which  much  alarmed  the  In- 
dians, and  whether  feigned  or  real,  answered  the  same  end.  A  report  was 
circulated  among  them,  that  as  soon  as  Gen.  Jesup  had  got  a  suflScient  num- 
ber into  his  power,  he  would  handcuff  and  ship  them  for  Arkansas.  Thus 
matters  were  retarded  and  moved  slow.    And,  besides,  Philip,  chief  of  the 


I 


,(■!'! 


fWy 

J., 


480 


OSCEOLA   UUEAKS   UP  GEN.  JESLiP'S  PROSPECTS.     [Book  IV 


!:^: 


H 


r;j'  i''-\ 


!! 


I' 


ToliopkolikiPH,  lind  Itepiin  to  hIiow  liimNclf  ngnin,  nnd  remained  in  iiis  strong- 
liold  with  400  men.  'I'IiIh  miii'ii  lesHened  tlie  cuntideiict  ^t'  tiie  geiierul,  and 
lie  Imgun  to  make  preimratioiiH  lor  uggresHioutt.  Murders  were  also  almost 
daily  committed  in  Home  direction. 

Ilo\vev(!r,  hy  the  1  May,  Osceola*  had  come  in  to  Fort  Mellon,  Lake  Mon- 
roc ;  and,  by  the  8th  of  that  month,  there  were  aottemhlcd  there,  and  in  the 
intmcdiate  neighborhood,  not  less  than  3,50U  men,  women,  and  childreti,  to 
whom  about  1,U00  rations  had  been  iHHue(l.  Many,  if  not  all  the  chiefs,  had 
lil)erty  to  come  and  go  as  they  ])leaHed,  and  this  could  not  be  objected  to ;  in 
the  first  place,  Ixicause  they  were  to  bring  in  their  ])eo|)le,  and  liorHcs  and 
cattle,  to  Im3  ready  to  remove ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  had  an  attempt  Im-cu 
made  to  detain  them,  all  that  could  would  have  run  away,  and  it  woultl  have 
l)een  very  ditHcult  ever  to  have  got  them  again,  llcnct!,  in  this  view  of  the 
matter, — anil  we  can  take  no  other  of  it, — a  difierent  course  would  have  led  at 
once  to  a  ruin  of  what  appeared  to  have  been  so  well  begun  ;  whereas,  by 
that  adopt«;d,  there  was  some  prospoct  of  success.  Tlierelbre,  it  is  ]>lain  that 
those  who  condemn  Gen.  Jesiip  tor  his  policy,  speak  unadvisedly. 

While  the  Indians  were  at  Fort  Mellon,  much  inlbrmation  was  gathered 
from  them,  relative  to  their  numbers  and  condition.  Maj.  Gardner  said  he 
WIS  assured  there  were  !2,.500  Seminoles  then  able  to  bear  arms,  and  Col. 
Harney's  intbrtnation  confirmed  that  conclusion. 

All  things  seemed  to  promise  success  to  Gen.  Jesup's  efTorts,  and  he 
became  by  the  end  of  May  tpiite  confident  that  the  war  wos  at  an  end. 
Osceola  had  slept  in  the  tent  of  Col.  Harney,  and  gi^ut  confidence  seems  to 
have  taken  the  place  of  mutual  distrust.  'J'lie  general  felt  quite  assured  that 
Osceola  would  be  of  great  service  in  bringing  in  his  countrymen,  nnd  bel()re 
the  nuddie  of  May  he  had  lying  at  Tampa  24  transports  to  take  ofi'  the 
Indians ;  but  to  his  great  astonisliment,  on  the  morning  of  the  lid  of  June, 
he  found  tiiat  nearly  all  of  them  had  fled  into  their  own  wilds  and  fastnesses. 
And  thus  the  edifice  that  had  been  so  long  in  building  had  been  swept  away 
in  one  night.  Osceola  had  b*ien  some  time  absent,  and  had  returned  with 
200  Mikasaiikics,  and  compelled  such  as  were  not  willing  to  leave,  to  go  off 
with  him.  Micanopy  said  he  had  agreed  to  emigrate,  and  would  do  so,  and 
being  told  that  he  might  choose  between  compliance  and  death,  he  said, "  Kill 
me  here  then — kill  me  quickly,"  but  he  was  forced  upon  his  horse  and  driven 
off.    Jumper  had  sold  all  of  his  horses,  and  was  forced  to  march  on  foot. 

Thus  itodd  the  affairs  of  Florida  in  the  beginning  of  June,  18;}7.  The 
Indians  were  sure  of  a  truce  till  fiill,  a\  lien  they  would  be  again  in  a  condition 
to  fight  with  a  better  prospect  of  success  than  ever.  Many  of  the  forces  of 
the  whites  had  gone  home,  and  many  were  quite  as  inefficient  as  though  they 
were  there  also;  as  sickiiess  had  begun  to  prevail,  and  ten'or  and  dismay 
were  fast  spreading  in  every  direction  of  that  ill-fated  land.  The  general  hail 
done  every  thing  he  could  do,  or  that  any  other  man  in  like  circumstances 
could  have  done,  but  that  did  not  save  him  from  slanderous  tongues ;  and  on 
the  5th  of  the  same  month  he  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  requesting  to  be 
relieved  from  the  command  in  Florida ;  but  his  request  was  not  granted. 

An  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Florida  having  reached  Washington, 
the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  22d  of  July,  issued  orders  for  enlisting  the  western 
Indians  to  fight  the  Seminoles ;  namely,  400  Shawanese,  200  Delawares  and 
100  Kikapoos,  which  were  soon  after  carried  into  effect ;  and  in  September 
followuig,  there  had  arrived  in  Florida  upwards  of  1,000  southern  and  western 
Indians,  ])repared  to  act  in  conjunction  with  their  white  allies  against  the 
Seminoles. 

The  first  affair  oi  importance  in  the  fall  campaign  of  1837,  was  the  expe- 
dition to  Dnnlawtcii,  Tomoka,  and  the  Uchees,  under  Gen.  Heniandcz.  That 
officer  was  at  Fort  Peyton,  seven  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine,  on  the  4th  of 
September,  when  four  negroes,  which  had  belonged  to  Major  Heriot,  came 
in  nnd  delivered  themselves  up,  and  informed  that  many  Indians  were  en- 
gaged south  of  Tomoka,  nnd  east  of  the  St.  John's,  preparing  cooiiti,  (zamia.) 
Preparations  were  inunediately  made  for  an  expedition  in  that  direction,  and 

*  Some  wrote  Os-sin-yali-liolo,  oihers  Assinyohola,  but  Osceola  has  obtained. 


t_=- 


Chap.  XIX  ] 


BOSS'S   MF.DIATION. 


4SI 


a  force  ninrclii>«l  from  thence  on  the  7th,  nnHor  Lir-iit.  Peyton,  who  volnn- 
teered  to  take  the  U'w\  on  thiM  orcimion.  It  conMiHti-ii  of  170  men,  nnii  tlif 
hiime  eveninj;  they  reached  KwIow'.m,  3!)  miles  from  Fort  I'eyton.  ll»Te,  on 
the  8th,  at  ilayli^'ht,  four  other  negroes  f^ave  thitimelveH  np,  who  had  lM>h>iip'<l 
to  the  same  master,  and  at  the  name  time  there  carne  along  with  them  an 
Indian  negro,  named  John,  a  HJave  of  King  Philip,  who  hud  run  away,  on 
accoinit  ot'  an  attachment  to  liitt  maHter''s  squaw,  lie  was  made  to  act  as  n 
L'Midf.  S|)ie8  were  sent  ont,  who  soon  retnriied  with  the  information  that 
then;  was  an  encampment  of  Indi.ins  at  Dnnlawton.  This  it  was  determined 
to  heat  up,  and  Lieiits.  Peyton  and  Whitchenst  were  detached  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  ut  midniglit  they  tell  upon  them  with  complete  success;  capturing 
the  whole  party,  except  a  son  of  Philip,  a  lad  of  18,  who  made  his  escape. 
None  were  killed  or  wounded  on  either  side.  The  whites  were  much  elated 
nt  this  capture,  having  tbimd  that  they  had  taken  the  arch  King  Philip, — who 
had  laid  waste  this  part  of  the  coimtry  in  the  Iteginning  of  the  war, — Tomoku 
John,  and  several  others,  women  and  children. 

On  examining  Tomokn  John,  the  gentral  learned  that  at  al>out  10  inile„ 
from  thence  was  a  company  of  some  8  or  10  Uchees,  muler  Ucliee  Hilly,  and 
Philip  confirmed  his  statement  It  was  resolved,  without  loss  of  titne,  to  sur- 
prise this  enca>nnment  also.  Accordingly,  40  men  marched  out,  with  John 
for  a  guide,  and  here  also  the  surprise  was  com|»lete,  with  the  exception  of 
one  man,  who  escaped  under  cover  of  night.  But  they  did  not  find  the 
I'chees  entirely  unprepared,  and  in  their  resistance  they  mortally  wounded 
Lieut.  M'Neill,  a  ])roinising  young  officer.  Two  Indians  were  killed,  tlircB 
wniuided,  and  1(5  captured.  Among  the  latter  was  Uchee  Billy,  whose  cap- 
ture was  viewed  of  no  small  consequence.  In  all  5  chiefs  were  captured 
(luring  the  expedition,  making  a  total  of  1)4  Indians  and  negroes. 

Before  the  month  expired,  a  son  of  Philip  (prohably  he  who  escaped  ot 
Diudawton)  came  with  four  others  to  St.  Augustine,  with  a  flag ;  but  they 
were  no  sooner  come  than  Gen.  Hernandez  ordered  them  into  confinement 
We  have  no  other  particulars,  and  whether  the  general  had  good  reasons  for 
such  a  step,  take  not  upon  us  to  say.  It  appears  that  the  whites  in  gencnd 
were  determined  to  have  the  Indians,  some  how  or  other,  and  this  seems  to 
have  been  an  earnest  of  what  was  aflerwards  enacted.  John  llix,  or  llext, 
(Tuckebatche  Hajo,)  who  was  supposed  to  have  l)een  killed  in  an  encounter 
near  a  year  ago,  came  into  Fort  King  on  the  3d  of  August,  and  on  the  7th 
there  arrived  at  Black  Creek,  Coahajo,  Yahajo,  (brother-in-law  of  Osceola,! 
ond  Honese  Tustunnuggee.  These  captures  and  surrenders  gave  great  en- 
couragement to  the  peo])le,  and  they  again  counted  on  a  total  emigration  in 
n  short  time. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  as  Lieut  T.  B.  Adams  was  escorting  an  expre;  s 
from  Tampa  to  Fort  Foster,  he  fell  in  with  and  took  three  Indians.  One  was 
a  prominent  chief  of  Pease  Creek,  named  Holachta-Mico-chee,  Hac-te-hal- 
chee,  a  sub-chief,  and  one  warrior. 

At  the  same  time  was  prepared  at  Washington  a  very  sensible  talk,  by  the 
chief  of  the  Cherokees,  John  Ross,  which  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Semino  es ; 
in  which  he  ardently  expressed  himself  for  their  welfare,  and  strongly  urged 
upon  them  the  necessity  of  coming  to  a  settlement  with  the  whites,  and  the 
utter  impracticobility  of  continuing  in  war,  with  the  least  prospect  of  success. 
This  Mr.  Ross  undertook,  by  the  consent  and  with  the  advice  of  President 
Jackson,  and  four  trusty  Cherokees  were  soon  after  despatched  with  it  to 
Florida.  It  was  addressed  to  Micanopy,  Philip,  Coacoocftee,  (Wild  Cat.) 
Osceola,  and  other  chiefs  and  warriors,  and  signed  KOOWESKOOWE, 
alias  John  Ross,  and  a  commendatory  article,  by  seven  of  his  head  men. 

This  deputation  met  the  Seminoles  in  their  country,  and  held  a  talk  with 
Soin  Jones,  at  the  head  of  300  Mikasaukies.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been 
finally  settled,  but  Abiaca  (Jones)  said  he  would  treat  with  the  whites  if  they 
would  not  use  him  ill.  However,  before  this  negotiation  began,  the  Semi- 
noles hud  met  with  the  saddest  blow  of  any,  before  or  since ;  eight  more  of 
thoir  principal  men  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Gen.  Jcsup,  among  whom 
was  Osceola  himself.     This  came  about  as  follows : — 

About  the  18  October,  Osceola  sent  a  message  to  Fort  Peyton,  that  ha 
41  2F 


■:  -P 


P; '-. 


h  t 


482 


CAPTURE  OF  OSCEOLA. 


[Book  IV 


wished  to  have  a  talk  with  Gen.  Hernandez,  and  stated  that  he  was  but  a  few 
miles  from  there.  He  had  not  even  ventured  thus  far,  had  not  the  snare  been 
laid  by  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  whites,  who,  it  must  ever  hereafter 
be  allowed,  displayed  as  much  of  the  Indian  in  the  matter,  as  Coacoochee  had 
done  before,  in  the  abduction  of  old  Micanopy  and  others,  when  the  general 
had  them  nearly  ready  for  Arkansas.  For  this  act  of  Coacoochee,  the  gen- 
eral had  determined  to  be  revenged ;  and  he  declared,  "  if  he  (Coacoochee) 
liad  been  a  white  man,  he  would  have  executed  him  the  moment  he  came 
into  his  hands."  Now  we  have  seen  that  he  did,  some  time  before  this,  lall 
into  his,  or  Gen.  Hernandez's  hands.  He  was  the  one  sent  out,  or,  as  the 
general  says,  allowed  to  go  out,  at  the  recpicst  of  old  Philip,  his  liitljer.  He  it 
was  that  brought  about  this  overture  of  Osceola,  which  proved  so  fatal  to  him, 
aa  in  the  sequel  will  be  seen. 

The  Indians,  having  come  as  near  Fort  Peyton  as  they  dared,  sent  word  for 
Gen.  Jesup  to  come  out  and  talk  with  tliem ;  he  returned  them  no  answer, 
but  ordered  Lieut.  Peyton  to  get  them  into  the  fort  if  he  could,  and  then  to 
seize  them.  But  in  this  he  could  not  succeed,  and  Gen.  Hernandez  was  sent 
out  with  200  men,  and  commenced  a  pailey  with  them.  Gen.  Jesup  re- 
mained in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Peyton,  and  ordered  the  lieutenant  of  the  fort 
to  proceed  to  the  treaty-ground,  to  iearn  whether  the  Indians  "  answered  Gen. 
Hernandez's  questions  satisliictorily  or  not."  He  soon  returned,  and  reported 
that  the  answers  were  "evasive  and  unsatisfactory;"  whereupon  he  ordered 
Maj.  Asliby  to  captiu'e  them,  which,  with  the  aid  of  Hernandez,  was  done, 
without  the  discharge  of  a  gun  on  either  side.  Seventy-five  Indians  were,  by 
this  manoeuvre,  taken  with  loaded  rifles  in  their  hands,  disarmed,  and  con- 
fined in  the  fort;  and  thus  ended  this  "brilliant"  affiiir,  which  took  place  on 
the  21  October,  1837. 

The  names  of  the  principal  chiefs  "grabbed"  in  this  "haul,"  were,  as  the 
interpreters  gave  them,  Yoso-ya-hola  (Osceola,)  Coahajo  (Alligator,)  Pow- 
AS-HAJO,  John  Cavallo,  who  had  been  a  hostage  with  Gen.  Jesup,  No-co- 
so-siA-HOLA,  Emathla-Chamy,  Co-hi-lo-lue-hajo  (Doctor,)  and  IIaStono- 

HICO. 

Severe  animadversions  have  been  indulged  in,  upon  the  conduct  of  Gen. 
Jesup,  in  thus  seizing  Osceola  and  his  companions.  We  have  not  time  nor 
space  for  an  examination  of  what  has  and  may  be  urged  for  and  against  the 
measure.  We  have  followed  the  general's  own  account  of  the  afliiir,  and 
must  leave  our  readers  to  judge  for  themselves  upon  its  justness.  One  re- 
mark, however,  may  not  be  unimportant,  as  it  may  assist  in  a  just  decision  of 
the  question.  The  general  has  said,  that,  inasmuch  as  the  Lidians  had  gi-oss- 
ly  deceived  him  on  a  former  occasion,  he  would  use  any  means  to  get  the 
chief  actors  in  tiiat  dece])tion  into  his  hands ;  and  we  have  seen  how  the  mat- 
ter was  managed  to  eflect  that  object.  Now,  when  Indians  fight  Indians, 
whatever  advantage  is  gained  by  circumvention,  of  one  party  over  another, 
is  just,  according  to  the  laws  which  govern  their  moires  of  warfare  ;  but  it  is 
a  rare  circumstance  that  a  party  is  attacked  when  coming  to  another  with 
the  offer  of  peace.  We  are  now  considering  the  whites  on  equal  footing  witli 
the  Seminoles ;  lor  we  see  no  other  ground  that  this  act  of  seizure  can,  in  any 
way,  be  justified.  The  general  asserts,  what  we  do  not  clearly  discover,  that 
Osceola  did  not  come  to  treat  of  peace,  hut  came  mider  that  pretence,  "  false- 
ly," expecting  thereby  to  get  some  white  officer  into  his  j)owcr,  with  whom 
he  might  purciiase  the  liberation  of  Pliilip.  But,  as  has  been  obsened,  we 
do  not  see  suflicient  evidence  of  such  a  plot,  to  authorize  the  "  gnil  game," 
as  some  of  the  classical  editors  termed  it,  which  was  played  by  the  generaL 
Much,  however,  might  be  added  in  extenuation  of  his  conduct ;  he  had  been 
a  long  time  in  Florida,  exerting  himself  to  the  utmost  to  acconi,)lish  the 
wretched  business  forced  upon  him ;  he  had  been  bafiled  and  i()iled  bj-  the 
Indians,  and  derided  and  shamefiiiiy  treated  by  some  of  his  own  cotmtrymen. 
He  was  now  determined  to  do  somctiiing,  and  he  pcrlbrnicd  this  signal  act 
^vhen  nobody  expected  it,  and  his  enemies  were  at  once  out  upon  him, 
becaiisc  he  had  acted  like  the  people  he  was  among.  No  blood  was 
BJied;  but  a  very  imi)ortant  service  was  performed.  On  the  whole,  we  can- 
not condemn  Gen.  Jesup,  but  rather  the  policy  that  i)laced  him  where  he 


f 


Ch\p.  XIX.] 


BATTLE   OF  OKEECHOBEE   LAKE. 


483 


was.    Of  tins  we  have  distinctly  spoken  in  an  earlier  page,  and  must  waive  a 
'iirther  cxuiiiination. 

Oil  the  'jy  Octol)er,  29  "  Indians,  squaws,  and  negroes,"  were  captured  near 
Fort  Peyton;  and,  on  the  25th,  a  family  of  5  more  were  taken.  They  were 
conveyed  to  St.  Augustine,  and  imprisoned,  where  there  now  were  147  in  ail, 
111  coiifiuement.  Great  preparations  had  been  made  to  pursue  the  Indiniis 
with  vigor,  and  forces  had  come  in  from  various  quarters,  so  that  by  the  first 
of  December,  there  were  at  the  various  posts  in  Florida,  8,J)93  men,  of  whom 
4,G37  were  regulars,  4,078  voluuieers,  100  seamen,  and  178  friendly  Indians. 

Amid  all  these  preparations  and  watchings,  the  noted  chief  Coacoochee 
(Wild  Cat)  made  his  escape  from  St.  Augustine,  with  17  warriors  and  two 
squaws.  Thus  the  fellow  whom  Gen.  Jesup  looked  upon  with  such  distrust, 
had,  somehow  or  other,  outwitted  his  keepers,  and  joined  Sam  Jones  in  his 
unknown  retreat. 

The  next  event  which  comes  within  the  line  of  our  design,  was  one  of  the 
most  sanguinary  which  has  hai>pened  since  this  war  began,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  that  ill  which  Maj.  Dade  and  his  command  were  cut  ofi!  This  was 
the  battle  of  Okeechobee  Lake,  between  a  large  Indian  force  under  Abiaca 
and  Alligator,  and  Col.  Z.  Taylor  at  the  head  of  about  GOO  men ;  the  particu- 
lars of  which  are  as  follows : — 

Col.  Taylor  marched  from  Fort  Gardner  on  the  19  December,  1837,  and, 
following  the  meanderings  of  the  Kissimmee  River,  arrived  on  the  third  day 
at  a  point  on  its  bauks,  15  miles  above  its  entrance  into  Lake  Okeechobee, 
which  name  is  said  to  mean  Big  Water.  Here  he  learned  from  a  prisoner, 
who  had  fttllen  into  his  hands,  that  Alligator,  "with  all  the  war  spirits  of  the 
Seminoles,  Sam  Jones,  and  175  Mikasaukies,"  was  encamped  about  25  miles 
off,  on  the  east  side  of  Lake  Kissimmee.  Crossing  the  river,  the  colonel  left 
Capt.  Monroe,  with  his  company,  the  pioneers,  poiitooneers,  and  a  large  por- 
tion of  liis  Delaware  warriors,  who  declined  proceeding,  from  lameness,  oc- 
casioned by  their  feet  and  legs  being  badly  cut  with  the  saw-palmetto.  The 
next  day,  taking  the  captured  Indian  as  a  pilot,  he  moved  on  with  the  rest  of 
his  force.  After  passing  several  cyiiress  swamps  and  dense  hommocks,  he 
reached  the  vicuiity  of  the  Indians'  encampment,  on  the  morning  of  the  25tlu 
Here  they  were  found  in  one  of  the  strongest  places,  as  well  as  most  difficult 
of  access,  of  any  before  known  in  Florida ;  but  between  12  and  1  o'clock 
the  conflict  commenced.  The  main  body  of  the  Indians  were  posted  in  a 
homniock,  from  which  they  poured  such  a  destructive  fire  upon  the  volun- 
teers, that  they  were  obliged  to  fall  back.  They  formed  in  the  rear  of  the 
infimtiy,  who,  coming  now  into  action,  "sustained  one  of  the  most  destruc- 
tive fires  ever  experienced  from  Lidians."  But  they  jiressed  forward,  and 
gained  the  hoinmock ;  the  struggle  continuing  more  than  an  hour,  which  was 
sustained  with  difficulty  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  the  Luiiaiis  at  one  time 
nearly  breaking  their  line ;  they  were,  however,  finally  routed  and  driven  ut 
every  point,  leaving  10  of  their  dead  on  the  field,  and  numerous  traces  of 
blood  where  others  had  been  dragged  away.  It  was  reported  afhuwards,  by 
the  Lidians  themselves,  that  they  lost  20  in  all ;  and  yet  this  story  of  blood  is 
not  half  told.  Col.  Taylor  had  28  killed,  and  111  wounded!  Every  olHccr 
of  four  companies,  with  one  excejition,  and  every  orderly  serg{!aiit  of  tli<! 
same  companies,  were  killed,  and  tiie  sergeant  major  was  mortally  woiuulod. 
Col.  A.  R.  Thompson,  of  the  Gth  U.  S.  infantry,  received  three  morUil  woumls 
nearly  at  the  same  time*  Adjutant  J.  P.  Center,  Capt.  Vauswearingfii,  and 
Lieut.  F.  J.  Brooke,  of  the  same  corps,  were  killed  outright ;  Col.  Gentry,  of 
the  Missouri  volunteers,  was  killed  by  a  shot  through  the  imdy,  the  same  hall 
wounding  his  son  in  the  arm.  Such  was  the  issue  of  the  disastioim  battle  of 
Lake  Okeechobee,  which  served  two  ends  ;  one  of  which  was  to  reducL'  the 
number  of  Indians  in  o])position,  and  to  teach  the  survivors  that  the  whittH 
could  and  would  fight  No  prisoners  wcie  taken,  but  some  2U0  hortics  and 
cattle  were  found. 

Skirmishes  on  a  smaller  scale  continued.  Gen.  Nelson,  of  the  Georgia 
volunteers,  fell  in  with  a  few  Indians  on  the  Siianei;,  on  the  2()  Deceniher,  at 
a  place  called  Waciisape,  and  we  piesunie.  judging  from  iiiilircct  iniijrma- 
tion,  (Mime  off  second  best    His  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  he  lost  his 


■m 


i.ii 


484 


FIGHT  AT  JUPITER  INLET. 


[Book  IV 


(icutcnnnt,  and  three  horses,  and  a  man  or  two  wounded.  He  took  one  In- 
diiin  and  a  negro  ])risoners,  and  one  Indian  was  reported  to  have  been  killed. 
About  tlie  same  time,  there  was  a  fight  at  Charlotte  Harbor,  in  which  five 
J'ldiuns  were  killed,  and  nine  taken.  Lieut  Harding  was  dangerously  wound- 
ed. And  a  day  or  two  after,  Capt.  Winder,  with  30  dragoons,  surprised  and 
took  seven  men  and  23  women  and  children,  about  40  miles  south  of  Fort 
IVIcLane,  and  near  Fort  McNiell ;  and  20  miles  south-west  of  Fort  Hai-ney, 
he  took  29  more,  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  Coahajo.  Such  were  tlie 
important  operations  in  Florida,  during  the  year  1SC7. 


•^etMes^ 


CHAPTER  XX. 

EMBRACING   THE    EVENTS    OF    1838  AND    1839. 

Battle  or  Wacasa  Swamp — Defeat  of  Lieut.  Powell — Battle  or  Lucha 
Hatche — Gen.  Jcsup  icounded — Death  ok  Osceola — His  charatter — Gen.  Jesup 
desires  to  give  vp  the  war,  and  allow  the  Indians  to  live  in  Florida — JVot  allmced 
by  the  government — His  talk  with  Toskeoee — Indians  seized  at  Fort  Jupiter — 
lien.  Jesup  leaves  Florida — Death  of  Philip  and  Jumper — Capt.  Ellis's  exploit — 
Indians  surprise  Capt.  Beall — Families  murdered — Crews  of  vessels  murdered — 
Death  of  Mdshalatubee — Camp  Forbes  attacked — Numerous  murders — Capt. 
Russell  and  Maj.  Jfuel  killed — Capt.  Rowell  defeated — Gen.  Macomb  takes  com- 
mand in  Florida — Endeavors  to  make  a  treaty — Lieut.  Huibert  killed — Reward  for 
Indians — Massacre  at  Colooshatchic — Indians  surprised  at  Fort  Mellon — Murders 
on  the  WactjJJa — Bloodhounds  to  be  employed  against  the  Seminoles — Depredations 
continue. 

New  year  has  come,  but  not  a  "happy  new  year"  to  Florida;  for  its  first 
day  had  only  passed,  when  the  sound  of  the  rifle  is  heard  in  its  desolate 
coasts,  followed  by  the  groans  of  the  wounded  and  dying.  Brig.  Gen.  Charles 
Nelson,  Avith  a  brigade  of  Georgia  volunteers,  being  charged  with  the  defence 
of  Middle  Florida,  was,  on  the  2  Jaiiuary,  scouting  in  the  vicinity  of  Wacasa 
Swamp,  near  Fort  Fanning,  when  he  discovered  Indian  signs  leading  to  said 
Bwamj) :  following  them  up,  he  was  f.ercely  attacked  as  he  approached  it, 
and  immediately  the  fight  became  obstinate,  and  lasted  near  three  hours.  At 
5  o'clock,  P.  Mt  the  Indians  dispersed,  caiTying  off  their  killed  and  wounded. 
The  whites  suffered  severely;  but  they  claimed  a  large  victory,  havmg  cap- 
tured "  ]5  men  and  children,"  and  a  chief  named  Chickachoo.  Col.  Foster, 
who  commanded  the  left  wing,  was  shot  down,  but  his  wound  proved  slight, 
Lieut.  Jennings  was  killed.  Among  the  wounded  were  Col.  Ambrister, 
slightly ;  Serg.  Maj.  Jones,  badly ;  Dr.  Sheftall  of  Savannah,  badly ;  with 
several  privates. 

We  now  proceed  with  an  account  of  a  s!jarp  action,  near  Jupiter  Inlet, 
between  a  force  of  about  80  men  under  Lieut  L.  M.  Powell,  of  the  navy,  and 
a  body  of  Indians  under  Toskegee,  in  which  the  whites  were  defeated,  and 
suffered  severely  in  killed  and  wounded.  The  action  commenced  about  4 
in  the  P.  M.,  and  continued  till  half  past  seven  at  night,  of  the  15  January. 

On  proceeding  upon  a  trail,  after  landing  at  Jupiter  River,  Lieut  Powell 
captured  a  squaw,  whom  he  made  pilot  him  to  the  Indian  camp,  which  he 
reached  after  a  march  of  about  five  miles.  He  found  them  prepared  for  him, 
and  the  war-whoop  was  immediately  raised.  The  whites  "charged  them 
through  a  deep  swamp,"  and  the  fire  became  general.  Lieut  Harrison,  of 
the  navy,  was  soon  shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  men,  who  were  left  without 
an  officer.  Lieut  Fowler,  of  the  artillery,  was  directed  to  penetrate  the 
Bwumj)  to  the  right,  while  the  remaining  two  companies,  under  Lieut  M'Ar- 
thur,  of  the  na^7,  advanced  in  line,  liy  these  mniiteuvres  the  Indians  were 
driven,  or  retreated,  to  a  large  cypress  swomj),  700  or  SOO  yards  in  the  rear 
Here  they  made  a  determined  stand,  and  here  Lieut  M'Arthur  was  badly 
wounded,  and  Dr.  Leitner  was  killed  while  in  tlie  discharge  of  his  duty  am 


ilWt'i' 


'V'mUr,-,        J 


■ '  m% 


■ 

1  ; 

all 

m 


Chap.  XX  ]       GEN.  JESUP  WOUNDED.— DEATH  OF  OSCEOLA. 


485 


""liat  haste  they 
'"diiiiis 


Bursreoru    Nifrht  was  npproacliiiijr,  a,  '  the  men  were  falling  fast,  when  Lieut 

P:,  vvt  II  onliioil  a  retrc.i;.     l.ioiit  l'"'>vv.         ^«>  sliot  down  in  tlie  successful 

atttMiipt  which  ie  iiiuk-  lo  lOvcr  the  retrc;i  ♦hree  officers  remained 

upon  thi  \r  fe«U  .-it  tht^  ilosc  oi'  shfi  action.     'I'hi 

could  lo  their  lM)at.'<.  all  of  w'lji,  h  they  frot  off  oxci ,  . 

look,  containing  aniimiintion.     (n  tliia  allair  the  wt.if.  "^ 

wounded,  ui.iny  of  iht.'Ui  scvfi-^ix,  and  soidh  iliico  iji-vernl  < 

lost  4  <ir  r>.     The  ctiiiiiiiai)<><''  'f-   'hief  in  this^  cxindiriori.  -.i,. 

jjcraiimt  any  enL';ii.'<^d  in  it,  iti  in*  i-thcitd  account;   hut  an 

twict.   vvound'Mi   ID  the  fi^'hl.    mnI  tiio  .sailurrj  were  great  cu\''.i 

not  heeii  tiir  the  company  of  ii-iillcry  under  Lieut,  i-'inv!'  i,  who  ■•(.v. 

retreat,  ne>i!i\  all  oC  ilifUi  wnidd  have  h'cn  scalped.     As  it  vvai»,  ni' 

tlie  wouudud  wrc  of  di.it  lins.-J.     Tliis  tight  was  on  Lucha  Ilatche,  or  <  a'- 

tie  River. 

fjou.  .K'lifip.  thinking  the  lud'-  .^  hm]  jiroliuhly  made  tlicir  hcad-tiuaricr!-  f>" 
t!ie  Ltichu  Ilatche,  marched  v  iUi  tiic  force  under  his  iuiiiieih.'itc  comniaiii.1 
li'om  Fort  l.loyd,  tu  n:  the  lu  .idof  the  .Sl  John,  on  flic  ~'()  Januaiy,  ii'  srr- 
whether  Lieut.  I'ow.d  iiad  ju,-t  cau^■f■  fiir  leaviiiff  thein  in  full  possc-^ion 
there,  or  not.  He  caine  iir;oji  tliem  on  tiie  2-llh,  It  iween  11  and  J  2  o'l  lock. 
A.  .^1.,  and  if  lie  had  had  no  'no-y  iir.'ii  tiian  die  lieuu  (laat  had.  it  is  donhilti] 
whether  )'n  won)  i  liave  uivcn  ixf  i;in."d  an  a<T<ii'nt,  or  liin  ■!  it*  w:'.]  ;  thoii;.'ii 
the  fen*:>  i'  hiniself  wi)-.  '■  'ie-i  ihc  NU->'nf;;)i  ot"  thi:ir  jMtsiTiun  w,i.-  .-^uch,  that 
tney  o«iuht  to  hav  held  a  aiiich  longer  than  they  did;"  yet,  in  lorcing  fi.edt 
out  of  it.  he  was  prcftv  S'  vereh  Viouncicd,  with  MO  of  \iir  Uien,  and  10  kVi-rii 
■  ■  ■  ""  V •' •.•:!,»< 


.A' 


killed  or  0;nr(.!  iy   WnifP  '    '•       ':'■  •      ' 

Ii)rce3  undt«»  *^«»»tji'- 
third.  ,is  lirhcr  >'"  ib>  .  i  i:, 
good  their  retreat  withouv  itr-' 
I'l  their  enemies  of  their  ii.jvi  l<.cahiy. 
\Vc  nuift  now  luiii  onr  atl'-'iiioti,  lI 
hiucli  d)'eade<J,  and  now  no  Ic.^.-  rcgi- 
prison  at  t"t,  Angiii-iinc,  in  IV  vember  la.st,  from  wh;>  h  itlace  he  wa«,  ►•..nn 
alh-r  the  escape  ul"  Coagoochek  from  liieiicc!,  sent  to  C'hurlebton,  and  con- 
fii.ed  to  the  f  >rt  in  th.it  harhor  ibr  safe  keeping,  until  lie  should  be,  with  oth- 
ers, shipped  fijr  the  west.  Hot  that  time  i  r 
x^iih  that  aid  winch  ti'c  wOja*  ■ 
Monltri'v  of  f  ••,'*,!■.!  I»'V'-  ..;ic-.-w 


tiu'  la.»t  tinie,  10  the  .-(.ce  ft-tui  •   >: 
lt''d,  i-li|(;l,  (IxCF'.-r.A.      We  Ifc.'l  fO!'.' 


•i-r  came  for  him;  "iJeath  t.'.'itno 
He  (lied  in  conlmenieiit  at  b'ort 


l-^]}-.     'J  he  poi-trait  of  ( »■'- 
-  •ijfi  .-.i  ::tt  a  i'oward.  unci  others  .-i 

knavs:  .  i  iv-''.  aad  wiihoot  reisp.ct 

among  hia  own  people;  otln  r^  have  inihu;i!'mi>  aided,  t;>a!  he  %%n^  the  non 
of  n  ■>■>•';'•.■  f  !•!(  "J  i!ni  igh  thei.'-  <>%\ii  hioi...t  had  liegradeil  lorn  in  ihi>  acui':  of' 
Unni(  he  en.    How  th'ti  /.</ht  tltey  to  look  upon  thetnselv,>«;-   |)«.ii 

hly  cjri.i  .i  ,  m  tliut  se.de.  OiiKT-  pt.rtniv  Hif-  rhi-,  or  <»  uunuoisureil 
terww  >t  tiduiiiHtion ;  making  him  the  gr<  atest  ofiha  !«,  iii%«>t  . d' coiuiwllors, 
tiw\  iniivesl  of  Av.irriors.  \\'e  atlir.'n  to  neither.  The  iircumstaiice  of  hfK 
King  hetter  known  wIhmi  the  war  !»  gan,  than  odier  chiefs,  gave  hini  a  ce- 
i'.'hrityor  noiririety  which  ids  deed?;  did  rmt  claim.  He  iiad  lived  more  anaifi<; 
tii<'  white  people,  and  henci'  \\;i-  heff-^r  known  to  them  ;  arid  when  a  depn  - 
dation  wa.-i  '•ommitted.  or  a  hattic  fiaiglit.  Osceoia  w.in  the  siipiiosfd  leader 


tl;  ■  Indians;  .'ind  a.s  the  repnii 


« isceoia  was  Ilie  svpmsm  leaUer  \>'. 
■  ciinence.s  s|)r("ad,  llie  siijpo-ifi..,", 
■e'lbriiy  of  Osceoia.  Hence  it  \  < 
«!*.>  the  v(U)  ot  notoriety,  '^hu^.  r,'. 
,  the  Hiithdiiiies  then  ri-!ie«l  oiKii 
iched  ih«i«.j(l!Ki  ,  hilt  we  ju'c  Tin«  :..!. 


I'.unshed,  and   thus  arose  mueji  of  int 

>':«')  to  sec  how  ln>  came  so  prra.iineni' 

our  account  of  the  defeat  of  M.i]  >     . 

made  us  say  he  wits  the  lender  in  ih.u  \ 

sincd  that  fie  was  at  Cfini|.  Kmg  i/,..;  i«ame  -l.-y  s-'d  viiui  i!ie  chi»;t'  Mr'i..r  in 

That  tragi  (ly,  and  hctice  could  not  iiivf  (x-eo  o    d.n   "i«lit  with  .Maj.  DmiIc.    If 

lived  near  Camp  King  when  ihc  v^ar  lieiran        .  i  whi.h  he  reiimved  •.>  ijy 

f^wainp.  llv?  miles  to  the  souih  vv.'st  of  it. 

Jtut   Ul'  detne-t  nothing  i'eii  tii.;  j'h<  fitmn  of  itsrcola.     II'   Wi'-- 
':«n,  and  hi-;  luunt!  will  ;:ii  diavn  td  ♦!'    'atr^r  posnnty,  wid- 
<,.  .Jr. I  'd' PuiLiP  of  l'()k:mok"r.     '>■--•.   <,%  li-tid  ,■-  -h'o  prema- 

•iic  il;»  hands  of  thee- .  ijct  '    ..,.,  .,v  me  rash  murder  of  one  of 


a 


\ 


pj 

ti'  . 

r'i 

Chap.  XX  ]       GEN.  JESUP  WOUNDED.— DEATH  OF  OSCEOLA. 


485 


Eiirgcon.  Night  was  approaching,  and  the  men  were  falling  fast,  when  Lieut 
Powell  ordered  a  retreat  Lieut  Fowler  was  shot  down  in  the  successful 
attempt  which  he  made  to  cover  the  retreat,  and  but  three  officers  remained 
upon  their  feet  at  the  close  of  the  action.  Tlie  whites  made  what  haste  they 
could  to  their  boats,  all  of  which  they  got  off  except  one,  which  the  Indians 
took,  containing  ammimition.  In  this  affair  the  whites  had  5  killed,  and  'JO 
wounded,  many  of  them  severely,  and  some  three  several  times.  The  Indiatis 
lost  4  or  5.  The  commander-in-chief  in  this  expedition  makes  no  cnar<,'es 
a;;ninst  any  engaged  in  it,  in  his  official  account ;  but  an  officer,  who  wa.s 
twice  wounded  in  the  fight,  said  the  sailors  were  great  cowai'ds,  and  had  it 
iKJt  been  for  the  company  of  artillery  under  Lieut  Fowler,  who  covered  their 
retreat,  nearly  all  of  them  would  have  been  scalped.  As  it  was,  alwut  hu.t 
tlie  wounded  were  of  tliat  class.  This  fight  was  on  Lucha  Uatche,  or  Tur- 
tle River. 

Gen.  Jesnp,  thinking  the  Indians  had  probably  made  their  head-quarters  on 
the  Lucha  Hatche,  marched  with  the  force  under  his  immediate  commond 
from  Fort  Lloyd,  near  the  head  of  the  St  John,  on  tlie  20  January,  to  see 
whether  Lieut  Powell  had  just  cause  for  leaving  them  in  full  posses.sion 
there,  or  not  He  came  upon  them  on  the  24th,  between  11  and  12  o'clock, 
A.  M.,  and  if  he  had  had  no  more  men  than  tlie  lieutenant  had,  it  is  doubttiil 
whether  he  would  have  given  as  good  an  account,  or  fared  as  well ;  though 
the  general  himself  says,  "  that  the  strength  of  their  position  was  such,  that 
they  ought  to  have  held  it  much  longer  than  they  did ; "  yet,  in  forcing  them 
out  of  it,  he  was  pretty  severely  wounded,  with  30  of  his  men,  and  10  were 
killed  or  mortally  wounded  Thus  had  Toskegee  handled  two  considerable 
forces  under  separate  commanders,  and  was  doubtless  as  well  prepared  for  a 
third,  as  either  of  those  for  a  second ;  for  he  and  his  men  were  able  to  make 
good  their  retreat  without  loss  of  time,  with  their  all,  leaving  conjecture  only 
to  their  enemies  of  their  next  locality. 

We  must  now  turn  our  attention,  for  the  last  time,  to  the  once  feared,  and 
much  dreaded,  and  now  no  less  regretted,  chief,  Osceola.  We  lefl  him  in 
prison  at  St  Augustine,  in  November  last,  from  which  place  he  was,  soon 
after  the  escape  of  Coacoochee  from  thence,  sent  to  Charleston,  and  con- 
fined to  tlie  fort  in  that  harbor  for  safe  keeping,  until  he  should  be,  with  oth- 
ers, shipped  for  the  west  But  that  time  never  came  for  him !  Death  came 
with  that  aid  which  the  white  man  refused !  He  died  in  confinement  at  Fort 
Aloidtrie,  of  a  catarrhal  fever,  on  the  30  .Tanuary,  1838.  The  portrait  of  Os- 
ceola is  difficult  to  be  drawn  ;  some  have  made  him  a  coward,  and  others  a 
knave ;  some  have  averred  that  he  was  but  a  sub-chief,  and  without  respect 
among  his  own  jjcople  ;  others  have  indignantly  added,  that  he  was  the  son 
of  a  white  man,  as  though  their  own  blood  had  degraded  him  in  the  scale  of 
being.  It  might  be  so.  How  then  ought  they  to  look  upon  themselves  ?  Dou- 
bly degraded  in  that  scale.  Others  portray  his  character  in  unmeasured 
terms  of  admimtion;  making  him  the  greatest  of  chiefs,  ablest  of  counsellors, 
and  bravest  of  warriors.  We  affirm  to  neither.  The  circumstance  of  his 
being  better  known  when  the  war  began,  than  other  chiefs,  gave  him  a  ce- 
lebrity or  notoriety  which  his  deeds  did  not  claim.  He  had  lived  more  among 
the  white  people,  and  hence  was  better  known  to  them ;  and  when  a  depre- 
dation was  committed,  or  a  battle  fought,  Osceola  was  the  supposed  leader  of 
the  Indians ;  and  as  tlie  report  of  such  occurrences  spread,  tlie  supposition 
vanished,  and  thus  arose  much  of  the  celebrity  of  Osceola.  Hence  it  is 
easy  to  see  how  he  came  so  prominently  into  the  van  of  notoriety.  Thu.s,  in 
our  account  of  the  defeat  of  Major  Dade,  the  authorities  then  relied  upon 
made  us  say  he  was  the  leader  in  that  wretched  disaster;  but  we  are  now  a.s- 
sured  that  lie  was  at  Camp  King  that  same  day,  and  was  the  chief  actor  in 
tiiat  tragedy,  and  hence  could  not  have  been  in  the  fight  with  IVIaj.  Datle.  1  In 
lived  near  Camp  King  when  the  war  began,  after  which  he  removed  to  Loi:;; 
Swamp,  12  miles  to  the  south-west  of  it 

But  we  detract  nothing  from  the  just  fame  of  Osceola.    He  was  a  great 

man,  and  his  name  will  go  down  to  the  latest  posterity,  with  as  much  renown 

as  that  of  Philip  of  Pokaiioket    Both,  by  fiital  errors,  were  brought  jircuiii- 

turely  into  the  hands  of  tiieir  enemies ;   Philip,  bv  the  rash  murder  of  one  of 

41* 


**f' 


486 


SEVERITY  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Book  IV. 


his  own  men,  and  Osceola  by  a  mistaken  estimate  of  the  character  of  hia 
foes. 

We  return  to  Gen.  Jesiip,  whom  we  left  wounded,  though  safely  through 
the  battle  of  Luclia  Hatche.  The  next  day,  January  25tli,  he  crossed  tTie 
river,  and  encamped  on  Jujiiter  Bay,  where  he  erected  a  stockade,  which  he 
named  Fort  Jupiter.  Here  he  remained  until  the  5  February,  his  men  beinj? 
destitute  of  slioes  and  other  supplies.  At  this  period  he  marched  southward, 
about  12  miles,  when  he  encamped  again ;  and  here  an  interview  was  sought 
with  tlie  Indians.  It  was  now  looked  upon  by  the  general,  as  well  as  all  hia 
principal  officers,  as  a  matter  past  accomplishment,  to  subdue  the  Seminolcs, 
"  for  years  to  come."  It  was,  therefore,  concluded  that  it  would  be  best  to 
effect  an  ( ccommodation  with  them,  and  to  allow  them  to  retain  and  live  upon 
thit  part  of  Florida  "  where  nobody  else  could  live."  Accordingly,  he  wrote 
to  the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  11  Februarj',  recommending  that  measure. 
In  answer,  the  secretary  said,  that  it  was  not  a  question  now  to  be  considered 
by  the  president,  whether  it  would  be  better  to  let  the  Indians  remain  in  the 
r;oiuitry  or  not,  but  that,  as  a  treaty  had  been  ratified,  by  Mhich  tiie  Indiana 
had  agreed  to  remove,  it  was  his  duty  to  see  it  executed  ;  that,  therefore,  no 
arrangements  with  the  Seininoles  woirid  be  allowed,  having  lor  its  object 
tiieir  future  residence  in  Florida.  Thus  a  "veto"  was  set  to  the  humane 
object  of  Generals  Jesup,  Eustace,  and  others,  though  they  were  allowed  to 
make  a  kind  of  a  truce  with  them  for  the  ensuing  summer,  or  until  the  season 
would  allow  the  whites  to  fight  tiiem  again  to  advantage. 

Meanwhile,  Gen.  Jesup  had  moved  on  slowly,  and  on  the  7th,  by  means  of 
messengers  which  he  sent  out,  got  a  parley  with  a  young  chief,  named  Ilal- 
lec  Ilajo.  This  chief  told  the  general  that  the  Indians  were  in  a  wretched 
condition,  that  they  were  unwilling  to  leave  the  countiy,  but  would  be  con- 
tented with  any  small  portion  of  it,  if  they  might  be  allowed  to  continue  in  it. 
At  this  stage  of  the  conference,  the  general  (very  abruptly  we  think)  demanded 
hostages,  or  a  surrender  of  the  arms  of  the  Indians;  but  the  chief  gave  him 
to  understand  that  neither  would  be  done.  He  then  requested  a  conference 
with  Toskegce,  the  principal  chief  of  the  band.  The  next  day  Toskegee 
came,  and  the  interview  resulted  in  an  agreement  for  a  meeting  at  Fort  Jupiter, 
in  ten  days  from  that  time.  What  was  done  at  that  fort,  or  whetlier  the  gen- 
eral ever  got  "the  Indians  there  or  not,  he  has  not  told  us ;  but  he  says,  in  his 
communication  to  the  secretai-y  of  war,  that  "  the  measure  which  he  adopted 
had  residted  in  the  peaceable  suiTcnder  of  about  1,200  Indians  and  negroes, 
of  whom  319  were  warriors.  Had  any  other  course  been  adopted,  it  is  ques- 
tionable," he  says,  "whether  20  warriors  could  have  been  killed  or  taken." 

Hence  we  are  to  infer,  that  without  gross  deception,  now-a-days  called 
stratagem,  nothing  could  be  effected,  of  any  account,  against  the  Indians  of 
Florida  ;  and  what  it  is  probable  will  be  remarked  upon  hereafler,  as  worthy 
of  admiration,  is  the  curious  fact,  that  it  had  taken  the  government  of  the 
countiy,  and  all  its  officers  who  had  been  engaged  in  Florida,  three  years  to 
find  it  out.  An  army  could  march  from  one  end  of  tliat  country  to  another, 
if  they  avoided  its  lakes  and  swami)s ;  and  dogs  could,  with  equal  ease,  drive 
ail  the  birds  from  a  rye-field,  if  there  were  no  brambles  in  their  course  ;  and 
tlie  latter  of  these  experiments  would  be  of  about  as  much  consequence  to 
the  owner  of  the  rye-field,  as  the  former  to  the  inhabitants  of  Florida. 

TosKEGEK  had  been  })revailed  upon  to  lay  down  his  arms,  and  come  into 
tlie  strong-holds  of  the  white  men,  to  hold  a  treaty  with  them,  under  the  as- 
sin*ance  that  he  and  his  people  would  be  allowed  to  retain  some  little  part  of 
their  own  countrv.  But  we  are  told,  as  the  Indians  probably  were  afterwards, 
that  they  would  be  permitted  to  remain  in  Florida,  provided  the  president 
would  consent  to  it  They  had  become  quite  confident  that  such  would  be 
the  fact,  for  the  very  good  reason,  that  the  officers  who  made  them  tnis  prom- 
ise, were  very  confident  themselves,  that  it  would  be  acceded  to  by  him.  No 
other  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  Gen.  Jesup's  language,  in  his  communi- 
cation to  the  secretary  of  war,  before  alluded  to.  Speaking  of  his  overtures 
for  a  reservation,  he  says,  "  I  believed  tlicn,  and  I  believe  now,  that,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  anny  in  the  field,  I  had  a  right  to  adopt  those  measures, 
either  of  direct  hostility,  or  of  policy,  which  promised  to  be  most  useful  in 


Ch4i.  XX] 


CAPTAIN  ELLIS'S  EXPLOIT. 


487 


the  end,  taking  care  not  to  place  the  uhimate  decision  of  them  beyond  t}io 
control  of  my  official  superiors." 

Some  time  had  now  intervened  since  proposals  had  been  made,  and  it  is 
prolmblu  the  chiefs  had  begun  to  think  all  was  not  right ;  for  wlien,  on  the 
17th  March,  the  general  had  got  his  answer  from  Washington,  he  notified 
them  to  meet  him  on  the  20th,  at  Fort  Jupiter;  they  did  rot  appear;  where- 
upon Col.  Twiggs,  by  his  order,  surroimded  and  captured  tiie  whole  party, 
ainiiimting  to  513.  In  a  day  or  two  after,  negroes  enough  were  taken  to  make 
up  676 ;  but  in  the  mean  time  Passac-mico,  a  chief,  with  14  others,  made  tlieir 
escape. 

On  the  24  March,  Gen.  Jesnp  detached  Halntoochne,  Tustenue-cocho-conro, 
and  the  negro  chief  Abraham,  to  Gen.  Taylor.  These  were  sent  out  with 
messages  to  their  countrymen  west  of  Okeechohce  and  J'aiiiiiakee,  and  they 
prevailed  upon  Alligator,  with  3(H)  Indians  and  negroes,  of  whom  a  hundred 
were  warriore,  to  surrender  to  Col.  Smith  and  Gen.  Taylor;  and  soon  aller 
Lieut.  Anderson  captured  Pahose-mico,  a  sub-chief  of  Toskcgee,  with  his 
band  of  47  persons.  Major  Lauderdale  and  Lieut.  Powell  pursued  Appiacca, 
(Sam  Jones,)  as  Gen.  Jesup  writes  the  name,  into  the  everglades,  and  came 
up  with  him  on  an  island,  and  dispersed  his  jmrty. 

We  have  now  traced  events  to  the  month  of  April,  1838,  in  which  month 
Gen.  Jesup  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  Cherokee  country,  and  leave  Gen. 
Taylor  in  command  of  the  forces  in  Florida.  He  began  operations  there  in 
December,  1836,  from  which  time  to  that  now  arrived  at,  there  had  been 
taken,  with  thosp  -.,.io  surrendered,  about  2,40f  Indians,  above  700  of  whom 
were  warriors.  Many  of  the  princi|)al  chiefs  had  already  been  sent  out  of 
the  coimtry.  King  Philip,  Cloud,  and  Coahajo,  arrived  at  New  Orleans  on 
the  12th  of  March,  but  the  former  never  reached  his  j>luce  of  destination. 
King  Philip  died  on  board  his  transport  boat  in  July,  40  miles  beiow  Fort 
Gibson.  He  was  buried  on  shore  with  the  honors  of  war;  100  guns  being 
discharged  over  his  grave.  Jumper  had  preceded  him.  This  chief  lan- 
guished ibr  about  two  months,  at  the  "Barracks"  in  New  Orleans,  when,  on 
a  day  memorable  in  our  annals,  April  the  19th,  his  spirit  took  its  flight.  Ho 
was  buried  under  arms  with  much  ceremony.  Into  his  coffin  were  put  his 
lifle,  pipe,  tobacco,  and  other  equipments,  agreeable  to  the  custom  of  his 
people.  We  now  return  to  inquire  what  is  doing  in  the  land  whence  they 
came. 

A  scouting  pnrty  of  volunteers,  under  Capt.  Ellis,  foimd  five  In.Iians  iti  a 
hommock  near  Santa  Fee  luidge,  all  of  whom  are  killed,  without  injury  to  his 
own  party.  This  was  on  the  10th  of  May.  On  the  I7th  of  June,  as  a  detach- 
ment of  about  30  United  States  dragoons,  under  Capt.  IJeall,  were  seeking 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  San  Felascj,  near  Ntswiiansville,  iliey  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  seven  of  their  number  v  ere  killed  and  woiuidid.  Among 
the  former  was  Capt  Walker.  They  immediately  retreated,  and  were  fol- 
lowed some  distance  by  the  Indians.  On  the  19  July,  the  fiiiiiily  of  a  Mr. 
Guynn  was  cut  off  on  the  Santa  Fee;  himself,  wife,  and  infant  child  were  mur- 
dered. On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  a  family  of  the  name  of  Lasley  was 
broken  up  on  the  Ocloknee,  15  or  20  miles  from  Tallahassee.  Mr.  Lasley 
and  a  daughter  were  killed.  In  Middle  Florida,  on  the  last  day  of  the  month, 
a  Mr.  Singletary,  his  wife,  and  two  children  were  cut  off.  On  the  19th  of 
August,  a  severe  blow  was  struck  on  the  fiimily  of  a  Mr.  Baker,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Oscilla.  Himself,  wife,  and  a  grandchild  were  killed.  And  thus 
we  might  fill  out  page  after  page  with  such  awful  details— consequences  of  a 
war  to  be  rememl)ered  only  to  be  lamented. 

Many  had  supposed,  that  when  so  many  Indians  had  been  sent  out  of 
Florida,  but  few  could  be  left  to  trouble  their  expatriators,  but  it  proved  far 
otherwise.  The  poor  mariner,  who  had  never  had  any  hand  in  the  war,  if 
cast  away  on  any  part  of  that  coast,  immediately  foimd  himself  in  the  midst 
of  Indians.  In  a  terrible  tempest,  which  happened  about  the  7th  of  Septem 
her,  near  40  vessels  were  wrecked  or  stranded  on  its  extensive  shores.  One 
only  we  shall  particularly  name.  This  was  the  brig  Aliia,  Capt.  Thomas,  of 
Portland.  After  being  wrecked,  the  crew  all  jrot  safe  on  shore,  except  ono 
man,  who  was  washed  overboard.    The  ca|)tain,  A.  J.  Plummer,  and  Wm 


:  I  ••1 


i'i 


I'r' 


488 


CAPTAIN  ROWELL'S  DEFEAT. 


iBooK  IV. 


5 ;  '.•: 

Si '  ; 

h    '■■     f 

■•,■■« 


w^ 


Reed,  were  killed.    S.  Cainmett  and  E.  Wyer,  Jr.,  though  wounded,  almott 
tniraculously  escaped. 

Amidst  tlicHe  events  we  will  pause  to  notice  the  death  of  tlie  great  Chok 
taw  cliicf,  MusHALATUBEE.    He  difd  at  the  agency  in  Arkansas,  Septeinbei 
the  8Uth,  of  small-pox.    He  had  led  his  warriors  agui.ct  the  Creeks,  under 
Jackson,  during  the  war  of  1H12. 

On  the  6tli  of  Septeinhcr,  Adj.  Gen.  R.  Jones  issued  orders  for  the  re- 
assemhling  of  such  officers  and  others,  in  Florida  and  the  Cherokee  country, 
as  liud  lieen  detached  to  the  north-west,  or  elsewhere,  to  bo  ready  for  active 
service.  On  the  11th,  as  Cupt.  Howell's  company  of  Florida  volunteers, 
about  16,  were  scouting  near  the  mouth  of  the  Oscilla,  they  iidi  upon  a  camp 
of  Indians  under  Tigertuil.  Most  of  them  escape  on  ponies,  but  two  women 
were  killed. 

We  meet  with  very  little  of  importance  until  the  close  of  this  year.  On 
the  28th  December  an  attack  was  made  on  Camp  Forbes,  by  a  small  j)arty 
of  Indians,  but  they  were  obliged  to  retire,  leaving  two  of  their  number  dead 
behind.  The  next  morning  Lieut  Thomas  went  in  pursuit  of  the  party,  and 
came  up  with  them  on  the  Chattahoochee;  here  again  they  were  disperped 
with  loss,  but  how  great  is  not  mentioned.  On  the  4th  of  January,  1839, 
some  citizens  of  Magnolia,  learning  that  Indians  were  in  their  neighborhood, 
searched  them  out,  and  killed  the  whole  party,  six  in  number.  Cupt.  L.  J. 
Beail,  scouting  with  a  company  of  dragoons  near  Ahapopka  Lake,  captured 
16  Indians,  of  which  number  but  two  were  men.  The  two  men  were  near 
relations  of  Wild  Cat  and  Sam  Jones.  The  latter  had  giA'en  out  word  that 
he  would  hang  any  Indian  who  should  attempt  to  surrender. 

A  partj'of  10  or  12  Indians  went  within  al)out  12  miles  of  Tallahasseo,  and 
cut  off  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Pendarvis;  killing  him,  his  wife,  and  two  children. 
This  was  on  the  15th  of  February,  and  on  the  18th  they  cut  off  the  family  of 
a  Mr.  White,  four  miles  nearer  the  same  place.  Here  they  killed  two  persons, 
and  desperately  wounded  Mr.  and  Mrs.  White.  On  the  Thursday  previous, 
the  same,  or  perhaps  another  party  of  Indians  attacked  the  house  of  a  Mr. 
Stokens,  of  Jefferson  county,  and  tliough  the  family  escaped,  they  plundered 
it  of  1,000  dollars  in  bank  notes,  and  burnt  it. 

On  the  23d  of  February,  about  15  or  20  Indians  ottack  three  wagons  on  the 
Magnolia  road,  loaded  with  provisions  for  Camp  Wacasa,  and  about  9  miles 
from  that  place.  Four  persons  were  killed.  As  Capt.  S.  L.  Russell  was 
ascending  the  Miami  River,  in  open  boats,  from  Fort  Dallas,  with  a  part  of 
his  men,  they  were  fired  on  by  Indians  concealed,  and  Capt.  Russell  is  killed, 
and  Major  Noel  is  mortally  wounded.  This  was  on  the  last  day  of  February, 
viz.,  the  28th. 

On  the  Ist  of  March,  the  Indians  which  had  been  collected  nt  St.  Augus- 
:ine  were  shipped  for  the  west.  There  were  250  in  all,  65  of  whom  were 
men.  At  this  time  went  the  long  noted  negro  chief,  Abraham.  Yet  murders 
continued  to  be  every  where  committed.  On  the  8th,  the  house  of  Edmund 
Gray,  in  Jefttsrson  county,  9  miles  from  Montieello,  is  beset,  Mr.  Gray  and 
two  children  killed  and  one  badly  wounded,  and  the  house  burned. 

In  pursuing  his  business  of  scouting,  Cupt.  Rowell  came  n|)on  50  or  60 
Indians  near  Patterson's  Hommock,  5  miles  east  of  the  Oscilla.  They  engaged 
him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  two  wounded. 
This  happened  on  the  18th  of  March,  and  on  the  3d  of  April  some  10  or  15 
Indians  went  to  the  residence  of  Capt.  Scott,  in  Jefferson  county,  about  two 
miles  from  Bailey's  mills,  where  they  killed  one  person  and  wounded  two  or 
three  more.  About  the  same  time  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Rollins  is  attacked  at 
the  head  of  the  St.  Mary's,  on  the  edge  of  the  Okefeenoke  Swamp.  Mrs. 
Rollins  was  killed,  and  he  made  a  vei-y  narrow  escape. 

Meanwhile  Gen.  Macomb  had  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  in  Florida,  and  on  the  5th  of  April  he  arrived  at  its  head-quarters  on 
Black  Creek.  His  main  instructions  appear  to  have  been,  to  pacify  the  In- 
dians again,  until  the  return  of  another  season  for  campaigning.  But  hia 
prospects  were  discouraging,  for  "  they  were  dividing  themselves  into  small 
parties,  penetrating  the  settlements,  committing  some  murders,  and  firing 
from  their  coverts  on  the  expresses  and  passengers  going  from  post  to  post." 


Chap.  XX.] 


M.V.SS.\CRE    OF    COL    IIAUM'.YS    MH.N. 


489 


A'ld  it  was  believed  tiiut  iio  coiiiniiiiiication  could  be  opened  witli  them. 
However  the  gcnerul  was  dctcrinliicd  to  inaite  the  attempt,  and  finding  soma 
prisoners  at  tSiry's  Ferry,  lo  treated  tliom  liindly  for  u  wliile,  tiien  set  tliem 
at  liberty,  with  the  request  .'hat  tiiey  would  proceed  to  the  hostiles  and  invito 
them  to  a  parley.  At  or  about  fhe  same  time  Gen.  Taylor  sent  out  some  of 
"his  Indians,  in  whose  sincerity  luiil  honesty  ho  had  great  confidence;"  but 
these  joined  the  enemy  and  never  returned,  and  the  prisoners  returned  after 
some  time,  and  said  they  could  not  find  tiieir  people.  In  the  mean  time, 
on  the  2i  April,  al)out  100  Tallahassies,  imder  the  chief  Nea  i^  )eo  Matia, 
marched  to  Tampa  in  the  niglit,  and  forced  away  aljout  30  of  their  country- 
men, who  were  waiting  there  to  be  shi|)ped  to  the  west. 

At  length,  on  the  17th  of  May,  the  general  got  a  numl)cr  of  chiefs  together, 
from  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula,  by  the  negotiation  of  Col.  Harney, 
and  an  amicable  arrangement  was  made,  by  which  they  were  to  remain  in 
the  country  for  the  present,  or  until  they  could  be  assured  of  the  prosperous 
condition  of  their  friends  who  had  emigrated.    The  general  then  left  Florida. 

O  •  the  3  May,  five  persons  were  killed  on  the  Santa  Fee.  On  tho  same 
day  Lieut.  Ilulbert  and  a  man  named  O'Driscoll  were  killed  at  Fourteen- 
mile  Creek.  The  express  rider  between  Fort  Frank  Brooke  and  Fort  An- 
drews not  arriving  as  usual,  Lieut  Hulbert  went  out  with  ten  men  to  learn 
t'lie  cause.  Being  m  advance  of  his  men,  he  fell  into  an  ambush,  and  was  thus 
cut  off.    lie  l)clonged  to  New  York,  and  had  graduated  at  West  Point. 

Ahout  sunset  on  the  28  May,  a  body  of  Indians  surround  the  dwelling  of 
Mr.  James  Ostaen,  of  Alligator,  shoot  liim  near  his  stable,  badly  wound  a  Mr 
Dell,  and  also  a  sister  of  Mr.  Osteen.  Mrs.  Osteen  and  her  children  escape 
to  the  nearest  house.  These  and  numerous  other  equally  horrid  afltiirs  hap- 
pening in.iuediately  after  the  treaty  just  made,  destroyed  all  confidence  in  its 
utility.  The  people  of  Florida  declared  they  would  take  the  management  of 
the  war  into  their  own  hands,  and  early  in  June  the  government  of  the  terri- 
tory offered  a  reward  of  200  dollars  for  every  Indian  killed  or  taken.  And 
soon  after,  Tigertail,  the  chief  of  the  Tallahassies,  issued  a  nroclamation 
declaring  the  treaty  made  between  Gen.  Macomb  and  Chitto  rustenuggee 
null  and  void.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  two  principal  chiefs  of  the  Semi- 
noles,  Tigertail  and  Sam  Jones,  had  any  thing  to  do  with  Gen.  Macomb's 
treaty. 

On  the  13  July,  between  9  and  10  at  night,  a  small  party  of  Indians  at- 
tack the  family  of  Mr.  G.  Chairs,  10  miles  from  Tallahassee,  and  kill  Mrs. 
Chairs  and  two  children.  On  the  23d,  Col.  Harney  was  attacked  on  the  Co- 
looshatchie  or  Synebal  River,  and  hud  13  out  of  18  of  his  men  killed.  The 
colonel  hud  gone  to  this  jilace  to  establish  a  trading  house,  agreeably  to  tlie 
treaty  made  at  Fort  King  between  some  of  the  Seminoles  and  Gen.  Macomb, 
before  spoken  of.  Thus  that  treaty  (which  was  only  verbal)  was  either  made 
on  the  part  of  t  ri  Indians  to  deceive  the  general,  or  some  Indians  made  it 
without  any  authivrity  from  their  nation ;  the  latter  was  doubtless  the  fact. 

When  the  news  of  Col.  Harney's  surprise  reached  Fort  Mellon,  on  the  31st, 
some  50  Indians,  who  had  come  into  that  neighborhood,  were  alarmed  for 
their  safety,  and  fled ;  but  soon  after,  about  45  of  them  came  in  to  talk  with 
Lieut.  Hanson,  and  were  surrounded  and  taken ;  two  men,  in  attempting  to 
escape,  were  shot  down  and  killed.  About  this  time,  as  a  company  of  sol- 
diers were  liildinga  bridge  in  Middle  Florida,  about  two  miles  from  a  post 
on  the  Suanee,  they  were  surprised  by  the  Indians,  and  6  of  their  number 
killed.  At  Fort  Wheelock,  two  or  three  soldiers  are  killed  while  bathing  in 
Orange  Lake.  On  the  27  Sejiteniber,  a  party  fall  upon  the  family  of  a  Mr. 
Bunch,  on  the  Wakulla,  murder  Mrs.  Bunch  and  one  child,  and  burn  the 
house.    Mr.  Whitaker,  a  near  neighbor,  is  severely  wounded. 

Early  in  October,  it  was  announced  that  7,000  regular  troops  were  to  be 
Bent  to  riorida,  and  that  Gen.  Taylor  had  been  authorized  to  send  to  Cuba 
for  a  large  number  of  bloodhounds,  to  enable  them  to  scent  out  the  Indians. 
When  it  was  known  throughout  the  country  that  dogs  were  to  be  employed 
against  them,  there  was  a  general  burst  of  indignation ;  but  though  it  is  a  fact 
that  the  dogs  were  procured  and  brought  to  Florida,  with  Spaniards  to  di- 
rect them,  yet  we  believe  they  entirely  failed  in  the  experiment ;  Miere  Injuig 


,'J 


I  V^] 


)'  ■ 


I  : 


,k?r 


400 


DOCS    EMPI.OYF.D    IN    I'LOUIDA. 


[Rook   IV. 


but  here  and  tlifjro  a  Holitary  iiiHtmice  of  tlieir  pcrforininp  tlip  service  for 
%vhicli  tlioy  were  iiiteiicled.  If  tlie  orijiiimtoi-H  of  this  (lo;^-8chcnie  had  ui  view 
the  dewtnicfioii  of  tlio  Iiidiaim  in  tlie  iimiiiier  they  were  destroyed  l)y  the  fol- 
lowers of  Coiiiinhus,  they  deserve  not  tlio  rights  of  humanity,  hut  should 
rather  ho  hunted  out  of  society  by  beasts  as  savage  as  themselves,  if  such 
eoidd  be  (bund.  How  much  was  eticctcd  by  the  hounds,  it  is  ditiicidt  to  tell, 
for  long  before  their  arrival  in  the  country,  the  editors  of  papers  in  that  ro 
gion  had  probably  concluded  unon  what  course  they  would  |)ursu(',  when 
ojjirinl  ficcounta  from  dogs  should  bo  offered  for  j)ublication ;  but  ocrasionally 
a  reckless  fellow  dropped  a  paragraph  like  the  following:  "The  Cuba  dogs 
liavc!  proved  <iuite  beneficial.  They  caught  five  Indians  the  other  day,  in 
.Middle  Florida,  handsomely."  In  March,  (1840,)  "Col.  Twiggs  made  ii  15 
days'  scout  up  the  St  Johns  River  with  the  bloodhounds.  On  his  return,  it 
was  stated  that  they  were  found  to  be  perfectly  itseless ;  all  attempts  to  indiuo 
them  to  take  the  trail  of  the  Indians  proving  imsuccessfid.  These  and  other 
trials  are  evidences  sufficient  to  put  an  end  to  all  further  anxiety  on  the  i)art 
of  tlu!  northern  sentimentalists."  From  such  statements  we  are  left  to  make 
up  such  accounts  as  we  may,  of  what  was  eflected  by  the  bloodhounda 
They  will  be  noticed  in  the  order  of  time  as  we  proceed. 

During  this  expedition,  two  Indians  were  discovered  in  a  boat  and  shot 
one  of  whom  was  said  to  be  a  brother  of  Sam  Jones. 

On  the  IJ)  October,  a  party  of  dragoons  were  fired  upon  while  crossing  the 
Oscilla,  and  had  7  of  their  number  killed.  Some  Indians,  pretending  friend- 
ship, had  encamped  about  two  miles  from  the  fort,  on  New  River;  and  Iwiv- 
ing  become  familiar  with  the  soldiers,  invited  them  all  to  a  dance,  which  they 
were  to  have  on  the  night  of  the  27  September ;  but  three,  however,  had  the 
temerity  to  go,  and  they  were  all  killed.  It  was  supposed  they  intended,  oi 
were  in  hopes  of  drawing  out  the  whole  garrison,  which  if  they  had,  their 
fiite  would  have  been  the  same.  This  was  but  a  retaliation.  A  baggage- 
wagon  passing  between  Micanopy  and  Fort  Wheelock,  with  an  escort  of 
seven  men,  was  taken  by  the  Indians  on  the  3  November;  the  driver  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  another  man  severely  ;  killing  and  wounding  some  6 
or  7  mules  and  horses;  50  Indians  were  said  to  have  done  this  mischief;  but 
if  there  had  been  half  that  number,  it  is  exceeding  doubtful  whether  cither 
of  the  seven  men  would  have  esca])ed. 

The  climate,  as  well  as  the  Seminoles,  continued  to  do  its  work  also.  On 
the  5  November,  Lieut.  Rodney  died  at  St.  Augustine,  and  the  next  day, 
Quartermaster  M'Crabb  died  at  the  same  place. 

On  the  9  November,  the  house  of  Mr.  John  Johnson  was  attacked,  on  the 
Oscilla,  in  which  four  negroes  and  one  white  boy  were  killed.  Four  days 
afler,  a  party  took  Alfred  Oliver's  house,  on  the  Ocloknee,  12  miles  to  the 
wesi^vard  of  Tallahassee,  and  killed  his  son.  On  the  25th,  as  Capt.  Searle  is 
proceeding  in  a  carriage  from  St.  Augustine  to  Picolata,  he  was  fired  upon, 
when  about  6  miles  out,  and  mortally  wounded ;  a  young  man,  a  Polander, 
who  was  riding  on  horseback  beliind  him,  was  killed  upon  the  spot.  On  the 
same  day,  a  Mr.  Weedman,  with  his  son,  proceeded  to  visit  his  fann,  three 
and  a  half  miles  only  from  St  Augustine,  on  the  same  road.  It  was  the  first 
time  he  had  made  the  attempt  since  the  war  began,  and  by  it  he  now  lost  his 
life,  being  shot  dead  by  some  concealed  Lidians;  and  hia  son  was  badly 
wounded. 

During  this  month,  Gov.  Call,  with  some  200  or  300  men,  scoured  Bliddle 
Florida,  and  "drove  up  all  the  Indians"  in  their  lines  of  march.  They  pre- 
sumed they  would  not  "light  down  again"  for  some  time.  However,  in  a 
few  days  after,  the  house  of  Maj.  J.  S.  Taylor,  about  6  miles  from  Monticello, 
was  liiirnt  down,  but  the  family  escaped.  This  act  was  laid  to  the  Indians, 
and  we  cannot  undertake  to  say  they  did  not  do  it,  for  they  certainly  were 
the  possessors  of  tiie  country. 


Sbap.  XXI.]  DOG  EXPLOITS.  4i)l 


CHAPTER  XXL 

EVENTS    or   THE   TEAR   1810. 

^  tniin  of  tnngnns  taken — Lirut.  fninliin  killed — Doir  trploils — Funiilies  destrnijed— 
DiJ'fiit  of  Citpt.  Ruins — Lieut,  finndrrsiina  difiiit — Col.  Itileij's  etjdoit — Col. 
Green's — Col.  Harney's — .'i  coinjinnij  of  plaijers  attuihed — Cow  Creek  skirmish — 
Indian  Key  destroyed — Lieut.  .Irthur's  etptoit — Ulerrn  families  destroyed— 
C'ipt.  Bedll's  fiijhl — Lieut.  Hanson's  linttle — Indian  lianard — Faeijication  attempted 
tlirouir/i  a  deputation  of  Seminoles  from  /likausas — It  fails — IVhitrs  taken  in  aid- 
inir  Indians — Wild  Cat's  exploit — Had  accident — L'cut.  Judd  ambushed — Fort  Han- 
son burnt — Col.  Harney's  voyaite  to  the  Ererghiiles — Hongs  nine  Indians — Tht 
chief  CiiiAKiKA  killed — Fort  Walker  attacked — Capl.  Davidson  dies — LietU.  Sher- 
wood's ambush,  and  death  of  Mrs.  Muntuomkky. 

"  You  ptuu;h  the  Indiaii'a  gr:ive  ;   you  (ill  lii«  I  mil— 
N  there  no  liloud,  wIiIih   iiiin,  upiiii  yciur  liiiiiil  > 
Keciill  the  timu  whfn  tint  your  laihcrs  flpreiiii 
Uduii  thi-rie  icy  Nhori'M  tlitiir  VMiitry  lied; — 
Whfifi,  powi'rIr.-(«  cuilnd  on  111*-  duHnrt  i*-'U, 
'i'huii'  only  itruiijjth — the  spirit  to  bo  I'rui'." 

We  liave  now  arrived  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1840,  On  tlt^  first  day 
of  Fohrnary  of  tills  year,  a  dcUicliuient  of  men,  sent  in  pursuit  of  deserters, 
were  fired  on  near  Fort  Brooke,  l)y  wiiicii  tin-eo  of  tlio  detaciinient  were 
wounded.  A  sergeant,  wliose  iiorse  was  siiot  from  under  liim,  was  supposed 
to  have  been  liilled.  Four  days  al\er,  some  10  or  1.5  IiKhans  captured  a  train 
of  r2  wagons,  about  10  miles  from  Gary's  Ferry,  as  they  were  returning  to 
tliat  place  with  provisions  and  stores  from  the  interior.  They  killed  ouu 
man,  and  wounded  four  or  five  mules,  and  made  off  with  the  property. 

Oil  the  22  February,  as  Lieut.  VVhedan,  with  a  detachment  of  volunteers, 
was  in  jtiirsuit  of  Indians  upon  a  fresh  trail  near  the  ("alico  Hills,  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Magnolia,  he  lell  into  an  ambush,  and  was  killed;  his  men  ran  uwuy 
and  led  him  to  the  Indians. 

About  a  month  after,  namely,  March  18,  the  Indians  made  a  spirited  at- 
tempt to  add  to  their  stock  of  provisions.  They  attacked  another  train  of 
whgons  oil  its  way  from  Post  No.  2  to  Micanopy,  killed  three  men  and 
wounded  others ;  but  found  no  booty,  as  the  wagons  were  only  going  after 
stores.  This  was  done  in  spite  of  what  a  company  of  soldiers  could  do,  who 
were  present  as  an  escort.  But  a  few  days  previous,  (March  8th,)  two  men 
are  killed  between  "Charles  Old  Town"  and  Micanopy;  and,  on  the  lOtli, 
a  Methodist  minister,  named  31'Hea,  was  killed  at "  Suggs  Old  Place,"  between 
Wahcahota  and  Micanojiy.  On  the  2(5  March,  some  Indians  crawled  up 
within  200  yards  of  the  pickets  at  Fort  King,  and  killed  two  soldiers. 

About  the  beginning  of  March,  somewhere  in  Middle  Florida,  two  blood- 
hounds captured  an  Indian ;  one  seized  liim  by  the  throat,  while  the  whites 
came  up  and  took  him.  He  was  greatly  terrified,  and  pointed  out  wliere 
others  might  be  found;  and  soon  after  they  cajitured  four  more.  On  13 
March,  nine  dogs  were  announced  as  having  arrived  at  Gary's  Ferry,  and 
that  they  were  to  be  employed  by  Col.  Twiggs,  of  the  2d  di-agoons,  on  a  con- 
templated ex|»edition  to  the  Ocklawaha.  The  officers  under  whom  they  were 
to  serve,  were  probably  desirous  to  know  how  much  they  might  depend  upon 
them,  and,  therefore,  on  the  next  Suiuiai/,  made  the  following  experiment  in 
tiieir  tactics.  An  Indian  prisoner  was  sent  out,  (without  the  knowledge  of  the 
dogs,)  with  orders  to  climb  a  tree  at  some  five  miles'  distance.  He  did  so ; 
and  the  hounds  were  put  upon  his  trail.  The  dog  captain,  or  leader,  went 
directly  to  the  tree,  and  attemjited  to  climb  it,  and  had  actually  got  up  six 
feet,  when  the  others  arrived.  Such  was  the  report  of  the  affair;  which  re- 
port, whether  from  the  principal  officer  under  whose  conduct  it  was  per- 
formed, or  from  the  chief  leader  of  the  dogs,  we  are  uninformed. 

Towards  the  end  of  April,  a  small  band  of  Indians  attacked  a  guard  of  six 
men,  who  were  convoying  a  wagon  from  Fort  Fanning  to  Deaiiman's  Bay 


\m 


V\ 


I  ' 


492 


BATTLE  NEAR  FORT  KING. 


[Book  IV. 


The  officer  commanding  was  badly  wounded ;  but  the  fight  was  continued 
several  hou»,  until  all  uieir  ammunition  was  spent,  when  they  charged  tho 
Indians,  and  made  good  tlieir  retreat  The  attacking  party  lost  one  aiun  und 
"a  big  negro." 

Alxiut  the  same  time,  the  family  of  a  Mr.  M'Lane,  on  the  Togolee,  was  as- 
saulted, and  Mrs.  M'Lane  and  three  of  her  children  were  barbai'ously  mur- 
dered. About  8  miles  from  Blount's  Town,  the  ftimily  of  a  Air.  Lamb  was 
•rlestroyed ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  three  others  met  the  same  fate. 
On  the  28  April,  as  Capt  Rains  was  returning  from  a  scout,  with  18  men,  he 
was  fired  upon  from  an  ambush  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  within  two  miles 
of  Foit  King,  anu  had  4  men  killed,  and  5  wounded ;  among  the  latter  was 
the  captain,  severely.  The  whites  reported  that  they  killed  three  of  die  In- 
dians. From  another  source,  the  af!iiir  of  Capt.  Rains  is  related  as  follows : — 
Some  of  his  men  had  been  lately  killed  by  the  Indians,  "as  they  left  the  gar- 
rison "  of  Fort  King,  and  he  was  determined  to  show  them  the  same  kind  of 
play ;  accordingly,  he  placed  some  shells  under  a  blanket,  within  hearing  dis- 
tance, and  in  the  night  he  heard  an  explosion.  Next  morning,  he  took  18 
men,  and  marched  to  the  place  where  the  shells  had  been  deposited.  He 
found  no  Indians,  either  dead  or  alive,  but  traces  of  blood,  ])ony  tracks,  and 
fragments  of  garments.  While  examining  these,  all  at  once  the  Indians  rose 
up,  as  it  were,  out  of  the  ground,  and  neaily  surrounded  him  and  his  little 
band ;  the  terrible  Halec  Tustenlgge  was  at  their  head,  and  with  the  most 
deafening  yells  rushed  to  the  fight  The  whites  charged,  and  the  Indians 
took  to  tie  trees,  and  thus  prolonged  the  battle.  At  length,  Halec,  after  des- 
peratelv  wounding  Cupt  Ruins,  fell  himself,  and  was  borne  off  by  his  war- 
riors. The  ca}itain  would  doubtless  have  been  dcs[)utched  by  die  mighty  arm 
of  the  chief,  had  not  Serg.  Jackson,  too,  badly  wounded,  rushed  to  his  rescue, 
and  shot  Tustenugge.  At  this  stage  of  afliiirs,  the  fight  seems  to  have  ended, 
and,  as  usual,  the  v.iiites  luistened  away  to  report  a  victory.  They  rated  the 
Indians  at  93 ;  but  how  they  came  by  this  minute  information,  we  are  not  in- 
formed. But  their  bravery  and  courage  are,  probably,  liir  less  questionable 
tlian  their  statement  of  the  nunilwr  of  their  e(iually  brave  enemy.  The  same 
ni'/ht,  or  the  next,  some  Indians  went  to  Stanley's  plantation,  withui  three 
;niles  of  Newnansville,  where  they  killed  12  hogs,  cut  down  tlie  fruit-tiees, 
and  bui'Mt  the  buildings,  by  which  800  bushels  of  corn  were  consumed. 

Abciit  the  same  time,  u  volunteer,  nunied  Sunders,  was  killed,  about  four 
m'les  from  Nevtiianeville;  and  another  mun,  in  coinpuny  with  him,  wus 
badiy  wounded. 

On  the  19  May,  as  Lieut  Martin  and  three  other  men  were  proceeding 
from  Micunopy  to  VVukalioota,  in  charge  of  a  government  wugoii,  they  were 
all  cut  off.  The  wagoner  escuited,  and  carrying  the  intelligence  to  Micunopy, 
Lieut  Sanderson  sallied  out  with  7  men,  and  pursued  'he  Indians.  He  soon 
fell  in  witn  them,  but  wus  delt-uted,  und  himself,  with  9  men,  killed,  besides 
three  bloodhounds  and  their  keepers ;  four  other  men  were  missing. 

Some  time  in  June,  Col.  Riley  surprised  an  Indian  camp  on  the  Ouilhlu- 
coochee,  killed  two  wurriors,  and  tC)ok  a  man,  woman,  and  child,  ])risoner.s. 
The  man  soon  after  escaped,  und  in  pursuit  of  him,  Cupt  Mason  was  acci- 
dentally shot  by  his  own  men.  About  the  same  time.  Col.  Greene  fell  upon 
a  small  party  of  Indiuns  in  Middle  Florida,  killed  three,  and  a  white  man 
with  them.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month,  Col.  Hurney  returned  fiom  a 
long  expedition,  in  which  he  captured  Wild  Cat's  mother  and  daughter,  lib- 
erated a  negri,,  who  hud  been  u  pri.soner  neur  two  yeurs,  und  wus  the  only 
survivor  of  the  cievv  of  n  vessel  wrecked  at  New  Smyrna.  He  also  destroyed 
27  cornfields  of  the  Indians. 

When  Dr.  Cotton  Muther  was  about  to  write  the  history  of  a  sanginnary 
massacre,  which  happened  at  Durham  in  New  Hampshire,  lie  begun  with  ''lo 
ominous  expression  of  "  Bloody  Jishins  at  Oyster  River ! "  We  have  now  to 
record  a  bloody  tragedy  amon^  tragedians.  A  Mr.  Forbes,  it  appears,  \\i\h 
not  satisfied  with  wliut  tragedies  he  could  manutiicture  elsewhere,  but  must 
needs  go  to  that  country  of  tragedies,  Florida,  with  liis  theatrical  corfis,  us 
(hough  the  people  there  would  prefer  cotmterfiiit  to  the  reul  ones,  or  hud  not 
euough  of  both;  ('pubtless  the  whites  much  preferred  the  former;  but  not  so 


if") 


Chap.  XXI.] 


MASSACRE  AT  INDIAN  KEY. 


493 


with  the  Indians,  where  they  could  have  a  hand  in  tliein.  This  company  of 
players  was  in  two  wagons,  possins  from  Picolata  to  St.  Augustine,  on  tlie  23 
Rlay,  and  when  within  5  or  6  miles  of  the  latter  place,  were  attacked  by  a 
large  number  of .  Lidians  under  Wild  Cat,  and  four  of  them  killed.  How 
many  were  in  the  company  we  are  not  told ;  but  Foi-bes  and  the  females 
escaped.  The  Indians,  immediately  after,  surrounded  Fort  Searle,  danced 
about  it  in  defiance,  and  dared  the  soldiers  to  come  out  and  fight ;  but  the 
garrison  was  too  weak  to  make  a  sortie.  We  have  to  close  the  relation  of 
this  tragedy  with  a  comedy.  The  Lidians  had  found  time,  before  ap|)earing 
at  Fort  Searle,  to  dress  themselves  in  such  of  the  actors'  clothes  as  they  had 
taken.  Wild  Cat  had  got  on  the  turlran  of  Othello ;  and  others  had  sashes 
and  spangles,  which  they  took  care  to  display  to  advantage.  Wild  Cat 
showed  a  rich  velvet  dress  to  some  negroes  who  altei-wards  came  in,  and  told 
them  he  would  not  take  a  hundred  head  of  cattle  for  it 

At  Cow  Creek  Hommock,  near  Fort  White,  there  was  a  skirmish,  on  tlie 
IQ  July,  between  Serg.  Zeigler  and  three  or  four  men,  and  21  Indians.  A 
corporal  and  two  soldiers  were  killed,  and  the  others  were  wounded. 

On  the  7  August,  there  happened  a  most  horrid  massacre  at  Indian  Key. 
Six  persons  were  killed  by  the  Lidians  in  their  barbarous  manner ;  among 
whom  was  Dr.  Henry  Perrine,  formerly  of  Connecticut,  a  scientific  gentle- 
man, who  had  located  himself  there  for  the  purpose  of  cultivating  some  rare 
plants  which  he  had  obtained  in  South  America,  while  residing  there  as  con- 
sul. Tliere  were  upon  Indian  Key,  at  the  time  of  this  massacre,  44  jieople, 
all  of  whom  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape,  excejit  tlie  six  beibre  named. 
All  the  houses  were  burned  except  one.  The  number  of  Indians  was  said  to 
be  100  or  150. 

On  the  10  August,  word  was  brought  to  Fort  Barkee,  that  an  encampment 
of  Indians  was  discovered,  about  seven  miles  from  thence,  on  tlie  road  to 
Fort  Mitchell.  Lieut.  B.  H.  Arthur  immediately  marched  out,  with  "  a  com- 
uany  of  soldiers,"  to  surprise  them.  The  object  was  eft'ected ;  two  Indiana 
were  killed,  one  wounded,  and  3  rifles  taken.  Early  in  the  morning  cjf  tha 
same  day,  the  house  of  Mr.  Wyley  Jones,  on  the  Econfina,  about  6  miles 
north  of  the  St.  Joseph's,  was  attacked  and  burnt ;  the  Indians  shot  Mrs. 
Jones  and  one  of  her  children ;  a  little  daughter  of  13  conveyed  away  four  of 
her  younger  brothers  and  sisters  to  a  safe  jilace,  and  then  returned  to  see 
what  had  become  of  her  mother.  She  found  her  only  time  enough  to  see 
her  expire !  and  then  made  a  second  escape ! 

About  the  middle  of  August,  eleven  families  are  said  to  have  been  broken 
tip,  on  the  Suanee  River,  ond  a  great  number  of  people  killed.  Among  them 
was  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Courcy.  He  was  from  home  at  the  time,  and  on  his 
return,  found  his  wife  and  six  children  nniidered,  and  left  in  the  most  bar- 
barous manner,  here  and  there  lying  about  the  fields  where  they  fell.  Of 
Mr.  Howell's  ftimily,  his  wife  and  one  child  were  killed,  and  three  other  cliil- 
dren  escaped.  A  Mrs.  Green  and  one  child  were  also  murdered.  A  Mrs. 
Patrick  was  shot  in  her  house  while  preparing  a  bed  for  her  children !  Mr. 
Thomas  Davis  and  two  children,  and  Mr.  Patrick's  daughter,  all  murdered. 

On  the  4  September,  as  Capt.  B.  L.  Beull,  with  10  or  12  men,  was  upon  a 
scout,  he  came  suddenly  upon  about  30  Indions,  who  all  escaped  but  four ; 
the  rest  secured  themselves  in  a  swamp  on  Wacoosasa  River.  One  of  the 
prisoners  was  said  to  be  Holatoochee,  a  sub-chief  of  the  Mikasaukies.  With 
tliese  prisoners  several  guns  were  taken  "in  good  order,"  and  "a  large  deer- 
skin full  of  honey." 

But  two  days  after,  Lieut.  W.  K.  Hanson  had  a  smart  battle  with  some 
Seminoles,  near  Fort  Wekaliootiu  Word  being  brought  to  the  .leutenant 
then  at  that  post,  that  Indians  wore  in  tlie  vicinity,  he  immediately  murclie  ! 
out  with  35  regulars ;  and  wlien  one  and  a  half  miles  from  the  fort,  was  fired 
upon  from  a  gloomy  hommock,  which  obliged  him  to  retreat  oliout  300  yards 
to  an  open  wood,  closely  pursued  by  the  Indians.  Here  he  made  a  stand, 
and  continued  the  fight  about  half  an  hniir,  at  which  time  the  Indians,  to  de- 
coy him,  retreated  again  to  the  hommock ;  but  Lieut.  Hanson,  having  now 
five  of  his  men  killed  and  wounded,  coiicIikUmI  to  retreat  wliile  he  was  at  lib 
city  to  do  so.  The  firing  had  brought  out  a  reenlbrcement  under  Capt  Haw 
42 


A.-^] 


<    t 

! 

1 

,1 
i   • 

1 

i 


494 


ARKANSAS  DELEGATION  FAILS. 


[15ooK  IV. 


kins,  who  not  long  after  charged  the  honiinock,  but  he  foinid  no  Lidions 
Tlie  number  of  Indians  sup))osed  to  have  Ibugiit  in  tiiis  skirmish,  was  stated 
to  be  80.  On  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  tlie  same  Indians,  it  is  said,  killed 
and  horribly  mutilated  a  young  man  named  Geiger;  his  head  w&s  severed 
and  cairied  off. 

On  the  7  September,  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Dorsey  is  plundered  and  burnt ; — 
fortunately,  he  had  lately  removed  his  laniily  to  Alabama.  About  ten  days 
after,  Lieut  Saunders,  scouting  with  a  party  of  dragoons  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Fort  Mellon,  captured  a  single  Indian.  This  brave  company  iiist  shot  their 
prisoner,  and  afterwards  hung  him  on  a  tree. 

A  more  pacific  policy,  on  the  part  of  the  government,  had  been  instigated, 
til  a  manner  not  to  be  passed  unheeded,  by  the  pui)lic  expression;  and,  con- 
sequently, Gen.  Armistead  was  directed  to  act  on  the  protective  system ;  at 
the  same  time,  to  endeavor  by  every  possible  means  to  influence  the  Semi- 
nolee  to  go  quietly  from  the  land  of  their  liitliers.  More  effectually  to  carry 
these  views  into  effect,  a  deputation  of  their  counti-jnien  had  been  sent  Ibi-, 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  treated  with  to  visit  Florida,  and  intercede  with 
their  friends  and  brothers  to  give  uj)  the  country,  and  end  the  controversy. 
Accordingly,  this  proj)osition  was  acceded  to ;  and  fourteen  chiefs  and  others 
left  Arkansas  on  this  embassy,  and  arrived  at  Tampa,  in  Florida,  on  the  2 
November.  They  came  prepared  to  assure  their  countrymen  that  they  would 
be  fiu'  uetter  off'  in  Arkansas ;  and  as  they  had  been  known  to  have  been 
exceedingly  opjjosed  to  emigration,  and  had  been  forced  away  from  Florida 
themselves,  great  reliance  was  placed  upon  their  endeavors  to  end  the  tiou- 
bles.  And  to  satisfy  the  whites  of  their  good  intentions,  they  left  all  their 
wives  and  children  behind.  Among  them  were  the  noted  chiefs,  Alligator, 
HoLATOocHEE,  and  ftJicANOPY ;  and  on  the  niornhig  of  the  3d,  they  com- 
menced their  march  of  100  miles  lor  Fort  King,  where  they  were  to  have  au 
interview  with  some  of  the  hostile  chiefs. 

The  deputation  arrived  at  Fort  King  in  about  4  days,  viz.,  on  the  Gth,  and 
Gen.  Armistead  on  the  7th.  Every  effort  was  now  made  to  discuss  matters 
with  freedom;  and  Ilalec  Tustenngge,  Tiger-tail,  and  many  others,  weie 
waiting  in  the  woods,  not  far  oflj  when  the  beibre-named  fuuctionaiics  ar- 
rived. Sundiy  conferences  and  talks  were  had  during  the  following  six  days; 
but  what  was  said  and  done  we  are  not  informed ;  though,  judging  liom  what 
happened  innnediately  after,  it  could  not  have  been  very  satisfactory  to  the 
Indians,  whatever  they  may  have  pretended  ;  for,  on  the  night  of  the  14  No- 
vember, they  all  took  leave  very  unceremoniously,  and  retired  into  their  old 
fastnesses,  as  was  conjectured,  for  they  said  nothing  about  that,  nor  did  the 
whites  have  an  ojjportunity  of  guessing  where  they  had  gone  until  the  next 
morning.  At  this  conduct  of  the  hostiles,  those  from  Arkansas  expressed 
themselves  "  utterly  astonished."  As  soon  as  the  general  was  infornii  d  of 
the  escape  of  the  Indians,  which  was  "early  the  next  morning,"  he  wrote  to 
tlie  secretary  of  war,  Mr.  Poinsett,  in  the  following  despot  ling  fitrain : — 
"Thus  have  ended  all  our  well-grounded  hopes  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  close 
by  pacific  measures ;  confident  in  the  resources  of  the  country,  the  eneniy 
will  hold  out  to  the  last,  and  can  never  be  induced  to  come  in  again.  Innne- 
diately upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  Indians,  orders  were  'ransniittod  to  com- 
manders 01  regiments,  to  jiut  their  troops  in  motion;  and  before  this  reailics 
you,  they  will  be  scouting  in  every  direction." 

Notwithstanding  these  efforts  at  iieace-niaking  on  the  part  o^"  the  whites, 
liostilities  did  not  entirely  cease  on  the  side  of  the  Indians.  On  the  17  Oc- 
tober, a  party  went  to  Col.  Gamble's  planmtion,  at  Welaune,  in  JilU i>oii 
county,  where  they  fired  upon  and  wounded  a  negro  man,  and  took  a  woman, 
with  whom  they  made  off;  but,  in  their  flight,  meeting  with  a  con-pany  of 
whites,  they  left  her,  and  she  escaped.  On  the  24tli,  eo.ne  bloodhonndH  ltd 
a  company  of  soldiers  to  a  house,  in  Middle  Florida,  in  which  three  ivhik  nxn 
were  cn[itiu'ed,  charged  w  ith  aiding  and  abetting  the  Indians. 

At  Col.  Hanson's  iilantiition,  about  20  Indians  made  quite  a  "business  op- 
eration," on  the  28  October,  which,  willioiit  any  other  hmuraurc  than  tl  <ir 
own  peculiar  tactics,  ^^as,  to  say  tlie  lejist  of  it,  a  very  "I'isky  transaction."' 
Such  is  our  judgment  upon  it,  inasnau  li  is  the  pluce  where  it  was  done  was 


Chap.  XXI]    HARNEY'S  EXPEDITION  TO  THE  EVERGLADES. 


495 


only  two  miks  from  St  Augustine.  Althouffh  they  did  not  succeed  to  the 
extent  of  their  v  isl  es,  yet  tiiey  toolt  and  curriod  ottull  the  blunitets  and  other 
clothing  which  .'lad  been  provided  lor  a  "large  stock  of  negroes,"  lor  tlie  en- 
Euing  wniler ;  aid  when  about  to  tire  the  buildings,  became  alarmed  by  the 
approach  of  some  i.eighboring  whites,  whom  a  negro  had  inibrmeil  of  what 
was  going  on,  nul  fled  without  doing  further  mischief.  They  had  intended 
to  have  carried  off  all  tue  slaves,  but  were  prevented  by  this  circumstance. 
Wild  Cat  is  s.iid  to  have  led  the  Iiidians  in  this  expedition. 

People  flocked  in  and  garrisoned  the  place,  and  watched  all  night  for  the 
return  of  the  ludians,  who  doubtless  had  not  the  most  distant  idea  of  repeat- 
ing their  visit.  This  led  to  one  of  those  melancholy  events,  accounts  of 
many  of  which  are  already  upon  our  records.  The  news  of  the  descent  upon 
Col.  Hanson's  farm  was  carried  immediately  to  Picolata,  which  caused  Lieut. 
Graham  to  mar';h  with  a  small  force  for  that  place,  hoping  to  surprise  the 
Indians  there,  oi*  in  its  vicinity.  Accordingly,  he  approached  it  with  great 
caution  aliout  2  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  not  knowing  that 
guards  had  been  set  to  receive  the  Indians,  should  they  return  ;  and,  unfor- 
tunately, being  himself  and  company  taken  for  Indians,  were  fired  upon,  and 
Serg.  VVolcott  was  mortidly,  and  Lieut.  Graham  severely  wounded. 

On  the  same  day,  tiic  post  rider  between  Forts  Fanning  and  Macomb  wna 
found  murdered,  quartered,  and  thrown  into  a  pond. 

Every  day  adds  new  scenes  to  the  tragedy.  On  the  1st  day  of  November, 
as  Lieut.  Judd,  with  Mr.  Falany  and  three  dragoons,  was  proceeding  from 
Fort  Searle  for  St.  Augustine,  they  were  fired  upon  when  near  tiie  eight- 
mile-post,  by  Indians  concealed  in  bushes  along  the  road,  by  which  a  sergeant 
and  one  private  were  killed,  and  Mr.  Falany  and  another  private  severely 
wounded.  Lieut  .Tudd  escaped,  as  it  were,  by  a  miracle.  He  rode  with  the 
wounded  soldier  till  he  fell  from  his  horse,  then  dismounting,  dragged  him 
from  the  path,  and  the  Indians  being  just  upon  him,  concealed  himself  in 
the  bushes  until  they  gave  up  the  chase. 

About  the  same  time  Col.  Harney  captured  12  Indians  (women  and  chil- 
dren) near  Fort  Reid,  on  the  St  John's.  He  found  them  in  possession  of  50 
blankets,  mostly  new,  pieces  of  calico,  &c.,  sup])osed  to  have  been  taken 
from  Indian  Key,  when  it  was  destroy  jd  in  August  last 

Fort  Hanson,  15  miles  from  St  Augustine,  was  abandoned  abf)Ut  the  5 
November,  and  in  two  or  three  hours  after  was  burnt  by  the  Indians. 

Early  in  December,  Col.  Harney,  as  nuich  now  the  terror  of  tiie  Seminoles 
as  Col.  CJHircli  was  to  the  Wampanoags,  or  Daniel  Boone  to  the  Kikapoos, 
undertakes  an  expedition  into  tlio  everglades.  These  niucli  heard  of  and 
little  known  retreats  extend  over  perhaps  100  square  miles.  They  are  an 
expanse  of  slioal  water,  varying  in  depth  from  one  to  five  feet,  dotted  with 
innumerable  low  and  flat  islands,  generally  covered  with  trees  or  shrubs. 
Much  of  the  water  is  shaded  by  an  almost  impenetrable  saw-grass,  as  high 
as  a  man's  head,  but  the  little  chaiuiels  in  every  direction  are  free  from  it 
It  had  been  ong  su|)posed,  that  upon  the  islands  in  some  |)art  of  this  district 
the  Indians  had  their  head-quarters,  from  wiicnce  they  had  issued  upon  their 
destructive  expeditions.  This  suspicion  amounted  to  a  certainty  a  little  be- 
fore this,  from  the  testimony  of  a  negro  named  John,  who  had  escaj)ed  from 
a  clan  in  that  region  and  come  in  at  Cape  Florida.  He  had  been  with  the 
Indians  since  \&io,  at  which  time  he  was  captured  by  them  from  Dr.  Grew. 
Therefore  it  was  determined  by  Col.  Harney  to  take  John  as  a  guide,  and 
endeavor  to  strike  an  elfi-ctual  blow  u|)on  them  in  their  own  fastness.  Ac- 
cordingly, with  90  men  in  boats,  he  set  out  to  traverse  that  nionotonoua 
world,  tlie  everglades.  John  fiiithfidly  performed  his  promise,  and  led  the 
armament  directly  to  the  island  where  the  Indians  were,  which  was  at  once 
surrouiuled,  and  !}8  prisonera  taken  and  2  killed.  It  proved  to  he  the  baiul 
of  CiiAi  Ki-KA,  as  "noted  a  rogue"  as  Tatoson  of  old.  He  it  was,  it  is  said, 
wlio  led  tlie  party  that  destroyed  Indian  Key,  and  traitorously  massacred  Col. 
Harney's  men  at  the  Synebal.  As  direct  evidence  of  ilie  liict,  upwarils  of 
2,000  lollars'  worth  of  the  goods  taken  from  Dr.  Perrine's  setthMneiit  were 
idcMiified,  and  13  Colt's  rifles  lost  at  the  Synebal  were  found  ;  ihcrefore,  as 
an  otlset  to  those  affairs,  nine  of  the  "  warriors  "  were  forthwith  executed  by 
banging,  and  the  tenth  was  preserved  for  a  future  guide. 


'I 


■| 


i   I  r 


,:^.i 
'  'M 


496 


MRS.  MONTGOMERY  KILLED. 


[Book  IV, 


When  Col.  Harney  came  upon  Chaikiku'a  band,  the  chief  was  at  a  short 
distance  from  \m  people,  chopping  wood,  and  on  discovering  that  the  foe  was 
upon  them,  fled  with  all  his  might  for  the  high  grass.  Several  soldiers 
started  in  pursuit,  but  he  outran  them  all  except  a  private  named  Hall. 
When  he  found  he  could  not  escape  from  him,  and  heing  unarmed,  he  faced 
about,  end  with  a  smile  of  submission  on  his  face,  throw  U|>  his  arms,  in 
token  of  surrender.  This  availed  him  nt-thing.  Hnll  levelled  his  rifle,  which 
sent  a  bullet  through  his  skull  into  his  brains,  and  he  fell  lifeless  into  the 
water  but  a  little  distance  from  the  shore  of  the  island!  How  like  the  full 
of  the  great  Wampanoag  chief!  Col.  Harney  had  one  man  killed  and  Ave 
wounded,  of  whom  negro  John,  the  pilot,  was  one. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  at  the  sue  9S  of  Col.  Harney  all  over  Florida; 
and  although  his  summary  vengeance  pon  some  of  the  prisoners  called 
forth  imprecations  li-om  many,  tho.se  were  drowned  by  the  general  buret  of 
approbation ;  but  this  was  damped  in  some  degree  by  the  loss  of  a  very 
valuable  and  meritorious  olficer,  who  died  immediately  after  the  expedition 
returned  from  the  everglades.  This  was  Capt.  W.  B.  Davidson,  who  died  at 
Indian  Key  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  from  disease  engendered  while 
upon  that  service. 

About  this  time,  or  previous  to  23  December,  Tiger-tail's  son  and  brother, 
with  several  others,  came  in  to  Fort  King  and  surrendered.  The  old  chief 
himself  was  daily  expected  in  also,  but  that  expectation  only  amounted  to  a 
disappointment  Not  long  after  these  Indians  came  in,  a  party  went  to  Fort 
Walker,  between  Micanopy  and  Newnansville,  where  they  killed  three  negroes 
and  wounded  one  white  woman,  without  being  molested. 

On  the  morning  of  the  21)  December,  a  wagon  was  ordered  to  proceed 
from  Fort  Micanopy  to  Fort  Wacahoota,  and  notwith.standing  "positive  orders 
had  lieen  given  by  the  commanding  general,  forbidding  any  escort  from  post 
to  post  to  consist  of  less  than  30  men,"  but  11  went  on  this  occasion.  They 
were  under  the  command  of  Lieuts.  Sherwood  and  Hopson,  and  "as  the 
morning  was  fine,  a  Mrs.  Montgomery,  wife  of  Lieut.  Montgomery,  rode  out 
with  them."  This  company  had  got  scarcely  three  miles  on  the  way  when 
it  fell  into  an  amhush,  and  Mrs.  Montgomery,  Lieut.  Sherwood,  a  sergeant- 
major,  and  two  privates  were  immediately  killed.  Lieut.  Sherwood  and  a  sol- 
dier sacrificed  themselves  to  save  Mrs.  Montgomery,  but  it  availed  her  nothing. 
Her  husband  arrived  on  the  ground  soon  after,  but  she  was  dead,  and  a 
soldier  was  lying  by  her  side  in  the  agonies  of  death,  but  had  strength  enough 
to  say  to  her  husband,  "  Lieutenant,  f  fought  for  your  wife  as  long  as  I  could," 
and  then  expired !  Mrs.  Montgomery  was  an  accomplished  lady  from  Cin- 
cinnati, and  had  not  been  married  but  about  three  weeks. 

About  the  same  time  two  wagonere  were  killed  on  the  way  from  Pilatka 
to  Fort  Russell.  They  started  in  advance  of  the  escort. — Such  are  some  of 
the  most  prominent  events  of  Florida  warfare,  which  brings  our  account  of 
it  to  the  close  of  the  year  1840. 


i: 


>;     1 


V  I 


-:— ^•'««i"»w9?*K^.'« 


:  >^' 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  V. 


:i 


42* 


20 


MS 


mn 


BOOK   V. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AI.D  OTHER  NEIGHBORING 
TRIBES  OF  THE  WEST. 


.     1 

i:M 

"4 

■  V'r? 

■        i 

1  ■ 
1 

Nunlingi  or  nature,  I  mark  jrour  hoM  bnarin^, 

Pride  in  each  aspect  and  itrength  in  each  rorin, 

Hearts  of  warm  impulw,  and  louU  or  high  ilaring, 

Born  in  the  battle  and  reared  in  the  itoim. 

The  red  levin  flash  and  the  thundor'n  drtail  rattle, 

The  rock-riven  wave  and  the  war  tiumnet'i  breath, 

The  din  of  the  tempest,  the  yell  of  the  battle. 

Nerve  jour  steeled  bosoots  to  danger  and  death. — J.  R.  Diaki. 


CHAPTER L 


Particulars  in  the  history  of  the  iRoqcois  or  Five  Nations — Extent  of  thetr  dtmu'n- 
ians — Antiquities  and  traditions — Destroy  the  Eries — IVar  with  the  AoinoNUAKt 
— Specimen  of  their  language — Account  of  the  chiefs — Granguele — Black- 
kettle — His  bloody  wars  with  the  French — Adario — His  singular  stratagem  to 
unite  his  countrymen  against  the  French — Destroys  Montreal  and  near  a  thousand 
inhabitants^Dus  in  peace  with  the  French — Dekavisora  a  renowned  orator— 
Peiskaret — The  miraculous  stories  concerning  him.  History  of  the  journey  of 
Five  Iroquois  cidefs  to  England. 

The  great  western  confederacy  of  Indian  nations  has  commonly  been  styled 
by  the  French,  Iroquois,*  but  generally  by  the  English,  the  Five  JVationa  f 
and  sometimes  the  Six  JVations ;  but  either  of  the  two  latter  appellations 
must  be  considered  only  as  such,  because  we  shall  show,  as  we  proceed,  that 
tliey  are  not  numerically  true  now,  if  they  ever  were.  Five  may  have  been 
the  number  which  originally  leagued  together,  but  when  that  happened,  if 
indeed  it  ever  did,  can  never  be  known.  It  is  a  tradition  that  these  people 
came  from  beyond  the  lakes,  a  great  while  ago,  and  subdued  or  exterminated 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  on  this  side.    Even  if  this  wers  the  case,  it 


|:i' 


*  "  Le  uom  d'Iroauois  e«t  piirement  FraD^s,  el  a  ^t^  formi  du  temw  Hire,  qui  sij^nifie, 
I'ai  dit :  et  par  quel  ces  sauva^es  finissent  lous  leurs  discours,  comme  les  Latins  faisuient 
autrefois  par  leur  Dixi;  et  de  Kou6,  qui  est  un  cri,  tanldt  de  tristesse,  lorsqu'on  le  pronnnca 
en  trainant,  et  tantdt  de  joyci  quand  on  le  prononce  plus  court.  Leur  nom  propre  est  Agon- 
nonxionni,  qui  veut  dire  F'aiseur*  de  Caoannet ;  parce  qu'ils  les  batissent  beaucoup  plus 
•olidcs,  oue  la  wiApart  dcs  autres  sauvas«s."  C/iaWfuou:,  i.  270>— 1,  (sub  anno  I64o,)  also 
Loslciel,  1.  t.—Heciceweldei^-Hnd  Forster  s  Nortliem  Voifaget. 

t  "  Ces  barbares  ne  sorU  qu'une  seule  nation,  et  qu'un  eeid  int^rtt  jmhlic.  On  pourroit  les 
nominer  pour  la  dittribution  du  terrain,  let  Suiiset  de  ee  continent.  Let  Iroquois  tont  par- 
tager  en  cinq  canlont,  sgattoir  let  TtonontoOans,  let  Goyosroant,  let  Onnotapii*!,  let  Onoyouts, 
ti  let  Agniit."    (Lahootan,  i.  35.)    By  the  ^e^u^^  we  are  to  understand  A/b/uwits. 


i 


ii 


<>00 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


[Book  V. 


proveH  nothing  of  their  origin ;  for  there  may  have  been  a  time  when  theif 
ancestors  went  from  this  side  to  the  country  beyond,  and  so  on.  The  Mo- 
hawks, sometimes  called  habingi,  are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  of  the 
confederacy,  and  that  the  "  Onayauts  "  (Oneidas]  were  the  first  that  joined 
them  by  putting  themselves  under  their  protection.  The  Onondagos  were 
the  next,  then  the  "  Teuontowanos,  or  Simkers,"  (Senecas,)  then  tlie  "  Ciiiuk 
guos,"  (Cayugas.)  The  Tuscaroras,  from  Carolina,  joined  them  about  1712, 
but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confederacy  until  about  10  years 
afler  that  The  addition  of  this  new  tribe  gained  tliem  the  name  of  tlie  Six 
Nations,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will  appear  that  tliey  were  called 
the  Six  Nations  long  before  the  last-named  period.* 

The  Shawanese  were  not  of  the  confederacy,  but  were  called  brothers  by 
them.  This  nation  came  from  the  south,  at  no  very  remote  period,  and  the 
Iroquois  assigned  them  lands  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehannah,  but 
looked  upon  tliem  as  inferiors. 

The  dominions  of  this  "  United  People  "  cannot  be  particularly  described, 
for  they  were  never  stationary ;  at  one  time  they  extended  beyond  the  Su 
Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi,  and  at  another  they  were  circumscribed 
between  them.  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  says,  ''  Our  Indians 
universally  concur  in  the  claim  of  all  the  lands  [in  175GJ  not  sold  to  the 
English,  from  the  mouth  of  Sorel  River,  on  th?  south  side  of  Lakes  Erie  and 
Ontario,  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  till  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi ;  and  on 
the  north  side  of  those  lakes,  that  whole  territory  between  the  Outawais 
River,  and  the  Lake  Huron,  and  even  beyond  the  straits  between  that  and 
Lake  Erie." 

"  When  the  Dutch  began  the  settlement  of  New  York,  all  the  Indians  on 
Long  Island,  and  the  northern  shore  of  the  sound,  on  the  banks  of  Connecticut, 
Hudson,  Delaware,  and  Susquehoimah  Rivers,  were  in  subjection  to  the  Five 
Nations ;  and  within  the  memory  of  ])ersons  now  living,  acknowledged  it 
by  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute."  As  a  jiroof  of  this  it  is  mentioned  that 
"  a  little  tribe,  settled  at  the  Sugar-loaf  mountain,  in  Orange  county,  to  tliis 
day,  [1756,1  make  a  yearly  payment  of  about  £20  to  the  Mohawks."  t 

Among  the  many  tribes  or  nations  which  they  wholly  or  partially  destroyeu 
were  the  Eries,  a  powerful  ti-ibe  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  great  lake 
whose  name  they  bore.  In  the  year  1653  they  were  entirely  extu-pated,  and 
uo  remnant  of  them  has  since  been  heard  of  in  existence.^ 

When  the  French  settled  in  Canada  in  1611,  it  was  upon  the  lands  of  tlie 
Adirondaks,  above  Three  Rivers.  They  found  tliem  at  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, then  mainly  seated  along  the  southern  side  of  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Adirondaks,  by  the  assistance  of  the  French,  were  able  to  defeat  their 
enemies  in  every  battle,  who  at  length  were  in  danger  of  a  total  extermina- 
tion. Meanwhile  the  Dutch  had  begun  their  trade  in  the  Hudson  River, 
which  they  profitably  carried  on  in  arms  with  the  Iroquois.  Being  now  able 
to  meet  the  Adirondaks  on  more  equal  footing,  they  continued  the  war,  and 
with  such  success,  that  the  Adirondaks,  in  their  turn,  became  almost  de- 
stroyed. 

The  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  the  English 
apply  to  them,  but  the  name  AquanuBchioni,§  which  signified  united  people, 
was  used  bj^  them.J|    This  term,  as  is  tlie  case  with  most  Indian  words,  is 
defined  by  a  knowledge  of  its  etymology.    A  knowledge  of  the  Indian  Ian 
guagea  would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every  place  in  the  country  has 

*  In  the  British  Empire,  iii.  56,  it  ii  said,  "  Tlie  Cowetas  also,  or  Creek  Indians,  are  in  (lio 
lame  friendship  with  them." 

t  Selected  from  the  uie^-8elected  notei  to  Sears'*  Poem,  entitled  Mineral  Waters, 

\  Cluirlevoix, 

f>  Loskiel,  Hist.  Mis.  i.  2.  "  They  say  themselves,  that  they  have  sprung  and  grown  up  in 
ibal  \ery  place,  lit",  the  very  trees  of  the  wilderness."  WUliam's  Key.  Another  name  they 
.  ften  ^"ve  themselves  was,  Ongue-hontce,  which  siniified,  a  people  surpassing  all  others. 
Hist.  Brit.  Dominions  in  A^.  America.    Book  iii.  65,  fed.  4to.  Lond.  1T73.) 

j{  At  a  great  assemblage  of  chiefs  and  warriors  at  Albany,  in  August,  1740,  the  chief  sneakei 
of  the  Six  Nations  informed  the  English  commissioners  that  they  had  taken  in  the  Messe* 
M^e*  as  a  seventh  nation.     Colden,  Hist.  F.  Nations,  ii.  175. 


'^  m 


f-!i! 


Chap.  I.] 


ORANGULA.-DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION. 


501 


been  noted  for ;  whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook  or  river.  Jt  is  raiii  hj 
Coldtn,*  that  New  England  was  called  Kimhoru,  by  the  Indians,  which,  he 
says,  means  a  fiith;f  and  that  the  New  England  Indians  sent  to  the  lioqiioia 
tt  "  model  of  a  fish,  as  a  token  of  their  adhering  to  the  general  covenant.'' 
The  waters  of  New  England  ore  certainly  abundantly  stored  with  fish ; 
hence  the  name  of  "  the  Fishing  Peopled 

We  vvill  here  present  a  specimen  of  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  in 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  all  of  wiiom,  except  the  Tuscaroras,  ■  speak  a  language 
radically  the  same."  So-ung-%oau-ne-ha  cau-ro-tink-yaw-ga,teh-8ee-ta-ro-an, 
sauh-son-e-you-sta,  esa,  aaw-an-e-you,  o-htt-tauh-st-la,  eh-ne-au-wong,  no,  cau- 
ronunk-yawga,  TUtugk-wou-shauga,  ne-at'te-weh-ne-sa-lauga,  taiig-wau-nau-to- 
ro-no-an-toxigh-aick,  to-an-taug-we-Ue-wlie-you-staung,  che-'nee-yeut,  cha-qua- 
tau-ta-leh-whe-you-staun-na,  tough-sau,  taugh-waua-sa-re-neh,  ia-ivaut-ot-ten-au- 
^al-ough-toung-ga,  nas-aw-ne,  sa-che-au-taug-ions,  co-un-teh-sal-oh-aun-za- 
ick-aw,  esa,  saw-au-ne-you,  esa,  sash-autz-ta,  esa,  soung-wa-soung,  clien-ne- 
auh-a-aug-wa,  au  iven.X 

Perlmi)s  we  cannot  present  the  reader  with  a  greater  orntor  than  Garanoula, 
or,  as  he  was  called  by  the  French,  Grand'Gueule  ;  though  Lahontan,  who 
knew  hun,  wrote  it  Grangulo.  He  was  by  niitinn  an  Onondaga,  and  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  mnnly  and  mognaninious  8])eech  which  he 
made  to  a  French  general,  who  marched  into  the  counU'y  of  the  Iroquois  to 
Bubdun  them. 

In  the  year  1684,  Mr.  de  la  Barre,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Scnecas  were  inlrhiging  upon 
•.li(,'ir  rigiits  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations.  Governor 
Dont^an  at-quainted  the  Senecos  with  the  charge  made  by  the  French  gov- 
ernor. Tlicy  admitted  the  fact,  but  justified  tlieir  course,  alleging  tiiut  the 
French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and  anununition,  with  whom  they 
were  tlien  at  war.  About  the  same  time,  the  French  governor  raised  an 
iirmy  of  1700  men,  and  made  other  "mighty  preitai'utions "  for  the  final 
de.st  ruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But  before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his 
gr.  at  luiiiei  taking,  a  mortal  sickness  broke  out  in  his  army,  which  finally 
caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedition.  Lithe  mean  time,  the  governor  of 
Now  York  was  ordered  to  lay  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedi- 
tion. Instead  of  regarding  this  order,  which  was  from  his  master,  the  Duke 
of  York,  he  sent  interpreters  to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  them,  with 
offers  to  assist  them. 

De  la  Barre,  in  hopes  to  effect  something  by  this  exi)ensive  undertaking, 
crofrsed  Lake  Ontario,  and  held  a  talk  with  such  of  the  Five  Natious  as  would 
meet  him.§  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  power,  he  made  a  high-toned 
speech  to  Grangida,  in  which  he  observed,  that  the  nations  had  often  infringed 
upon  the  j)eace  ;  that  he  wished  now  for  peace ;  but  on  tlie  condition  that  they 
slioidd  make  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  injuries  they  had  done  the  French, 
and  for  the  future  never  to  disturb  them.  That  they,  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
Onondagos,  Oncidas,  and  Mohawks,  had  abused  and  robbed  all  their  trudei-s. 
Olid  uiiieas  they  gave  satisfaction,  he  should  declare  war.  TluJt  they  had 
conducted  the  English  into  their  country  to  get  away  their  trade  heretofore, 
but  the  past  he  would  overlook,  if  they  would  ofiiend  no  more ;  yet,  if  ever 
the  like  should  happen  again,  he  had  express  orders  fiom  tlie  king,  his  master, 
to  declare  war. 


*  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

t  Kickons,  in  Al<£onkin  ;  Keo^once,  in  Cliippcwny.     Lima's  Voyages,  &c.  202,  4lo. 

\  fSmith's  Hist.  N.  York,  40.  (oU.  4to.)  Tlie  ahove  differs  somcwliat  Crom  a  copy  in 
Proiul's  Pa.  ii.  301. 

^  .\s  it  will  gratify  most  of  our  roaders,  we  believe,  to  hoar  the  general  in  his  own  words, 
we  will  present  tlii'in  with  a  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  Gruntrulu  iji  his  own  iangnage  :— 

"  tiO  roi  mon  niailre  informe  que  les  cinq  Nations,  Iroquoiscs  conlrevenoient  depiiis  loiig- 
lenis  a  la  paix,  m'aordonne  de  me  transporter  ici  avec  uiie  cscorte,  et  d'envoier  Akoiiussan  au 
village  dos  Onnataguos,  pour  inviter  les  principaux  chefs  ii  me  venir  voir.  L'intenlion  de  ce 
grand  monarqne  est  que  nous  fjmions  toi  el  ni<i:  ensemble  dans  le  grand  calumet  de  paix , 
pourvu  que  tu  me  promettes  au  nom  :'..,»  I'sonontoaans,  Goyogoans,  Oiniotagucs,  Onoyouls 
el  Agnios,  de  donnerune  enliere  satisfaction  el  dedoinmngemenl  a  ses  sujels,  el  de  ne  ilea 
faire  a  I'avcuir,  qui  puisse  causer  luie  facheuse  rupture."  &c.    Laluntlan,  i.  58,  51) 


502 


URANGUL;. 


''S  SPEECH  TO  I>E  LA  BARRE. 


[UooE  V. 


GranfTitla  listened  to  these  .}»,  and  nmny  more  in  the  like  strain,  witlt 
that  contempt  whirh  a  reiil  '  t  .vledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French  nriny, 
and  the  rectitude  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  inspire ;  and  utter 
walking  several  times  round  the  circle,  formed  L  y  his  |)eople  and  the  French, 
addressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  in  his  ellww  clrair,  he  began  aa 
ibilows :  — • 

^*  Yonnondio  ;\  I  honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that  are  with  me  likewise 
honor  you.  Your  interpreter  has  finished  your  speech.  I  now  begin  mine. 
My  words  make  haste  to  reach  your  ears.    Harken  to  them. 

**YonnotnHo;  You  must  have  Itelieved,  when  you  letl  (iueheck,  that  the 
sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  forests,  which  render  our  country  inaccessible  to  lira 
French,  or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that  they  had  sur- 
rounded our  castles,  and  that  it  was  inipoHsible  for  us  to  get  out  of  them. 
Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of  seeing  so  great 
a  wonder  has  brought  you  so  fur.  Now  you  are  undeceived,  since  that  I,  and 
the  warriors  here  present,  are  come  to  assure  you,  that  the  Senecos,  Cayugas, 
Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  M  jhawks  are  yet  alive.  I  thank  you,  in  their  name, 
for  bringing  buck  into  tl  eir  country  the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor 
received  from  tlieir  hand..  It  was  happy  lor  you,  that  you  lell  under  ground 
that  murdering  liatche^  that  has  been  so  ollen  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the 
French. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  I  do  not  sleep ;  1  have  my  eyes  open ;  and  the  sun, 
which  enlightens  me,  discovers  to  me  a  great  captam  at  the  head  of  a  company 
of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming.  He  says,  that  he  only  came 
to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  great  calumet  with  the  Onondagas.  But  Gran- 
^tUa  soys,  that  he  sees  the  contrary ;  that  it  was  to  knock  them  on  the  head, 
if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms  of  the  French.  I  see  Yonnondio 
raving  in  a  camp  of  sick  men,  whose  lives  the  Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by 
inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  our  women  had  taken  their  clubs,  our  children  and  old 
men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your  canij*,  if  our 
warriors  had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when  your  messenger 
^oiiessant  came  to  our  castles.    It  is  done,  and  I  have  said  it. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  we  plundered  none  of  the  French,  but  those  that  car- 
ried guns,  powder  and  balls  to  the  Twightwies  §  and  Chictaghicks,  because 
those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the  example  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of  rum  brought  to  our  castles,  lest  the 
drimken  Indians  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our  warriors  liave  not 
beaver  enough  to  pay  for  all  those  arms  that  they  have  taken,  and  oiu*  old 
men  are  not  afraid  of  the  war.    This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"  We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  trade  there  with  the  Utawawaa 
and  Quatoghies,  ||  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our  castles,  to 
cai-ry  on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are  born  free.  We 
neither  depend  on  Yonnondio  nor  Corlear.  IT  We  may  go  where  we  please, 
and  carry  with  us  wiici,  i  we  please,  and  buy  and  sell  what  we  please.  If 
your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as  such,  command  them  to  receive  no 
other  but  your  people.    Tliis  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chictaghicks  on  the  head,  because  they 
had  cut  down  the  trees  of  peace,  which  were  the  limits  of  our  country. 
They  have  hunted  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  all  Indians,  lor  they  left  none  of  the  beavers  alive,  they  killed  both 
mole  and  female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  their  country,  to  take  part 
with  them,  after  they  hud  concerted  ill  designs  against  us.    We  have  done 

•  "  Grangida,  qui  pendant  tout  le  desrours  avoit  eu  les  yeux  fixament  attaoliez  sur  le  bout 
de  sa  pipe,  se  Icve,  el  soil  par  une  civilil6  bisarrc,  ou  pour  se  donncr  sans  favoii  le  Icnis 
de  mediler  sa  repouse  il  fait  cinq  ou  six  lours  dans  nfllre  cercie  compose  de  sauvaifcs  el  dfl 
Francois,     llcvenu  en  sa  place  il  resta  debout  devant  Ic  general  assis  dans  un  bun  lauteail 
el  le  reg^aranl  il  lui  dit."     Laliontan,  {i.  CI,  62.)  who  was  one  of  iliose  present. 
t  Tlie  name  lliey  gave  the  gove-  .:ors  of  Canada,    ypcll  in  l.ahontan,  Onnontio. 
The  name  thev  gave  Mr.  Lt  Maine,  which  signified  a  parlridge. 
Iwikties,  Colden.  |{  Chictaghicks,  Colden. 

Tlie  name  iliey  gave  the  governors  of  New  York, 


1  -  -> 


Cukr.  I.J      BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH. 


50:) 


leM  than  either  the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped  the  lands  uf  so  nituiy 
Indian  nations,  and  chuaed  them  from  their  own  country.  This  bolt  pre!4crv«;» 
my  words. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  wliat  I  say  is  the  voice  of  all  the  Five  Nations.  Hear 
what  they  answer.  0|>en  your  ears  <o  what  they  speak.  The  Senecas, 
Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidaa  and  Mc  >  awks  say,  that  when  they  buried  the 
hatchet  at  Codarackui,  in  the  presenci  of  your  predecessor,  in  the  middle  of 
the  fort,  they  planted  the  tree  of  pears  in  the  same  place;  to  be  there  care- 
fully preserved :  that,  in  the  place  of  a  retreat  tor  soldiers,  that  fort  might  Iw 
a  rendezvous  for  merchants :  that,  ii  place  of  arms  and  ammunition  of  war, 
beavers  and  merchandise  should  od  >y  enter  there. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  take  care  for  the  future,  that  so  great  a  number  of  sol- 
diers as  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so  small  a 
fort  It  will  be  a  great  loss,  if,  after  it  had  so  easily  taken  root,  you  should 
stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering  your  country  and  ours  with  its 
branches.  I  assure  you,  in  the  name  of  tne  Five  Nations,  that  our  warriors 
shall  dunce  to  the  calumet  of  peace  under  its  leaves ;  and  shall  remain  quiet 
on  their  mats,  and  shall  never  dig  up  the  hatchet,  till  their  brother  Yonnondio 
or  Corlear  shall,  either  jointly  or  separately,  endeavor  to  attack  the  country 
which  the  Groat  Spirit  has  given  to  our  ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words,  and  this  other,  the  authority  which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me." 

Then,  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  he  said,  "  Take  courage,  you 
have  spirit,  speak,  explain  my  words,  forget  nothing,  tell  all  that  your  brethren 
and  friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  mouth  of  Grangida,  who 
loves  you,  and  desires  you  to  accept  of  this  present  of  beaver,  and  take  pun 
with  me  in  my  feast,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This  present  of  beaver  is  sent 
to  Yonnondio,  on  the  part  of  the  Five  Nations." 

De  la  Barre  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and  equal 
chagrin  at  the  plain  refutation  of  his  own.  He  immediately  returned  to 
Montreal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the  French  against 
the  Five  Nations. 

Grangida  was  at  this  time  a  very  old  man,  and  from  this  valuable  speech 
we  became  acquainted  witli  him;  a  very  JVeslor  of  his  nation,  whose  powers 
of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a  Roman,  or  a  more 
modern  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great  civility,  and  feasted  them 
with  the  best  his  country  would  afford,  on  their  departure.  We  next  proceed 
to  notice  

BLACK-KETTLE,  whom  the  French  called  La  Chacdierf.  Noire.  A 
war  with  France,  in  1G90,  brought  this  chief  upon  the  records  of  history.  In 
the  summer  of  that  year.  Major  Schuyler,  of  Albany,  with  a  company  of  Mo- 
hawks, fell  upon  the  French  settlements  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  Champlain. 
De  Callieres,  governor  of  Montreal,  hastily  collected  about  800  men,  and 
opposed  them,  but,  notwithstanding  his  force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they 
were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  About  300  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this 
expedition.  The  French  now  took  every  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliote. 
They  sent  presents  to  many  tribes  of  Indians,  to  engage  them  in  their  cause, 
and  in  the  following  winter  a  party  of  about  300  men,  under  an  accomplished 
young  gentleman,  marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  nations  at  Niag- 
ara. Their  march  was  long,  and  rendered  almost  insupportable;  being 
obliged  to  carry  their  provisions  on  their  backs  through  deep  snow.  Black- 
kettle  met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  until 
his  men  were  nearly  all  cut  off;  but  it  was  more  fatal  to  the  French,  who,  fai 
from  home,  had  no  means  of  recruiting.  Black-kettle,  in  his  turn,  carried  the 
war  into  Canada  during  the  whole  summer  following,  with  immense  loss  aiid 
damage  to  the  French  inhabitants.  The  governor  was  so  enraged  at  his 
successes,  that  he  caused  a  prisoner,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Five 
Nations,  to  be  burnt  alive.  This  captive  witiistood  the  tortures  with  as  much 
firmness  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.  He  sung  his  achievements  while 
they  broiled  his  feet,  burnt  his  hands  with  red  hot  irons,  cut  and  wrung  off 
his  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews.  To  close  the  horrid  scene,  his  scnip 
was  torn  off,  and  red  hot  sand  poured  upon  his  head. 

But  this  was  a  day  in  which  that  people  were  able  to  contend  successfull) 


.  ■■ : 


504 


BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH.      iBooK  V. 


against  even  European  enemies.  Tliey  had,  in  1G91,  laid  a  ])Ian  to  prevent 
the  French  from  e.xteiiding  their  settlements  westward,  for  surprising  those 
already  formed,  and  for  iiiterceptuig  the  western  Indians  as  tliey  hroughl 
down  their  peltries  to  them. 

Two  armies,  of  1150  men  each,  were  to  march  out  on  tliis  husiness  ahont 
November ;  the  Arst  were  to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  and  tin; 
other  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Chatnplain  against  the  settlements,  ilefbre 
they  set  out,  two  Indian  women,  who  had  been  captives  atnong  them,  niadu 
their  escape,  and  gave  notice  of  their  object  This,  in  a  great  measure,  de- 
feated the  enterprise.  Governor  Dt  Calhtrts  raised  troops,  an4  strengthened 
every  place  he  was  able.  The  first  party  was  discovered  us  they  approached 
St.  Louis,  who,  utler  skirmishing  some  time  with  tlie  parties  detached  against 
then),  retired  without  gaining  any  material  advantage.  The  second  did  little 
more,  and  retu-ed,  alter  destroying  some  houses,  and  carrying  with  them  some 
prisoners. 

About  the  end  of  November,  34  Mohawks  surprised  some  of  the  French 
Indians  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  carelessly  himting  about  Mount  Chambly, 
killing  4  and  capturing  8  others.  Some  escaped,  and  inlbrmed  their  friends 
of  what  hud  happened,  and  a  company  immediately  went  in  pursuit.  Tlicy 
overtook  them  near  Luke  Champlain,  and  a  hard  tight  followed.  The  Catho- 
lic Indians  rushed  upon  them  with  great  fury,  tomahawk  hi  hand,  and  although 
the  Mohawks  had  taken  post  behind  rocks,  they  were  routed,  G  being  killed, 
and  five  taken.    They  also  liberated  all  their  friends  taken  at  Mount  Chainbly. 

In  the  beginning  of  Februury,  1G92,  De  Callicres  ordered  M.  De  Orvillierea 
to  march,  with  3U0  men,  into  the  peninsula,  which  terminates  at  tiie  conflu- 
ence of  the  Ottowuy  and  St.  Luwrence  Rivers,  to  8ur|)rise  a  company  of 
Iroquois  he  had  been  informed  was  there.  It  was  tlieir  hunting-ground 
during  the  winter,  and  the  jtretext  for  nttncking  them  was,  that  they  were  now 
there  to  surprise  the  settlements,  and  intercept  such  as  passed  up  and  tlown 
said  rivers.  While  on  his  march,  De  OrviUiera  nnst  with  an  accident  which 
obliged  him  to  return  to  Montreal,  and  the  comniand  devolved  upon  Captain 
De  Beaucourt.  This  officer  marched  to  Isle  TonihatH,  not  far  from  Cutaro- 
couy  or  Katarokkui,  where  he  surprised  50  Senecas  in  their  cabins,  killed  24, 
and  took  6  of  them  prisoners. 

Enough  hud  pussed  before  this  to  nronse  the  spirit  of  vengennce  in  the 
great  chief  of  Onoudaga,  Black-kettle  ;  but  this  last  act  could  not  be  passed 
without,  at  least,  an  attempt  at  retaliation.  About  JOO  Senecas  were  near 
the  Sault  de  la  Chaiidlere,  on  Ottoway  River,  ut  this  time,  nnd  Blitck-kttlle 
soon  after  joined  them  with  a  band  of  his  Onond.igos ;  and  they  immediately 
put  themselves  into  an  attitude  for  intercepting  their  enemies. 

Governor  De  Callieres  hud  supposed  that  by  the  aftiiir  at  Tonihata,  the  Iioquois 
were  sufficiently  humbled  for  the  present,  and  that  they  were  not  to  be  re- 
garded as  capable  of  any  considerable  undertaking ;  but  he  soon  discovered 
the  error  of  his  judgment ;  for  60  friendly  Indians,  having  arrived  at  Montreal 
to  trade,  re])orted  that  the  way  was  clear,  but  requested  a  guard  when  they 
returned.  This  was  granted  them.  S.  Michel  volunteered  upon  this  service, 
and  put  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  De  la  Gemeraye,  30  men.  He  hud  for 
his  two  ensigns,  M.  Le  Freaniere,  oldest  son  of  the  Sieur  Hertel,  und  his  broth- 
er. Having  arrived  at  a  place  called  the  Long  Fulls,  on  Ottoway  River, 
some  marched  upon  the  side  of  the  river,  while  others  endeavored  to  effect 
the  passage  of  the  fidls  in  the  boats.  They  had  no  sooner  entered  upon  this 
business,  when  the  waiTiors  of  Black-kettle,  from  an  ambush,  fired  upon  them, 
put  the  GO  Indians  to  flight,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  the  French.  They 
then  rushed  upon  them  with  such  fiiry  that  little  time  was  allowed  for  resist- 
ance, and  they  fled  to  their  boats  for  safety ;  but  in  their  hurry  they  over- 
turned them,  and  many  were  made  prisoners.  Among  these  were  &  Michel 
and  the  two  Hertels.  La  Gemeraye  and  a  few  soldiers  only  escaped.*  Black- 
kettle's  force  on  this  occasion  was  computed  ut  140  men. 

Some  time  now  jjussed  without  hearing  from  Black-kettle,  but  on  15  July, 
1092,  he  fell  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  as  has  already  been  recorded 

*  Colden  says,  (i.  134,)  that  but  four  escaped  in  all. 


Cnap.  I.] 


DEKANISORA. 


501 


PiirtieH  of  Holilinrs  collected  nixl  went  in  pursuit,  overtook  the  rear  of  the 
IiidiuiiH,  kille(i  10  iii*-n,  and  retook  many  jiriHontTH. 

Home  daytt  iiller  tlilA,  us  the  Hieur  Dt  Lungmm  wns  pasHing  ncnr  the  Islt-.i 
of  Riclielieii,  Black-kettle  fell  ii|K)n  liid  party,  Killed  iiim,  und  put  his  men  to 
flight.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  great  moment  of  tiiis  famous  chief,  imtil 
th<-  year  l(>!)7,  in  which  he  was  treacherously  murdered.  He  apjxNirH  at  tlii:« 
period  to  hove  concluded  upon  making  peace  with  the  French,  und  messen- 
gers iiud  been  despatched  to  Queliec  upon  that  design.  In  the  mean  time 
lie  was  hunting  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cutarocony,  wliere  thu  French  had 
a  garrison,  which  was  then  commanded  by  Captain  Gemerut/e,  lK.'li)re  men- 
tioned, to  whom  he  gave  notice  that  negotiations  were  on  loot.  Notwith- 
standing, 34  Algonqums,  in  the  French  inUirest,  were  suffered  to  go  und 
surprise  Black-kettle  and  his  40  hunters,  who  were  not  far  from  Catarocouy, 
at  a  place  UHitied  (^uinte.  They  were  iailen  upon  at  a  time  when  they 
thought  not  of  an  enemy,  and  about  half  of  them  were  sluin,  among  whom 
was  Black-kettle ;  his  wile  and  many  others  were  tuken  prisoners.  * 

Adario,  Konoiaronk,  SASTARETsi.uiidTiiE  Uat,  were  numosofa  chief  of 
great  renown  among  itie  Hurons.  Tiie  tril)e  to  which  he  originally  lielonged 
was  called  tiie  Dinondadies  or  Tionnoiitutes.  Ilis  character,  us  drawn  by 
Charlevoix,  is  as  follows :  "  A  man  of  u  gr(;at  mind,  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
and  ])ossessing  altogether  the  best  qualities  of  uny  known  to  the  French  in 
Canada."  Ot  what  ve  are  about  to  relate  concerning  him,  we  have  already 
given  a  sketch,  which  being  defective  in  some  of  the  main  jHuticulurs,  it  was 
thought  best  to  add  unothrr  version  of  it  in  this  ])luce. 

It  was  with  no  small  difticulty  that  the  French  hud  engaged  him  in  their 
cuusc.  While  on  a  visit  to  the  governor,  in  11)88,  he  had  piu-sed  his  word 
tliut  he  would  make  war  on  his  detested  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  and  soon 
alter  departed  for  Michilimakinak,  with  a  chosen  band  of  his  Hurons,  resolv- 
ed to  distinguisii  himself  by  some  signal  exploit.  In  his  way  he  passed  by 
Catarocouy.  At  this  place,  he  learned,  to  his  8Ur;(riiie,  that  a  negotiation 
was  already  on  foot  between  the  French  and  Iroquois,  and  was  at  the  same 
time  informed  by  the  officer  in  command  there,  that  he  would  infinitely  dis- 
oblige M.  De  Denonville,  if  he  should  commit  the  least  hostility  upon  any  of 
the  Iroquois,  who  was  immediately  to  reciive  their  ambassadors  at  Montreal, 
together  with  hostages  from  all  the  cantons. 

Kondiaronk  concealed  his  surprise,  and  although  now  convinced  that  tiie 
French  would  sacrifice  him  and  his  allies,  yet  he  made  no  complaint,  and 
letl  thr  place  as  though  to  return  to  his  own  country.  But  he  had  no  sooner 
conceived  the  design  of  intercci)ting  the  Iroquois  ambassadors  and  hostages, 
than  he  set  out  upon  it.  Having  pli'.ied  liis  men  in  ambush  at  Famine 
Creek,  he  had  waited  but  few  days  Avhen  they  arrived.  As  they  were 
descending  the  creek  in  their  Cuiioes,  Mario's  warriors  fired  upon  them, 
killed  several,  and  took  the  reyt  prisoners. 

The  celebrated  Dekanisora,  or,  as  the  French  called  him,  Teganisorens, 
of  Ouondago,  wa.s  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  was  among  the  prisoner. 
He  demanded  of  Jl  lario,  how  it  happened  that  he  could  be  ignorant  that  he 
was  an  ambassador  ro  their  common  father,  and  of  his  endeavor  to  bring 
about  a  lasting  peace.  The  subtle  chief  completely  subdued  his  irritable 
and  indignant  passions,  by  expressing  far  greater  surprise  than  Dekanisora 
himself;  protesting  that  the  French  were  the  whole  cauae  of  what  had 
happened,  for  that  they  had  sent  him  to  surprise  his  party,  and  had  assured 
him  that  he  could  do  it  with  ease,  as  their  numbers  were  small ;  and,  to  drive 
Bvispicions  from  the  mind  of  Dtkamsora  and  his  people,  set  them  all  at 
lil)erty,  but  one,  who  was  to  supply  the  place  of  one  of  the  Hurons  that  was 
killed.    At  parting,  Mario  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"  Go,  my  brethren,  1  untie  your  bonds,  and  send  you  home  again,  though 
our  nations  be  at  war.  T-ho  French  governor  has  made  me  commit  so  black 
an  action,  that  1  shall  never  be  easy  after  it,  till  the  Five  Nations  have  tuken 
fiill  revenge." 

Some  report  that,  after  rnptiiring  Dekanisora,  Adario  returned  to  Ka<1ai-ak- 


43 


Tliis  is  according  to  the  text  of  Charlevoix, 


506 


DEKANISORA.— ADARIO. 


[Book  V 


iv,;s. 


kui,  or  Catarocouy,  and  that,  being  asked  by  the  French  from  whence  he 
eame,  said,  ^  From  preventing  feaxe.  *  They  did  not  at  first  compreliend  his 
meaning,  but  soon  after,  one  of  his  pi  isonera,  that  escaped,  gave  tiiem  the 
history  of  the  affair. 

But  for  what  followed,  the  character  of  ^dario  would  stand  well  among 
warriors.  He  sacrificed  lii  nily  prisoner,  which  completed  this  act  of  ibe 
tragedy ;  and  it  seemed  necessary  to  carry  out  his  deep-laid  stratagem. 

That  the  Iroquois  should  have  no  chance  to  believe  the  French  innocent 
of  the  blood  at  tlie  River  Famine,  which  they  had  used  great  endeavors  to 
effect,  by  sending  emissaries  among  them,  Adario  went  with  his  prisoner 
immediately  to  Michilimakinak,  and  delivered  him  to  M.  De  la  Durantayc, 
the  commander  of  that  post,  who  as  yet  had  had  no  knowledge  of  any  nego- 
tiation between  the  Iroquois  and  his  sui)eriors.  Whereupon  he  forthwith 
caused  the  poor  prisoner  to  be  put  to  death.  The  news  of  this  affair,  the 
cunning  chief  caused  to  be  made  known  among  the  cantons,  by  an  old 
captive  he  had  held  a  long  time  in  bondage  at  his  village,  whom  he  now  set 
at  liberty  for  this  purpose. 

The  catastrojjlies  that  befell  the  French  not  long  after,  and  the  suffering 
they  endured,  aie  almost  without  a  parallel,  f 

About  1200  of  the  chief  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  landed  upon  the 
Island  of  RIontreal,  25  August,  16KJ,  while  the  French  were  in  perfect  secu- 
rity, burnt  their  houses,  sacked  their  plantations,  a. id  slew  a  vast  number  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  English  accounts  say  a  t  lou&und  persons  perished, 
but  this  number  was  no  doubt  far  greater  than  the  truth.  In  October  fol- 
lowing they  attacked  the  island  again  with  r  "ly  equal  success.  These 
horrid  disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  i.^e  utmost  consternation,  in 
which  the  fort  at  Luke  Ontario  was  abandoned  by  the  garrison,  and  as  soon 
possessed  by  the  Indians.  Here,  uno'ig  other  things  of  great  value  to  them, 
28  barrels  of  gunpowder  fell  ii  o  their  hands.  Nothing  now  saved  liie 
French  from  an  entire  extermination  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies  in 
tlie  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

Adario  final; /  died  at  peace  with  the  French,  and  almost  in  the  act  of  coii- 
rliiding  it  ne  had  accompanied  the  heads  of  several  tribes  to  flloiitreal,  in 
1701,  to  hold  a  treaty,  and,  on  the  1  August,  (that  being  the  first  day  of  public 
councils,)  Adario  found  himself  seized  by  sickness.  Every  thing  was  done 
to  relieve  him,  ("as  the  governor  general,"  says  Charlevoix,  "rested  his  prin- 
cipal hope  of  success  in  the  treaty,  upon  him,")  but  without  avail ;  being 
carried  to  I'Hotel  Dieu,  he  died  at  two  o'clock  on  the  following  night.  At 
his  funeral  J  the  greatest  display  was  made,  and  nothing  was  omitted  which 
could  inspire  the  Indians  present  with  a  conviction  of  the  great  respect  iu 
which  ho  was  held.     On  his  tomb-stone  were  engraved  these  words. 


*  "  11  r^pondit  qii'il  venoil  de  teur  la  paix ;  et  qu'il  ajoAta,  nous  verrons  comment  Ononthie 
te  til-era  de  celte  ajj'aire." 

t  Few  would  wish  to  read,  in  English,  the  cruelties  at  the  sacking  of  Montreal:  the  ac- 
count of  ihcm,  we  ag'^ee  with  Dr.  Holmes,  ''is  too  horrid  to  translate." — "Its  troiirernil 
tout  le  mond  endormi,  et  its  commencerent  par  massacrer  toiis  les  hontmes ;  ensuite  its  miren. 
le/eu  aux  mttisons.  Par-id  tous  ceux,  qui  y  MoieiU  resth,  tomberent  entre  mains  de  ces  sau- 
rafres,  et  essuyerent  tout  ce  que  ta/ureur  peul  inspirer  rl  des  barbares.  lis  la  pousserent  mime 
a  des  excds,  aont  on  ne  les  avoit  pas  encore  cm  capalilcs.  lis  ouvrirent  le  sein  des  femmes 
enceintes,  pour  en  arracher  le  fruit,  qu'elws  portoient,  ils  mirent  des  enfans  tout  vivans  h  /a 
brcchs,  et  coviraignirent  les  meres  de  les  toumer  pour  les  /aire  rolir.  lis  im-enterent  quantite 
d'autres  supplices  inouis,  et  200  personnes  de  tout  dse  et  de  tout  scxe  perirenl  airisi  en  morns 
d'une  heure  dans  les  plus  ajf'reux  tourviens.  Cela  fait,  I'ennemi  s'aprorha  jusqu'tt  unc  tine  de 
la  ville,  faisanl  par  tout  les  mimes  ravages,  et  exeri;ant  les  memes  cruautes,  et  qiiaud  ils  furen. 
'.a.- de  ces  horreurs ;  ils  Jirent  200  prisonniers,  qu'ils  emmenerent  dans  kur  villages,  oil  ils 
let  brldereni." 

X  "  Lc  lendemain  on  fit  scs  funerniilcs,  qui  eiirent  qiiolque  chose  de  niagnifiqne  et  de  sin 
gulier.  M.  de  St.  Ours,  premier  capitainc,  niarchoit  d'nhord  h  la  t^tc  de  (iO  soldals  sous  les 
armcs.  Seize  giierricrs  llurons,  vetus  <le  tongues  robes  de  castor,  le  visage  peiiil  en  noil 
et  lc  fusil  sous  le  bras,  suivoieni,  marchnnt  qnotre  A  (lualro.  Le  clerge  venoit  apri^s,  et  six 
thefs  de  guerre  porioienl  le  cercueil,  qui  <;toit  couverl  d'uii  pocle  scnio  de  fleiirs.  siir  leonel 
)1  y  avoil  un  chapeau  avec  un  plumet,  un  hnusse-col  et  une  epee.  Les  fro  res  el  les --.iirnn 
4a  defunl  itoicnt  derricrc,  accompagm''s  de  toivs  les  chefs  des  nations,  ei  M.  de  WiuilreuU, 
^iiverucur  do  la  ville,  qui  mcuoit  maUarac  dc  Cluimpi^ny,  fcrmoit  lu  inurclic." 


CaAr.  I.] 


PEISKARET. 


507 


«CY  GIT  LE  RAT,  CHEF  HURON." 

Which  in  Engiish  is,  "  Hen  lies  the  Rtd,  Chief  of  the  Hurons."  The  encomi- 
uiiis  passed  by  the  French  upon  him  tfiut  was  once  their  most  dreaded 
enemy,  are  only  equalled  by  those  of  their  countrymen,  Fontenelle  and  Lm- 
iarpe,  upon  their  favorite  churactera 

His  body  was  u  short  ti:  ne  exposed  before  it  was  interred,  dressed  in  the 
uniibrm  of  an  officer,  wii  h  his  arms  by  his  side,  because  he  ranked  as  a 
cuptuiti,  at  tlic  time  of  liis  deatli,  in  the  French  service. 

The  intercourse  of  Dekanisora  with  the  French  and  English  was  long,  an<' 
from  tiie  tiict  he  was  able,  for  much  of  the  time  during  their  wars,  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  both  nat.ons,  we  are  to  suppose  that  he  possessed  some 
skill  ui  the  arts  of  duplicity.  He  is  first  mentioned  by  Charlevoix  in  lG8'i, 
at  which  time  he,  with  lour  other  ambus.sadors,  visited  Montreal  upon  a 
peace  ex|)edition.  He  was  suspected  of  insincerity  by  the  French,  and  no 
reliance  appears  to  have  been  put  upon  his  pretensions.  Twelve  years  after, 
Colikn  saw  him,  and  thus  speaks  of  him:  "Decanesora  had  for  many  years 
the  greatest  reputation  among  the  Five  Natioiis  for  speaking,  and  was  gener- 
ally employed  as  their  speaker,  in  their  negotiations  with  both  French  and 
English :  he  was  grown  old  when  I  saw  him,  and  heard  him  speak ;  he  had 
a  gruat  duency  in  speaking,  and  a  graceful  elocution,  that  would  have  pleased 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  His  person  was  ta.\\  and  well  made,  and  his  features, 
to  my  thinking,  resembled  much  the  bustos  of  Cicero."  * 

If  he  were  an  old  sachem  in  1(594,  he  must  have  been  very  old  in  1726,  for 
in  this  year  he  was  at  Albany  with  six  other  ambassadors,  where,  on  the  14 
September,  they  executed  an  agreement  with  rhe  English ;  the  condhions  of 
vvliich  were  that  tliey  should  surrender  all  their  hunting-grounds  into  the 
hands  of  Coorakhoo,  as  they  culled  the  King  of  England,  "  to  be  protected 
and  defended  by  his  said  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors,  to  and  for  the 
USE  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  the  said  three  Nations."  These  had  before  been 
eniunerated,  as  follows :  "  Kanakarighton  and  Slianintsaronwe,  Sinnekb 
sachems  ;  Ottsoghkoree,  Dekanisoree  and  Jlenjcucratt,  Cavouge  sachems ;  Racly- 
akadorodon  and  Sadageenaghtiey  Onondago  sachems."  f 

Charlevoix  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  time  of  Dekanisora^s  death,  although 
he  learned  that  it  happened  at  the  Fulls  of  St.  Louis.  Under  date  KM,  he 
speaks  in  high  terms  of  him,  OMreowAar^  and  Garakonthii,  Iroquois  Christians, 
whom  Dekanisora  had  employed  secretly  to  bring  about  a  jieace  with  that 
nation  ;  but  knew  not,  as  to  his  Christianity,  he  said,  at  that  time  ;  but  was 
certain  that  he  had  professed  it.    He  probably  died  alwnit  1730. 

VVe  will  go  a  little  back  in  this  j)lace,  to  notice  a  chief  of  the  Adirondaks, 
of  whom  the  most  extraordiniu-y  stories  are  told ;  even  those  iii'  Jack-t he-giant- 
killer  are  but  little  more  incredible.  And  even  though  Father  Charlevoix 
was  fantiliar  with  them,  yet  he  deemed  them  as  fiction,  it  will  he  iiuiijiined, 
from  his  not  relating  them  in  his  minute  history.  TJo  name  of  PlilSKAK  I'/F 
was,  for  sundry  years  previous  to  164(5,  terrible  lO  the  enemies  of  the  Adiron- 
daks. This  nation,  when  Canada  was  settled  by  the  French,  in  KiO.'},  resided 
about  300  miles  to  the  westward  of  Three  Rivers.  How  long  they  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Iroqiiois  at  this  time,  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  was  (■oiiiiiiued 
until  the  death  of  Pelnkarel  in  104(5,  though  with  interruption  and  various 
success;  but  with  this  chief  perished  all  opposition,  and  the  Adirondaks 
figun.'d  no  more  as  a  nation. 

As  we  have  put  the  reader  upon  his  guard,  about  receiving  the  huge  stories 
about  Peiskaret  with  too  much  confidence,  it  will  be  expected  at  onr  hands, 
perhaps,  that  we  give  a  sample  of  them,  as  it  maybe  said,  "  possihly  tlu^y 
are  true."  Wo  might  have  done  this  without  thus  premising,  as  others  lia\e 
done,  upon  the  authority  of  Coldcn,  (an  author  of  small  value,  coivipaiatively 
speaking.)    His  relation  proceeds : — 

"An  Indian  named  Piskaret  was  at  this  time  |  one  of  the  captains  of 

*  Hisi.  FivK  Nations.!.  15(). 

t  Governor  Thomns  Pniniiitl,  Adininistrnlioii  of  llie  Rrillsh  Colmiics,  i.  'J3(l,  -.'W. 
}   lie  iiuMilloiis  IK)  particular  liiiic,  lull  lli:\t  oCllie  scltli'iiu'iil  ol  ('luiadii,  in  ItiO.) ;  but  aom< 
iJiiic  (luring  the  war  olwiiii'li  we  havu  spokca  must  be  uailersiood. 


t    -    'i! 


s^ 


',■<■  x 


ml 


s*"* 


1; 

i; 


>■< 


508 


PEISKARET. 


[Hook  V. 


greatetit  faino  among  the  Adirondncks ;  tliis  bold  man,  with  four  other  cap 


tains,  sot  out  lor  'I'rois  lliviures  in  one  canoe,  each  of  them 


being 


]))0- 


vided  witii  thnie  muskets,  which  they  loaded  with  two  bullets  apiece,  joined 
with  a  small  chain  ten  inches  long.  They  met  wit!i  five  canoes  in  Sore! 
Kiver,  each  having  JO  men  of  the  Five  Nations  on  board.  Piskaret  and  iiis 
captains,  as  soon  as  those  of  the  Five  Nations  drew  near,  jjretended  to  give 
tlienisclves  u|)  li)r  lost,  and  sung  their  death-song,  then  suddeidy  fired  upon 
the  canoes,  which  they  repeated  widi  the  arms  that  lay  ready  loaded,  and 
tore  those  birch  vessels  betwixt  wind  and  water.*  The  men  of  the  Five 
Nations  were  so  surprised,  that  they  tumbled  out  of  their  canoes,  and  gave 
Piskaret  and  his  companions  the  ojjportunity  of  knocking  as  many  of  them 
on  the  head  as  they  pleased,  and  saving  the  others,  to  teed  their  revenge, 
which  they  did  by  burning  then'  alive  with  the  most  cruel  torments.  This, 
however,  was  so  far  from  glutting  PiskareCs  revenge,  that  it  seemed  rather  to 
give  a  keener  edge  to  it ;  lor  he  soon  alter  undertook  another  enterprise,  in 
wliich  none  of  his  countrymen  durst  accompany  hiu).  He  was  well  ac(|uainted 
with  the  country  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  set  out  about  the  time  the  snow  be- 
gan to  melt,  with  the  jirecautiou  of  putting  the  hinder  part  of  his  snow-shoes 
lorward,  that  if  any  should  ha]>pen  upon  his  footsteps,  they  might  think  he  was 
gone  the  contrary  way  ;  and  ibr  further  secm-ity,  went  along  the  ridges  and 
high  grounds,  where  the  snow  was  melted,  that  his  track  might  be  olten  lost. 
When  he  came  near  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Five  Nations,  he  hid  himself 
till  night,  and  then  entered  a  cabin,  wliile  every  body  was  fast  asleep  nmrdered 
the  whole  Itimily,  and  carried  their  scalps  into  his  lurking-place.  The  next  day 
tlie  people  of  the  village  searched  for  the  murderer  in  vain.  The  following 
night  he  murdered  all  he  ibund  in  another  cabin.  The  inhabitants  next  day 
searched  likewise  in  vain  ibr  the  murderer :  but  the  third  night  a  watch  was 
kept  in  every  house.  Piskaret,  in  the  night,  bundled  up  the  scalps  he  had 
taken  the  two  Ibrmer  nights,  to  carry,  as  the  proof  of  his  victory,  and  then 
stole  privately  from  house  to  house,  till  at  last  he  ibund  an  Indian  noddijig, 
who  was  upon  the  watch  in  one  of  the  houses :  he  knocked  tliis  man  on  the 
head;  but  as  this  alarmed  the  rest,  he  was  forced  innrjediately  to  fly.  He  was, 
however,  under  no  groat  concern  from  the  j)ursuit,  being  more  swift  of  foot 
than  any  Indian  then  living.  He  let  his  jjursuers  come  near  him  from  time 
to  lime,  and  then  would  dart  from  them.  This  he  did  with  design  to  tire  them 
out,  with  the  hopes  of  overtaking  him.  As  it  l)egan  to  grow  dark,  he  hid  him- 
Bolt;  and  his  pursuers  stopj)ed  to  rest.  They  not  being  apprehensive  of  any 
danger  (iom  a  single  man,  soon  fell  asleep  ;  and  the  bold  Piskaret  observing 
this,  knocked  them  all  on  the  head,  and  carried  away  their  scalj)s  with  the 
rest,  riuch  stories  as  these,"  continues  Colden,  "are  told  among  the  Indians, 
as  extraijrdiuary  instances  of  the  courage  and  conduct  of  their  captains." 

Ijolbro  this,  as  we  a|)prehend,  though  relati.'d  afterwards  by  this  author, 
were  the  great  expeditions  of  the  Jroijuois  against  the  Adirondaks.  The 
French  took  [lart  with  the  latter  Irom  the  beginning,  and  when  Champlain 
visited  the  country,  he  joined  a  i)arty  of  them,  and  went  agauist  the  Iroquois, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  his  fire-arms,  overcame  them  in  a  buttle  near  Lake  Cor- 
lai',  which  was  henceforth  calU'd  Lake  Champlain.  Two  hundred  Iroquois 
weie  in  this  fight,  and  the  I'rench  kej)t  themselves  concealed,  imtil  it  began, 
then  rushed  forward,  and  inunediately  ])ut  the  Iroquois  to  flight.  This  was 
tiie  first  time  they  had  seen  the  efiects  of  guns.     This  affair  was  in  IGIl. 

Finally,  the  Iro(juois,  having  grown  coMscious  of  their  strength,  felt  con- 
fid:  nt  that,  if  tiiey  could  prevent  the  French  from  assisting  them,  they  could 
wiilistaiid  them.  Therefore,  they  pretended  to  be  well  ufiected  towards 
their  religion,  and  re(|uested  that  missionaries  should  be  sent  among  them. 
This  was  done  without  delay.  Their  n.-al  object  was  soon  apparent;  tor 
tiiey  treated  the  Jesuit  missionaries  only  as  hostages,  and  this  was  the  means 
of  making  them  stand  neutral  while  llioy  carried  on  their  war  with  the  Adi- 
rondaks and  Quatoghies  or  llurons,  whom  tliey  soon  after  defeated  "in  a 
dreadUd  baitle  fought  within  two  leagues  of  Uuebeck." 

This  expedition  turned  out  so  much  to  their  advantage,  "tlie  F'ive  Nutioni 


*  The  uuUior  of  Indian  Tales  lias  copiud  litis  closuly,  but  gives  uo  cicdil.     Taitt,  ii 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


o 


09 


P- 
ro- 

ed 
•el 
lid 
ve 
on 
1(1 
ive 


gave  out,  that  they  intended  next  winter  •  to  visit  the  governor  of  Canada 
tliese  visits  are  always  made  with  much  show.  Under  tins  pretence  thtj 
gathered  ogether  1000  or  1200  men.  Their  outscouts  met  with  Piskaret  neui 
Nicolet  River,  and  stili  pretending  a  friendly  visit  to  the  governor  of  Canathi, 
as  their  only  design,  he  told  them,  that  the  Adirondacks  were  divided  into 
two  bodies,  one  of  which  hunted  on  the  north  side  of  St.  Lawrence  River  at 
VVabmake,  three  leagues  above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  the  other  at  Nicolet.  Ah 
soon  as  they  had  gained  this  information,  they  killed  him,  and  returned 
with  his  head  to  the  army.  The  Five  Natioiis  divided  likewise  into  two 
bodies :  they  surprised  the  Adirondacks,  in  both  places,  and  in  both  cut  them 
ill  pieces." 

This  account  is  more  circumstantial  than  that  given  by  Charlevoix,  but,  as 
we  have  seen,  would  have  been  without  any  value,  but  for  his  chronology. 
He  states  that,  by  their  previous  conduct,  the  Mohawks  had  reason  to  ex{)ect, 
that  ail  the  neighboring  nations  would  join  to  oppose  them,  and  that  they 
sent  out  parties  to  observe  what  was  passing  among  them ;  that  one  of  these 
scouts  met  Peiakard  alone,  but  dared  not  attack  him ;  being  persuaded  he 
M  ould  kill  at  least  half  of  them,  as  he  had  otlen  done  before.  They  there- 
fore accosted  him  as  a  friend,  wliile  some  came  up  behind  him,  and  stabbed 
liini  to  the  heart. 

But  for  the  French,  the  Loquois  had  now  been  complete  masters  of 
all  the  northern  and  western  regions ;  and  some  have  observed,  that  had 
they  known  the  weakness  of  those  white  neighbors,  at  the  time  they  over- 
came the  Aigonquins,  near  Quebec,  they  might  easily  have  cleared  the 
country  of  them  also. 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  account  of  the  visit  of  five  Iroquois 
chiefs  to  England.  The  English  in  America  had  supposed  that  if  they 
could  convuice  the  Indian  nations  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  their 
mother  country,  they  should  be  able  to  detach  them  forever  from  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French.  To  accomplish  this  object,  tliese  chiefs  were  [ire- 
vailed  upon  to  make  the  voyage.  They  visited  the  court  of  Queen  Amu  in 
the  yeai*  1710.  None  of  tlie  American  historians  seem  to  have  known  the 
names  of  these  chiefs,  or,  if  they  did,  have  not  thought  it  proper  to  transmit 
tlieni.  Smith,  in  his  history  of  New  York,  mentions  the  fact  of  their  having 
visited  England,  and  gives  the  sjieech  which  they  made  to  the  queen,  and 
says  it  is  preserved  "in  OWmurore,"  perhaps  in  the  2d  edition  of  his  British 
Empire  i.\  AMERiCA,t  as  nothing  of  the  kind  is  fomid  in  his  histoid  of  Eng- 
land, although  he  records  the  circumstance,  and  ill-naturedly  enough  too. 
We  think  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  this,  but  for  the  purpose  of  ridi- 
culing the  friends  of  the  queen.  The  following  is  all  th»t  he  says  of  them  :| 
"  Three  weeks  alter  the  battle  of  Sarragossa  was  fought  by  General  Stanhope, 
whose  victory  made  way  for  the  march  to  Madrid,  the  news  of  the  victory 
was  brought  to  the  queen  by  Colonel  Harrison,  the  15  September,  O.  S.,  at 
wiiich  time  the  High-church  rabble  were  pelting  General  Slanhopt^s  proxy, 
and  knocking  down  his  friends  ut  the  Westminster  election.  However,  for 
tl»e  successes  in  Spain,  and  for  tlie  taking  of  Doway,  Bethune  and  Aire,  by 
the  dnke  oi' Marlborough  in  Flanders,  there  was  a  thanks»giving-day  appointed, 
which  the  queen  solemnized  in  St.  James's  chapel.  To  have  gone  as  usual 
to  St  Paul's,  and  there  to  have  had  Te  Denm  simg  on  that  occasion,  would 
have  shown  too  much  countenance  to  those  brave  and  victorious  English 
generals,  who  were  fighting  her  battles  aliroad,  while  High-church  was  plot- 
ting, and  railing,  and  addressing  against  them  at  home.  The  carrying  of 
tour  §  Indian  Casa(|ues  about  in  the  queen's  coaches,  was  all  the  triumph  of 
the  Harleiun  administration;  they  were  called  kings,  and  clothed,  by  the 

*  No  one  can  tell  when  next  wviter  was,  that  is,  what  year  it  was  in,  by  any  connection  in 
Colden's  text ;  he  is  so  exceedingly  loose  with  regard  to  ciates  ;  but,  according  to  CliarltvoU, 
It  was  in  Ili-Ui. 

f  The  first  edition  (which  I  possess)  was  printed  in  1708. 

\  Hist.  En^l.iiid,\\.-U)'2.    (Fol.  London,  1735.) 

^  He  says  Are,  a  lew  lines  onward,  in  his  usual  random  mode  of  expression,  snpposuig  it  all 
the  same,  doubticgs.  at  he  icas  oiUy  considering  Indians!  It  will  be  seen  that  five  was  the  rea. 
aumber.  ^^  ^ 


Ipl 


510 


nVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


[Book  V. 


play.iiouse  tailor,  like  other  kings  of  the  theatre ;  they  were  conducted  to 
audience  hy  Sir  Charles  CoUtrd;  there  was  a  speech  made  for  them,  and 
nothing  omitted  to  do  honor  to  these  five  monarchs,  whose  presence  did  so 
much  honor  to  the  new  ministry ;  which  the  latter  seemed  to  be  extremely 
Ibnd  of,  and  defrayed  all  their  expenses  during  their  stay  here.  They  were 
the  captains  of  the  four  nations,  [Five  Nations,]  in  league  with  the  English 
at  New  York  and  New  England,  and  came  in  person  to  treat  of  matters 
concerning  trade  with  the  lords  commissioners  of  plantations ;  as  also  of  an 
enterprise  against  the  French,  and  their  confederate  Indians  in  those  parts." 

Sir  Richard  Steele  mentions  these  chiefs  in  his  Tatler  of  May  13,  1710, 
and  AHison  makes  tiiem  the  subject  of  a  number  of  the  Spectator  ti)e 
next  year,  at  a  suggestion  of  Dean  Srnjl.*  Neither  of  these  papers,  how- 
e\er,  contain  many  facts  respecting  them.  Iif  the  former  it  is  mentioned 
that  one  of  them  was  taken  sickf  at  the  house  where  they  were  accommo- 
dated during  their  stay  in  London,  and  they  all  received  great  kindness  and 
attention  from  their  host,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  the  cause  of  their 
honoring  him  with  a  name  of  distinction ;  which  was  Cadaroque,  and  sig- 
nified "<Ae  strongest  fort  in  ilteir  country."  In  speaking  of  their  jesidence, 
Mr.  Steele  says,  "  They  were  placed  in  a  handsome  apartment  at  an  uphol- 
ster's  in  King-street,  Covent-garden."  There  were  fine  portraits  of  each  of 
tlicm  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum.  | 

The  best  and  most  methodical  account  of  these  chiefs  was  published  in 
tiie  great  annual  history  by  Mr.  Boyer,  §  and  from  which  we  extract  as  follows : 
"  On  tiie  19  April  Te  Fee  JVeen  Ho  Ga  Prow,  and  Sa  Ga  Yean  Qua  Prah 
Ton,  of  tlie  Maquas ;  Blow  Oh  Konm,  and  Oh  JVee  Yeath  Ton  No  Prow,  \\  of 
tlie  river  saohem,1[  and  the  Ganajoh-hore  sachem,**  four  kings,  or  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations  ff  in  the  West  Indies,  JJ  which  lie  between  New  England,  and 
New  France,  or  Canada :  who  lately  came  over  with  the  West  Lidia  fleet, 
and  were  clouthed  and  entertained  at  the  queen's  expense,  had  a  public 
audience  of  her  majesty  at  the  palace  of  St.  James,  being  conducted  thither 
in  two  of  her  majesty's  coaches,  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel,  master  of  the  cere- 
monies, and  introduced  by  the  duke  of  Shrewsbury,  lord  chamberlain.  They 
made  a  speech  by  their  intrejjreter,  which  Major  Pidgeon,  who  was  one  of 
tlie  officers  that  came  with  them,  r  •'d  in  English  to  her  majesty,  being  as 
follows  : — 

"  (Jreat  Queen — We  have  undertaken  a  long  and  tedious  voyage,  which 
none  of  our  jjredecessors  §§  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  undertake.  The 
motive  that  induced  us  was,  that  we  might  see  our  great  queen,  and  relate 
to  her  those  things  we  thought  absolutely  necessary,  for  the  good  of  her,  and 
us,  her  allies,  on  the  other  side  the  great  water.    We  doubt  not  but  our  great 


*  "  I  intended  to  have  written  a  book  on  that  subject.  I  believe  he  [yl(/(/i«<ml  has  spent  it 
nil  in  on«  paper,  and  all  the  under  hints  there  are  mine  too."  Swijl's  Letter  to  Mrs.  Jmnson, 
-..i.V<i /,on</on,  28  April,  nil. 

t  This  was  probably  the  one  that  died,  of  whom  Kalm,  in  his  travels  in  America,  i.  210, 
makes  mention ;  though  I  do  not  tiud  a  record  of  it  in  any  periodical  of  that  day. 

j  Notes  to  the  Spectator,  cd.  in  8  vols.  8vo.     London,  173!). 

I  "The  Annals  of  Queen  ^nwe'*  Reign,  Year  the  IX.  for  1710,"  189—191.  This  is  a 
work  coutainin?  ^  most  valuable  fund  of  information,  and  is,  with  its  continuation,  a  lastin? 
i:ionumenl  to  its  learned  publisher ;  his  being  dragged  iuto  the  Dunciad  iu  one  of  Pope^ 
freaks  notwithstanding. 

II  We  have  these  names  in  the  Tatler,  spelt  Tee  Yee  Neen  Ho  Ga  Row,  Sa  Ga  Yeath  Rua 
Geth  U  -n,  E  Tom  Oh  Koam,  and  Ho  Nee  Yeth  Taw  No  Row. 

X  It  .s  -'itficult  to  '.onceive  what  is  meant  by  River  Indians  from  many  of  our  authors.  In 
the  Appcmux  to  Jtfferson's  Notes,  308,  they  nre  called  Kiver  Indians,  or  Mohickanden, 
''  who  had  the.-  dAfellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson's  river,  from  the 
Kittatiiiiiy  ridge  down  to  the  Rariton."  The  "  Mohiccous  "  were  another  tribe  about  th« 
islands  and  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 

**  Probably  the  chief  of  Canaiohara. 

tt  Query.  If,  according  to  Colden  and  others,  the  Tuscaroras  did  not  join  the  Iroquois 
until  1712,  and  until  that  time  these  were  called  the  Five  Nations,  how  comes  it  that  they  weie 
known  in  F.nglaiid  by  the  name  of  Sue  Nations  in  1710? 

a  No  one  can  be  misled  by  this  error,  any  more  than  an  Englishman  would  be  by  being 
li\\  thill  London  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

^{i  None  of  the  Six  Nations,  must  be  understood. 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VFJIT  ENGLAND. 


511 


queen  has  been  acquainted  with  our  long  and  tedioua  war,  in  conjunction 
with  her  children,  aguinst  her  enemies  the  French :  and  that  we  huve  bi;en 
as  a  strong  wall  for  tlieir  security,  even  to  the  loss  of  our  best  men.  The 
truth  of  which  our  brother  Quederf  Colonel  [Pe^erl  Schuyler,,  and  Anada^ar- 
jmuc,  Colonel  J^icholson,  can  testify ;  they  having  all  our  proposals  in  writing. 
We  were  mightily  rejoiced  when  we  heard  by  Anadagarjauj;,  that  our  great 
queen  had  resolved  to  send  an  army  to  reduce  Canada ;  from  whose  nioutli 
we  readily  embraced  our  great  queen's  instructions :  and  in  token  of  our 
friendship,  we  hung  up  the  kettle,  and  took  up  the  hatchet ;  and  with  one 
consent  joined  our  brother  Quedier,  and  Anadagarjavuc,  in  making  prepara- 
tions on  this  side  the  lake,  by  building  forts,  stora-houses,  canoes  and  but- 
teaux ;  whilst  Aundiaaia,  Colonel  Vetch,  at  the  same  time,  raised  an  oi'iiiy  ut 
Boston,  of  which  we  were  informed  by  our  ambassadors,  whom  we  sent 
thither  for  that  purpose.  We  waited  long  in  expectation  of  the  fleet  from 
England,  to  join  Anadicuia,  to  go  against  Quebec  by  sea,  whilst  Anadagai-- 
jaux,  Q^ueder,  and  we,  went  to  Port  Royal  by  land ;  but  at  last  we  were  told, 
that  our  great  queen,  by  some  important  affair,  was  prevented  in  her  design 
for  that  season.  This  made  us  extreme  sorrowful,  lest  the  French,  who 
hitherto  had  ''"eaded  us,  should  now  think  us  unable  to  make  war  against 
them.  The  reduction  of  Canada  is  of  such  weight,  that  alter  the  effecting 
thereof,  we  should  have  free  hunting,  and  a  g^^at  trade  witli  our  ^rcat 
queen's  children ;  and  as  a  token  of  tlie  sincerity  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  do 
here,  in  the  name  of  all,  present  our  great  queen  with  the  belts  of  wam])uni. 
We  need  not  urge  to  our  great  queen,  more  than  the  necessity  we  really  labor 
under  obliges  us,  that  in  case  our  great  queen  should  not  be  mindful  of  iis, 
we  must,  with  our  families,  forsake  our  country,  and  seek  other  habitations, 
or  stand  neuter ;  either  of  which  will  be  much  against  our  inclinations. 
Since  we  have  been  in  alliance  with  our  great  queen's  children,  we  have  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  Savior  of  the  world ;  and  have  often  been  impor- 
tuned by  the  French,  both  by  the  insinuations  of  their  priests,  and  l)y 
presents,  to  come  over  to  their  interest,  but  have  always  esteemed  tliein  men 
of  falsehood ;  but  if  our  great  queen  will  be  pleased  to  send  over  some 
persons  to  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a  most  hearty  welcome.  We  now 
close,  with  hopes  of  our  great  queen's  favor,  and  leave  it  to  her  most  gracious 
consideration." 

We  cannot  but  re8[iond  amen  to  Mr.  Oldmixon^s  opinion  of  this  speocli, 
namely,  that  it  was  made /or  mstead  of  by  the  "hieis ;  still  we  thought  it 
proi)er  to  print  it,  and  that  by  so  doing  we  should  give  satisfiiction  to  iiiore 
than  by  withholding  it  Our  account  next  proceeds :  "  On  Friday,  tlie  21 
April,  the  four  Indian  princes  went  to  see  Dr.  Flamstecufs  house,  and  niutlie- 
niatical  instruments,  in  Greenwich  Park  ;  after  which  they  were  nohiy 
treated  by  some  of  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty,  in  one  of  her 
majesty's  jachts.  They  staid  about  a  fortnight  longer  in  Lonclon,  where  thoy 
were  entertained  by  several  persons  of  distinction,  particularly  by  the  duke 
of  Ormond,  who  regaled  them  likewise  with  a  review  *  of  the  four  troops  of 
life-guards  ;  and  having  seen  all  the  curiosities  in  and  about  this  metro|>ulis, 
they  went  down  to  Portsmouth,  through  Hampton  Court  and  Windsor,  and 
embarked  on  board  the  Dragon,  one  of  her  majesty's  ships.  Captain  Martin, 
commodore,  together  with  Colonel  Francis  JVicholson,  commander-in-chie»" 
of  the  forces  designed  for  an  expedition  in  America.  On  the  8  May, 
tie  ">ragon  and  Falmouth  sailed  from  Spithead,  having  under  convoy  about 
18  sail,  consisting  of  merchantmen,  a  bomb-ship  and  tender,  and  several 
transports,  with  British  officers,  a  regiment  of  marines,  provisions  and  stores 
of  war ;  and  on  the  15  July  ariived  at  Boston  in  New  England." 

Little  is  to  be  gathered  from  Smith's  history  of  New  York  relative  to 
those  sachems.  lie  gives  a  speech  which  they  made  to  the  queen,  but 
it  is  a  meagre  abridgment  of  less  than  half  of  the    one  above,  and  tlie 


1  'i 


*  And  tlie  cliiefs  made  a  speech  in  return,  but  our  author  makes  this  noie  upon  it ' 
"  N.  i).  The  soeech  which  wan  «aid  to  have  been  made  by  ihem,  on  thai  unaiion,  to  l)i« 
Juke  of  Ormoiia,  ig  spurious. ' 


W- 


i 


^k-h 


612 


TAMANY. 


[Book  V 


rest  is  omitted  entirely.  "The  arrival  of  the  five  sachems  in  England 
made  a  great  bruit  throughout  tlio  whole  kingdom.  The  mob  followed 
wherever  they  went,  and  small  cuts  of  them  were  sold  among  the  people."  * 

The  main  object  of  their  visit  to  England  was  not,  nor,  in  the  nature  of 
tilings,  could  it  be  effected,  f  mean  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among 
them.  Even  these  very  sachems,  who,  according  to  the  stories  of  that  day, 
requested  to  have  missionaries  settled  with  them,  were  among  the  first  to 
neglect  them  when  settled  among  them.t  "  It  might  have  been  imagined," 
says  the  author  just  cited,  "  the  sachems,  those  petty  kings,  who  were  in 
England  in  the  late  Queen's  time,  sliould  have  been  so  strongly  affected  with 
eeemg  the  grandeur,  pleasure,  and  plenty  of  this  nation,  that  when  they  come 
to  their  own  countries,  they  would  have  tried  to  reduce  tlieir  people  to  a 
polite  life ;  would  have  employed  their  whole  power  to  expel  that  rude  bar- 
bai'ism,  and  introduce  arts,  manners,  and  religion :  but  the  contrary  happen- 
ed ;  the^  sunk  themselves  into  their  old  brutal  life,  and  though  they  had 
seen  this  great  city,  [London,]  when  they  came  to  their  own  woods,  tiiey 
were  all  savages  again." 

There  cannot  be  a  wider  difference  than  the  two  nations,  English  and 
French,  make  in  their  accounts  of  the  original  condition,  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Iroquois.  While  the  writers  of  the  former  described  them  as 
the  most  barbarous,  cruel,  and  bloody,  those  of  the  latter  portray  them  in 
enviable  colors.  This  difference  seems  to  have  entirely  arisen  from  the 
different  relation  of  the  two  nations  to  them.  That  they  were  cruel  and 
barbarous  to  their  enemies  is  agreed  by  both,  and  it  unfortunately  happened 
that  the  English  were  generally  their  enemies,  until  the  reduction  of  Canada, 
in  1760. 


CHAPTER  n. 

T  AM  kH\,  a  famous  ancient  Delateare — His  history — Shikellimus — Favors  the  Moravi- 
an Brethren — His  reception  oj"  Count  Zinxendorf — His  death — Canassatego — Visits 
Philadelphia — His  speech  to  the  Delawares — Anecdotes  of  him — Glikhikan — His 
speech  to  Half-king — His  attachment  to  the  Christian  Indians — Meets  with  much 
trouble  from  Captain  Pipe — Conduct  of  Half-king — Of  Pipe — Glikhikan  perishes 
in  the  massacre  at  Gnadenhuetten — Pakanke — His  history — Netawatwees — 
Becomes  a  Christian — His  speech  to  Pakanke — His  death — Pasnous — Tadeuskund 
— His  history  and  death — White-eves — His  transactions  with  the  missionaries — 
Skenando — His  celebrated  speech — Curious  anecdote  of  him — His  death. 

Tamant  was  a  name  much  in  print,  fifty  years  since,  but  of  what  nation 
or  country,  or  whether  applied  to  an  imaginary  or  real  personage,  by  any  ac- 
count accompanying  it,  no  one  could  determine.  The  truth  respecting  this 
liEis  at  length  come  to  light. 

He  was  a  Delaware  chief,  of  similar  renown  to  the  Basheha  of  Kennebeck, 
and  JVanepashemet  of  Alassachusetts ;  and  we  infer  from  Gabrid  Thomm,t 
that  possibly  he  might  have  been  alive  as  late  as  1680  or  1690.  He  wrote 
the  name  Temeny. 

Mr.  Heckewdder,  in  bin  Historical  Account  of  the  Indian  Nations,  de- 
votes a  chapter  to  this  chief  and  Tadeuskund,  He  spells  the  name  Tamaned. 
The  difficulty  of  gaining  information  of  deceased  individuals  among  the 
Indi&as  is  well  known  to  those  conversant  with  their  history.  Mr.  Hecke- 
welder  says,  "  No  white  man  who  regards  their  feelings,  will  introduce  such 
subjects  in  conversation  with  them."    This  reluctance  to  speak  of  the  de- 

•  Hist.  New  York,  122.  ed.  4to.  London,  1757.  Beautiful  full-length  portraits  of  four  of 
these  chiefs  were  done  in  mczzolinlo  at  llie  lime  they  were  in  England,  but  they  were  long 
since  of  very  rare  occurrence.  I  possess  the  best  set  of  them  which  I  liave  ever  seen.  They 
are  usually  found  in  black  frames,  and  are  about  20  inches  in  height  by  12  in  breadth.  The 
portrnit  ot  the  one  that  died  was  not  probably  taken,  which  accounts  for  our  having  but  four. 

t  Humphrky's  llislorical  Account  Soc.  for  Prop.  Gospel,  30'J,  310. 

t  "  Who  resided  tlicre  [in  Pennsylvania]  about  15  years,"  and  who  published  "  An  Historic 
al  and  Ueograpliicai  Account  of  Pa.  and  \V.  Jersey,"  12nio.  London,  IGDS. 


■■g^ini;'!!  ■wrw'— 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY— SHIKELLIMUS. 


M3 


parted  he  attributes  to  "  the  misfortunes  which  have  befullen  some  of  the 
moat  beloved  and  esteemed  personages  among  them,  since  tlie  Europeans 
came  among  them."  It  is  believed,  however,  that  it  had  a  more  remote  ori- 
gin. The  same  author  continues,  "  All  we  know  of  Tamened  is,  that  he  was 
an  ancient  Delaware  chief,  who  never  had  his  equal."  ♦ 

It  is  said  tiiat  when,  about  1776,  Colonel  George  Morgan,  of  Princeton,  New 
Jersey,  visited  the  western  Indians  by  direction  of  congress,  the  Delawares  con- 
ferred on  him  the  name  of  Tamany,  "  in  honor  and  remembrance  of  their 
ancient  chief,  and  as  the  greatest  mark  of  respect  which  tliey  could  show  to 
that  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  the  same  address,  affability  and  meekness 
as  their  honored  chief."  t 

"  The  fame  of  this  great  man  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who  fabri- 
cated numerous  legends  respecting  him,  which  I  never  heard,  however, 
from  the  mouth  of  an  Lidian,  and  tlierefore  believe  to  be  fabulous.  In  the 
revolutionary  war,  his  enthusiastic  admirers  dubbed  him  a  saint,  and  he  was 
established  under  the  name  of  St.  Tammany,  the  patron  siiint  of  America. 
His  name  was  inserted  in  some  calendars,  and  his  festival  celebrated  on  the 
first  day  of  May  in  every  year.  On  that  day  a  numerous  society  of  his  vota- 
ries walked  together  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  PIiiladel])hia,  their 
bats  decorated  with  bucks'' tails,  and  proceeded  to  a  handsome  rural  place 
«iit  of  town,  which  they  called  the  wigwam;  where,  afler  a  lotig  talk  or 
Indian  speech  had  been  delivered,  and  the  calumet  of  peace  and  friendship 
hud  been  duly  smoked,  they  spent  the  day  in  festivity  and  mirth.  Afler  din- 
ner, Indian  dances  were  performed  on  tiie  green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  the 
calumet  was  again  smoked,  and  the  company  separated." 

It  was  not  till  some  years  afler  the  peace  that  these  yearly  doings  were 
broken  up,  which  would  doubtless  have  lasted  longer  but  for  the  misfbrtune 
of  the  owner  of  the  ground  where  they  were  held.  Since  that  time  Phila- 
delphia, New  York,  and  perhaps  other  places,  have  had  their  Tamany  socie- 
ties, Tamany  halls,  &c.  &c.  In  their  meetings  these  societies  make  but 
an  odd  figure  in  imitating  the  Indian  manner  of  doing  business,  as  well  as  in 
ippropriating  their  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  the  multitude  of  poems  and  odes  to  Tamany,  the  following  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  acts  said  to  have  been  achieved  by 
him : — 

"  Immortal  Tamany,  of  Indian  race, 

Great  in  the  field  and  foremost  in  the  chase  ! 

No  puny  saint  was  he,  with  fasting  pale  ; 

He  climbed  the  mountain,  and  he  swept  the  vale, 

Rushed  through  the  torrent  with  unequalled  might ; 

Your  ancient  saints  would  tremble  at  the  sight ; 

Caught  the  swift  boar  and  swifter  deer  with  ease, 

And  worked  a  thousand  miracles  like  these. 

To  public  views  he  added  private  ends. 

Ana  loved  his  country  most,  and  next  his  friends  ; 

With  courage  long  he  strove  to  ward  the  blow  j 

(Courage  we  all  respect  ev'n  in  a  foe  ;) 

And  when  each  effort  he  in  vain  had  tried, 

Kindled  the  flame  in  which  he  bravely  died ! 

To  Tamany  let  the  full  horn  go  round  ; 

His  fame  let  every  honest  tongue  resound  ; 

With  him  let  every  gen'rous  patrioi  vie. 

To  live  in  freedom  or  with  honor  die."} 

We  are  next  to  speak  of  a  chief,  concerning  whom  much  inquiry  has  been 
made  from  several  considerations.    We  mean 

Shikellimus,  the  father  of  the  celebrated  Tjogan.  He  was  a  Cayuga  sachem, 
Hud  styled  by  Mr.  Loskiel,^  "first  magistrate  and  head  chief  of  all  the  L'oquois 
Indians  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehannah,  as  far  as  Onondago. 

He  is  the  same  often  mentioned  by  Colden,\\  under  the  names  Shickcalamy. 
Shicalamy,  and  Shick  Calamy,  and  occupies  a  place  next  the  fiimous  CanassO' 

•  Some  will  doubtless  imagine  that  this  was  knowing  a  good  deal. 

\  \iecke\vek\et,  id  supra.  {  Curcy's  Museum,  v.  l&l.  6  Hist.  Missions,  u.  119. 

II  Ilist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  57,  69,  75,  77,  85. 

2U 


!        '■    '. 


t        I, 


^k^i 


:cl;|. 


4 


514 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Book  V 


tego.  His  residence  was  at  Conestoga  in  Pennsylvania,  lie  was  present  at  a 
great  council  held  in  Philadelphia  in  1742,  witii  91  other  chiefs,  counsellors 
and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  consult  about  the  encroachments  of  some 
of  the  Delawares  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  Canasaatego,  That  he  was  u  man  of  much  consetjuenco 
among  the  Five  Nations  will  ai)pear  from  the  fact,  that  Canassateeo  repeated  a 
speech  of  his  to  Governor  Thomas,  when  the  assault  upon  William  Webb 
was  inquired  into,  "  whereby  his  [the  said  Wtb^s]  jaw-bone  was  broke,  and 
his  life  greatly  endangered  by  an  unknown  Indian."  This  took  place  upon 
the  disputed  lands  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  "  Canasaatego  repeating  the 
message  delivered  to  the  Six  Nations  by  Shickcalamy,  in  the  year  1740,  with  a 
^Ti  "I  g  oi  wampum,  said  in  answer:  'The  Six  Nations  had  made  diligent 
in*iuiry  into  the  afiiiir,  and  had  found  out  the  Indian  who  had  committed  the 
"tt^t;  he  lived  near  Asopus,  [iEsopvs,]  and  had  been  examined  and  severely 
res;  i-.^'ed;  and  they  hoped,  as  William  Webb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
W(<ul '.  I'ot  expect  any  further  punishment,  and  therefore  they  returned  the 
string  /  vumpum  received  i'rnn  their  brethren,  by  the  hand  of  Shickcalamy, 
m  tokeii  iunt  they  had  fully  complied  with  their  request,'  " 

When  Count  Zinzendorf,  fo'mder  of  the  sect  culled  Moravians,  visited  this 
country,  in  1742,  he  hud  an  i.iterview  with  this  chief  at  Shamokiu.  Conrad 
Weiaer  was  present,  and  Shikellimus  inquired  with  gjeat  anxiety  the  cause  of 
the  count's  visit.  Weiser  told  him  "  that  he  was  a  messenger  of  tlie  living 
Grod,  sent  to  j)reach  grace  und  mercy ; "  to  which  he  answered,  "  he  was  glad 
that  such  a  messenger  came  to  instruct  his  nation." 

While  in  the  exercise  of  his  pious  labors,  Zinzendorf  very  nan*owly  escaped 
assassination  ;  and,  to  illustrate  the  force  of  superstition  upon  untutored  minds, 
it  will  be  proper  to  relate  the  circumstance.  Having  arrived  on  the  banks 
of  the  Wyoming,  the  Indians  could  not  believe  that  he  had  come  solely  for 
their  benefit,  but  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  his  real  object  was  the  ac- 
quisition of  liuid ;  and  they  therefore  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  On  a  cool 
evening  in  September,  as  he  sat  alone  in  his  tent,  upon  a  bundle  of  weeds, 
which  was  his  bed,  the  appointed  assassins  appioached  his  frail  mansion. 
He  had  a  small  fire,  and  was  writing  at  the  time ;  and  nothing  jMevented  the 
easy  execution  of  their  commission.  A  blanket,  suspended  by  the  cornerei, 
formed  the  door  of  his  tent,  and  as  the  Indians  drew  this  a  little  aside,  they 
beheld  a  large  rattlesnake  which  the  fire  had  driven  from  his  covert,  laying 
near  the  venerable  man,  but  was  not  seen  by  him  ;  bein^  too  deeply  engaged 
in  his  subject  to  notice  him  or  the  more  dangerous  ftidians.  The  rattle- 
snake being  an  animal  they  feared  and  respected  as  a  kind  of  Munito,  uiid 
seeing  it  in  company  with  the  stranger,  they  doubted  not  of  his  divine  origin 
also,  and  at  once  shrunk  from  their  object,  and  returned  to  report  what  they 
had  seen  to  their  brethren  in  their  village.*  He  was  now  received  by  the 
Shawanese,  and  a  mission  was  begun  among  them. 

Shikellimus  was  a  great  friend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  was  a 
severe  loss  to  them.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  1749. 
We  have  already  named  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  finishhig 
our  accoimt  of  Shikellitmts. 

CANASSATEGO,  a  chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Onondago. 
In  1742,  there  arose  a  dispute  between  the  Delawares  and  the  govermiieiit 
of  Pennsylvania,  relative  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  The 
English  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase,  and  the  Delawares  persisted  in 
their  claim,  and  threatened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be  given  up  by  tlie 
whites.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to  the  Six  Nations,  and 
the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  deputies  to  tlnim  to  notify  them  of  the 
trouble,  that  they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Canasaatego  appeared  in  Philadelphia  with  230  warriors.  He  observed 
to  the  governor,  "that  they  saw  the  Delawares  had  been  an  unruly  people, 
and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong;  that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  them, 
and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the  river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any 
lands  on  this  side  for  the  future,  since  they  had  received  pay  for  them,  and 


Chapman's  Hist.  Wyoming,  20  to  22, 


CakF.  U.] 


CANASSATEGO. 


5ir» 


l:^ 


it  is  gone  through  their  guts  long  ago.  They  deserved,  he  said,  to  be  tn^en 
l»y  iho  iiuir  ot'the  heud,  uiid  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  senses, 
uiul  liecunie  sober;  that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  a  deed  signed  by  nine 
of  tlieir  ancestors,  above  fitly  years  ago,  for  this  very  land,  aii<l  a  "  '•^ase 
signed  not  many  years  since,  by  some  of  tlieinselves,  and  chiefs  yet  ..  ing, 
(and  then  present,)  to  the  number  of  15  and  upwards;  but  how  cun.<  yuii 
(addressing  iiiuiself  to  tlie  Delawares  present)  to  take  upon  you  to  sel.  land 
at  all  ?  We  conquered  you  ;  we  made  women  of  you ;  you  know  you  are 
women ;  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women ;  nor  is  it  lit  you  should  have 
the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse  it  This  laud  you  eiaim 
is  gone  through  your  guts ;  you  have  been  furnished  witli  clothes,  meat  and 
drink,  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it  again,  like  chiidn.n 
us  you  are.  But  what  makes  you  sell  lands  in  the  dark  ?  Did  you  ever  tell 
us  that  you  had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  we  ever  receive  any  part,  even  the  value 
of  a  pipe  shank,  from  you  for  it  ?  You  have  told  us  a  blind  storj',  that  you 
sent  a  messenger  to  us,  to  iidbrm  us  of  the  sale ;  but  he  never  came  amongst 
us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  any  thing  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and 
very  different  from  the  conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land. 
On  such  occasions  they  give  public  no  j,  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  tlieir 
united  nations,  and  give  them  all  a  .ar^  f  the  presents  they  receive  lor 
tlieir  lands. 

"This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wisf  uniten  ;iations.  But  we  find  you  are 
none  of  our  blood ;  you  act  a  dishoi.sst  part,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other 
matters ;  your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  your  brethren. 
For  all  these  reasons,  we  charge  you  to  remove  instantly  ;  we  donH  give  you  liberty 
to  think  about  it.  You  are  women."  '  .ley  dared  not  disobey  this  command, 
and  soon  aller  removed,  some  to  Wyoming  and  Shamokin,  and  some  to  the 
Ohio.* 

When  Canassatego  was  at  Lau^aster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  holding  a 
talk  f  about  their  affairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  t!ie  English 
had  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  battle.  "  Well,"  said  he,  "  if  that 
be  the  case,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  from  them,  and  can 
afford  to  give  us  some,  that  we  may  rejoice  with  you."  Accordingly,  a  ghura 
was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a  French  glass.  | 

Dr.  Franklin  tells  us  a  very  interesting  story  of  Canassatego,  and  at  the  same 
time  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  Li  speaking  of  the  maimers  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Lidians,  the  doctor  says,  "The  same  hospitality,  esteemed  among 
them  as  a  principal  virtue,  is  practised  by  private  persons  ;  of  which  Conrad 
fVeiser,  our  inter|)rcter,  gave  me  the  followiiig  instances.  He  had  been  iiatu- 
ralizetl  among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spoke  well  the  Mohawk  language.  In 
going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  a  message  from  our  governor  to 
the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the  habitation  of  Canassatego,  nn  old 
acquaintance,  who  embraced  him,  spread  furs  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  bi-fore 
him  some  boiled  beans,  and  venison,  and  mixed  some  rum  and  water  liir  his 
drink.  When  he  was  well  refreshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canassatego  began 
to  converse  with  him ;  asked  how  he  had  fared  the  many  years  since  tluy 
had  seen  each  other ;  whence  he  then  came  ;  what  occasioned  tlie  joiiiii(;y, 
&c.  Conrad  answered  all  his  questions ;  and  when  the  discourse  be;:aii  to 
flag,  the  Indian,  to  continue  it,  said, '  Conrad,  you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs:  I  have  been  sonietiiii>  s 
at  Albany,  and  have  observed,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  uji  their 
eho]>s,  and  assemble  in  the  great  house ;  tell  me  what  that  is  tor;  what  do 
they  do  there?'  'They  meet  there,' says  Conrorf, ' to  hear  and  learn  good 
things.'  '  I  do  not  doubt,'  says  the  Lidian,  'that  they  tell  you  so ;  they  have 
told  me  the  same;  but  1  doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  stiy,  and  I  will  tell  you 
my  reasons.  I  went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and  buy  blankets. 
knives,  jiowder,  rum,  &c.    Y'^ou  know  I  used  generally  to  deal  with  Hans 

•  Colden  and  Gordon's  Histories. 

f  The  iiilmiios  ol'llie  coiiferenoo  taken  at  the  time  by  William  Marshe,  occupio*  30  pages  ii 
(he  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  \(>l. 
J  (JuUIcil's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  142, 


516 


CANASSATEGO. 


[lioiK    V 


Hanson;  but  I  wns  a  little  inclinnd  this  time  to  try  ,«K>irie  other  iiierchniil ». 
However,  1  culiid  tirat  upon  Hang,  and  nhk«;il  liiin  wliat  in;  woiiUI  givo  lor 
Iteaver.  He  Miid  lie  could  not  give  more  tiian  i'onr  HJiiUiii^ii  n  poiiiitt ;  liiit 
Haya  he,  I  cannot  talk  on  biiHincHH  now;  this  ia  tiic  day  wiicn  wi;  nici  t  toui^thrr 
to  learn  good  tliiitga,  and  I  am  going  to  the  meeting.  So  1  thouglit  to  niyii<eli| 
since  I  cannot  do  any  InisinesH  to-day,  I  may  au  well  go  to  the  meeting  to«», 
and  I  Avent  witli  him.  There  stood  np  u  man  in  black,  and  brgan  to  talk 
to  the  peo|de  very  angiily ;  1  did  not  nn<ierstand  what  be  xn'u\,  hut  ptMteiving 
that  he  looked  iniieh  at  me,  and  at  llansoii,  1  imagined  that  he  wum  angry  at 
seeing  me  there  ;  «o  I  went  ont,  .sat  down  near  the  huii>e,  stinck  tire,  and  lit 
my  p)pe,  waiting  till  the  meeting  should  break  U|».  1  thought  too  that  the 
man  had  mentioned  something  of  Ix-aver,  and  suspected  it  might  be  the  sub- 
ject of  their  meeting.  So  when  they  came  out,  I  accosted  my  merchant. 
•Well,  Hans,^  says  1,  '1  hope  you  have  agreed  to  give  more  than  4».  a 
pound.'  'No,'  says  he, '  I  cannot  give  so  iimch,  I  cannot  give  more  than  three 
Hhillings  and  sixpence-.'  I  then  spoke  to  several  other  dealers,  but  they  all  sung 
the  same  song,— -<Aree  and  sixpence,  three  and  sixpence.  This  made  it  clear  to 
me  that  my  suspicion  was  right;  and  that  whatever  they  pretended  of  meet- 
ing' to  learn  good  tli{ngs,the  pu.pose  was  to  consult  how  to  cheat  Indians  in  the 
price  of  beaver.  Consider  but  a  little,  Conrad,  and  you  nnist  he  of  my  opinion. 
If  they  met  so  ollen  to  learn  good  things,  they  would  certainly  have  learned 
some  l>efore  this  time.  But  they  are  still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice. 
It'  a  white  man,  in  travelling  through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins, 
we  all  treat  him  as  I  do  you;  we  dry  him  if  he  is  wet;  we  warm  him  if  he  is 
cold,  and  give  him  meat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  his  thirst  and  hunger ; 
and  we  spread  soil  furs  for  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on ;  we  ()emand  nothing  in 
return.  }iut  if  I  go  into  a  white  man's  house  at  Albany,  and  a^k  for  victuals  and 
di'ink,  they  say.  Get  out,  you  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  not  yet  learned 
those  little  good  things  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  be  instructed  in,  because 
our  mothers  tangiit  tiiem  to  us  when  we  were  children;  and  therefore  it  is 
impossible  their  meetings  should  be,  as  they  say,  for  any  such  ]iurpose,  or  have 
any  such  effect :  they  are  only  lo  contrive  the  cheating  of  Indians  in  the  price 
of  beaver.' "  * 

The  missionary  Frederic  Post,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  Indians 
on  the  Ohio,  in  175B,  mentions  a  son  of  Canassatego,  whom  he  calls  Hans 
Jacob. 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a  succession  of 
Indian  wars,  although  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormities 
committed  among  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years,  their  historic 
page  is  very  clear  of  such  records,  namely,  from  1G82,  the  arrival  of  William 
I'enn,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

And  we  will  here  record  the  proceedings  of  William  Penn,  on  his  taking 
j)ossession  of  his  lands  upon  the  Delaware,  so  far  as  they  are  connected  with 
our  Indian  history. 

Humanity  being  a  prominent  feature  in  every  Quaker  who  liTes  up  to  his 
])rofes8ion,  we  are  to  expect  a  display  of  it  in  that  of  Penn  ;  and  happily  we 
do  not  find  ourselves  disappointed.  The  force  of  his  example  was  such,  that, 
for  many  years,  his  followers  practised  the  art  of  peacemaking ;  and  hence  no 
wars  occurred,  as  we  have  already  observed ;  but  as  the  enlightened  mind 
of  Penn  carried  his  acts  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  in  advance 
of  his  contemporaries,  they  acting  without  the  true  principle  which  governed 
him,  soon  forgot  its  importance,  and  pursued  a  difiereut  course,  which  brought 
the  evils  of  war  and  dissolution. 

IFiUiam  Penn  had  conlirined  to  him  the  country  since  bearing  his  name, 
by  a  royal  charter,  and  having  sent  over  a  small  colony  to  take  possession 
of  it  in  l(i81,  followed  himself  the  next  year.  His  first  care  on  his  arrival  was 
to  establish  a  lasting  friendship  with  the  Indians.  This  he  effected  by  the 
greatest  possible  care  in  rendering  them  strict  justice  and  great  kindness,  and 
above  all  by  purchasing  the  country  of  them,  and  paying  them  to  their  con- 


•  The  editors  of  the  valual.! .  Eiicycloi)edia  Pcrlhcusis  have  thought  this  aiii'ivloiu  woiihy  a 
place  in  that  work,  (i.  Gd2.) 


Chap.  II] 


PENN'S  TREATY.— OLIKIIIKAN. 


517 


'tent  for  it.  Perm  landed  at  what  is  now  Newcastle,  24  October,  and  room  bi^gan 
to  exchange  goods  for  lands  with  the;  Indians.  By  this  intercourse  he  learned 
tiicir  language,*  and  thus  qualified  himself  to  render  thetn  justice  in  all  ctisi-s. 

The  first  formed  treaty  entered  into  between  Penn  and  the  li.'lians  was 
made  in  Dec.  KJ82,  and  took  place  almost  two  miles  almve  what  is  now 
Chestinit  Street,  on  the  same  side  of  the  Delaware,  in  tiie  present  township 
of  Kensington,  under  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  an  elm-tree,  aged  at  that 
time  155  years,  as  since  ascortained.f  A  small  cubical  marble  monument 
now  marks  the  s|K)t^  which,  with  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  in  the  days  of 
Penn,  was  called  ShaJutmaxon,  A  strc«'t  perpetuates  this  name,  not  far  dis- 
tant, which  runs  at  right  angles  to  the  river.  The  little  monument  of  whicli 
we  have  made  mention,  was  almost  invisible  from  piles  of  rubbish,  when 
visited  by  the  writer  in  April,  183 ^.f 

In  reference  to  Penn's  Treaty,  ko  often  the  subject  of  prose  in  both  heini- 
8j»heres,  Voltaire  has  in  his  peculiar  vein  observed,  that  it  was  the  only  o-io 
made  without  an  oath,  and  the  only  one  which  had  not  been  broken.^ 

An  admirable  painting  of  this  treaty,  by  Sir  Benjamin  fVest,  has  oflen  been 
sketched  upon  copper,  and  intpressions  circulated  in  various  works ;  there  ie<, 
however,  in  all  of  them,  a  very  glaring  want  of  taste  or  judgment,  arising 
probably  from  a  fiil.se  notion  of  tlie  ])uinter,  which  is  the  appeiu-ance  of 
handsome  houses  in  the  buck-ground.  There  is  one  of  the  best  sketciies  of 
an  Indian  treaty  painted  upon  the  sign  of  an  inn  in  Beucii  Street,  near  the  old 
treaty  ground,  which  I  have  seen. 

It  is  no  wonder  the  Indians  remembered  Penn  so  long,  and  so  afTection- 
ately,  for  it  v,">s  not  uncommon  for  him  to  perform  the  engagements  of  other.-*, 
who  piirpo.sel^  set  out  upon  wronging  them.  In  a  speech  which  a  chief  of 
tlie  Six  Nations  made  at  a  conferpnce,  at  Lancaster,  in  June,  1744,  he  gives 
the  following  narrative  of  one  of  Penn's  generous  acts  in  these  words: — 

"  When  our  brother  Onas,  a  great  while  ago,  came  to  Albany  to  buy  the 
Susquchannah  lands  of  us,  our  brother  the  governor  of  N.  York,  wlio,  us  we 
suppose,  had  not  a  good  understanding  with  our  brother  Onas,  advised  us 
not  to  sell  him  any  land,  ibr  he  would  make  a  bad  use  of  it,  and  pretending 
to  be  our  friend,  he  advised  us,  in  order  to  prevent  0;mm'»,  or  any  other  per- 
sons, imposing  on  u.s,  and  that  we  might  always  huve  our  land  when  we 
wanted  it,  to  put  it  into  his  hands  ;  and  he  told  us  he  would  keep  it  for  our 
usn,  and  never  opim  his  hands,  but  keep  them  close  shut,  and  not  part  witii 
any  of  it,  but  at  our  request  Accordingly  we  trusted  him,  and  put  our  laiid.s 
into  his  hands,  and  charged  him  to  keep  them  safe  for  our  use.  But  some 
time  after  he  went  to  England,  and  carried  our  land  with  him,  and  there  sold 
it  to  our  brother  Onas  for  a  large  sum  of  money.  And  when  at  the  instance 
of  our  brother  Onas  we  were  minded  to  sell  him  some  lands,  he  told  us  we  had 
sold  the  Susquchannah  lands  already  to  the  governor  of  N.  York,  and  that 
he  had  bought  them  from  him  in  England ;  though  when  he  came  to  under- 
stand how  the  governor  of  N.  York  had  deceived  us,  he  very  generously  paid 
us  for  our  lands  over  again." || 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  Moravian  Brethren.    Among  the  most  noted  was 

GLIKHIKANjH  or  Glikhickan,**  "an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lor and  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [Pakanke]  in  Kaskaskunk."  It  is  said 
that  he  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  Canada,  and  con- 

*  FFis  own  leUer,  dated  tlie  year  following,  S'"'"^  8"  account  of  llic  country,  its  products, 
inhabitants,  &c.  &.c.  dated  16  August,  1683,  and  printed  in  Blonie's  America,  %. 

t  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  405.  The  old  elm  was  blown  down  by  a  tempest  in  1810,  and  was 
then  233  years  old.  lb.  Pieces  of  its  stump  are  preserved  in  the  cabinets  of  the  curious,  along 
with  fragments  of  the  Plymouth  Rock,  &c. 

X  I  was  lately  informed  bv  Mr.  Duponceau  of  Piiiladelphia,  that  some  important  errors  existed 
in  the  printed  accounts  of  Penn's  Treaty,  and  he  showed  me  .some  manuscripts  concerning  it 
which  he  had  lately  discovered,  and  was  preparing  to  have  them  printed  in  the  Hist.  Colls,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

^  C'est  le  seul  traits  entre  ces  peuples  et  les  Chretiens  qui  n'ait  point  ite  jur6  et  qui  n'ai 
aoint  ^te  rompu.     CEuvres,  vol.  Iiv.  415,  ed.  of  1735,  in  91  vols.  l2mo. 

II  An  Enquiry  into  the  Causes,  &c.  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Shawaiiese  anil  :)elawares,  51. 

II  Loskiel.  **  Heckewelder. 

44 


^l 


518 


GLIKIIIKAN.— ins  SPF.Eril  TO  HALFKING. 


lBoo«  V 


l> 


m. 


fonndcd  tliorii,  and  now  (1709)  mmlo  liia  njinonrnncn  nmong  tlin  Unitcrl 
Hietliroii  for  tho  purpoHo  of  uchiovin^  a  like  victory;  but  as  tlit;  HretlirenV 
account  Ii(i8  it,  his  licnrt  failed  him,  and  he  l)ccninc  a  convict  to  tiicir  (h)ctrineii 
In  1770,  lie  <|nitt(!(l  Kaskaskiink,  to  live  with  the  Hretiircn,  greutiyuguinst  the 
uiinds  of  his  frn;nrls  and  his  chief.  Tiiis  occasioned  great  troui)le,  and  some 
fiideavored  to  take  his  life.  Pakanke'a  sjjeech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will 
>)e  seen  when  wo  come  to  the  account  of  that  chief.  At  the  time  of  ids  bap- 
tism, (Uikhikan  received  the  name  of  Isaac. 

The  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a  distressing  time  for  the  Bretlireti 
and  those  Indians  who  had  adliered  to  their  cause.  War  paitics  from  the 
iiostile  tribes  were  contiiuiaily  passing  and  repassing  their  settlements,  ond 
otlen  in  the  most  suspicious  manner.  It  was  to  the  tiinious  chief  Glikhikan 
•hat  they  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than  one  occasion.  Tlie  Indians* 
about  the  lakes  si-nt  dc|)uti=8  to  draw  the  Delawares  into  the  war  against  the 
Ani'-ricaiis,  but  they  were  not  received  by  them.  Shortly  after,  in  tiio  year 
1777,  200  Huron  warriors,  with  Half -king  at  their  head,  approached  the  3Io- 
raviun  settlement  of  Lichtenau,  in  their  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon 
the  frontiers,  and  caused  great  consternation  among  the  Hnthreu  ;  but  rcsoiv- 
ing  to  show  no  signs  of  fear,  victuals  were  prepared  I'or  them,  and  sent  out 
by  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  meet  them.  The  reception  of  thosi-  sent 
out  was  far  more  promising  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  i\\\cr  was  "sent 
a  solemn  embassy  to  the  Half-king  and  otiier  chiefs  of  the  Iliirons."  Glikhi- 
kan was  at  the  iiead  of  this  embassy,  and  the  lollowing  is  his  speech  to 
Half-king: — "Uncle!  We,  your  cousins,  tlio  congregation  of  believing 
Indians  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetton,  rejoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see 
and  sj)eak  with  you.  We  cleanse  your  eyes  from  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
tlic  wind  may  have  carried  into  tiiem,  tiiat  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  and  a  serene  countenance.  We  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts  ti-oni 
ail  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  your  ears  and 
even  into  your  hearts  on  tlie  journey,  that  our  words  may  find  entrance  into 
your  ears  and  a  place  in  your  hearts.  [Here  a  string  of  wampum  tons  pre- 
sented, hy  Glikhikan,]  Uncle !  hear  the  words  of  the  believing  Indians,  your 
cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetton.  We  would  have  you  know,  tliat 
we  have  received  and  believed  in  the  word  of  God  for  30  years  and  upwards, 
and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and  evening.  You  must  also  know,  that 
we  have  our  teachers  dwelling  amongst  us,  who  instruct  us  and  our  children. 
IJy  this  word  of  God,  preached  to  us  by  our  teachers,  we  are  taught  to  keep 
peace  with  all  men,  and  to  consider  them  as  friends;  for  tiius  God  has  com- 
mandi  d  us,  and  therefore  we  are  lovers  of  peace.  These  our  treachers  are 
not  only  our  friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  them  as  our  own  flesh  nn<I 
blood.  Now  as  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  earnestly  beg  of  you,  uncle, 
that  you  also  would  consider  them  as  yor.r  own  body,  and  as  your  cousin. 
We  and  they  make  hut  one  body,  and  therefore  cannot  he  si'paratcd,  and 
whatever  you  do  unto  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil." 
Then  several  fathoms  of  wampum  were  delivered.  Hnlf-king  received  this 
speech  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  penetrated  his  heart,  and  after  he  had 
consulted  with  his  cajitains,  he  sjjoke  as  ibllows  in  answer : — "  Cousins !  I 
am  very  glad  and  feci  great  satisfaction  that  you  have  clpansid  my  eyes,  ears 
and  heart  from  all  evil,  conveyed  into  me  by  the  wind  on  this  journey.  I  am 
upon  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind ;  for  I  am  a  warrior  and  am  going  to 
war,  and  therefore  many  evil  things  and  evil  thoughts  enter  into  my  head, 
and  even  into  my  heart.  But  tlianks  to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear, 
so  tliat  I  can  behold  my  cousin  with  a  serene  countenance.  I  rejoice,  that  I 
can  hear  my  cousins  with  open  ears,  and  take  tlieir  words  to  heart."  He  then 
delivered  a  string  of  wampum,  and  after  repeating  the  part  of  Glikhikan^s 
speech  relating  to  the  missionaries,  proceeded : "  Go  on  as  hitherto,  and  suffer  no 
one  to  molest  you.  Obey  your  touchers,  who  speak  nothing  hut  good  imto 
you,  and  instruct  you  in  the  ways  of  God,  and  be  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
.shall  be  done  unto  them.  No  creature  shall  hurt  them.  Attend  to  yout 
worship,  and  never  mind  other  afl^airs.  Indeed,  you  see  us  going  to  war; 
but  you  may  remain  easy  and  quiet,  ai>'l  need  not  think  nnich  aliout  it,  &c." 
This  was  rather  odd  talk  ibr  a  savage  warrior,  and  verily  it  seeins  more  like 


Chap.  II. ]    GLIKIIIKAN —TROUBLES  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


tlint  of  ono  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  otLoikiel  will  not  be 

<|IICHtioll('(l. 

Home  time  after  thin,  a  circumstance  occurred  which  threw  Glikhiknn  into 
iiuich  troul)le  and  dan^'or.  A  band  of  Huron  wan'iors  m-ized  ufKin  the  miH- 
HJonarietj  at  Halcm  and  Gnadunhucttcn,  and  contint'd  th<>m,  and  did  mm-li 
mischief  Mirhnel  Jun^,  David  Ztiaberf^tr  and  John  Ikckewddtr  Wi-m  llio 
ikotliren  confined  at  this  timt;.  Tiio  savages  next  pillaged  Hcliocnbrunn, 
from  whence  thry  led  captive  tlie  missionary  Jungvvin  and  wife,  and  tins 
■listers  Zeiiberger  and  Sensenutn ;  and,  singing  the  death-song,  arrived  with 
them  at  Gnadcnhucttcn,  where  were  the  rest  of  the  prisoners.  This  was 
September  4, 1781.  It  apfiears  that  the  famous  Captain  P!pe  was  among  tiiese 
warriors,  from  what  follows.  A  young  Indian  woman,  who  accompanied  th»» 
warriors,  was  much  moved  by  the  hard  treatment  of  the  Brethren,  and  in  the 
night  "l<)und  means  to  get  Capt,  Pipers  best  horse,  and  rode  off  fidl  speed  to 
I'ittsbnrgli,  where  siie  gave  an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  miHsionaries 
and  till  ir  congregations."  This  woman  was  related  to  Glikhikan ;  on  hitn. 
therefore,  they  d':t<!rmiaed  to  vent  their  wratii.  A  |)arty  of  warriors  seized 
him  at  Salem,  and  Itronght  him  bound  to  Gnadcnhuetten,  singing  the  death- 
song.  When  ho  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  warriors,  great  conuno- 
tion  followed,  and  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to 
|)ieces  ;  «!specially  the  Dela wares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renoiuu-ed 
his  nation  and  manner  of  living;  here,  however, //a//-Aini^  interlt;red,  and 
prevented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  an  inquisitorial  examination 
upon  him,  which  terminated  in  a  ])roof  of  his  innocence,  and,  after  giving 
vent  to  tlieir  spleen  in  loading  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and  much  op- 
probrious language,  set  him  at  liberty. 

I'he  missionaries  and  their  rongregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but  were 
ol)liged  to  emigrate,  as  they  could  have  no  rest  upon  the  IMuskingum  any 
longer;  war  parties  conlinually  hovering  about  them,  robi)ing  and  troubling 
them  in  various  ways.  They  went  through  the  wilderness  1*^5  miles,  and 
sittled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  ready  to  harvest. 
Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Above  yOO  cattle  and  400  hogs, 
nnich  corn  in  store,  beside  IJOO  acres  just  ripening,  were  among  the  spoils. 
"  A  troop  of  savages  commanded  by  English  othcers  escorted  tiuiin,  enclos- 
ing them  at  the  distance  of  some  miles  op  all  sides."  They  arrived  at  their 
place  of  destination  October  II,  and  here  were  left  by  Half-king  and  his 
warriors  without  any  instructions  or  orders. 

Many  believing  Indians  had  returned  to  Gziadenhuetten  and  the  adjacent 
places  in  1782.  Here,  on  8th  March  of  this  year,  ha|»pened  the  most  dreadful 
massacre,  and  Glikhikan  was  among  the  victims.  Ninety-six  persons  were 
scalped  and  then  cut  to  pieces.  Besides  women,  there  were  ^4  children 
murdered  in  cold  blood.*    This  was  done  by  white  men  ! 

Of  this  horrid  and  diabolical  murder  it  behoves  us  to  give  the  facts  more 
in  detail.  The  month  of  February  of  the  year  1782,  having  been  very  favor- 
able to  war  parties,  it  was  improved  by  some  Sandusky  warriors,  and  some 
murders  were  committed  in  an  unlooked  for  moment  upon  the  frontiers  of  tin; 
whites.  The  family  of  a  William  Wallace,  consisting  of  his  wife  and  five  or 
six  children,  were  killed,  and  one  John  Cafpenterf  was  taken  prisoner.  These 
early  movements  of  the  Indians  led  the  whites  to  conclude  that  they  were 
either  done  by  the  Moravians  at  Muskingum,  or  that  the  warriors  that  com- 
mitted the  murders  were  quartered  among  them.^  Therefore,  without  fiirther 
inlbrmation,  a  band  of  about  80  or  90  men  suddenly  collected  upon  the  fi-on- 
tier  of  Pennsylvania,  and  each  man  having  provided  himself  with  his  own 
arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  mostly  mounted  upon  horses,  set  out  imder 
one  Colonel  David  Williamson  for  the  devoted  congregation  at  Gnadenhuetten. 
They  rendezvoused  and  encamped  tlie  first  night  on  tlie  Mingo  Bottom,  ou 
'.he  west  side  of  the  Ohio  River.§ 


*  I  have  been  particular  in  noticing  this  afTair,  as  it  is  not  found  in    . .^  h  extensively  circu 
fated  works  as  the  American  Annals. 


f  He  afleiwards  made  his  esrape  at  ffreat  peril, 
i  Doddridge's  Notes  on  the  Indian  Wars,  248,  249. 


^  Ibid. 


MASSACRE  AT  GNADKNHUETTEN. 


[Book  V 


Meanwhile  Colonel  Gibson,  at  Pittsburgli,  understanding  the  object  of  tli 
crew  who  liad  gone  forth  under  MiUianison,  despatched  messengers  to  alarm 
the  Christian  Indians,  but  they  arrived  too  late.  However,  they  received 
timely  notice  from  another  quarter,  but  their  trusting  to  their  innocence  to 
protect  them,  did  in  this  case  prove  a  fatal  error :  a  white  man.  who  had 
Jiarrowly  escaped  from  the  hands  of  some  warriors,  warned  them  with  great 
earnestness  to  fly  for  their  lives.  These  warriors,  who  had  "  murdered  and 
impaled  a  woman  and  a  child,  not  tar  from  the  Ohio,  arrived  soon  after  at 
Gnadenhuotten,"  where  they  expressed  tlieir  well-grounded  fears  to  the  Chris- 
tians, that  a  jMirty  of  white  people,  who  were  pursuing  them,  would  surely 
kill  them  all.*  All  these  warnings  were  not  enough  to  shake  their  faith  in 
the  protecting  arm  of  their  own  innocence. 

The  second  day's  march  of  the  band  of  murderers,  brought  them  within 
one  mile  of  the  middle  Moravian  town,  where  they  again  encamped  for  the 
night.  This  was  on  the  6th  day  of  March.  The  next  morning  the  party 
*vas  divided  into  three  equal  divisions,  "  one  of  which  was  to  cross  the  river 
about  a  mile  above  the  town ;  their  videttes  having  reported  that  there  were 
Indians  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  other  party  was  divided  into  three 
divisions,  one  of  which  was  to  take  a  circuit  in  the  woods,  and  reach  the  river 
a  little  distance  below  the  town,  on  the  west  side.  Another  division  was  to 
fall  into  the  middle  of  the  town,  and  the  third  upon  its  upper  end.  When 
the  party  designed  to  make  the  attack  on  the  west  side,  had  reached  the  river, 
they  found  no  boats  to  take  them  over ;  but  something  like  a  canoe  was  seen 
on  the  opposite  bank.  The  river  was  high,  with  some  floating  ice.  A  young 
man  of  the  name  of  Slorighler  swam  the  river,  and  brought  over,  not  a  canoe,  but 
a  trough  designed  for  holding  sugar  water.  This  trough  could  carry  but  two 
men  at  a  time.  In  order  to  expedite  their  passage,  a  immbcr  of  men  stri|»ped 
off"  their  clothes,  put  them  into  tlie  trough,  together  with  their  guns,  and 
swam  by  its  sides,  holding  its  edges  with  their  hands.  When  about  l(j  had 
crossed  the  river, the  two  centinels,  who  bed  been  posted  in  advanfe,"t  "met 
your.g  Scfaebosch  in  the  woods,  fired  at  and  wounded  him  so  much  that  he 
could  not  escape.  He  then,  according  to  the  account  of  the  murderers 
themselves,  begged  for  his  life,  representing  that  he  was  Scheuosck,  the  son  of 
a  white  Christian  man  :  But  they  paid  no  attention  to  his  entreaties,  and  cut 
him  in  pieces  with  their  hatchets."  "  One  of  them  broke  one  of  his  arms  by 
a  shot.  A  sliot  from  the  other  centinel  killed  him.  These  heroes  \  then  scalped 
and  tomahawked  him. 

"By  this  time,  about  10  men  had  got  over  the  river,  and  supposing  the  firing 
of  the  guns,  which  killed  Shahosh,  woukl  lead  to  an  histant  discovery,  they 
yent  word  to  the  party  designed  to  attack  the  town  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  to  move  on  instantly,  which  they  did. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  small  party  which  had  crossed  the  river,  niarcheil 
with  all  speed,  to  the  main  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  Here  they  found 
a  large  company  of  Indians  gathering  the  corn,  which  they  had  lert  in 
their  fields  the  preceding  full,  when  they  rcnnoved  to  Sandusky.  On  the 
arriv'i!  ol  the  men  at  the  town,  ilh  y  professed  peace  and  good  will  to  the 
:<iorav:ans,  and  informed  them  that  they  had  come  to  take  them  to  (brt  Piii 
for  their  safety.  The  Indians  surrendered,  delivered  up  their  arms,  and  a)- 
peareJ  highly  deliglit«!d  with  the  prospect  of  their  removal,  and  began  '"ith 
all  speed  to  prepare  food  for  the  white  men,  and  for  themselves  on  their 
journey. 

"  A  party  of  white  men  and  Indians  was  immediately  despatched  to  Salem, 
a  short  distiuiee  from  Gnadenhuetten,  where  the  Indians  were  gathering  in 
their  corn,  to  bring  them  in  to  Gnadenhuetten.  The  jiarty  soon  arrived  with 
Mie  whole  number  of  the  Indians  from  Salen..  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  at 
Snadenhu>^tten  were  confined  in  two  houses  some  disttmce  aimrt,  and  placed 


*  Loskiel,  Hist.  Mnrnvians,  iii,  176. 

t  I  i>m  Collowing  Doiltliid'rf's  Nairoi've,  but  tho  next  quotation  is  from  Loskiel,  iii.  177, 
and  ilu'ii  coiiliiiui.'s  Doddridi^e  witliDiil    .ly  omission. 

t  My  author  does  not  ilalicizi,'  lliis  word,  l>nt  \w  douhllcss  would,  if  lio  wcro  to  give  us  a 
uew  edttiuii  ol  his  houkj  if  lie  did  not  udd  at  luusl  a  lialf  u  dozen  exi'luniutions  lu  it. 


Jhap.  II.] 


PAKANKE.— NETAWATWEES. 


521 


vwm 


under  guards ;  and  when  those  from  Salem  arrived,  they  were  divided,  and 
placed  iu  the  Haine  houses,  with  tlieir  brethren  of  Gnadenhuutten. 

"Tlie  prisoners  being  thus  secured,  a  council  of  war  was  held  to  decide 
on  tlieir  tiite.  The  officers,  unwilling  to  take  on  ihemaelves  the  whole  re- 
eponsihility  of  the  awful  decision,  agreed  to  refer  the  question  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  men.  The  men  were  accordingly  drawn  up  in  a  line.  The 
eommandunt  of  the  party.  Colonel  David  fyUltamson,  then  put  the  question 
to  them  in  form, '  whether  the  Moravian  Indiniis  should  be  taken  prisoners  to 
Pittsburgh,  or  put  to  death?'  requesting  all  who  were  in  fuvor  of  saving  their 
lives  to  step  out  of  the  line,  and  form  a  second  rank.  On  this,  16,  some  say 
18,  stepped  out  of  the  rank,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  second  line ;  but 
alas !  this  line  of  mercy  was  far  too  short  for  that  of  vengeance."  Thus  waa 
the  fate  of  the  Moravian  Indians  decided  on,  and  they  were  ordered  to  pre- 
l)are  for  death. 

"  From  the  time  tiiey  were  placed  in  the  guard-houses,  the  prisoners  fore- 
Kiw  their  fate,  and  begun  their  devotions  of  singing  hymns,  praying  and  ex- 
horting each  other  to  place  a  firm  reliance  in  the  mercy  of  the  Savior  of 
men."  "The  particulars  of  this  dreadliil  catastrophe  are  too  horrid  to 
reliite.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  in  a  few  minutes  these  two  slaughter-houses, 
j^s  they  were  then  called,  exhibited  in  their  ghastly  interior,  the  mangled, 
leeding  reuiains,  of  those  poor  unfortunate  peo|»le,  of  all  ages  and  sexes ; 
from  the  aged  grey-headed,  down  to  the  helnhiss  infant  at  its  mother's  breast; 
iishonored  by  the  fatal  wounds  of  tiie  tomahauk,  mallet,  war-club,  spear  and 
scalping-knife!"  Thus  was  the  8th  day  of  March  spent  at  Gnadenhuetten, 
in  the  year  1782 ! 

Oidy  two,  who  were  young  persons,  escaped  this  dreadful  day's  slaughter. 
One  of  whom  had  been  knocked  down  and  scalpeil,  and  by  coimterleiting 
nimself  dead,  while  the  murderers  had  letl  the  place,  was  enabled  to  savo 
his  life.  The  other  crapt  unobserved  into  a  cellar,  and  in  the  night  escaped 
to  tiie  woods. 

Whother  any  of  the  murderers  were  called  to  an  account  for  what  they  did 
i  do  not  leiirn,  though  they  prol»ably  were  not,  owing  to  the  state  of  anarchy 
occasioned  by  the  revolutionary  war. 

PAKANKE  was  a  powerful  Delaware  chief,  whose  i-esidence,  in  1770,  was 
at  a  place  called  Kaskaskunk,  about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh,  lie  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  agency  of  the  missionary  Loskiel,  from  whom 
it  appears  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Brethren  at  first,  and  invited  them  into 
Ins  country,  but  when  Glikhikan,  his  chief  captain  and  speaker,  forsook  him, 
and  went  to  live  with  them,  he  was  so  disconcerted,  that  he  turned  against 
them,  and  for  a  time  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Meeting  with  Glik- 
hikan atlerward  in  public,  he  B])oke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone  as  follows : 
"  And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  this  council  to  them.  I  suppose  you 
mean  to  get  a  white  skin !  But  I  tell  you,  not  even  one  of  your  feet  will  turn 
white,  much  less  your  Iwdy.  Was  you  not  a  brave  and  hoiiored  man,  sitting 
next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the  blanket  and  considered  the  belts 
of  w;uni)um  lying  befor'3  us  ?  Now  you  pretend  to  despise  all  iLis,  and 
think  to  have  found  something  better.  Some  time  or  other  you  will  find 
yoiu'self  deceived."  To  which  Glikhikan  made  but  a  short  and  meek  reply. 
Some  epidemic  disease  carried  off  many  of  tiie  Indians  about  this  time,  and 
they  attributed  its  cause  to  their  obstinacy  in  not  receiving  the  gospel.  Pa- 
kanke  was  among  the  number  at  last  who  acce|)ted  it  as  a  remedy.  He  ap- 
pears not  to  have  been  so  credulous  as  immy  of  his  neighbors ;  lor  when  tlio 
acknowledgment  of  Christianity  was  concluded  upon  by  many,  he  remained 
incredulous;  and  when  a  belt  of  wampum  waa  sent  him,  accompanied  witii 
n  message,  declaring  that  "whosoever  refused  to  accept  it  would  be  considered 
ft  murdt;rer  of  his  countrymen,"  he  affected  not  to  understand  its  import,  and 
doubtless  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the  impending  danger 
which  he  saw  threatening  him.  When  he  went  to  hear  the  Brethren  preach, 
he  declared  his  conviction,  and  recommended  his  children  to  receive  tlitt 
gospel.     A  son  of  his  was  baptized  in  1775. 

NETANVATWEES  was  head  chief  of  the  Delu wares,  and  if  we  are  tc 
44* 


Mc 


522 


NETAWATWEES.— WFIITE-EYES. 


[Book  V 


judge  of  liim  from  our  scanty  records,  he  will  appear  to  the  best  advantage 
"  He  used  to  lay  all  affiiu's  of  state  before  his  counsellors  lor  their  considera 
tion,  without  telling  them  his  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave  him  theii 
opinion,  he  cither  approved  of  it,  or  stated  his  objections  and  anicidnients, 
always  alleging  the  reasons  of  his  disapprobation."  Before  the  revolution,  it  was 
said  that  he  had  amazingly  increased  the  reputation  of  the  Delawarcs ;  and  he 
spai-ed  no  ])ains  to  conciliate  all  his  neighbors,  and  reconcile  them  one  to  anoth- 
er. His  residence,  in  1773,  was  at  Gekelemukpechuenk.  The  Moravian  niis- 
sionariessent  messengers  to  him,  with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  mis- 
sionary, in  July  of  this  year,  requesting  a  renewal  of  friendship  and  a  confirma- 
tion of  his  former  promise  of"  protection.  When  this  was  laid  before  him  and  hiy 
council,  they  were  not  much  })leased  with  the  information,  and  the  old  chief 
J\''dawatwces,  said,  "  They  have  teachers  enough  already,  for  a  new  one  can  leach 
nothing  but  the  same  doclrine."  ile  was,  however,  prevailed  iijjon  to  give  hit, 
consent  to  their  rcijuest,  and  afterwards  became  a  convert  to  their  leligion. 
Alter  he  had  set  out  in  this  course,  he  sent  the  following  speech  to  his  old 
friend  Pakanke :  "  You  and  I  are  both  old,  and  know  not  how  long  we  shall  live. 
Therefore  Id  us  do  a  good  U'ork^  before  ive  depart,  and  leave  a  testimony  to  out 
children  end  posterity,  tliat  we  luive  received  the  tvord  of  God.  Let  this  be  out 
last  will  and  testament."  Pakanke  consented,  and  was  at  great  pains  to  send 
solenm  end)assies  to  all  such  tribes  as  he  thought  proper  to  communi(;ate 
his  determination.    JVetawatwees  died  at  Pittsburgh  near  the  close  of  1770, 

J\etawalwees  had  been  a  signer  to  the  treaty  of  Conestoga  in  the  y<^ar  1718 
being  then  young,  jirobably  about  25  years  of  age.  The  Turtle  tribe  was 
tiie  first  among  the  Delavvares,  and  of  this  he  became,  by  their  usages,  chief. 
To  him  was  committed  all  the  tokens  of  contracts  ;  such  as  belts  of  wam 
pum,  writings  obligatory,  with  the  sign  manual  of  fVilliam  Penn,  and  others 
since,  down  to  the  timt;  himself,  with  his  tribe,  was  forced  to  leave  theii 
lands  and  retire  into  Ohio. 

After  having  been  seated  upon  the  Ohio,  at  a  ]ilace  convenient  for  com- 
munication with  the  Wyandots  and  other  warlike  nations  of  the  west,  he 
made  known  to  them  the  wrongs  which  he  and  his  j)eople  had  su  Tered. 
JJy  advice  of  the  Wyandot  chielis,  he  settled  finally  upon  Cayahaga  Kii  cr, 
leaving  open  the  Rivers  Muskingum  and  IJig  IJeaver  for  any  of  his  nation 
that  were  there  already,  and  should  afterwards  come  to  settle  there.  And  tiiia 
was  the  occasion  of  King  Beavet's  building  a  town  and  settling  the  Turkt^y 
tribe  at  the  mouth  of  Nemoschilli  Creek,  since  called  Tuscarawas.  Of  this 
distinguished  chief  we  shall  speak  more  at  large  in  another  place. 

When  Colonels  Bouquet  and  Bradslreet,  in  17()3,  were  penetrating  into  the 
Indian  country,  JVetawatwees,  not  without  reason^  became  alarmed  f()r  bin 
safety,  and  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  attend  the  treaty  with  Coloziel 
Bouquet,  afl<!r  the  battle  of  Bushy  Rum,  notwithstanding  tiio  other  chiefs 
did.  His  residence  being  in  range  of  the  inarch  of  BowpieVs  army,  he  too 
late  attempted  to  esc  'pe  down  the  Muskingum  in  a  canoe ;  but  being  inter- 
cepted by  some  of  Bu  'queVs  Indian  spies,  was  brought  before  the  colonel, 
who,  because  ho  did  not  appear  at  the  treaty,  publicly  deposed  hitn,  and  ])ut 
another  at  the  head  of  his  tribe.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  a  peace,  however, 
the  first  act  of  importance  performed  by  the  Delaware  nation  was  to  rein- 
state JVetawatwees.  He  contimied  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  otlice 
until  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  revolution,  177t), 
at  I'ittsburgh,  when  he  had  attained  the  age  of  near  J)9  years.* 

The  missionaries,  especially,  felt  his  loss  with  great  severity,  for  his  coun- 
cil was  of  tln!  greatest  benefit  to  them  on  all  trying  occasions. 

WIIITlvEYES, or,  as  some  write,  IVhite-ej/e,  was  "the  first  captain  among 
t!ie  Driawares."  There  was  always  great  opposition  among  the  Indians 
against  niis.sionaries  settling  in  tiieir  country;  who,  in  the  language  of  one 
of  the  ftloravians,  "  were  a  stone  of  offence  to  many  of  the  chiefs  and  to  a 
great  part  of  tiio  council  at  Gekelemukpechuenk,  and  it  was  several  times 
jirojiosed  to  expel  thc'M  by  f()rce."     But  "this  man  [Captain  ff'hile-eyes]  kepi 

•  lli-cki'wildi'i's  Iliofjrapliics,  iStc,  in  I'hilos.  Trans, 


Chap.  II.l 


WHITE-EYES. 


523 


the  cliiefa  and  council  in  awe,  and  would  not  f>uiV\'v  thnm  to  injure  the  mis- 
sioiinries,  being  in  his  own  heart  convinced  of  the  trutlis  ot"  the  gospel, 
Tills  was  evident  in  all  his  speeches,  held  before  the  chiefs  and  council  in 
behalf  of  tiie  Indian  congregation  and  their  teachers."  * 

Upon  the  death  of  Aetawuiwees,  in  177G,  Captain  fVlnle-ejjfs  became  chief 
sachem,  to  which  place  his  former  situation  of  first  counsellor  to  that  chief 
rendered  him  highly  qualified.  But  as  he  was  not  chief  by  regular  descent, 
he  only  accepted  tlie  office  until  a  young  chief  should  be  of  age,  who,  it 
seem.s,  Wfis  heir  ap[)arent.  It  is  said  he  had  long  looked  forwai-d  with  anxiety 
to  the  time  when  his  countrymen  should  become  Christians,  and  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  civilization ;  "  but  he  did  not  live  to  see  that  time,  for  while  ac- 
companying Gen.  Mackintosh  with  his  army,  to  Muskingum,  in  1778,  or  '9,  he 
took  the  small-pox  and  died."t 

The  old  ch'iei'  J^etawatwees  used  every  art  to  thwart  the  endeavors  of  fFhile- 
ejjes,  and,  as  they  were  rather  in  a  strain  bordering  u])on  persecution,  were 
only  sure  to  make  the  latter  more  strenuous.  He  therefore  di:clared  "  that 
no  prosperity  would  attend  the  Indian  afliiirs,  unless  they  received  and 
believed  the  saving  gospel,"  &c.  f^hiie-eyes  was  forced  about  this  lime  to 
separate  himself  from  the  other  chielK  "This  Occasioned  great  and  general 
surprise,  and  his  presence  being  considered  both  by  the  cliiels  and  the  peoj)le 
as  indispensably  necessary,  a  negotiation  commenced,  and  some  Lidian  breth- 
ren were  a])|)ointed  arbitrators.  The  event  was  Ixsyond  exi>cctation  success- 
ful, for  chief  JVetawalwees  not  only  acknowledged  the  injustice  done  to  Cap- 
tain fFhile-ci/e,  but  changed  his  mind  with  respect  to  the  believing  Indians 
and  their  teachers,  and  remained  their  constant  friend  to  his  death."  | 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  Atnerican  congress 
endeavored  to  treat  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  accordingly 
invited  the  Delawares  to  send  deputies.  Wkite-eyes  attended  on  the  ])art  of 
the  Brethren,  and  his  conduct  before  the  commissioners  was  highly  api»roved 
by  the  missionaries. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1776,  the  Ilurons  sent  a  message  to  the 
Drlawares,  "that  they  must  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness  to  join  the  warriors." 
JVeltawatwces  being  their  head  chief,  to  him,  conseipiently,  was  tl\e  talk 
delivered.  lie  would  not  accept  the  message,  but  sent  belts  to  the  Ilurons, 
with  an  admonition  for  their  rash  resolution,  and  reminding  them  of  the 
misery  they  had  already  brought  upi  ,i  themselves.  Captain  If'htle-ei/es  was 
a  bearer  of  the  belts,  who  in  his  turn  was  as  unsucc(!ssful  as  tlic  Huron  am- 
bassado .s ;  for  when  they  were  delivered  to  the  chiefs  in  Fort  Detroit,  in 
presence  of  the  English  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  threw  them  at 
the  feet  of  the  bearers,  ordering  tliem,  at  the  same  time,  to  dejiart  in  half  an 
hour.  He  accused  IHiite-eijcs  of  a  connection  with  the  Americans,  and  told 
him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Whilt-eijes  was  treated  in  this  manner,  if  he  took  the 
stand  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  which  we  suppose  from  the  follow- 
ing circmnstance  that  he  did:  The  Iroquois,  being  chiefly  in  the  English 
interest,  and  considering  the  Delawares  bound  to  o|)erate  with  them,  ordered 
them  to  be  in  readiness,  as  has  been  just  related.  U[)on  this  occasion,  i^Vhitt- 
ei/cs  said  "  he  should  do  as  he  pleased ;  that  he  wore  no  petticoats,  as  they 
falsely  pretended ;  he  was  no  woman,  but  a  man,  and  they  should  find  him  to 
act  as  such."§ 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which  was 
the  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  Pittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the  small- 
pox. INlany  others  died  about  this  time,  among  whom  was  a  man  who  must 
have  been  very  old,  perha]is  near  120,  as  he  could  well  remend)er  when  the 
first  house  was  built  in  Philadelphia,  in  1(582,  btMUg  then  a  boy. 

Although  }Vhitt-eyes  was  so  friendly  to  the  Brethren,  yet  he  never  fully 
joined  them,  stating  his  political  station  as  a  reason. 

The  Delaware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ;  a  chief  signed  a  treaty  in 


*  I.oskiel,  iii.  101—2. 
\  Loikifl.  iii.  101—2. 


t  Heckereelder's  Biograpliies,  &r.,  in  riii/M.  Tnin.^. 
^  lUckeweLder,  I  list.  22 


•V^^'f! 


m^' 


524 


PAXNOUS.— TADE  USK  UN  V. 


[Book  V. 


1814,  at  Greenville,  in  Ohio,  bearing  it.**  WicUe-cyea  l  .wn  If  frequently  men- 
tioned in  history.  It  was  the  place  of  his  residence,  which  was  neai-  tlie  falls 
of  the  Muskingum. 

PAXNOUS  was  head  chief  of  the  Shawanese  in  1754.  At  this  time,  tlie 
Christian  Indians  of  the  Moravian  settlement,  Gnadenhuettcn,  were  oppress- 
ed by  a  tribute  to  tlie  rlurons.  This  year,  Paxnous  and  Gideon  Tadeitskund, 
who  had  become  dissenters,  came  to  them,  and  delivered  tiie  Ibllowing 
message  :  "  The  great  head,  that  is,  the  council  of  the  Iroquois  in  Onondago, 
epeak  the  truth  and  lie  not :  they  rejoice  that  some  of  the  b  'ieving  Indians 
have  moved  to  Wajomick,  [near  Wilksburg  and  the  Susqueh.'nnah,]  but  now 
hey  lirtup  the  remaining  Mahikans  and  Delawares,  and  set  ttiem  also  down 
in  Wajomick  ;  for  tliere  a  fire  is  kindled  for  them,  and  there  they  may  plant 
and  think  of  God.  But  if  they  will  not  hear,  the  great  head,  or  council, 
will  come  and  clean  their  ears  with  a  red-hot  iron ;"  that  is,  set  their  houses 
on  fire,  and  send  bullets  through  their  heads.  The  next  year,  Paxnous  and 
13  others  came  again,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Hurons  demanded  an  answer 
to  the  summons  he  had  delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  liim,  and  for 
whom  he  had  great  affection,  having;  then  lived  with  her  38  years.  She, 
being  touched  by  the  preaching  of  the  Brethren,  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of 
eoflening  the  heart  of  Paxnous,  and  causing  him  thenceforth  to  do  much  for 
them.  This  answer  was  returned  to  him  to  bear  to  the  Hurons :  "  The 
Brethren  will  confer  with  the  Irofjuois  themselves,  'concerning  the  intended 
removal  of  the  Indians  from  Gnadenhuettcn  to  Wajomick."  Paxnous,  "  being 
only  an  ambassador  in  this  business,  was  satisfyed,  and  even  formed  a  closer 
acquaintance  with  the  Brethren."  This  is  sufficient  to  explain  Paxnous^  par- 
tiality for  the  Brethren.  Before  they  departed,  his  (^'if'j  was  buptize<i,  and 
all  present,  among  whom  was  her  husband,  were  much  affected.  She 
declared,  i.s  she  returned  home,  "that  she  felt  as  happy  as  a  child  new  born." 
Paxnous  also  had  two  sons,  who  did  much  for  tlie  Brethren. 

TADEUSKUND,  a  noted  chief  among  the  Delawares,  maybe  considered 
next  in  importance  to  those  above  named.  Vie  was  known  among  tlio 
English,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Hontnt-Jvhn.  About  this  time,  he 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  connnunity,  and  fUier  some  delay,  "  owing 
to  his  wavering  disposition,"  was  baj)tized,  and  received  into  fellowship.  His 
baptismal  na  ne  was  Gideoiu  He  adhered  to  the  missicnailcs  just  as  long  ns 
his  condition  ii)|)eared  to  be  better,  but  when  any  tiling  more  favorable  ofl'er- 
eu,  he  stood  rt  idy  to  .iiibark  in  it. 

The  Christian  /  •  at  Gnadenhuettcn  were  desirous  of  removing  to 

Wajomick,  wiiicii  ■  .;  :<  I  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was  a 
secret  desire  of  the  *  ...  Indians;  for  they,  intending  to  join  the  French  of 
Canada,  wished  to  have  them  out  of  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that  they 
might  with  more  secrecy  fall  u|)on  the  English  frontiers.     It  was  now  1754. 

Meanwhile  Tmkuskutid  had  had  the  offer  of  leading  the  Delawares  in  the 
war,  and  hence  he  had  been  a  chief  promoter  of  a  removal  to  Wajomick. 
The  missionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refiised  to  move ;  but  quite  a 
company  of  their  follower  ■,  to  the"  number  of  about  70,  went  thither,  agree- 
ably to  tlie  wishes  of  Tadeuskund  and  his  party,  and  some  went  otT  to  other 
places. 

Tadeuskund  was  now  in  his  element,  marching  to  and  from  the  French  in 
warlike  style.  When  Paxnous,  as  has  been  related,  summoned  the  remain- 
ing believers  at  Gnadenhuettcn  to  remove  to  Wajomick,  Tadeuskund  accom- 
panied him.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  Tadeuskund 
began  to  think  alwrnt  making  a  shift  again.  Having  lived  a  considerable 
part  of  the  year  .'758  not  far  from  Bethleheni,  with  about  100  of  his  follow- 
ers, he  gave  the  Brethren  tliere  intimations  that  he  wished  again  to  join 
them ;  and  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on  his  side  of  the 
Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  his  reclaim  were  soon  afler  dissipated.  And  "  he 
no  V  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  and  comfort  of  the  Indian  coii- 
pr  .-gation."  From  the  discouraging  ii-iture  of  the  afltiirs  of  this  French,  ten 
liidian  nations  wen;  induced  to  send  deputies  to  treat  with  the  English  at 

*  Sec  Hisi.  Second  War,  by  tS.  R  lirowii,  Appendix,  105. 


CH'ii'.II.]       MA3SA0RE  AT  GNADENHlTiTTEN.— SILLNANDO. 


r-^:; 


hi- 


Easton,  which  eventuated  in  e  treaty  of  peace.  Tadeuskund  pretended  tiifsi 
this  treaty  hud  been  agreed  to  on  condition  tlmt  government  should  buih'  a 
town  on  the  Susquehannah  for  tiie  Indians,  and  cause  those  living  v>ith  '  »• 
Bretliren  to  remove  to  it.  This  liis  enemies  denied.  There  was  srunf  ki-n- 
dation,  from  their  own  account,  for  TadeuskuruTs  pretending  to  have  lec,  ,*/.d 
full  commission  to  conduct  ail  the  Indians  within  certain  limits,  v, ,  ,i-h 
included  those  of  Bethlehem,  to  Wujomick;  and  therefore  demandeil  i  !•- 
compliance  with  his  conununds.  lie  was  liberal  in  his  promises,  provided 
they  would  comply ;  saying,  they  should  have  fields  chared  and  ploughed, 
houses  built,  and  provisions  jirovided :  not  only  so,  but  their  teachers  should 
attend  them,  to  live  there  unmolested,  and  tiie  believers  entirely  by  thein- 
eelves.  But,  through  the  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  comjily, 
which  occasioned  some  threats  from  Tadeuskund,  and  he  immediately  set 
off  lor  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tadeuskund  went  to  Philadelphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  general 
congress  of  the  Indians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not  attend 
at  Easton.  When  he  returned,  he  demanded  a  positive  answer,  and  they 
replied  that  they  would  not  remove  unless  the  governor  and  all  the  chiefs  so 
determined,  for  that  they  could  not  without  the  greatest  inconvenience.  This 
seemed  to  satisfy  him,  and  he  leil  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  nf  English  and  Inilians  at  Easton  above 
referred  to,  being  of  much  importance  in  Lidian  history,  as  also  illustrative 
of  other  eminent  characters  as  well  as  that  of  Tadeuskund,  we  will  refer  its 
details  to  a  separate  chapter. 

Tadeuskund  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  VVajomick  in  April, 
176.3. 

Of  an  execrable  murder  at  Gnadenhuetten  we  have  not  sjjoken,  as  we  have 
not  learned  the  name  of  the  leaders  in  or  instigators  of  it ;  however,  it  will 
not  be  proper  to  pass  it  over  in  detailing  the  events  of  our  history.  It  hap- 
pened in  the  time  of  the  French  and  Lidian  wars,  in  1755.  Although  it  is 
generally  spoken  of  as  the  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  yet  it  did  not  happen 
in  that  town,  but  in  a  small  village  on  Mahony  Creek,  about  a  half  a  niile 
from  it.  On  the  24  November,  a  band  of  Indians,  (their  numbers  unki'c  <vn,) 
who  came  from  the  French,  fell  suddenly  upon  the  place,  wliile  the  Brei'iren 
were  at  supper,  and  killed  eleven  persons ;  namely,  seven  men,  three  women, 
and  one  ciiild  15  months  old.  Only  two  luen,  one  voi  an,  and  n  'my, 
escaped.  The  slaughter  would  have  been  far  greater,  if  the  'hiio/.an  L.-lians 
had  not  been  away  at  that  time  upon  a  hunting  excursion, 
given  the  alarm,  as  the  Indians  ajjproached,  they  would  pro, 
all  the  whites  prisoners;  but  the  moment  the  dog  ga' 
within  the  house  sprung  to  the  doors  and  windows  to  s< 
being  open,  the  Indians  fired  into  thein,  killing  one  mini 
several  odier  persons.  The  poor  people  succeeded  in  sl 
and  windows,  and  then  retreated  hito  the  garret  of  the  house.  T'^iS,  ns  they 
nmst  have  expected,  they  found  a  wretched  retreat !  the  rooi  .»ver  their 
heads  was  soon  in  flames,  and  the  oidy  persons  that  escjijied  wcie  a  man 
and  his  wife,  and  a  boy,  which  they  effected  through  the  burning  roof!  One 
more,  a  man  who  had  been  confined  in  an  outhouse  by  sickness,  escaped 
from  a  window.  All  the  buildings  in  the  village,  tlie  cattle  and  otlier  animals 
in  the  barns,  were  consumed  in  the  flames !  * 

The  leader  of  this  party,  whose  name  it  is  as  well  I  cannot  give  «oon  met 
with  a  requital  for  his  murders.  By  the  influence  of  the  Go"  ,">:,v  <  '"  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Mr.  George  Croghnn,  ibe  hostile  Indians  were  ,>n!Vi.'.''d  u|)on 
to  meet  the  whites  in  a  council  at  Easton,  the  next  year,  •  <,'  '7;  j.  This 
Indian  captain  set  out  to  attend  the  council,  and  in  the  way,  it  seems,  he  fell 
in  company  with  Tadeuskund.  With  this  chief  he  contrived,  sojne  how  oi 
other,  to  get  up  a  quarrel,  in  which  Tadeuskuiul  killed  him.f 

SKENANUO,  though  bidouging  to  a  later  age,  may  very  properly  !»« 
noticed  here.  lie  was  an  Oneida  chief,  contemporary  with  the  missionary 
Kirklnnd,  to  whom  he  became  a  convert,  and  lived  many  years  of  the  latter 


Hifd  not 

,y  hr.i 
i-i  alunii, 
ure  them, 


•log 

taken 

those 

which 


•xnd  wounding 
Uiiiig  'he  floors 


"  Heckewilder's  Narrative,  44. 


t  Ibkl.  5I,.M, 


IP  ■ 


526 


SKENANDO.— MEMORABLE  SPEECH. 


[Boor  V 


part  of  his  life  a  believer  in  Christianity.  Mr,  Kirkland  died  at  Paris,  K 
Vork,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skcnando  desiretl  to  be  biuied 
near  him  at  liis  death,  which  was  graiited.  He  livevl  to  be  110  years  old, 
»nd  was  often  visited  by  strangers  out  of  curiosity.  He  said  to  one  who 
visited  him  but  a  little  time  before  his  death,"/  am  an  r^ed  Iwmlock;  the 
tuinds  of  an  hundred  ivinters  have  whistled  through  my  branches ;  I  am  ilead  at 
tfte  top.     The  g'-neration  to  which  I  belonged  lias  run  away  and  left  ?ne." 

In  early  life,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication.  In 
177!i,  he  was  at  Albany  to  settle  some  affiiirs  of  liis  tribe  with  tlie  govern- 
ment of  New  Yurk.  One  night  he  became  drunk,  and  in  the  morning  found 
himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  8trip|)ed  liom  liim, 
even  the  sign  of  his  chieftainship.  Tliis  brought  him  to  a  sense  of  his 
duty,  and  he  v/as  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  He  was  a  j)owerfid 
chief,  and  the  Americans  did  not  fail  to  engage  him  on  their  side  in  tiie  rev- 
olution. This  was  congenial  to  his  mind,  for  he  always  urged  the  rights  of 
the  ])rior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  oppotied  the  Americans  on  the 
same  principle,  for  encroachments  upon  the  red  men.  He  rendered  his 
ad()|)ted  Anglo  brethren  important  services. 

From  the  " Annals  of  Tryon  County,"*  we  loam  that  Skeitando  died  on 
the  11  March,  181G.  He  left  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  observes 
that  "  his  person  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance  was 
intelligent,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignity  of  an  Indian  chief  In  his 
youth  he  was  a  brave  and  intrepid  warrior,  and  in  liis  riper  years,  one  of 
the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  American  tribes : "  and  tliat,  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  by  liis  vigilance  he  presei-ved  the  settlement  of  German 
Flats  from  being  destroyed. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  with  some  of  the  land  transactions  with 
the  Indians  in  Pennsylvania. 

By  his  last  will.  Governor  Penn  devised  to  his  grandson,  William  Pcnn, 
and  his  heirs,  10,000  acres  of  land  to  be  laid  out  "  in  jn-oper  and  beneficial 
jilaces  in  this  |)rovino'\  by  his  trustees."  William  Penn,  the  grandson,  sold 
out  this  land  to  a  gentleman,  Mr.  fVilliam  Allen,  a  great  land-jobber.  By  a 
little  management  Alien  got  this  land  located,  generally,  where  he  desired. 
One  considerable  tract  included  part  of  Minisink,  and  no  i)revioiis  arninge- 
(iient  had  been  made  witii  those  Indians.  It  would  be  very  charitable  to 
suppose,  that  the  trustees  intended,  and  that  perhaps  they  did  not  doubt,  but 
the  same  course  would  be  pursued  in  purchasing  of  the  Indians  as  had  been 
before,  by  others  ;  but  no  sooner  had  tlie  new  proprietor  got  tlie  lands  sur- 
veyed to  him,  than  he  began  to  sell  it  to  those  that  would  go  on  at  once  and 
8etd3  it. 

Hence  we  clearly  see  the  road  opened  for  all  difficulties.  About  the  same 
time  pro[)Osals  were  jiublished  for  a  land  lottei-y,  and  by  the  conditions  of 
these  proposals,  not  the  least  notice  was  taken,  or  the  least  reserve  made,  of 
the  rights  of  ttie  Indians.  But  on  the  contrary,  such  persons  as  had  settled 
upon  lands  that  did  not  belong  to  them,  were,  in  case  they  drew  jirizes,  to 
remain  unmolested  upon  the  lands  of  the  Indians.  By  this  means  much  of 
the  land  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  since  Easton  and  vicinity,  as  well  as 
other  places,  became  taken  np,  by  this  kind  of  gambling,  and  tlu;  Indians 
were  thus  crowded  from  it.  They  for  some  time  complained,  and  at  length 
began  to  threaten,  but  the  event  was  war  and  bloodshed. 

To  still  the  clamors  of  these  injured  people,  recourse  was  had  to  as  great 
abuses  as  had  alreaily  been  practised :  crimes  were  sought  to  be  clouded 
by  bold  stratagem.  Ihe  Iro(]uois  were  connived  with,  and  they  came  for- 
ward, confirmed  the  doings  of  the  land-jobbers,  and  ordered  the  Dclawares 
to  leave  their  country.  They  were  to  choose  one  of  two  iioriis  of  a  writchcd 
'Jilemma.  The  power  of  the  Irocjuois  could  not  be  withstood,  hjicked  as  it 
w;is  by  the  English.  They  ordered  the  poor  Delawares  to  reiiiovc,  or  they 
would  destroy  tlieni,  a.s  in  the  life  of  Cannsatego  will  be  found  rehitrd. 

A  sort  of  claim  was  obtained  to  some  of  tlie  disputed  lands,  in  a  sinii- 
loi"  a  maimer  as  Georgia  got  hers  of  some  of  the  Creek  countiy  not  niauj 


By  VV.  W.  Campbell. 


Chap  II J 


FRAUDS   OF  THE   WHITES. 


527 


years  since.  At  one  time,  a  party  of  a  deputation  having  remained  upon 
the  ground  eleven  days  aller  tiie  others  iiud  gone  lionie,  were  hy  kind- 
nesses prevailed  ujjon  to  sign  a  writing,  relinciuisiiing  all  their  right  to  lands 
upon  Delaware,  These  were  Indians  of  the  tiix  Nations,  and  had  deeded 
lands  on  the  Susquehannah  just  before,  with  those  who  had  gone  lionic. 
Why  the  proprietors  did  not  include  the  lands  on  Delaware  in  their  first 
deed,  when  the  deputation  were  all  together,  is  a  good  deal  singular,  bul 
requires  no  explanation.  Yet  certain  it  is,  those  who  remained  and  gave  a 
writing  quit-claiming  lands  on  Delaware,  had  no  consideration  for  so  doing. 
This  writing  expresses  only  that  they  intended  in  the  former  deed  to  in- 
clude said  lands. 

Tliat  the  Delawares  or  Chihohockies  (which  was  their  real  name)  were, 
until  some  time  subsequent  to  1736,  entirely  independent  of  the  Iroquois,  is 
beyond  a  doubt  true,  although,  from  sinister  motives,  there  were  those  who 
maintained  that  they  were  always  subject  to  them.  It  is  true,  that,  when  by 
a  long  intercourse  with  the  whites  they  had  lost  much  of  their  energy  and 
character  as  a  nation,  the  haughty  Six  Nations  found  little  dilHculty  in  sedu- 
cing some  tribes  of  them  to  join  them,  and  of  forcing  others  to  obey  them.  A 
circumstance  which  clearly  proves  this,  is,  that  in  the  first  treaties  of  sales 
of  land  by  the  Six  Nations  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  they  did  not  presume  to 
convey  any  lands  to  the  east  of  the  sources  of  tlie  streams  that  were  trib- 
utary to  the  Susquehannah ;  the  assertions  of  some  of  the  speech-makers 
among  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  contrary,  however.* 

The  celebrated  chief  Tadeuskimd,  of  whom  we  hfive  already  spoken  in 
detail,  gave  the  following  very  pointed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
whites  had  conducted  in  getting  his  people's  lands  i'raudidently.  It  was  at  the 
conference  in  Easton,  in  November,  1736.  Ihdeuskund  was  present  as  the 
representative  of  "  four  nations,"  viz.  the  Chiliohockies,  the  Wanamies,  the 
Munseys  and  Wapingers.  Governor  Denny  requested  the  Indians  to  state 
the  reasons  lor  their  late  hostile  movements.  Tadeuskund :  "  I  have  not  f  iu-  to 
go  for  an  instance.  This  very  ground  that  is  under  me  (striking  it  with  his 
foot)  was  my  land  and  inheritance,  and  it  is  taken  from  me  by  Iraud.  [This  was 
in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware.]  When  I  say  this  ground,  I  mean  all  the  land 
lying  between  Tohiccon  Creek  and  Wyoming,  on  the  Uiver  Sus(iuchannali. 
1  have  not  only  been  served  so  in  this  government,  but  the  same  thing  has 
been  done  to  me,  as  to  several  tracts  in  New  Jersey,  over  the  river."  On 
the  governor's  asking  him  what  he  meant  by  fraud,  he  answered :  "  When 
one  man  had  formerly  liberty  to  purchase  lands,  and  he  took  the  deed  from 
tlie  ludiiuis  for  it,  and  tlien  dies;  after  his  deatii  his  children  forge  a  deed 
like  the  true  one,  with  the  same  Indian  names  to  it,  and  thereby  take  lands 
from  the  Indians  which  they  rever  sold  ;  this  is  fraud.  Also  when  one  king 
has  land  beyond  the  river,  and  imother  king  has  land  on  this  side,  both 
bounded  by  rivers,  mountains  and  .springs  wliieli  cannot  be  moved ,  and  the 
proprietaries,  greedy  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one  king  what  belongs  to 
another ;  this  likewise  is/raiM/." 

Then  the  governor  asked  Tadeuskimd  whether  he  had  been  served  so  ? 
He  said,  "  Yes.  I  have  been  served  so  in  this  i)rovince  ;  all  the  land  extend- 
ing from  Tohircon,  over  the  great  mountain,  to  Wyoming,  has  been  taken 
from  me  by  fraud  ;  for  vvheii  I  had  a  -'eed  to  sell  land  to  the  old  proprietiu-y, 
by  tlie  course  of  the  river,  the  young  j.roprietai'ies  came  and  got  it  run  by  a 
straight  course,  by  the  conipasn,  luid  by  that  means  took  iu  double  the  quantity 
intended  to  be  sold."! 

The  moaning  of  Tadeuskund  will  be  fully  explained  in  what  we  ore  about 
tt>  lay  before  the  render.  The  lands  above  the  Kittatiuny  Mountains  were 
not  intended  to  be  sold  by  the  Delawares,  hut  the  whites  tbund  means  to  eii- 
croacli  upon  tlieni,  atid  by  the  aid  of  the  Irocpiois,  as  before  noted,  were  able 
not  only  to  iniiintaiii  lint  to  extend  their  encroachnuMits.  It  will  he  well  to 
bear  in  mind  llifit  tlie  lands  conveyed  to  William  Ptnn  in  1()85,  included  the 
country  from  Duck  Creek,  or  Uuingqiiingus  to  the  Kittatiuny  Hills;  and  to 
oear  in  mind,  also,  how  purchases  were  made,  so  as  to  admit  of  contention  ; 


'      w 


*  See  Pruud's  I'u.,  ii.  334. 


t  Ibid,  ii.  333. 


1 


j«IOWi 


528 


LNDIAN  DEED  TO  WILLIAM  PENN. 


[Book  V. 


Bometinies,  doubtless,  for  the  »?cret  intention  of  taking  advantage,  and  af 
otliers  from  inahility  to  fill  certain  blanks  in  tlie  deeds  at  the  time  they  wern 
given.  As  for  example,  when  a  tract  of  land  was  to  extend  in  a  certain 
direction  ii|»on  a  straight  line,  or  by  a  river,  "as  far  as  a  man  can  walk  in  n 
day,"  the  point  to  Ite  arrived  at  must  necessarily  be  lell  blank,  until  at  some 
future  time  it  should  be  walked.  This  tnunner  of  giving  and  receiving  deeds, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  threw  into  the  hands  of  sordid  purchasers,  every  advantage 
over  the  Indians.  In  one  :<i8iah?e  they  complain  that  tlie  "  walker  "  iim ;  in 
another,  that  "he  walked  after  it  Vvas  night,"  and  so  on. 

The  Iixliuns  had  deeded  lands  in  this  way  to  William  Penn,  and  no  advan- 
tage was  takon  on  his  part ;  but  when  he  was  dead,  and  others  l)ecame  pro- 
prietors, the  (liflicultif  s  arose,  of  which  Tadeuskund  reminded  the  whites  at 
Easton  ;  and  this  will  nli^strate  what  has  just  been  given  from  his  speech  to 
Governor  Denny  at  that  time. 

The  deed  to  fFilliam  Penn,  to  which  we  in  particular  refer,  was  given  in 
1685,  and  ran  thus : — 

"  This  Indknture  witnesseth,  that,  We,  Packenah,  Jarckhan,  Sikals,  Part- 
quesott,  Jervis  Essepenavk,  Fdkiroy,  Hekellappan,  Econus,  Machloha,  MeUliconga, 
Wissa  Powey,  Indian  Kings,  Sachemakers,  right  owners  of  all  lands,  fi-om 
Quingquingus,  called  Duck  Creek,  unto  Upland  called  Chester  Creik,  all 
along  by  the  west  side  of  Delaware  river,  and  so  between  the  said  creeks 
backwards  03  far  as  a  man  can  ride  in  two  days  tvith  a  horse,  for  and  in  con- 
sideration of  these  following  goods  to  us  in  hand  paid,  and  secured  to  be 
paid,  by  IVilliam  Penn,  proprietary  and  governor  of  the  province  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  territories  thereof,  viz.  20  guns,  20  fathoms  match-coat,  20 
fathoms  Stroudwater,  20  blankets,  20  kettles,  20  pounds  powder,  100  bars  of 
lead,  40  tomahawks,  100  knives,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  1  barrel  of  beer, 
20  pounds  red  lead,  100  fathoms  wampum,  .'30  glass  bottles,  30  pewter  spoons, 
100  awl-blades,  300  tobacco  pipes,  100  hands  of  tobacco,  20  tobacco  tongs, 
20  steels,  300  flints,  30  pair  of  scissors,  30  combs,  60  looking-glasses,  200 
needles,  one  skipple  of  salt,  30  pounds  sugar,  5  gallons  niolasi^es,  20  tobacco 
boxes,  100  jews-harps,  20  hoes,  30  gimblets,  30  wooden  screw  boxes,  100 
string  of  beads. — Do  hereby  acknowledge,  &c.  given  under  our  hands,  &c. 
at  New  Castle,  second  day  of  the  eighth  month,  1685." 

We  will  now  proceed  to  take  further  notice  of  Tadeuskund's  charges  at 
the  Easton  conference,  before  spoken  of.  The  manner  of  ff'illiam  Jlllen'a 
becoming  proprietor  has  been  stated.  In  1736,  deputies  from  the  Six 
Nations  sold  tlie  proprietor  all  the  "lands  lying  between  the  mouth  of  Sus- 
quehannah  and  Kittatinny  Hills,  extending  eastward  as  far  as  the  heads  of 
the  branches  or  springs  which  run  into  the  said  Susquehannah."  Hence 
this  grant  did  not  interfere  at  all  ivith  the  lands  of  the  Delawares,  and  may 
be  urged  as  an  evidence,  that  the  Six  Nations  had  no  right  to  them  ;  for,  if 
they  had,  why  were  they  not  urged  to  sell  them  before  the  breaking  uji  of 
the  conference  ?  and  not,  as  we  have  before  mentioned,  waited  eleven  days, 
until  all  the  head  men  had  gone,  and  then  to  have  got  a  release  from  the  few 
that  remained  !  It  is  therefore  very  evident  that  this  could  not  be  done  when 
all  were  present,  or  the  latter  course  would  not  have  been  resorted  to.  Not 
withstantling  the  proprietor  had  grasped  at  the  lands  on  Delaware,  by  a 
partial  transaction  with  a  few  of  a  deputation,  he,  nevertheless,  soon  man- 
ifested that  he  considered  his  right  as  not  beyond  question,  by  his  assembling 
the  Delaware  chiefs  the  next  year,  1737,  to  treat  further  upon  it.  The  names 
of  these  chiefs  were  Monokykickan,  Lappamnzoe,  Tishekunk  and  JVidimus.* 
At  this  conference  a  release  was  obtained  from  them,  tlie  preamble  of  which 
set  forth, 

"That  Tishekunk  and  JVutimiis  had,  abort  three  years  before,  begun  a 
treaty  at  Durham  with  John  and  Thomas  Penn ;  that  from  thence  another 

'  His  name  signified,  a  striker  offish  inth  a  spear.  H=ckcwel(ler.  He  was  generally 
calleu  I'oii/iiis  NiUaiiuxeus — an  excelleat  man,  who  never  draiik  liquor.  He  was  boni  on  the 
spot  where  l'liilail('l()hia  now  stands,  removed  to  Ohio  about  1746,  died  on  the  Muskingum  In 
1780,  aged  about  100  years.  He  had  a  brother  who  was  called  Isaac  Nutimtis,  aud  like  hiiB 
was  a  very  amiable  man,  and  died  about  the  same  time.    lb 


Chap.  II] 


TITI.es  to  INDIAN  LANDS. 


529 


tTKjeting  was  appointed  to  bo  ut  I'ciiii.shury  tlie  next  spring,  to  wliicli  tluiy 
rc|)airod  witli  Lappawinzoe,  and  .•ieveral  others  of  tlie  Di'ltiware  liidian.s ; 
that,  lit  tills  meetinj;,  several  deeds  were  shown  to  them  ("or  several  tractri  ot" 
landvrhicli  tlicii  Ibrolalliers  liiid  more  than  50  years  ago  sold  to  If'illlnni  I'viin  ; 
and,  in  ])articu!ar,  one  livA'A,  iiom  Maijlittrikkisho,  Sayhoppe]/  and  TitUixh- 
fi'iuirhseij,  the  chietii  or  kings  of  the  Northern  Indians  on  lJela\vart>,  who  toi'  a 
e(;rtain  (piantity  of  goods,  liad  granted  to  IVilliitm  Pcnii  a  tract  ol"  land,  hej;  in- 
ning on  a  line  drawn  from  a  certain  spriice-tree  on  the  i{iver  JJelaware,  hy 
a  west-north-west  course  to  i\eshannMiy  Creek,  from  thence  hack  into  tiie 
woods  as  far  us  a  man  could  fj^o  in  a  iliii/  and  a  half,  and  lioimdrd  on  the  wt^st 
liy  iXeshamenj-,  or  the  most  westiM-ly  brancii  thereotj  so  tiir  as  the  saiil  hrancli 
(loth  extend,  and  from  tiience  by  a  line  [Idanl;]  to  the  utmost  exient  of  tlic 
day  and  half's  walk,  and  (i-om  thence  [blank]  to  the  at()n'Haid  lliver  Didaware, 
and  so  down  the  coiirsiis  of  the  river  to  the  lirst  mentioiuMl  spruce  tree;  and 
that  this  appeared  to  be  true  by  Wdliam  Biles  and  Josipii  ff'ood,  who,  upon 
cheir  aHirmation,  did  declare,  that  they  well  remembei-ed  the  treaty  held  by 
(he  agents  of  fVilliam  Pcnn  and  those  Indians  ;"  '•  that  they  were  now  come  to 
I'hiladelphia  with  tli(!ir  cliii-f  .)Iijnokijliickan,  and  several  other  old  nun,  ;,,id 
upon  a  Ibrmer  treaty  held  upon  the  same  subject,  acknowledge  fiiemselves 
satisfied  that  the  above  di  scribed  tract  was  granted  by  the  jiersons  above 
mentioned,  for  which  rea.son,  they  the  said  Monokijliirkan,  LapjMwinzoc,  Ti- 
shckunk  and  JVutimas,  agree  to  release  to  the  proprietors  all  right  to  that  tract, 
and  desire  that  it  may  be  walked,  travelled,  or  gone  over  l)y  jjcrsons  ap- 
pt^inted  for  that  purpose." 

Now  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  by  former  treaties  the  Lechay  Hills, 
wliich  I  take  to  mean  the  Lehigh  Mountains,  were  to  be  the  boundaries,  iu 
all  time  to  come,  on  the  north:  meanwhile  we  will  proceed  to  describe  the 
Miunner  the  land  was  walked  out,  of  which  we  have  been  sjieaking. 

"  The  relation  which  Thames  Furniss,  sadler,  gives  concerning  the  dajj  and 
n  /f'f//''s  im/A,  made  between  the  i)roprietors  of  Pemisylvania  and  the  Delaware 
Inilians,  by  James  Yeaies  and  Edward  Marshall.''^ 

"  At  the  time  of  the  walk  I  was  a  dweller  at  Newton,  and  a  near  n(  iglibor 
to  James  Yeates.  My  situation  gave  him  an  easy  opportunity  of  accpiainting 
me  with  the  time  of  jetting  out.  as  it  did  me  of  hearing  the  different  senti- 
ments of  the  neighborhood  concerning  the  loalk;  some  alleging  it  was  to  be 
made  by  the  river,  others  that  it  was  to  be  gone  upon  a  straight  line  from 
somewhere  in  VVright's-town,  op|)ositc  to  a  s[)ruce-tree  upon  the  river's  bank, 
said  to  be  a  boundary  to  a  farmer  purchase.  When  the  walkers  starttvl  I 
was  a  little  behind,  but  was  ii  fbrmefl  they  proceeded  fi-om  a  chestnut-tree 
nc  ir  the  turning  out  of  the  roul  from  Durham  road  to  John  Chn^iman^s,  and 
being  on  horseback,  overtook  them  before  they  reached  Jhickingham,  and  kept 
company  for  some  distance  beyond  the  HIik;  Mountains,  though  not  cpiitc  to 
tlie  end  of  the  journey.  Two  Indians  attended,  whom  I  considered  as  depu- 
ties appointed  by  the  Delaware  nation,  to  see  tlie  walk  honestly  performed. 
One  of  them  repeatedly  expressed  his  dissatisliiction  therewith.  The  first 
day  of  the  walk,  before  we  reached  Durham  creek,  where  we  dined  in  the 
meadows  of  one  yVilson,  an  Indian  trader,  the  Indian  said  the  iBulk  was  to 
hav(!  been  made  up  the  river,  i  .id  complaiiung  of  the  unfitness  of  his  slioe- 
packs  lor  travelling  said  lie  expected  Thomas  Penn  woidd  have  made  him  a 
|ires<;nt  of  some  shoes.  After  this  some  of  us  that  had  horses,  walked,  an() 
It  the  Indians  ride  by  turns;  j'et  in  the  afternoon  of  tlie  same  (lay,  Jiiid  pome, 
hours  before  sunset,  the  Indians  left  us,  having  often  calhnl  to  Mirsludl  th;it 
afternoon  and  forbid  him  to  run.  At  parting  they  apjjeared  dissatisfied,  and 
faid  they  woidd  go  no  farther  with  us;  for  as  they  saw  the  icalkers  would 
pass  all  the  good  land,  they  did  not  care  how  far  or  where  we  went  to.  It 
was  said  we  traveled  13  hoiu'S  the  first  day,  Jiiid  it  being  in  the  latter  end  of 
September,  or  begiiming  of  October,  to  complete  tlu;  time,  were  obliged 
t  )  walk,  in  the  twilight.  Timolhti  Smitli,  then  sherifT  of  iiueks,  held  liis 
\^atcll  for  some  minutes  before  we  stopp<'d,  and  the  walkers  having  a  piece 
of  rising  groimd  to  ascend,  he  called  out  to  tla^in,  telling  tli(»  minutes  behind, 
and  l>id  them  pull  up,  which  they  did  so  briskly,  that,  iinmediately  u[)on  hii 
saving  the  time  was  out,  .Marshall  clasped  his  arms  about  a  s;iplin  to  support 
45  21 


530 


THE  WALKING  I'L'RfllASE. 


[noiiK 


liimself,  nnd  thereupon  ilio  sliciifr  ankiiij,'  liim  wlint  was  tin;  /nntt(  r.  lie  said 
he  was  ahnost  gone,  and  that,  if  lie  liad  pruceeded  ii  few  poh-s  linthir,  liu 
must  have  fallen.  We  lodged  in  the  woods  that  ni^'ht,  and  heard  ih(!  ^iiuut- 
ing  of  the  Indians  at  a  cantico,  which  tJK^y  were  said  to  hold  that  evenin;^  iii 
a  town  hard  hy.  Next  morning  the  Indians  were  sent  to,  to  know  ii  they 
would  accompany  us  any  farther,  hnt  they  declined  it,  aldiongh  I  helievo 
Honio  o^'  them  came  to  us  before  we  started,  and  drank  a  dram  in  the  com- 
l)any,  and  then  straggled  otfahout  their  huntinji  or  some  other  anusement.  In 
oin*  return  we  came  through  this  Indian  town  or  plantation,  TimuJ.;/  Smllluatd 
myself  riding  Ibrty  yards  more  or  less  before  the  comi)any,  and  lu.  ve  aj)- 
jtroached  within  about  150  paces  of  the  town,  the  woods  being  opi-n,  we  saw 
un  Indian  take  a  gun  in  his  liand,  and  advancing  towards  n^  some  disiaiicc, 
placrd  hunself  behind  a  log  that  laid  by  our  way.  Timothy  observing  his 
motions,  and  being  somewhat  sur])rised,  as  I  apprehended,  looked  at  nu;,  and 
asked  what  1  thought  that  Indian  meant.  I  said,  I  ho|)ed  no  liarm,  and  that 
I  tliought  it  best  to  keep  on,  which  the  Indian  seeing,  anise  and  walked  before 
us  to  the  settlement.  I  think  ^«i';;»7/i  was  surprised,  as  I  well  remember  I  was, 
througli  a  cnnscionsness  that  the  Indians  were  dissatislied  with  the  walk,  a 
thing  the  whole  com|)any  seemed  to  be  sensible  of,  and  upon  the  way,  in 
our  return  home,  freipiently  ex|)re!«sed  themselves  to  that  pur])ose.  And 
indeed  the  nnliiirness  |)ractised  in  the  walk,  both  in  regard  to  the  way  where, 
and  the  maimer  how,  it  was  perlbrmed,  and  the  dissatisliiction  of  the  Indians 
concerning  it,  were  tli<'  connnon  subjects  of  conversation  in  our  neighbor- 
hood, lor  some  considerable  time  after  it  was  done.  Wlien  the  walk  was 
performed  I  was  a  young  man  in  the  primi;  of  lile.  The  novelty  of  the  thing 
mclined  me  to  be  a  si)ectator,  and  as  I  had  been  brought  u|i  most  of  my 
time  in  Burlington,  the  whole  transaction  to  me  was  a  series  of  occurrences 
almost  entirely  new,  and  which  therefore,  I  apprehend,  made  tiie  more  strong 
uud  lasting  impression  on  my  memory. 

Tliomas  Furnisa" * 

As  we  have  already  observed,  the  end  of  these  affairs  was  war.  The 
Delawares  were  driven  back,  tmd  they  joined  the  Frencli  against  the 
English 

CHAPTER  m. 

Of  several  chiefs  spoken  ofhy  Washington,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  French 
of  Ohio — Battle  near  Great  Meadows,  and  death  of  Jumonville — SniNtiis — Mo.na- 

CATOOCUA HaI.F-KiNG JuSKAKAKA WhITE-ThU  M)ER AlLIQUIPA CaI'- 

TAiK  Jacobs — IIrndrick — His  history — Curious  anndote  of — Logan — Cresap's 
War — Battle  of  Point  Picu/nnt — Logan's  famous  speech — Cornstock — His  history 
— Rku-hawk — Ei.LiNipsico — The  barbarous  murder  of  these  three — Melancholy 
death  of  Logan — Pontiac — Jl  rcnoicned  warrior — Colonel  Rogers's  account  (f  him 
— His  policy — Fall  of  Michilimahinak — Menf.hvvehna — Siege  of  Detroit — Ponti- 
ac s  stratagem  to  surprise  it — Is  discovered — Official  account  of  the  affair  at  Bloody 
Bridge — Pontiac  abandons  the  siege — Becomes  the  friend  of  the  English — Is  assus 
sinated. 

The  expedition  of  WasUna;lon  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  in  1753,  brings 
to  our  records  information  of  several  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  of  the  most 
interesting  kind.  He  was  commissioned  and  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the 
French,  by  Governor  Dinwidlie  of  Virginia.  He  kcjtt  an  accurate  journal 
of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Virginia,  was  published,  and,  not  long 
after,  the  same  vk-as  republished  in  London,  widi  a  map  ;  the  substance 
of  this  journal  was  copied  into  almost  every  periodical  ol"  importance  of 
tliat  day. 


•  Causes  of  the  Alieuation  of  tlie  Delaware  and  Shawanese  hiliaiis,  Sec,  8vo.   Lou 
don,  1759. 


Chap.  III.l    WASHINGTON'S  JOURNEY  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


5:]1 


SniXGIS  was  ihe  first  cliicf  he  visited,  wiio  livoil  in  tin;  fin  ks  of  the 
Alli'<fliaii\  and  AI()n()ii>.'iiiiciu  Uivor.s,  where  l'itlsl>nri,'h  nowytands.  He  ininid- 
ud  holding'  u  council  with  the  celehrated  H(dJ'-kin<r,*  already  niciitioncd,  at 
ljOj,'f,'f<t()  wn,  and  such  otherx  as  could  he  ussendiled  at  .short  notice,  to  .strcn^thfu 
them  in  the  English  interest.  He  therefore  invited  Shini^is  to  attend  the 
council,  and  he  accordingly  ucconipaniiid  him  to  J^ogirstown.  ",\ss(ii)n  an 
I  came  into  town,"  says  iVashiiit^lon,  "1  went  to  Miniakaloocha,  (a-  tjn'  H(i!j- 
kiiig  was  out  iit  his  hunting  caliin,  on  Littif  Heaver  Creek,  ahout  1.")  miles  olT,, 
and  informcil  him  hy  John  Davidson,  my  Indian  intcrpretei-,  that  I  was  sent  a 
mcssengir  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered  to  call  u|)on  the  s.ichcniS 
of  the  Six  Nations  touc(|uaiiit  them  with  it.  I  gave  him  a  string  ol' WiMiipum 
(iiid  a  twist  of  tohacco,  and  dtjsiird  him  to  send  f«»r  th(!  half-king,  \\  liirli  he 
promised  to  do  hy  a  runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachems.  1  in- 
vited iiim  and  the  otlu^r  great  niiiu  |)resent  to  my  tent,  «  here  they  stayi:d 
ahout  an  hoiu',  and  retiuwied."  This  place  was  ahont  140  miles, "as  we  went, 
and  com|)Uted  it,"  says  the  great  writer,  "from  our  hack  setlltMnents,  where 
we  arrived  hetweeu  sunsetting  and  daik,  the  twenty-litth  i  .\y  after  1  left 
Williamshurgh." 

HiilJ-kiii!^,  it  seems,  had,  not  long  hefon^  visited  the  same  pi;  ••.  to  wiiieii 
Washinslon  was  now  destined;  lor  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  own,  Ha.ik- 
■iiti^ton  invited  him  privately  to  his  trnf,  "and  desired  him  to  relate  si  lue  ot' 
tli(!  |)articulars  of  his  journey  to  tin;  French  commandaiii,"  the  hest  way  for 
him  to  go,  and  the  distance  trom  that  place.  "He  told  me,"  says  It'usliiiiirtoii^ 
"that  the  nearest  and  levelest  way  was  now  impassahle,  hy  reason  of 
many  large  miry  savannas;  that  we  must  he  ol)liged  to  go  hy  Venango,  and 
should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than  fi\(^  or  six  nights' sleeji,  good 
travelling."  Half-kins;  Hn'tln^r  in(()rmed  him  that  Ik;  mc^t  with  a  cold  recep- 
tion; that  the  French  officer  steridy  ordered  him  to  declare  his  husiiiess, 
which  he  did,  he  ?aid,  in  the  following  speech: — 

"Fathers,  I  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  sj)eeches ;  what  yom*  own  nr.nitha 
have  declared.  You,  in  Ibrmcr  days,  set  a  silver  hasiii  hellire  us,  w  Ik  rein 
there  wiis  the  leg  of  a  heaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come;  and  eat  of 
it;  to  eat  m  peace  and  i)lenty,  and  not  to  he  churlish  to  one  anoth(!r :  and  that 
if  any  such  jjerson  should  he  ibund  to  he  a  disturher,  I  here  lay  «lown  hy  the 
edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which  you  must  scom'ge  them  with;  and  if  your  liither 
should  get  Ibolish,  in  my  old  days,  I  desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well 
as  others. — Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in  this  land,  hy 
coming  and  building  your  towns ;  and  taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by 
fbrce. — We  kindled  a  fire,  a  long  time  ago,  at  a  place  called  Montreal,  where 
we  desired  you  to  stay,  and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  lan<l.  I  now 
dt\sirc  you  may  despatch  to  that  j>lace;  for,  be  it  known  to  \ou,  liithin's,  that 
this  is  our  land,  and  not  yours. — I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness;  if 
not,  we  must  handle  that  rod  which  was  laitl  down  flir  the  use  of  the,'  obstrep- 
erous. If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  I'.nglish, 
we  would  not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us,  as  they  tlo;  but  to 
come,  iiithcrs,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  fi.iee,  is 
what  we  cannot  subnfit  to." 

Half-king  then  repeated  wJiat  was  said  to  liiin  in  reply  by  the  French, 
which,  whe"  he  had  done,  ffashinglon  made  a  speech  to  him  and  his  council. 
He  ac(iuaii"i'd  them  with  the  reason  of  his  visit,  and  told  them  he  was  in- 
siructed  to  call  ujion  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise  with  them, 
to  assure  them  ol'  the  love  of  the  Fnglish,  and  to  ask  the  assistance  of  some 
of  their  young  men,  to  cotuluct  him  through  the  wilderness,  to  the  I'reiich, 
to  whom  he  had  a  letter  from  his  governor.     Half-king  made  this  re|)ly: — 

"In  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me,  I  return 


*  He  is  caMod  a  Huron  by  Lonkiel,  Hist.  .'Missions,  iii.  123.  Ho  wns  ciilled  by  iIip  Doln- 
"arcs  I'oiD-oacan,  wliicli  in  luii^lisli  miMiis  Sivret-liniisp.  HfckfwelUcr,  Nur.  '2.i').  Ii'  llie 
IcIUT.  or  s|)oei'h,  as  W'lishinn^ton  ciMei\  it,  uliirh  this  oliief  seal  to  the  govurmirs  of  Virj^iiiiii 
and  I'lMnisylvaiiia,  in  1751,  liis  naino  is  set  down  Si'ruiiiijultliti.  .See  1  Co/l.  Muss.  Hist.  Soe. 
vi.  1  l^i, — f  will  in;re  note,  tluit  my  Iriciul,  Jaiiki)  Si'AUKs,  Ksq.,  verbally  informs  me,  that  he 
i-.  Ill' u|iiiiioi),  lliat  this  is  not  I'le  same  Half-king  meutioned  in  Loskid.  1  am  now  of  tbP 
name  lioiief,  ahlioujjli  it  is  possible. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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HALF  KING— BATTLE  NEAR  GREAT  MEADOWS.        [Book  V. 

you  tliirt  nnf<w(!r."  "I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brother  ought  to  ilo,  im  you  wiy  «« 
nro  l)rotliers,  uinl  one  people."  "Brother,  uh  you  have  asked  my  advice,  I 
hope  you  will  Im3  ruled  by  it,  and  stay  until  1  can  provide  a  e«)nipany  to  go 
wiih  you.  The  French  speech  l)clt  is  not  here;  1  have  it  to  go  l()r  to  my 
huniitig  cabin.  Likewise  the  peojilc,  whom  I  have  ordered  in,  are  not  yet 
roine,  and  cannot  until  the  third  night  Ironi  tliis;  until  which  timi*,  brother, 
1  must  l»cg  you  to  stay." 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  business  would  not  admit  of  so  much 
delay,  the  chief  seemed  displeased,  and  said  it  was  "o  tnalter  of  no  small  mo- 
vmil,  and  mxist  not  be  entered  icithoul  due  comideratlon."  Perhaps  it  will  not 
Im,'  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian  chief  credit  for  nonie  of  that  character  which 
was  bo  well  exemplified  by  fVaahington  in  all  his  aHer-life.  And  "as  I  found 
it  impossible,"  says  the  narrator,  "  to  get  oil",  without  aflVonting  them  in  the 
most  egregious  manner,  1  consented  to  stay."  Accordingly,  fhdf-kine  gave 
orders  to  Ring  Shingia,  who  was  present,  to  attend  on  Wednesday  night  with 
the  wampum,  and  two  men  of  their  nation,  to  lie  in  readiness  to  set  out  with 
us  next  morning."  There  was  still  a  <lelay  of  another  day,  as  the  chiefs 
could  not  get  in  their  wampum  and  young  men  which  wisre  to  Imj  sent ;  and, 
aller  all,  but  three  chiefs  and  one  hunter  accom]mnie(l.  "  We  set  o;it,"  says 
Hashintrlony  "about  9  o'clock,  with  the  HidJ'-king,  Juakuknha,*  flhite-lhunder, 
and  the  hunter;  and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Veiiango,  where  we  arrived  the 
4tli  of  Decendwr."  This  place  is  situated  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek 
with  the  Ohio.  Here  the  French  had  a  garrison,  and  another  a  short  distance 
above  it,  which  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer's  peregrinations  northward. 
The  commanders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Half-king  to  desert 
the  (English,  and  it  was  with  great  diiliculty  that  H'ushington  succeeded  in 
|in:venting  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  him  out  by  making  the  chiefs 
delay  their  departure  from  day  to  day,  by  means  of  litpior,*  so  that  the}  should 
1*0  lell  behind.  At  length,  having  out-uenerailed  bi^  complotters,  and  "got 
things  ready  to  set  oiY,  I  sent  for  the  IhdJ'-king"  contiinies  the  narrator,  "to 
know  whether  he  intended  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that 
lyiiite-thunder  had  hurt  himself  much,  aiul  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk ; 
therefore  be  was  obliged  tocan-y  him  down  in  a  canoe;"  so,  notwithstanding 
the  delays,  Washington  was  obliged  to  go  without  him ;  but  be  cautioned  him 
strongly  against  l)clieving  Monsieur  Joncnire's  pretensions  of  friendship,  and 
representations  against  Uie  Ei:^lish.  Here  ends  HMhinglon^s  account  of 
Half-king. 

And  before  closing  our  account  of  the  termination  of  Washington's  jouniey, 
we  will  close  our  account  of  this  chief  also.  In  17.'j4  he  accompanied  fi'ath- 
itiglon  in  his  excursion  to  dislodge  the  French  from  the  di.'sputed  territory 
upon  the  Ohio,  and  was  his  constant  counsellor,  until  af\er  Mu'  surrender  of 
Fort  Necessity  at  the  Great  Meadows,  on  the  4  July.  At  tlie  surprise  of  M. 
de  Jumonville,  r- ■  *lie  28  May  previous,  be  led  a  company  of  his  warriors, 
and  piloted  the  l  iiv  .ish  imder  nashington  to  the  place  where  he  was  encamped, 
which  was  but  a  few  miles  from  (jireat  Meadows.  Jitmonville^a  force  wag 
email,  consisting  of  but  about  33  men.  The  night  previous  to  the  attack. 
Half-king,  ^^  ho  was  encamped  six  miles  from  Great  Meadows,  having  made 
a  discovery  of  the  ajtproach  of  the  French  force,  sent  an  express  to  Washing- 
ton, to  inform  him  that  the  French  were  discovered  in  an  obscure  retreat. 
The  colonel  inunediately  marched  out  with  40  men  and  reached  Hnlf-king'a 
]uarters  a  little  before  sunrise.  A  council  was  now  held  by  the  chiefs  of  the 
jiarties,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  English  and  Indians  shoidd  march  togethcT 
antl  attack  the  French.  They  marched  in  single  tile  through  the  woods,  in 
the  Indian  manner,  in  a  most  dismal  storm  of  rain ;  and  following  the  track 
just  explored  by  Half-king's  spies,  soon  foiuid  themselves  near  the  party 
Junwnvdle  was  in  a  secure  place,  half  a  mile  from  a  road,  and  siMToimded 
by  rocks,  and  had  be  not  been  fidlen  upon  by  surprise,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  attacking  party  had  not  found  it  diilicult  to  have  contended  successfully 

"  Wc  hear  Dgniii  of  tliis  chief  in  179-1,  wlioii,  willi  58  olliors,  he  siiyncd  a  Iri-Kly  with  Ih* 
Uniluil  .Slate*  al  Kurt  Stanv.'ix.  ills  name  Is  llirrc  writlcu  Jithkaiigtt,  wliicii  <>i|;nilivil  ttgreen 
l(ra»tltoppt:r.     lie  was  «oincliniex  called  Little- Hillt/. 


Chap.  III.] 


SHI.NGIS— KUSTALOti.\. 


533 


agninst  liiin.  But  not  being  discovored,  IVaahington  made  a  good  disjiositioD 
of  Imh  men  ;  liiniselt'  witli  tlio  English  formed  Uie  right  wing,  and  Iialf-kine 
at  tiie  liead  of  the  Indians,  tiie  lett  The  French  were  Ibiind  without  tlieir 
uriiis  in  their  hands,  but  tiioy  flew  to  them,  and  a  fight  of  about  J5  minuted 
ensued  None  of  the  iiarty  escapeiL  Eleven  of  tlie  French  were  killed, 
UMiong  whom  was  ^f.  oe  Jumonvilte;  one  wounded,  and  21  taken  prii>onti-8. 
IViiahinglon  lost  hut  one  man,  tuid  two  or  three  only  were  wounded.* 

We  now  return  to  the  narrative  of  Wcahington,  which  we  hud  found  it 
necessary  abruptly  to  interrupt. 

He  now  set  ou'  >or  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  lie  had,  he  says,  the 
'-  most  tiitiguing  journey  possible  to  conceive  o£  From  the  1st  to  the  15tli 
iJecember,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  ruin  or  snow  inccs- 
t<aiitiy;  and  tlirough  tlie  whole  journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  contin- 
ued si.'ries  of  cold,  wet  weather." 

This  ex|>e<lition  of  tVashinglon  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially  from 
his  superior  eminence  allerwurds.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the  "suviur 
of  his  country  "  in  every  adventure  and  circumstance  of  his  life ;  and  even 
gratifying  to  view  him  with  a  gun  in  one  hand,  a  stafl'  in  tlir  other,  and  a 
pack  u|ioii  his  back;  wiuling  through  rivers,  encountering  storms  of  sleet  and 
i«now,  und  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  early,  fur  his  country's  good.  He 
hud  some  very  nm-row  esca|)e8,  and,  during  part  of  the  way  on  his  return,  he 
hud  hut  one  attendant.  One  day,  us  they  were  pussing  u  pluce  culled  Mur- 
dering Town,  tiiey  were  fired  upon  by  one  of  a  war-party  of  French  Indians, 
who  had  waited  m  umbusli  for  them;  and  although  they  were  within  filU-en 
puces  of  him,  yet  they  escaped  unhurt.  They  captured  the  fellow  that  fired 
upon  them,  and  kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  dismissed  him,  and  truv- 
cllfd  ull  night,  "witliout  muking  any  stop,"  ferxing  they  should  be  ])ursued 
the  next  morning  by  his  purty.  Continuirg  their  course  ull  the  next  duy, 
they  cumo  to  the  river  where  they  intended  to  cros5?.  Here  the  firmness  of 
/rcu/ung-ton  and  his  companion  was  tliorou^'ly  tried.  The  river  was  very 
higti,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  was  no  way  to  pass  il  but  by  a 
rutt  They  had  ^  but  one  poor  hutchet,"  with  the  assistance  of  which,  alter 
laboring  trom  mornuig  till  sunset,  they  hud  a  raft  ready  to  laimch ;  on  this 
they  set  out,  but  it  was  soon  crushed  between  the  floating  ice,  and  they  very 
narrowly  escaped  perishing.  IVaahington  was  himself  precipitated  into  the 
river,  where  tlie  water  was  ten  feet  deep.  Fortunately,  however,  he  cutched 
by  a  Irugment  of  the  raft,  and  saved  himself.  They  finally  extricated  them- 
selves ii-om  their  perilous  situation,  by  getting  upon  the  ice  which  confined 
their  frail  bark,  and  from  tlicnce  to  an  island,  and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore. 
The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  Mr.  Giat  froze  his  hands  and  feet  This  place 
was  about  three  miles  below  the  moutli  of  the  Yohogany,  where  an  Indian 
queen,  as  Wathin^n  calls  her,  lived.  He  went  to  see  her,  he  observes,  sho 
having  "expressed  great  concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  1 
made  her  a  present  of  a  watch  coat,  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  \vhich  hitter  wni 
thought  much  the  best  present  of  the  two."  Her  name  wus  ^Uiquippa.  From 
this  jtluce,  he  pursued  his  journey  home  without  furtiier  nccidcnt. 

We  have  mentioned  the  friendly  attttntion  of  Shingis  to  our  adventurer,  who 
hud  probubly  expected  he  woidd  have  attended  him  on  his  journey ;  but  Shin^ 
gia  went  to  collect  in  his  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  Indians  said  it  wus 
owing  to  the  sickness  of  his  wife,  hut  tVashington  thought  it  was  fear  of  tlic 
French,  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjecture  does  not  seem  well 
fbundeci,  for  he  oniered  KuataUtga,  who  lived  ut  Venungo,  to  proceed  to  the 
French  and  return  the  wampum,  which  wus  us  much  us  to  tell  them  they 
wished  no  further  fellowshin  with  them. 

The  massacres  which  followed  BntddacKs  defeat  were  horrible  beyond 
liescription.  Shingia  and  Captain  Jamba  were  supposed  to  huve  been  ihn 
principal  instigators  of  then),  and  7U0  <lollars  were  oflered  for  their  hcads.f 
Caiitam  Jacoba  did  not  long  escape,  although  the  reward  did  not  hasten  his 
enu.   The  hostile  Indians  had  their  head-quarters  at  Kitanning  on  the  Alleghu" 


45 


•  Spasks's  Writing*  of  Washin^on,  ii.  451,  452. 
t   }yalton'i  .\niialii  of  Philadelphia,  450. 


•4 


Itj; 

I** 


Si: 


1 


534       KITTANNING  DESTROYED.-DEATII  OF  CAPT.  JACOBS.    IBook  T 

ny  River,  44  miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  Monongaheln.  Here  they 
n;tirod  with  their  prisoners  and  booty  after  their  expeditions  into  the  frontiers 
la  1756,  Colonel  John  Armstrong  was  sent  with  al)out  300  men  against  Ki 
tanning.  "On  3  September  ho  joined  the  advanced  iwrty  at  the  Ut-nvei 
Dams,  near  Frankstown ;  and  on  the  7th  in  the  evening,  being  within  6  rnile» 
of  KJtanning,  the  scouts  discovered  a  fire  in  the  road,  and  rejiortcd  tliat  tln-re 
were  but  3  or  at  most  4  Indians  at  it.  It  was  not  thought  proper  to  attempt 
surprising"  them,  as  it  might  be  a  means  of  alarming  the  town,  if  any  sliould 
escape.  Hence  Lieutenant  Hogg,  with  a  file'  of  12  men,  was  ordered  to  wutcb 
them,  while  the  main  body  proceeded  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kitaiming. 
The  night  iK-in^  warm,  many  of  the  Indians  lodged  in  a  cornfield  upon  the 
nun-gin  of  the  river,  about  100  rods  below  the  town.  Here  at  day-break  the 
attack  bi'gan.  Several  Indians  were  killed  in  the  field,  and  the  town  was  im 
nii'diati'ly  entered.  As  they  advanced,  Captain  Jacobs  gave  the  war  whoop, 
retij-ed  to  his  log-cabin,  and  defended  himself  with  great  braver}'.  Inspin-(1 
by  his  intrepidity,  his  men  refused  quarter,  saying,  " /Fe  art  men,  and  will  not 
be  pisoncrs."  Ihe  whites  being  unable  to  drive  them  from  tl»eir  wigwams, 
Colonel  Jirmstrong  ordered  these  to  be  set  on  fire.  At  the  same  time  he  re 
ceived  a  musket-shot  in  the  shoulder.  "  When  the  Indians  were  told  that  they 
would  be  burnt  if  they  did  not  surrender,  one  of  tiiem  replied,  he  did  not  care, 
as  he  coidd  kill  4  or  5  before  he  died,"  When  the  fire  appioaciied  them,  some 
began  to  sing,  and  others  burst  from  their  houses,  ami  were  killed  in  tlieii 
flight.  Ca[)tain  Jacobs,  when  defence  could  no  longer  avail  him,  endeavored 
to  escape,  with  his  wife,  though  a  window  of  his  house.  This  was  his  last  act 
— he  was  shot  down,  and  his  wife  also.  A  lad,  called  the  King's  Son,  was  killed 
with  them.    As  at  Nerigwok,  many  were  killed  in  tlie  river  as  they  fled. 

The  Indians  were  said  to  have  had  their  houses  stored  with  spare  arms  and 
ammunition  ;  for,  when  they  were  burnt  up,  their  guns  discharged  from  the  heat, 
and  (|uantities  of  powder  blew  up  from  time  to  time,  which  threw  some  of 
their  bodies  to  a  great  height  in  the  air.  Eleven  prisoners  were  recovered  at  tliis 
time,  who  informed  their  deliverers  that  a  great  quantity  of  goods  was  also 
consumed,  which  had  but  ten  days  before  been  sent  them  by  the  French  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  had  boasted  that  they  had  powder  enough  for  a  ten  years'  war 
with  the  English.  They  also  learned  that  the  party  which  Lieutenant  Hogg 
had  been  left  to  watch,  instead  of  being  but  3  or  4,  consisted  of  24  warriors, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  attack  Fort  Shirley,  having  been  sent  forward  by 
Captain  Jacobs,  while  he  was  to  have  followed  with  a  strong  force  the  next 
day.  Hence  the  fate  of  the  lieutenant's  party  was  suspectetl.  On  returning 
to  the  place.  Colonel  Armstrong  found  that  Lieutenant  Hogg  had  attacked  the 
Indians  at  great  disadvantage,  in  point  of  numbers,  and  bad  been  defeated, 
him8«;li'and  Captain  Mercer  (afterwards  General  Mercer,  who  fell  at  Princeton) 
w^verely  wounded.  At  the  first  fire  Hogg's  party  killed  3  of  the  Indians,  who, 
after  maintaining  the  fight  for  an  hour,  killed  but  3  of  the  whites.  Hogg, 
l)eing  now  wounded,  was  abandoned  by  his  men,  but  was  fortunate  enough  to 
be  foimd  by  the  army.*  It  was  at  this  period,  that  the  dead  bodies  of  some 
that  had  been  murdered  and  mangled  were  sent  from  the  frontiers  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  hauled  about  the  streets,  to  inflame  tf'<>  people  against  the 
Indians,  and  also  against  the  Quakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attrib- 
uted a  laxity  in  sending  out  troops.  The  mob  surrounded  the  house  of 
ai^sembly,  having  placed  the  dead  bodies  at  its  entrance,  and  demanded  im- 
mediate succor.     A\  this  time  the  above  reward  was  offered. 

Mr.  Heckewdder  knew  Shingis,  or,  as  he  wrote  his  name,  Shingask,  f  and 
gave  him  a  good  character.  He  was  brother  to  King-beaver,  and  in  the  French 
war  was  considered  the  greatest  Indian  warrior  of  the  day.  He  was  a  terror 
to  the  whole  frontier  of  Pennsylvonia.  "  Passing  one  day  with  him  "  says  Mr. 
Heckewelder,  "in  the  summer  of  1702,  near  by  where  his  two  prisoner  boys 
(about  12  years  of  age)  were  amusing  themselves  with  his  own  boys,  and  he 
oltsnrving  mo  looking  that  way,  inquin-d  what  I  was  looking  at  On  my 
re|)lying  that  I  was  looking  at  his  prisoners,  he  said.  When  I  first  took  theni 


•  CoH.  N.  r.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  31)8—: 
t  Level,  or  Bog-treuihiv. 


3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iv.  2U8— 9. 


h      i 


Ciup.  Ill] 


Sm.NGIS.— IIENL    ICK. 


535 


M 


they  jcere  giicli ;  but  they  are  now  my  children ;  eat  their  victuals  out  of  one 
aud  tlie  tame  bowl !  wliicli  was  sayinf^  as  much  as,  that  tlioy,  in  all  respects, 

■wiri'   •>;..iii  '   (ii.U   tiM:;irit  A  I'l. /*!.(  o/fv  (ill!  '■ 

ii(  ^t)lall  f-iaturc,  ih',   *:;.iic  HiiiJl'T  <•ll^l•l•^■t•!^,  in    'lo- 

TIi«.' wilt.  1)1  thia  c^iit)  ninl  h'  IT'Ri     .She  \v;ui  nJ  ( 
H|>*-<'U»biiity ;  and  tin-  ■  •'«-(i,(ini*"»  at  her  fiJiiir;i', 
uiul  iiiifniieiit,  de-i'-  it.':  -'  \  i'r«,  would  <■>  I'tipy  ftn  ;  i 

In  tiie  liiiiK  nil       '  '    *»jir.  wht'ii  iIk*  frtivenm: 

F.  i^njt  ;..  tlie  dir  <  to  in  iniiiu'.e  them  t'roin  .-•  .. 

lion  is  iifb'fi  r.aui*  «»  iin<  jnuitml  whi<  li  li'   k<'nt,+  n)  Sli:.f 
'r..i    i!f«utkx*>-      ilvu  It<:v<  r<;iiil  Mr.  Post  perliiruit)d  l^vo  . 
the  cl.i*!"  ..if^  17.V.  ni»d  the  iiecoisii  in  IT^'.K     L'lidfr  li  iu-  ■  : 
lie  wntf.s, *"W>;  set   lut  from  Suwcuiik  in  coiTi|mny  wiiit  'H- 
on  ilio  roud  Shing<u  adiin-ssed  liinit-'e'f  u>  nii\  ::fA  nskcl.  ;i 
that  il   lie  euiiie  i»  the  I'.iigljsh  tli  y  wi.rdd  Itaujr  him,  ns  lii 


m 
^ 


^rri'ul  rt wiird  for  liis  head.     I  told  bin     ' 
tor^iittii'  (Uu!  >vi]ieii  audv  iiow."'      \'.    ' 
kin  IJanitl.  who  J.itl  Ihtii  Uit>;j>»:iv.!  - 
vsiLs  baiil,  iiitei-ru|iUsl   oyiit  oaj.i,  *  i  • 

lyins;  e:<<ri<s,''  smt  jwkeiJ,  *•  Wiij   u 

[iiieanin;:  ll»e  tb«  rokecwj  !o  iiMl  ii^  '   '    '■' 
VUi-ililsitrd,  tJ — d  d—  n       ,:    '>  t      ■      ' 

rmid  (iuit  >vue>  kdi>-'i 

tith    >    i     ;  -1:  .-^l-o  --^ 

b<'  cuiil  ' 

Mr.  r  *  . 
him,  thai  biIi>        •.  < 

bad  never  tiKiujriii  to  < 
o:iej'ii  as  Were  t>rou^  i 
idioiii  a  peiioi ,  and  \\i 
jie:ii-«.'  aljrO. 

Alilumqii  the  name  of  Shinic*  Iiuf  not  srenerall}  l-^'- 
llirit  of  Cajiiniii  Jarobs,  yrt  he  'm  said  to  liave  lie<  n  **ti' 


rt     <*f,».    .    :  r»)ut   Wi.l 

;m|mii . ,  I  •  >; 
>  1.  i."_r!i,  iiudiTisnn 
«  •  tinil,  ht:    !«'llf«  llwth 

I   Uie  Luj<lu>h  hiu:   1     ■ 
P'sl  prot(".-tii'^'  it  wii>«  !■: 

■'       >.       lirtU  II.. 
•      \\\<r 


.:!  wlui''  'irt)' 

■'  i  r»'\>ar.|  1.^ 

ii/m-il,  !f»<t  *•*•  •ixvays  \'-\ . 
■  '■it  he  Huuid  do  nti  I'i 
bo  titire  tlie  Fn'ilw^ 


■•r"'"' 


»  i..vj>  'Wiieetation 
t  the  tci(i».  r.f 


Li 
1^ 


vvfirrior  of  his  tioi'"  ;i'»d  i!  'i*.  •' w  r.    l  ■•- 
•brni  .IP  iiUcri    ■• 

til  ■uirick  >v».'    ■ 
men,  a^tintit  '  :■  ,.-...  .'-»•'  t/Xt. 

lit    I  ■;••'-*.    :••    •  ...1/4     I  .     '   v^fm 

.ill  U. 

Joh'i.^'in.  mill  iiif .  !.  "  '    •• 

!(•  Lake  (it«ori;e.     NVbde  •  ■ 
work,  their  s«outs  brtiUL'I'i  newh  ".    e- 
hod'    ■';'  Indi»ii.s  upon  their  flanks,     v « 
II  •tlutiM  o''  Miii-sncbnsr'ttH,  \\illi  U'.A,'  men,  ai      ■' 
not.*,  u>  give  Iheui  baltli- ;  but  liiiiiiiir  it;  with  tbei-. .,(  - 
lit-    vpeotedly,  Colonels  •fiUiants  niui  IJya'nck  Wirif    k't 
otiieers  and  privates  of  ilie  d<ia  -hinrtiL     The  ret:  tied  Uj     .<. 
j;ieat  prt'<-ipila,.oii.  infusiiijr  iim    '   rnalion  nito  ^he  M'hutv  art"-. 
f<>llo\vi'<t  closely,  and  pmmil  in  •»    '"fineodiKM  fin,  v  !  ■•  u  dm  •• 
<  utioii.  from   the  p'^ii'mimw- of  liiv    Hiiubsii    .e  (jdb.'sj   liat  iipoi< 
Tlnv   .<«>.. u  recovered  Iron    th»tr  Mur(>rii»-     •  ,d  i«,i>  'i  t   wit!,   '■ 
tKbaiit.ijfi-  not  only  in  niitnlt>r->,  Imi  loiili  ■%  wf  wliit  It  Mif  I'rc; 
At  leii£«!i  the  brave  iJUsktru  ^ny  wonv;!':!  r  :t«  thijrb,  ami 

iiljf   tiiTihi  .1    at   llie    havoc  :ii.i,l.'    tn  t>'  »<'  tb*;    I'nt: 

vviMids.  and  ilio  rev'tilar*  ■>v,-ie  ordere-i  i  ,  ;!;cir  |fenci!ii 

did  ill  jfAu;  disiinier.     Gi  n<-ral  D'fsk.i"  :••  i^u!   in  the  pursiii  . 

him:«elf  by  tlie  stump  of  I  tree.     Su|>f<urix'^'   pinuder  to  Ix*  the  fir 

•  K,>r  will.  1:  «ce  WrX-'WcWjr'.i  IliM   »-..'    \i<iin«t,  3(4.  &<-. 

i  R'-iif^'i'".!  'II"  /».(  (',oi.'t$  o/tM  An'-ti^w-;"  itc,  ttuif  I'rvti-     y 

i  H  >  N  iiriihvi'.  flf, 

A  t:*i  u! ;,)iit  iOO  ui  ♦'•  atvt«,«S.     (7tt/Ai')V'(  I'lilvmai  ilisi,  ( 


■J 

...r_,  m^- 

of  ^;#Ti'"!T»i 

Htiehi 

'    I  arxMi 

■'  ■Jtintd 

I-  uiir- 

■ t' 


1     IWM'S. 


thir 


■  '■ii 


'■I 

'   1 

■%: : 

i" 
1 

i 

•'■•1  t'' ■ 

ffff-'i-kiU 

m\ 

w 


534      f 

nv  X'T 
re 
I 
t 

I 


i; 


— -'cn^nRATH  OF  CAPT.  JACOBS.    [Book  ▼ 


— iie  ;vat  wioi  tl'iwn,  n< 
wild  t'lmn.      An  M  N*:» 
'I'hr  liiiriaiis  wen-  i  ■ 
iini!i)iiii)i'.<iii ;  tor,  wlir-ii  )• 


.-■    ,  ■    :lfr«      'IK  ;l.    I      .i 

■  t  on  lif.     At  rtiM  •«<. 

p  rii''iil'ii  r.    '•  W'lioii  tif  Imli  iii>  w'-nni.  i 

<  '■  <li>l  not  .sijii'iiiler,  «»iif  of  lliein  rrplieil,  In  li-,  c, 

.(  'V  v»<v  'w  liU'L'"     Whi'n  tin;  lirt-  H|t|»i'«iclif  1  ii.C'ii.  .-•i'tiif 

•»  i.iii'-iN   i>ti-'   ffnn:   lUcrr   inHi!H>!»,  am'  wrre  kilU-d  in  iliiii 

.  .  '  '   •  ><<M  TKi  l»Hi||(«t   Hvnil  liiiii,  <-ii<tcin(iii>il 

.  >  ,."    ; ,  1.. ,  ^  .     'I'lilfc  (Viirt  Ills  lii.-i  art 

I  :■•  Ki'in'n  S4fHL,  Wi»<kill<;ii 


.  -It. 


ri 


11 


). 


V  •'  ■ 


l';i 

f-! 

I<i  lilt    Jd.t.-.',  <    .  H  ,  .,.    l.tftj' 

huliaii-*  lit  f.'r»'at    I    ..  ■  ■•  ■  <(  »itii'il' 

htmt*-!l'niul  t  iiptnin  Aierrrr  uirti  rwuni'*  (ifHiii  r.i'   ■"•' 
»"      •        I'    lutdi  il,     Al  thi!  (irKi  hic  Jiu^'*  k""^ 
lintf  ihf  fiirhi  Tor  pa  Imur 


Ut         M. 
'K<.  gi<;  ll< 

"   ■i.llS\l>  ;) 
ttl'l-   Ot 


•J. 


r<'f>fv 


liU  I'll 


'  y 

■»•<  '        !'!■      IM'Xt 

(>»5    FftUIUmg 

.li    ittio'krri  thu 

, 

:•      J-      Ifti'alf'lJ, 

' 

••>t(»)) 

>■*.  wlm. 

r 

HosrsTt 

■  •i.i:(/r|l  i(» 

<  iM'  «i<r,ii> 

•  !■ '      • 

Hl.tla- 

•    Ui«      • 

»    f«.n 

oi 

■;  ii»t  • 

l<tft   Hi 

•  mill 

;^.,-,v. 

"»»iirl> 

•II  mr 

-.y«  Mr. 

,:.->lll,'r  («»)■< 

T.«,  Mini  hi.' 

O'l   my 

>• 

■ook  tllOIII 

t  Level,  or  ttog-veu.. 


<rf-'J. 


Chap.  Ill] 


SIIINGIS.— HENDRICK. 


535 


they  were  piich ;  but  thoy  arc  now  my  children ;  eat  their  victuals  out  of  one 
and  the  same  bowl !  wiiicli  was  saying  as  much  as,  tliat  tiiey,  in  ail  res()ecta, 
Were  on  an  cquid  looting  with  Aw  oicn  children — alike  dear  to  him."  Though 
of  small  stature,  the  same  author  observes,  ho  had  a  great  mind. 

The  wife  of  tliis  chief  died  in  17b^  She  was  of  the  highest  rank  and  re- 
spectability ;  and  the  ceremonies  at  her  funeral,  and  manner  of  decoration 
and  interment,  described  here,  would  occupy  several  pages.* 

In  the  time  of  the  French  war,  when  the  governor  of  I'ennsylvaiii''  sent  C. 
F.  Post  to  the  distant  tribes  to  persuade  them  from  aiding  the  French,  men- 
tion is  ot\en  made  in  the  journal  which  he  kcnt,f  of  iSiAingt,*,  and  unitbrnily  to 
his  advantage.  The  Reverend  Mr.  Post  perlornied  twc  missions,  the  Hrst  at 
the  close  ot  1758.  and  the  second  in  1751).  Under  date  of  28  August,  175!*, 
he  writes,  "We  set  out  from  Sawcunk  in  company  with  20,  for  Kushcuslikec ; 
on  the  road  Shiitgaa  addressed  himself  to  me,  and  askui!,  if  I  did  not  think, 
that  if  he  came  to  the  English  they  would  hang  him,  as  they  had  otiorcd  a 
great  reward  for  his  head.  I  told  him  that  was  a  great  while  ago,  'twas  nil 
ibrgottcn  and  wiped  away  now."  An  Indian  in  the  company,  culled  Slutmo- 
kin  Daniel,  who  liad  been  tam()ered  with  by  the  French,  understanding  what 
was  said,  interrupted  and  saiit,  "  Don't  believe  him,  he  tells  nothing  but  idle 
lying  stories,"  and  asked,  "  Why  then  did  the  English  hire  1200  Indians 
[meaning  the  Cherokeos]  to  kill  us  ?  "  Mr.  Post  protesting  it  was  liilse,  Daniel 
vociferated,  G — d  d — n  you  for  a  fool ;  did  you  not  see  the  woman  lying  in  the 
roud  that  was  killed  by  the  Indians  that  the  English  hired?"  Alter  a  lew 
other  harsh  expressions,  Shingis  told  him  to  be  still,  for  he  did  not  know  what 
he  said." 

Mr.  Post  dined  with  Sfiineps  on  the  29  August,  at  which  time  he  observed  to 
him,  that  althou^  i  the  Engtisli  had  ofR-rccI  a  great  reward  for  his  head,  yet  he 
hud  never  thought  to  revenge  himself,  but  w>i8  always  very  kind  to  such  pris- 
oners as  were  brought  in,  and  that  he  would  do  all  in  liis  |)owL-r  to  bring 
about  a  peace,  and  wished  he  could  be  sure  the  English  were  in  earnest  for 
peace  also. 

Although  the  name  of  Shingis  has  not  generally  been  as  conspicuous  as 
that  of  Captain  Jacobs,  yet  he  is  said  to  have  been  "the  greatest  Delaware 
warrior  of  his  time,"  and  that,  "  were  his  war  exploits  on  record,  they  would 
form  an  interesting  document,  though  a  shocking  one."  | 

Hendrick  was  a  gallant  Mohawk  chief|  who  took  part,  with  many  of  his 
men,  against  the  F  rench,  in  the  year  1755.  The  French  were  encouraged 
bv  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  and  were  in  high  expectation  of  carrying 
ah  before  them,  //enrfncfc  joined  the  English  army  at  the  request  of  General 
Johnson,  and  met  the  French,  consisting  of  2000  men,  under  General  Dieskau 
at  Lake  George.  While  the  English  and  Indians  were  eticampcd  in  a  slight 
work,  their  scouts  brought  news  of  the  approa(;h  of  the  French,  with  a  great 
body  of  Indians  upon  their  flanks.  General  Johnson  despatched  Colonel 
Williama  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and  Hendrick  with  200  of  his  war- 
riors, to  give  them  battle ;  but  falling  in  with  them  about  four  miles  from  camp 
unexpectedly.  Colonels  WUliams  and  Hendrick  were  killed,  with  many  other 
officers  and  privates  of  the  detachment  The  rest  fled  to  the  main  body  with 
great  precipitation,  infusing  consternation  into  the  whole  ttrmy.§  The  French 
Iblloweri  closely,  and  poured  in  a  tremendous  fire,  which  did  very  little  exe- 
cution, from  the  precaution  of  the  English  in  Itilling  flat  upon  their  fares. 
They  soon  recovered  from  their  8ur|)rise,  and  fought  with  bravery,  having 
advantage  not  only  in  numbers,  but  artillery,  of  which  the  French  had  none.|{ 
At  length  the  brave  Dieskau  was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  and  his  Indians,  be- 
iiig  terrified  at  the  havoc  made  by  the  cannon  of  the  English,  fled  to  the 
woods,  and  the  regulars  were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  general,  which  they 
did  in  great  disorder.  General  Dieskau  was  found  in  the  pursuit,  supporting 
bimselt  by  the  stump  of  a  tree.    Supposing  plunder  to  be  the  first  oltject  of 

**  For  wliirh  gee  Jfeckauelder's  Hist.  Ind.  Nations,  264,  &r. 

t  RfpriiileH  in  "  Tlie  Caiiset  of  the  Alienation,"  &c.,  and  I'roud's  Pa.,  vol.  2d, 

\  rhckewelder'a  Narralivp.  M. 

6  Tlie  Miiclish  lu.si  about  2(X)  in  this  ambush.     Gulhiie's  Uuiversal  History,  x.9i. 

i  Ibid. 


y,"^ 


Li    ^ 

k 


'  f 


U'  ' 


536 


m'M)KICK.— KILLLD  IN   nAITLK.— ANECDOTE. 


[Book  V. 


hiH  cnptors,  ns  he  was  uttcnipting  to  druw  li'm  wutcli  to  present  to  them,  sotne 
uiit\  8iippoHiti^  him  to  be  eeuiTliing  tor  liis  pistol,  ditichurged  hin  gun  iuto 
bia  liips.  Notwitliai^aiiiling  tie  wuh  thus  twice  wounded,  he  lived  to  reach 
England,  hut  he  died  soon  uiler.    The  French  lost  BOO  men  hi  the  attack. 

When  General  Johnson  was  ahoiit  to  detach  Colonel  H'iUianis,  he  asked 
Hendrick's  opuiion,  whether  the  lorce  was  suflicient.  To  which  he  replied, 
"  Iftliey  are  tofght,  they  an  too  few.  If  they  are  to  be  killed^  they  are  too  many." 
And  wiien  it  was  proposed  to  divide  the  dutachnient  into  three  parts,  lun- 
drick  objected,  and  tbrcibly  to  express  the  impracticability  of  the  plan,  picked 
up  three  sticks,  and,  putting  them  together,  siiid  to  the  genend,  "  You  see  now 
titat  these  cannot  be  easily  broken ;  biU  take  them  one  by  one,  and  you  may  break 
them  at  oncej'^  But  I'rom  this  valuable  counsel  very  little  advantage  seems  to 
l»ive  been  derived. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  3d  of  HendricVs  men  were  killed,  and  V2 
wounded.*  Few  historians  mention  the  loss  of  tlie  Indians ;  probably  con- 
sidering them  as  unworthy  of  record !  Such  historians  may  be  forgotten.  At 
least,  they  cannot  expect  to  pass  under  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  against  the  French.  "  by  the  death 
of  the  iamons  Hendrick,"  says  the  same  writer,  "a  renowned  Indian  warrior 
among  tht;  Mohawks,  and  one  of  their  sachems,  or  kings,  who  was  slain  in  the 
battle,  aiidSvhose  son,  upon  being  told  that  his  father  was  killed,  giving  the 
itsiuA  Indian  groan  upon  such  occasions,  and  suddenly  putting  his  hand  on 
his  lefl  breast,  swore  his  father  was  still  alive  hi  that  place,  and  stood  tiierc  ii; 
his  son :  that  it  was  with  the  utnust  diiliculty,  General  Johnson  prevented  the 
fury  of  their  resentment  taking  phic(!  Oji  the  body  of  the  French  geiieral."t 

As  soon  as  the  baUlo  was  over,  the  Indians  dispersed  themselves  in  various 
directions,  with  the  trophies  of  victory ;  some  to  their  homes,  to  condole 
with  the  friends  of  the  slain,  and  some  to  tiie  English,  to  carry  the  welcome 
news  of  victory.  The  diflerent  runners  brought  into  Albany  above  80  scalps 
within  a  very  short  time  aller  the  fight^  And  tlius  we  are  tiu-nished  with  an 
early  record  of  the  wretched  custom  which  a[)|)ears  to  have  been  fostered, 
and  actually  encouraged  by  all  who  have  employed  the  Indians  as  a'^xiliaiics 
in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  them,  was  to  employ  their  practices — they  were 
inseparable.  To  talk,  as  some  have  done,  of  employing  them,  and  prevent- 
ing their  barbarous  customs  with  the  unfortunate  captives,  all  experience 
shows,  is  but  to  UUk  one  thing  and  mean  another. 

Soon  afler  Sir  WiUiam  Johnson  entered  upon  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  aflliirs  in  North  America,  he  received  from  England  some  richly 
embroidered  suits  of  clothes.  Hendrick  was  present  when  they  were  re- 
ctMved,  and  could  not  help  expressing  a  great  desire  lor  a  share  in  them.  lie 
went  away  very  thouglitful,  but  returned  not  long  after,  and  called  upon  Sir 
/fiWioTn,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a  dream.  Sir  IViUiam  very  con- 
cernedly desired  to  know  ^vliat  it  was.  Hendrick  as  readily  told  him  he 
had  dreamed  that  Sir  WiUiam  Johnson  ha  J  picsented  him  with  one  of  his 
new  suits  of  uniform.  Sir  William  could  .lot  refuse  it,  and  one  of  the  elegant 
suits  was  forthwith  presented  to  Henarick,  who  went  away  to-  show  his 
present  to  his  countrymen,  and  left  Sir  WHliam  to  tell  the  joke  to  his  Irieiids. 
Some  time  aller,  the  general  met  Hendrick,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a 
dream.  Whether  the  sachem  mistrusted  that  he  wus  now  to  be  taken  in  iiis 
own  net,  or  not,  is  not  certain :  but  he  Sv^riously  desired  to  know  what  't  «vns, 
as  Sir  WiUiam  had  done  before.  The  general  said  he  dreamed  tiial  Hendrick 
had  presented  him  with  a  certain  tract  of  land,  which  he  described,  (consist- 
aig  of  about  500  acres  of  the  most  valuable  land  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk 
River.)  Henibick  answered,  "A  is  yours ; "  but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  "  Sir 
William.  Johnson,  I  will  never  dreani  with  you  again." 

John  Konkapot,  a  Stockbridge  Indian,  was  gran«lson  to  Hendrick,  and  he 
Informs  us  that  his  grandfather  was  son  of  the  Wolf,  a  Mohegan  chief,  an«l 
that  his  mother  was  a  Mohawk.§  Reverend  Gideon  Hawlcy,  in  a  hitter  to 
Governor  Hutchinson  (1770^  about  the  Marshpee  Indians,  has  this  passage 


*  Oi>nf.  Magazine  for  1755. 
J  Coll  Muss.  Hist.  Hue, 


t  \\w\ 


t  IbiJ. 


Chap,  III] 


LOGAN— CRESAP'S  MURULRS. 


537 


"Among  Jokruon^a  Mohawks,  Ahrdham  and  Hendrick  were  the  oldest  of  tlieir 
tfil)e,  wlien  they  died,  and  neither  of  them  was  70,  at  their  deatiis.  1  saw  a 
sister  of  tiieirs  in  1765,  who  appeared  to  be  several  years  above  70.  At 
Stockbridu:e,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  for  many  years  the  oldest  man  in  hia 
trilte."  *     We  have  now  come  to  one  of  tiie  most  notad  chiefs  in  Indian  story 

Logan  was  culled  i  Mingo  f  chief,  whose  father,  Shikellimus,  was  chief 
of  the  Cuyiigas,  whom  he  succeeded.  ShiksUimuB  was  attached  in  a  remark- 
able degree  to  the  benevolent  James  Logan,  from  which  circumstance,  it  is 
probable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  name  is  still  i)erpetuated  among  the 
Indians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and  greatness  of  soul  in  peace,  few,  it  any, 
in  any  nation,  ever  surpassed  Logan,  ne  took  no  part  in  the  French  wars 
which  ended  in  1760,  except  that  of  a  peacemaker ;  >/as  always  acknowl- 
edged the  friend  of  the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  his  brother 
and  several  others  of  his  family  were  murdered,  the  particulars  of  which 
follow.  In  the  spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  tne  people  upon  the 
Ohio  River,^  who  were  in  that  country  exi>loring  t'le  lands,  and  preparing  for 
settlements.  These  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the 
Indians,  as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  e  place  callea 
Wheeling  Creek,  the  site  or  wliich  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that 
there  were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  Captain  Slichad  Cresap, 
belongirig  to  the  exploring  party,  proposed  to  fall  uiion  and  kill  them.  His 
advice,  although  opposed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a  party  led  by  Cresap 
jjroceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same  day,  jt  being  reported  that 
some  Indians  were  discovered  below  Wheeling  upon  the  river,  Creaap  and 
hit'  party  immediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first  appeared  to  show 
themselves  friendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  to  pass  by  them  unmolested, 
to  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave  Creek.  Creaap  soou 
followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having  one  of  his  own  men 
wounded  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of  the  family  of  Logan 
were  slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  affair  was  exceeding  aggravating,  inas- 
much as  the  y/hiies  prdended  no  provocation. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human  shape,  at  whose  head  were 
Daniel  Greathouae  and  one  Tondinson,  committed  a  horrid  murder  upon  a 
company  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling.  Greathouse  resided 
at  the  same  place,  but  on  ihe  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indian  en- 
campment A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for  this  object,  who 
secreted  themselves,  while  Greathouse,  under  a  pretence  of  friendship,  crossed 
the  river  and  visited  them,  to  ascertain  their  strength ;  on  counting  them, 
he  found  they  were  too  numerous  for  his  force  in  an  open  attack.  These 
Indians,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of  their  relations,  had  determined 
to  be  wenged  of  the  whites,  and  Greathouse  did  not  know  the  danger  he  was 
in,  until  a  squaw  advised  him  of  it,  in  a  friendly  caution,  "  to  go  home."  The 
sad  requital  this  ]ioor  woman  met  with  will  presently  appear.  This  abomi- 
nable fellow  invited  the  Indians  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him; 
this  being  a  part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they  might  be  the  easier  de- 
stroyed. The  opportunity  soon  offered ;  a  number  being  collected  at  a  tavern  in 
tlie  white  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were  fallen  upon,  and  all 
murdered,  except  a  little  girl.  Among  the  murdered  was  a  brother  of  Logan, 
and  his  sister,  whose  delicate  situation  greatly  aggravated  the  horrid  crime. 

The  remaining  Indians,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  set  off  two  canoes  with  armed  warriors,  who,  as  they  approached  the 
shore,  vr^xe  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  lay  concealed,  awaiting  their 
approach.  Nothing  prevented  tlieir  taking  deadly  aim,  ond  many  were 
killed  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This  affair  took 
place  May  24th,  J774.§    These  were  the  events  that  led  to  a  horrid  Indian 

•  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  8oc.  3.  i.  151. 

t  Mengwe,  Maquas,  Maqita,  or  Iroquot  all  mean  tlie  same. 

i  ''  In  (he  moiitn  of  April,  1774,  a  rumor  was  circulated,  ihat  the  Indians  had  stolon  several 
horses  frcn  some  land-jobbers  on  Ihe  Ohio  and  Kentucky  Rivers  ;  no  evidences  of  the  fact 
having  l>eeii  adduced,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  report  was  false."  Doddridge't 
Notes.  225—6. 

(  Fac  3  published  in  •/'«^«r«on'«  \otei. 


ifi 


538 


LOGAN.-SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A  CAPTIVE. 


[DooE  V 


I 


war,  in  which  many  innocent  families  were  sarrificrd  to  satiftry  tiie  ven< 
geoiice  of  an  iiiconck^d  and  injured  peoplo.  * 

A  calm  lollowed  thi-ae  trouldes,  Ixit  it  was  only  such  as  |;oes  before  the 
storm,  and  iustud  only  while  the  tocsin  of  wur  could  he  sounded  amcnig  the 
distant  Indians.  On  the  12  July,  1774,  Logan,  at  the  head  of  a  small  party 
of  only  eight  warriors,  struck  a  blow  on  some  inhabitants  upon  the  MiiHkin- 
gum,  where  no  one  ex|>ected  it.  He  hud  left  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio 
undiNturlied,  which  every  one  supposed  would  be  the  first  attacked,  in  case 
of  war,  and  hence  the  reason  ol  his  great  successes.  liis  lirst  nttiick  was 
upon  three  men  who  were  pulling  flux  in  a  field.  One  was  shot  down,  and 
the  two  others  taken.  These  were  marched  into  tlie  wildcrnrsM,  and,  as 
they  approached  the  Indian  town,  Logan  gave  the  scalp  hulloo,  and  they 
were  met  by  the  inhabitants,  who  conducted  them  in.  Running  the  ^'untlet 
was  next  to  be  performed.  Logan  took  no  delight  in  tortures,  and  he  in  the 
most  friendly  manner  instructed  one  of  the  captives  how  to  proceed  to 
escaj>e  the  severities  of  the  gantlet.  This  same  captive,  whose  name  was 
Robinson,  was  alk-rwards  sentenced  to  be  bunied ;  but  Logan,  tliongh  not 
able  to  rescue  him  by  his  eloquence,  with  his  own  hand  cut  the  cords  that 
bound  him  to  the  stake,  and  caused  him  to  be  adopted  into  un  Indian  family. 
He  became  afterwards  Logan's  scribe,  and  wrote  the  letter  that  was  tied  to  a 
war  club,  the  |>articulars  of  which  we  shall  relate  farther  onward. 

There  was  a  chief  among  the  Shawanese  more  renowned  as  a  warrior 
than  even  Logan  himself  at  this  time.  CORNSTOCK*  was  his  name,  and 
to  him  seems  to  have  fallen  the  chief  direction  of  the  wur  that  was  now 
))egun ;  the  causes  of  which  were  doubtless  owing  to  the  outrages  already 
detailed,  committed  by  Cretap  and  Greaihovst,  but  there  can  he  but  little  if 
any  doubt,  that  the  several  tribes  engaged  in  it,  hud  each  been  auftieiently 
injuri-d  to  justify  their  participation  olso.  The  history  of  the  nun-dcr  of 
Bald  Eagle  is  more  than  sufficient  to  account  fbr  the  part  acted  by  the  Dela- 
wares.  What  this  man  hud  been  in  his  younger  days  is  unknown  tn  history, 
but  at  this  time  he  was  an  old  inoffensive  Delaware  chief,  who  wandered 
hurnilessiy  ap  and  down  among  the  whites,  visiting  those  most  frequently 
who  would  entertain  him  best  Having  l)een  on  a  visit  to  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  Kunhawa,  he  was  met,  as  he  was  ascending  alone  upon  the  river 
in  his  canoe,  by  a  man,  who,  it  is  said,  hud  suffered  much  from  the  Indians. 
it  was  in  the  evening,  and  whether  any  thing  happened  to  justify  violence  on 
the  part  of  either,  we  have  no  evidence,  but  certain  it  is,  the  white  man 
killed  the  chief,  and  scalped  him,  and,  to  give  his  abominable  crime  ]nib- 
licity,  set  the  dead  body  upright  in  the  canoe,  and  in  this  maimer  caused  it 
to  drifl  down  the  river,  where  it  was  beheld  by  many  as  it  passed  them. 
From  the  appcrance  of  the  old  chief,  no  one  suspected  he  was  dead,  but 
very  naturally  concluded  be  was  upon  one  of  his  ordinary  visits.  The  truth 
of  the  ufTttir,  tiowever,  soou  got  to  bis  nation,  and  they  quickly  avowed  ven- 
geance for  the  outraee.  f 

The  Virginia  legislature  w^  in  session  when  the  news  of  an  Indian  war 
was  received  at  the  seat  of  goverv.  lent  Governor  Dunmore  immediately 
gave  orders  for  the  assembling  Oi  ^000  men ;  one  lialf  of  ivhom  were  to 
march  for  the  mouth  of  the  great  Kanhuwa  under  the  command  of  General 
Andrew  Leitns,X  and  the  remainder,  under  the  governor  in  person,  was  to 
proceed  to  some  point  on  the  Ohio,  above  the  former,  in  order  to  fall  uj)on 
the  Indian  towns  between,  while  the  warriors  should  be  drawn  off  by  the 
approach  of  Letins  in  the  opposite  direction.  He  was  then  to  proceed  down 
the  Ohio,  and  form  a  junction  with  General  Lewis  at  Point  IMeasant,  from 
whence  tJiey  were  to  march  according  to  cu'cumstances. 


•  Generally  written  Cornstalk,  but.in  our  olde.  I  priiiied  account,  it  is  as  in  the  text.  There 
Is  no  Imrm  in  changing  the  orthography  of  a  woru,  wlien  we  use  it  for  a  proper  instead  of  a 
common  substantive. 

t  M'Clune:. 

t  His  rank  was  that  of  colonel,  but,  being  »ommander-in-chief  of  that  division,  was  properly 
failed  general,  lo  distinguish  him  from  his  brother,  wlio  was  also  a  colonel,  and  as  having 
llie  chief  cuniniiuid. 


,1     \ 


u 


i 


Chap.  111.] 


LOGAN— UAITLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


>;h) 


On  the  11  Scptemlicr,  the  forcns  iindep  (•ciirnil  Ittun.t,  nniniiiititi';  to 
1100  men,  coininftice.l  their  inarcli  lioiii  Carn|>  Union  I'or  I'oint  IMca«unt  on 
the  (jreat  Kunhuway,  diiitant  lliO  ntih^M.  The  eonntry  iM-tween  wim  a  track- 
leHS  wildenu'HS.  The  army  was  piloted  Ity  (.'aptai^j  Matthew  ^IrbuckU,  by 
tlie  neuroHt  practicable  route.  The  baggage  wuti  all  tnuiapurted  on  jiuck- 
liorHi's,  and  tiieir  niareli  took  np  1*J  davH.* 

Having  arrived  there  n|M)n  tiie  last  tiuy  of  the  month,  an  rncuinpinent  waH 
coninicnced  on  the  tirttt  of  Octol)er.  Here  Ciencral  Lewis  waited  with 
anxiety  to  get  some  tidings  of  Dunntore,  for  ei;;lit  or  nine  days.  At  the  end 
of  this  time,  no  |)roHpect  of  a  jimction  apiMmring,  news  was  bronght  into 
camp  in  the  morning  of  the  10  October,  uy  one  of  two  persons  who  had 
escaped  the  riHes  of  a  great  body  of  Indians  about  two  miles  up  the  Ohio, 
that  an  attack  would  be  immediately  niude.  Theee  two  men  were  upon  u 
deer  hunt,  und  came  upon  the  Indians  without  ol)8erving  them,  when  one 
was  shot  down,  and  the  other  cscajted  to  the  camp  with  difficulty.  He  re- 
ported  "  that  he  had  seen  a  body  of  ttie  enemy,  covering  four  acres  of  ground, 
OS  closely  as  they  could  stand  by  the  side  of  each  other."  f 

U;jon  this  intelligence,  Ueneral  Lewui,  "atler  having  delilierately  lighted 
his  pipe,"  \  gave  orders  to  his  brother.  Colonel  Chnrlts  Ltwia,  to  niarcli  with 
his  own  regiment,  and  another  under  Colonel  William  Flemins^,  to  recon- 
noitre the  enemy,  while  he  put  the  remainder  in  a  pi)Sture  to  support  them. 
These  marched  without  loss  of  time,  und  ulK>ut  400  yards  from  camp  met 
the  Indians  intent  upon  the  same  object.  Their  meeting  was  somewhere 
between  sun's  rising  and  sun  an  hour  high,§  and  the  hght  in  a  moment 
began.  The  Virginians,  like  their  opponents,  covered  themselves  with  trees 
or  whatever  else  ofiered,  biu  the  latter  were  more  than  a  match  for  them, 
and  put  them  to  flight  with  ^reul  slaughter.  Colonel  Lewia  was  in  full  uni- 
form, and  being,  from  the  nature  of  his  duties,  exposed  at  eveL7  point,  soon 
fell  mortally  wounded.||  There  was  no  result  for  which  the  conunander-in- 
chief  was  not  prepared;  for  at  this  critical  moment  he  had  ordered  up 
Colonel  Meld  with  hia  regiment,  wiiich,  coming  with  great  resolution  and 
firnmess  into  action,  saved  the  two  retreating  regiments,  und  etlectuully 
checked  the  impetuosity  of  the  Indians,  who,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to 
retreat  l)ehind  a  rough  breastwork,  which  they  iiud  taken  the  precaution  to 
construct  from  logs  and  brush  for  the  occasion. 

The  point  of  land  on  which  the  Imttle  was  fought  was  narrow,  and  the 
Indians'  breastwork  extended  from  river  to  river  :  their  ]ilan  of  attack  wusthe 
best  that  could  be  conceived  ;  for  in  tim  event  of  victory  on  their  part,  not  a 
Virginian  could  have  escaped.  They  had  stationed  men  on  both  sideij  of 
the  river  to  prevent  any  that  might  attempt  flight  by  swimming  from  the 
apex  of  the  triangle  made  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers. 

Never  was  ground  maintumed  with  more  obstinacy ;  for  it  was  slowly,  and 
with  no  precipitancy,  that  the  Indians  retired  to  their  breastwork.  The  divis- 
ion under  Lewis  was  first  broken,  although  that  under  Fleming  was  nearly 
at  the  same  moment  attacked.  This  heroic  ofllicer  first  received  two  balls 
through  his  left  wrist,  but  continued  to  exercise  his  command  with  the  great- 
est coolness  and  presence  of  mind.  His  voice  was  continually  heard,  "Don't 
lo.se  an  inch  of  ground.  Advance  outflank  the  enemy,  and  get  between 
them  and  the  river."  But  his  men  were  about  to  be  outflanked  by  the  body 
that  had  just  defeated  Lewis ;  meanwhile  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Field  turned 
the  fortune  of  the  day,  but  not  without  a  severe  loss ;  Colonel  Fleming  waa 
nguin  wounded,!  by  a  shot  through  the  lungs ;  **  yet  he  would  not  retire, 
and  Colonel  Fidd  was  killed  as  he  was  leading  on  his  men. 


Doddridge,  280. 


\  Withers,  \'!Ha. 


t  M'Clitng, .  ""L 

^  At  siui-rise,  Burk,\u  39.3. — Sun  an  hour  high,  Royal  Amer.  Magatinejbr  Noreniier,  1774. 

— .\  hule  after  sunrise,  Doddridge,  231. — The  sun  was  just  rising,  M'Ctung,  322 Suuiise, 

Withers,  127. 

II  He  walked  into  camp,  and  expired  in  his  own  lent.    Doddridge. 

II  Mr.  M'Clung  says  lie  was  killed,  but  we  cannot  find  any  authority  to  a^rce  with  him 
Mr.  Withe''t  says  he  was  "an  active  governor  of  Virginia  during  the  revoluiioiinry  war." 
Vhronidei,  130. 

••  Burk,  iii.  .TJ4. 


-'H 


i:  I   y^ 


\   ii 


I!    ' 


■  -  1 


540 


LOGAN— BATl'LE  OP  POINT  PLEASANT. 


[Boob  V 


lit' 


Tlie  wiiolo  line  of  the  breastwork  now  bncame  as  a  blaze  of  fire,  which 
lotited  noarly  till  ttie  clnse  of  the  day.  Here  the  Indians  under  Logan,  Coni' 
ttock,  EUnipsico,  RtdrEoftU,  oiid  other  mighty  chiefs  of  tlie  tribes  of  the 
tiliuwiuii'se,  L>elnwures,  Min^ovs,  VVyaudots  and  Cayugus,  amounting,  us  was 
MU|)|Mi8ed,  to  1500  warriors,  (ought,  as  men  will  ever  do  for  their  country's 
wrongH,  with  a  bravery  which  could  only  be  equalled.  The  voice  of  the 
niighty  Comslock  was  otlen  heard  during  the  day,  uliove  the  din  of  strile, 
culling  on  his  men  in  these  words:  "lie  strong!  lUs  strong!"  And  when  by 
Uie  repeated  charges  of  tlie  whiten,  some  of  U\s  warriors  begun  to  waver,  he 
b  8<iid  to  have  sunk  his  tomahawk  into  tlie  head  of  one  wlio  was  cowuidly 
endeavoring  to  detwrt. 

(j<;neral  Lewis,  finding  at  leti^h  that  every  charge  upon  the  lines  of  the 
Indians  lessened  tlie  number  o(  his  forces  to  an  aluriiiing  degree,  and  rightly 
j.idgiiig  that  if  tlie  Indians  were  not  routed  before  it  was  dark,  a  day  of 
more  doubt  might  follow,  he  resolved  to  throw  a  bodv,  if  possible,  into  their 
rear.  Ah  the  good  fortune  of  the  Virginians  turiieu,  the  bank  of  the  i-iver 
titvon-d  this  project,  and  forthwith  three  comiianies  were  detached  U|)on  the 
enteritrise,  under  the  three  captuiMs,  Itaac  Shdbtf,  (ailerwurds  renowned  in 
the  revolution,  and  since  in  the  war  with  Cunada,)  George  Matthews,  *  and 
John  Steuart.  Those  companies  got  unobserved  to  tliuir  place  of  dcHtination 
u|io]i  Crooked  Crrek,  which  runs  into  the  Kanliuwu.f  From  the  high  weeds 
u|)oii  the  banks  of  this  little  streum,  they  rushed  upon  the  Imcks  of  the 
Indians  with  such  fury,  as  to  drive  them  from  their  works  with  precipitation. 
The  day  was  now  decided.  The  Indianti,  thus  lieset  irom  a  quarter  they  did 
not  expect,  were  ready  to  conclude  thr.t  a  reinlbrcemeiit  hnd  arrived.  It 
was  aliout  sunset  when  they  fled  across  the  Ohio,  aud  iinmediutely  took  up 
tiieir  miu-ch  ibr  their  towns  on  the  Scioto. 

As  is  common,  in  reviewing  past  events,  we  find  much  difference  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  many  of  the  facts ;  the  loss  of  the  whites  in  this  buttle 
is  very  variously  stated,  but  that  of  the  Indians  no  one  has  presumed  to  set 
down  but  by  mference.  The  morning  alter  tlio  buttle.  Colonel  Chriatianl 
marched  to  the  battle-graund ;  where  his  men  found  and  scalped  §  31  of 
their  dead,  and  12  others  were  found  in  places  where  they  were  placed  for 
concealment ;  that  many  were  also  thrown  into  the  river  is  said  to  liave  been 
at  tlie  time  known.  In  an  account  published  at  the  time,  it  is  set  down  thnt 
the  killed  of  the  Virginians  were  "Col.  Charles  Lewis,  Mojor  John  Field, 
Capt  John  Murray,  Robert  Mc  Clcnechan,  Samuel  fVilson,  James  Ward,  Lieut. 
Hugh  JUlen,  Ensigns,  Candiff,  Baker,  and  44  privates ; "  making  the  whole 
number  of  the  killed  55.  "  Wounded,  Captain  fV.  Fleming,  since  dead, 
Y.  Dickinson,  Thomas  Blueford,  John  Stidman,  Lieuts.  Goodman,  Robeson, 
Land,  Vannes,  and  79  Privates ; "  making  in  ull  87  wounded.  We  are  uware 
that  neither  the  names  or  numbers  agree  with  accounts  since  published,  but 
we  have  taken  the  above  from  the  Royal  American  Magazine,  which  was 
published  the  following  month  at  Boston,  into  which  it  seems  to  have  been 
copied  from  a  Philadelphia  print.|| 

There  was  a  kind  of  stratagem  used  by  the  whites  in  this  battle  which 
reminds  us  of  that  practised  at  the  Pawtucket  fight,  related  in  Book  III.  of 
air  history.  The  soldiers  in  Colonel  Flemings  regiment  would  conceal 
tliemselves  behind  a  tree  or  some  other  shelter,  and  then  hold  out  their  huts 
from  behind,  which  ttie  Indians  seeing,  would  mistake  as  covering  the  heads 

*  Probably  the  same  who  was  a  colonel  in  the  Vir^ia  line  during  tlie  revolution,  aiid 
once  a  prisoner.    See  Contin.  Burk,  107,  358,  also  Witlteri,  130. 

t   Withen,  127. 

\  He  was  not  present  at  the  fight,  but  arrived  with  a  reinrorccment,  which  he  had  raised 
from  Holston,  immediately  after  it  was  over.  It  was  this  force,  it  is  supposed,  that  the 
Indians  expected  were  surrounding  them  in  the  rear.  They  were  said  to  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  all  circumstances  coiuiected  with  the  operations  of  the  Virginians. 

6  Royal  Amer.  Moforine  for  November,  1774. 

fl  Dr.  Doddridgt.  231,  sets  down  the  killed  at  75,  and  the  wounded  at  140  and  he  is, 
doubtless,  Mr.  Withtr$'s  authority,  who  says  tlie  same.  His  list  of  killed  and  wounded  are 
also  verbatim  from  Doddridge.  Jiurk,  who  wrote  twenty  years  before  either,  agrees  with 
the  Koyal  Atnerican  Magazine  very  nearly. 


r«;^!. 


I    'i 


ClAP.   III.] 


LOGANS-BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


641 


of  their  enemiei,  and  shoot  at  them.  The  hat  heing  at  once  (lrop|N!(I,  tiM 
Indian  would  run  out  from  hia  covert  to  aculp  his  vKrtiui,  and  tiius  niut  a 
sure  death  from  the  tomahuwii  of  his  adverHary. 

The  cliicf  of  the  men  rained  for  this  service,  were,  as  liurk  expresses  him* 
self,  **  prime  riflemen,"  and  the  "  most  expert  woodsmen  in  Viruinia."  Tiiey 
were  princiuidly  from  the  counties  of  Auvusta,  Kotetourt,  ik-dtord  and  Fin- 
caatle,  and  Irom  the  enraged  settlers  who  had  fled  trom  their  frontier  settle« 
ments  to  escaiM  the  vengeance  of  the  injured  Indiniu).  For  reasons  wliic* 
were  not  perfectly  understood  at  that  time.  Lord  Dunmore  divided  the  armv 
Into  two  imrts,  as  already  staled.  Tiie  part  which  Dunmort  soon  afler  looK 
in  the  revolutionary  events,  di.scovcred  the  real  cause  of  his  preposterous  pro- 
ceedings. His  pn-tence  of  fulling  upon  the  hacks  of  the  Indians,  and  coop- 
erating with  G<-ni;ral  Lewisy  was  soon  detected  as  such  ;  for  it  needed  only 
to  1)0  known  that  he  was  moving  no  less  than  7.')  miles  from  him,  and  that, 
therefore,  no  cooperation  could  be  had.  The  imputation,  however,  of  the 
historian  Burk,*  "tliat  the  divicion  unde/  Ijtw's  was  dcvotcti  to  destruction, 
for  the  purpose  of  breaking  the  spirits  of  the  Virginians,"  to  render  his  own 
influence  and  reputation  brighter  and  more  efficient,  is  unnatural,  and  with- 
out facts  to  warrant  it  To  our  mind  a  worse  policy  to  raise  himself  could 
not  have  Iteen  devised.  There  are  two  other,  tiir  more  reasonable  conclu- 
sions, which  might  have  been  offered:  The  governor,  seeing  the  justness 
of  the  Indians'  cause,  might  ha^  e  adopted  the  plan  which  wus  followed,  to 
bring  tlioni  to  u  peace  with  the  least  possible  destruction  of  them.  This 
would  have  been  the  course  of  a  humane  phil«sophy ;  or  he  might  have 
exen  ised  his  ubilities  to  gain  them  to  the  British  interest,  in  case  of  a  rup- 
ture between  them  and  the  colonies,  which  the  heads  of  government  nuist 
clearly  have  by  this  time  foreseen  would  pretty  soon  follow.  Anotiier  ex- 
traordinary manoeuvre  of  Governor  Dunmort  betrayed  either  a  great  want 
of  experience,  generalship,  or  a  fur  more  reprehensible  charge  ;  tor  he  had, 
before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  sent  an  express  f  to  Colonel  Lewia,  with 
ord<.-rs  that  he  should  join  him  near  the  Shawanee  towns,  with  all  possible 
despatch.  These  instructions  were  looked  upon  as  singuliu'ly  unaccountable, 
inasnuich  as  it  was  considered  a  tiling  almost  iinpossilile  to  be  accomplished, 
had  there  not  been  an  enemy  to  fear ;  for  the  distance  was  near  80  miles, 
and  the  route  was  through  a  country  extremely  difficult  to  lie  traversed,  and, 
to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Burk.,  "swarming  with  Indians."!  1*''^  express  did 
not  arrive  at  Point  Pleasant  until  the  evening  after  the  battle ;  §  but  that  it 
had  lH3en  fought  was  unknown  to  the  governor,  and  could  in  no  wise  excuse 
his  sending  such  orders,  although  the  power  of  the  Indians  was  now  broken. 

The  day  afler  the  battle,  General  Lewis  caused  his  dead  to  be  buried,  and 
entrenchments  to  be  thrown  up  alxiiit  his  camp  for  the  protection  of  his 
sick  and  wounded  ;  and  the  day  following,  he  took  up  his  line  of  march,  in 
compliance  with  the  orders  of  Governor  Dunmort.  This  march  was  attended 
with  great  privations  and  almost  insurmountable  difficulties.  Meanwhile 
Governor  Dunmort  descended  with  his  forces  down  the  river,  from  Fort  Pitt 
to  Wheeling,  where  he  halted  for  a  few  days.  He  then  proceeded  down  to 
the  mouth  of  Hoekiiocking,  thence  over  land  to  within  8  miles  of  the  Shaw- 
anee  town  Chilicothe,  on  the  Scioto.  Here  he  made  preparations  for  treat- 
ing with  the  Lidians.  Before  reaching  this  place  he  hud  received  several 
messages  from  the  Indians  with  ofl'ersof  peace,  and  having  now  determined 
to  comply,  he  sent  an  express  to  General  Lewis  with  an  order  that  he  bhould 
immediately  retreat.  Tills  was  entirely  didregarded  by  the  general,  and  1  e 
continued  his  march  until  his  lordship  in  person  visited  the  general  in  his 
camp,  and  gave  the  order  to  the  troops  himself.    Lewis's  troops  complied 


•  Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  SDC. 

t  The  famous  pioneer,  Simon  Kenton,  alias  Butler,  was  the  person  sent  by  Dunmort  at 
tins  liiiii.'. 

t  Hist.  Virpnia,  iii.  395. 

\  Tills  is  not  agr«'pal>lo  lo  the  stalcmenl  of  Dr.  Doddridcre,  who  says  their  arrival  was  be- 
ore  the  battle,  and  Mr  Withers  follows  him  :  but  I  follow  Mr.  Uurk,  who  doubtless  had  tht 
l>csl  means  of  giving  the  truth.    Marshall  [Ky,  i.  40]  agrees  with  the  former. 

46 


•id 


542 


CORNSTOCK  TREATS  WITH  DUNMORE. 


[Buck  V 


Pm 


!«'.•• 


witli  great  reluctance,  for  they  had  determined  on  a  general  destruction  of 
tiie  Indians. 

A  treaty  was  now  commenced,  and  conducted  on  the  part  of  the  wliites 
with  great  distrust,  never  admitting  but  a  small  number  of  Indians  witlun 
their  encampment  ut  i  time.  The  business  was  commenced  by  Comslock 
in  a  speech  of  great  length,  in  the  course  of  which  he  did  not  fail  tc  charge 
upon  the  whites  the  whole  cause  of  the  war ;  and  mainly  in  consequence 
of  the  murder  of  Lo^an^s  family.  A  treaty,  however,  was  the  result  of  this 
conference  ;  and  this  conference  was  the  result  of  the  far-famed  s|jeech  of 
LOGAN,  the  Mingo  chief;  since  known  in  every  hemisphere.  It  was  not 
delivered  in  the  camp  of  Lord  Dunmore,  for,  although  desiring  peace,  Lo^an 
would  not  meet  the  wiiites  in  council,  but  remainei'.  in  his  cabin  in  sullen 
silence,  until  a  messenger  was  sent  to  him  to  know  whether  he  would 
accede  to  the  proposals  it  contained.  What  the  distance  was  from  the 
treaty-ground  to  Logan^s  cabin,  we  are  not  told  ;  but  of  such  importance  was 
his  luime  considered,  that  he  was  waited  on  by  a  messenger  *  from  Lord 
Dunmore,  who  requested  his  assent  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty.  Logan  had 
too  much  at  heart  the  wrongs  lately  done  him  to  accede  without  giving  the 
messenger  to  understand  fully  the  grounds  upon  which  he  acceded ;  he 
therefore  invited  him  into  an  adjacent  wouil,  where  they  sat  down  together. 
Here  he  related  the  events  ol  butchery  which  had  deprived  him  of  all 
his  connections;  and  here  he  pronounced  thct  memorable  speech,  which 
follows : 

"/rtjopcoZ  to  any  white  to  say,  if  ever  he  entered  Logan's  cabin  hungry,  and  he 
gave  htm  not  meat ;  if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked,  and  he  clothed  him  not. 
"  During  the  ccxirse  of  the  lust  long  bloody  war,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin, 


ten 


an  advocate  for  peace.    Siich  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my  counlryn 
pointed  as  they  passed,  and  said, '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  white  men.' 

"  1  luid  even  thought  to  have  lived  with  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man. 
Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  the  rela- 
tions of  Logan ;  not  even  sparing  my  wotnen  and  children. 

"  1  here  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature.  This 
called  on  me  for  revenge.  J  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams  of  pence.  But  do 
not  harbor  a  tHought  that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  fdt  fear.  He  tvill 
not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.     tFho  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ? — J\'ot 


one 


in 


When  Mr.  Jefferson  published  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia,"  the  facts  therem 
stated  implicating  Cresap  as  the  murderer  of  Logan's  family,  vei-e  by  Cresap's 
friends  called  in  question.  Mr.  Jefferson  at  first  merely  stated  ::  facts  as  pre- 
liminary to,  and  the  cause  of,  the  "  Speech  of  Logan,"  which  he  considered 
as  generally  known  in  Virginia;  but  the  acrimony  discovered  by  his  enemies 
in  their  endeavors  to  gainsay  his  statement,  led  to  an  investigation  of  the 
whole  transaction,  and  a  publication  of  the  result  was  the  immediate  conse- 
quence, in  a  new  edition  of  the  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

There  are  [icrhaps  etiil  some  who  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  Logan's 
speech  and  indeed  we  must  allow,  that  there  are  some  circumstances  laid 
l)efbre  us  in  Dr.  Barton's  Medical  and  Physical  Journal,  for  the  year  180H ; 
which  look  irreconcilable.  Without  impeaching  in  the  slightest  degree  tlie 
character  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  such  facts  are  there  compared,  and  disagreements 
j)ointed  out,  as  chniiced  to  come  in  the  way  of  the  writer.  It  aii])eurB  from 
the  French  traveller  Robin,  tiiat,  in  the  time  of  our  revolution,  a  gentleman  of 
Williamsbin-g  gave  him  an  Indian  speech,  which  bears  gi'eat  rescmhiiioce  to 
the  one  said  to  be  by  Logan ;  but  differing  very  essentially  In  date,  and  the 
person  implicated  in  nnirdering  the  fimiily  of  Logan.  The  work  of  lioltin  is 
entitled  "  New  Travels  in  America,"  and  we  have  only  an  English  translation 


•  Mr.  John  Gibson,  then  an  officer  in  Diinmore's  army,  and  afterwarcls  a  man  of  consider- 
able distinction. 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN'S  SPEECH  QUESTIONED. 


543 


of  ;<.*  It  is  therefore  possible  timt  some  mistakes  may  have  crept  into  it,  or 
that  Robin  hiiiisulf  might  huve  nnsiiiiderstood  tiie  date,  and  even  other  part.-; 
of  the  afiiiir;  tiowevur,  tiie  probability  is  ratlier  strong  that  eitlier  tiie  s|)ee<;h 
of  Logan  had  been  jjerverted  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  Creaap's  ehiinicter 
of  till-  foul  blot  which  entin  overed  it,  by  wilfully  charging  it  upon  another, 
or  that  some  old  speech  of  •  .s  upon  another  occasion,  had  Iteen  remodeled  to 
suit  tlie  purpose  for  which  it  was  used.  Upon  these  questions  we  must  leave 
the  reader  to  decide.  Holnn  has  the  name  of  the  chiet|  Lonan.  Some 
Frenchmen  may  write  it  thus,  but  I  have  before  me  tliose  that  do  not,f  and 
more  probably  some  English  pronounced  it  so,  and  so  Robin  heard  it.  The 
way  he  introduces  the  speech,  if  the  introduction  be  fact,  forever  destroys 
the  genuineness  of  the  speech  of  Logan  of  1774.    It  is  thus: 

"  Speech  of  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a  General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to 
the  GoVr.  of  Virginia,t  anno  1754." 

Now  it  is  certain,  if  the  speech  which  we  will  give  below  was  delivered  in 
the  Jissembly  of  Virginia,  in  the  year  1754,  it  could  not  have  been  truly  deliv- 
ered, as  we  have  given  it,  to  Lord  Dunmore  in  1774.  That  the  reader  may 
judge  for  himself,  that  of  1754  follows. 

"  LoNAN  will  no  longer  oppose  making  the  proposed  peace  with  the  white 
men.  You  are  sensible  he  never  knew  what  fear  is — that  he  never  turned 
his  back  in  the  duy  of  battle — No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than 
I  have.  The  war  we  have  had  with  them  has  been  long  and  bloody  on  both 
sides.  Rivera  of  blood  have  ran  on  all  parts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted 
therefrom  to  any.  I  once  more  repeat  it — let  us  be  at  peace  with  these  men. 
I  will  forget  our  injuries,  the  interest  of  my  country  demands  it.  I  wiM  forget 
— but  dimcult  indeed  is  the  task !  Yes,  I  will  forget — that  Major  Rogers  § 
cruelly  and  inhumanly  murdered,  in  their  canoes,  my  wife,  my  children,  my 
father,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred. — This  roused  me  to  deeds  of  ven- 
geance !  I  was  cruel  in  despite  of  myself.  I  will  die  content  if  my  country 
19  once  more  at  peace ;  but  when  Lonan  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas,  will 
drop  a  tear  to  the  memory  of  Lonan ! " 

With  a  few  incidents,  and  reflections,  we  will  close  our  account  of  events 
connected  with  the  history  of  Cresap's  War. 

On  the  evening  l)efore  tiie  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  Comatock  proposed  to 
his  warriors  to  make  peace  with  General  Letoia,  and  avoid  a  battle,  but  his 
advice  was  not  accepted  by  the  council.  "  Well,"  said  he,  "  since  you  have 
resolved  to  iight,  you  shall  flght,  although  it  is  likely  we  shall  have  hard 
work  to-morrow ;  but  if  any  man  shall  flinch  or  run  from  the  battle,  I  will 
kill  him  with  my  own  hand."  And  it  is  said  he  made  his  word  good  by  put- 
ting one  to  death  who  discovered  cowardice  during  the  flght,  as  has  been 
mentioned. 

Afler  the  Indians  had  retreated,  Comatock  called  a  council  at  the  Chilicothe 
town,  to  consult  on  what  was  to  be  done.  Here  he  reflected  upon  the  rashness 
that  had  been  exercised  in  fighting  the  whites  at  Point  Pleasant ;  and  asked, 
"  fVhat  ahall  we  do  now  !  the  Long-Knivea  are  coming  upon  ua  by  two  routes. 
Shall  we  turn  out  andjight  them^—No  answer  was  made.  He  then  inquired, 
"  Shall  we  kill  all  our  aquaws  and  children,  and  then  fight  until  we  ahall  all  be 
killed  ouraelvea?" — As  before,  all  were  silent.  In  the  midst  of  the  council- 
house  a  war-post  had  been  erected ;  with  his  tomahawk  in  his  hand,  Comatork 
turned  towards  it,  and  sticking  it  into  the  post,  he  said,  "g'ince  you  are  not 
inclined  to  fight,  I  will  go  and  make  peace ; "  and  he  fordiwith  repaired  to 
Dunmore'a  camp.|| 

•  dinre  the  above  was  written,  1  have  met  with  the  French  edition ;  and,  from  its  imprint, 
1  presume  both  editions  were  published  under  the  supervision  of  the  author.  "  A  Phiiadd- 
phie  et  se  trowe  it.  Paris,  1782." 

t  See  Recherchfs  sur  lei  Etats-  Unis,  iv.  153~d.  The  authors  of  this  well-written  work 
should  ,n>i  iutve  withheld  their  names.    It  was  printed  nt  Paris,  in  8vo.,  1788. 

I  "11  iVe/ "  is  found  in  the  French  copy,  and  this  marginal  note  toitj  "  ct  mot  aignifie 
apparemment  Ic  vwis  Lunaire  ou  Solairr." 

^  In  the  French  copy  no  person  is  mentioned.  After  Major,  a  blank  is  left.  In  oiliei 
re8pc<^ts  the  s|>ecch  is  tolerably  correctly  translated. 

II  Doddndse's  Notes,.23i)— 40. 


*i}l 


■rl-' 


■%  'i 


i    I 


544 


DEATH  OF  LOGAN— CORNSTOCK. 


Book  V 


m: 


111 ;  ■.  •■ 


h-'y^ii 


We  liave  been  more  minute  and  particular  in  these  events,  in  whifli  Logan 
and  Cornstock  were  engaged,  than  in  many  others ;  but  I  trust  the  reader  of 
tliis  history  will  not  be  displeased  with  such  minuteness  upon  so  important  an 
event ;  esuecinily  as  no  work  with  which  I  am  acquainted  does  the  subject 
justice.  It  was  truly  a  great  event,  both  in  resj/ect  to  the  parties  engaged, 
and  tlie  consenuences  necessarily  growing  out  of  it,  and  it  has  been  passed 
over  too  slightly  by  historians. 

In  respect  to  the  speech  of  Logan,  it  would  be  highly  gratifying  if  a  few 
matters  connected  with  it  could  \x  settled ;  but  whether  they  ever  will,  tim*» 
only  can  determine.  From  the  statement  of  Dr.  Barton,  *  before  cited,^  we 
arc  led  to  ex])ect  that  he  had  other  documents  than  those  he  at  that  tiine 
publiiilicd,  going  to  show  that  Cresap  was  not  the  murderer  of  Z«ogan'a  family, 
but  he  never  published  them,  as  I  can  learn,  and  he  has  left  us  to  conjecture 
upon  such  as  we  have.  Another  author,  f  upon  the  authority  of  an  officer 
who  was  at  the  time  with  Lord  Dunmore,  states  that  he  heard  nothing  of 
Logan^s  charging  Cresap  with  the  murder  of  his  kindred  during  the  whole 
campaign,  nor  until  a  long  time  aAcr.  That  it  was  not  publicly  talked  of 
among  the  officers  is  in  no  wise  strange,  as  Cresap  himself  was  one  of  them ; 
therefore,  that  this  is  evidence  that  no  such  charge  was  made  by  Logan,  we 
think  unworthy  consideration. 

Among  other  jiroofs,  that  the  chief  guilt  lay  upon  the  head  of  Cresap  of 
bringing  about  a  bloody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name,  Judjre  Innes  of 
Frankfort,  Kentucky,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  2  March,  17i»9,  thn  he  was,  he 
thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particulars  of  that  aflkir  than,  perhaps,  any 
other  person ;  that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Preston,  in  Fin- 
castle  county,  Va.,  there  arrived  an  express,  calling  upon  him  to  order  out 
the  militia,  "  for  the  |)rotection  of  the  inhabitants  residing  low  down  on  the 
north  fork  of  Holston  River.  The  express  brought  witii  him  a  war  club, 
and  a  note  tied  to  it,  which  was  lef\  at  the  house  of  one  Robertson,  wliose 
family  were  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  and  gave  rise  for  the  application  to 
Colonel  Preston."  Here  follows  the  letter  or  note,  of  which  Mr.  Innes  then 
made  a  copy,  in  his  memorandum-book : — 

"  Captain  Cresap,  ffliat  did  you  kill  mv  people  on  Yelloio  Creek  for  ?  The 
white  people  killed  my  kin  at  Conestoga,  t  a  great  whik  ago ;  and  I  thought  noth- 
ing oj  that.  But  you  killed  my  kin  again,  on  Yellow  Creek,  and  took  my  cousin 
vnsoner.  Then  I  thought  f  must  kiU  too;  and  J  have  been  three  times  to  war 
since ;  but  the  Indians  are  not  angrjj;  or.'y  myself." 

It  was  signed,  "  Captain  John  Logan." 

Not  long  after  these  times  of  calamities,  which  we  have  recorded  in  the 
life  of  Logan,  he  was  cruelly  murdered,  os  he  was  on  his  way  home  from 
Detroit.  For  a  time  previous  to  his  death,  he  gave  himself  up  to  intoxica- 
tion, which  in  a  short  time  nearly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man ! 

The  fate  of  Cornstock  is  equally  deplorable,  although  in  the  contemplation 
of  which,  his  character  does  not  suffer,  as  does  that  of  Logan.  He  was 
cruellv  murdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  a  hostage  among  them. 
And  there  is  as  much,  nay,  far  more,  to  carry  down  his  remembrance  to  pos- 
te-ity,  as  thsit  of  the  tragical  death  of  Archimedes.  He  was  not  murdered 
while  actually  drawing  geometrical  figures  upon  the  ground,  but,  while  he 
was  explaining  the  geography  of  his  country  by  drawings  upon  the  floor,  an 
nlnrin  was  given,  which,  ni  a  few  minutes  after,  eventuated  in  nis  death. 
We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of  the  cause  and  manner  of  the  murder 
of  Cornstock.  It  is  well  known  that  the  war  of  the  revolution  had  involved 
all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  Indians  in  dreadful  calamities.  In  consequence  of 
nuirders  committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  several  coin- 

Iianios  ninrched  to  Point  Pleasant,  where  there  had  been  a  fort  since  the 
tattle  there  in  1774.    Most  of  the  triiies  of  the  north-west,  excejit  the  Sliaw- 
anees,  wore  (ktennined  to  fight  against  the  Americans.     Cornstock  wishe«/ 

•  Mi'd.  and  Pliijs.  Jour,  part  ii   |>.  U>2.  t   Witliers,  Chronicles,  136. 

t  Alluding,  f  sitiiposc,  to  llic  lua-  ntre  of  the  Coueslog-a  hulians  in  17G3. 


Crap   III.J 


BfURDER  OF  CORNSTOCK  AND  OTHERS. 


to  preserve  peace,  and  therefore,  as  the  only  means  in  liis  power,  as  he  had 
used  his  powerful  eloquence  in  vain,  resolved  to  lay  the  state  of  affairs  he- 
fore  the  Americans,  that  they  might  avert  the  threatened  storm.  In  the 
spring  of  1777,  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Point  Plensaiit,  upon  this  friendly  mis- 
sion, m  company  with  another  chief,  called  Red-hawk,  Afler  explaining  the 
situation  of  things  with  regard  to  the  confederate  trihes,  he  said,  in  regard 
to  his  own,  the  Shawanese,  "  ITte  cxtmnt  sets  [with  the  Indians]  so  strong 
against  the  .Americans,  in  consequence  of  the  agency  of  the  British,  that  they  [the 
Shawanese]  toill  float  wi'h  it,  I  fear,  in  spite  of  all  my  exertions."  Upon  this 
intelligence,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  thought  proper  to  detain  him 
and  Sed-haick  as  hostages  to  prevent  the  meditated  calamities.  When  Cap- 
tain ArbvLclde,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  had  notificu  the  new  govern- 
ment of  Virginia  of  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  what  he  had  done,  forces 
marched  into  that  country.  A  part  of  them  having  arrived,  waited  for  others 
to  join  them  imder  General  Hand,  on  whom  these  depended  for  provisiotis. 

Aleanwhile  the  officers  held  frequent  conversations  with  Comstock,  who 
took  pleasure  in  giving  tliem  minute  descriptions  of  his  country,  and  espe- 
cially of  that  portion  hetween  the  Mississippi  and  IMissouri.  One  day,  as  he  was 
delineating  a  map  of  it  upon  the  floor,  for  the  gratification  of  those  present,  a 
call  was  heard  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Oiiio,  which  he  at  once  recognized 
as  the  voice  of  his  son,  Ellinipsico,  who  had  fought  at  his  side  in  the  famous 
battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  in  1774,  of  which  we  have  spoken.  At  the  request 
of  his  father,  Ellinipsico  came  to  the  fort,  whore  they  had  an  aflectionate 
meeting.  This  son  nad  become  uneasy  at  his  father's  long  absence,  and  had 
at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  exile  here ;  prompted  by  those  feelings  which 
so  much  adorn  human  nature.  The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kan- 
hawa,  upon  a  hunting  expedition.  As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  af^er 
their  hunt,  and  near  tiie  side  of  the  river,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some  In- 
dians, and  one  of  the  two,  named  GUmore,  was  killed,  hut  tlie  other  escaped. 
A  party  of  Captain  HalTs  men  wrnt  over  and  brougiit  in  tlie  body  of  Gilmore ; 
whercu|)on  a  cry  was  raised,  "  Lft  us  go  and  kill  the  Indians  in  the  fort."  An 
infuriated  gang,  with  Captain  Hidl  at  their  head,  set  out  with  this  nefarious 
resolution,  and,  against  every  remonstrance,  proceeded  to  commit  the  deed 
of  blood.  With  their  guns  cockr  J,  they  swore  death  to  any  who  should  op- 
pose them.  In  the  mean  time,  3ome  ran  to  apprize  the  devoted  chiefs  of 
their  danger.  As  the  murdererw  approached,  Ellinipsico  discovered  agita- 
tion, which  when  Comstock  saw,  iie  said,  "My  son,  the  Great  Spirit  has  seen 
fit  that  we  shavUL  die  together,  and  has  sent  you  to  that  end.  It  is  his  icill,  and 
let  us  submit."  The  murderers  had  now  arrived,  and  the  old  chief  turned 
aroimd  and  met  them.  They  shut  him  through  with  seven  bulkts.  He  fell, 
and  died  without  a  struggle ! 

Ellinipsico,  though  having  at  first  appeared  disturbed,  met  his  death  with 
great  composure.  He  was  shot  upon  the  seat  on  which  he  was  sitting  when 
his  fate  was  first  disclosed  to  him. 

Red-hawk  was  a  young  Dilaware  chief,  and,  like  Ellinipsico,  had  fought 
under  Comstock.  He  died  witli  less  fortitude :  having  tried  to  secrete  himself, 
he  was  soon  discovered  and  slain.  Another  Indian,  whose  name  is  not 
mentioned,  was  mangled  and  murdered  in  the  most  barbarous  manner. 
Suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  tiiis  was  ail  that  was  eflTected  by  the  expedition, 
and  the  forces  soon  ailer  returned  home. 

Few,  if  any,  chiefs  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  terms  of  higher  commenda 
tion  than  Comstock.    Mr.  H'ithers,  a  writer  on  Indian  affairs,*  sjieaks  as  follows 
of  him : 

"  Thus  perished  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem  of  the  Shawanees,  and  king 
of  the  northern  confederacy,  "in  1774, — a  chief  remarkable  for  many  great  and 
good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  he  at  all  times  the  friend  of  white  men, 
as  ho  ever  was  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his  country's 
wrongs  'called  aloud  for  battle,' he  became  the  thunderbolt  of  war,  and  made 
her  oppressors  feel  the  weight  of  his  U|)lifled  arm."  "His  noblo  bearing— 
his  generous  and  disuiterestcd  attachment  to  the  rolonii'S,  when  tlie  thunder 

•  III  his  "  Chrordrles.''  a  work,  il  is  our  duty  to  remark,  wrillen  with  candor  aiiil  judffmeut. 

46»  '  2IL 


A 


'ill 


ti  ■' 

}  ^^■' 


:  *' 


646 


WOLF— PONTIAK. 


[Book  V 


It 
I 


it' 


m' 


ffv- 


of  British  cannon  was  revcrberotine  through  the  land — hia  anxiety  to  preserve 
the  frontier  of  V^ir^inia  from  desolutiou  and  death,  (the  object  of  his  visit  to 
Point  Pleasant,]  all  conspired  to  win  for  liim  tlie  esteem  and  respect  of  otli- 
ers;  while  the  untimely  and  perfidious  manner  of  his  death,  caused  a  deep 
and  lasting  regret  to  pervade  the  bosoms  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  lo 
his  nation ;  and  excited  tlie  just  indignation  of  all  towards  his  inhuman  and 
barbarous  murderers." 

Colonel  Jf^on,  present  at  the  interview  between  the  chiefs  and  Governor 
Dunmore  in  1774,  thus  speaks  of  Comstock: — "When  he  arose,  he  was  in  no 
wise  confused  or  daunted,  but  spoke  in  a  distinct  and  audible  voice,  without 
stammering  or  repetition,  and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  ad- 
dressing Dunmore,  were  truly  grand  and  majestic ;  yet  graceful  and  attractive. 
I  have  heard  tlie  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patridc  Htnry  and  Richard  Henry 
Lee, — but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powers  of  delivery  surpassed  tltose 
ofComataUc" 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  affair  obove  related,  an  able  writer  *  upon  those 
times  says,  "  The  blood  of  the  great  Corinstock  and  of  his  gallant  son  was 
mingled  with  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion."  But  how 
few  at  this  day  know  of  his  fate,  or  even  that  such  a  chief  ever  existed !  and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  same  persons  would  be  indignant,  were  we  to  supoose 
them  ignorant  of  tlie  fiite  of  the  monster  Pizarro. 

We  hear  of  one  son  who  survived  Comstock,  who  wos  conspicuous  in  gome 
early  events  of  the  revolution.  lie  was  a  cbief^  and  known  among  the  whites 
by  the  name  of  the  Wolf.  He  was  a  hostage,  with  three  others,  at  Williams- 
burgh,  when  Governor  Di<  nnore  fled  on  board  a  man-of-war  to  escape  the 
fuiT  of  the  revolutionists.  After  the  governor  had  got  off,  he  sent  for  the 
Indians  to  come  to  him,  which  they  £d.  He  then  explained  to  them  the 
reason  of  his  flight,  and  directed  ihcm  to  fly  also,  or  they  would  surely  be 
murdered  the  next  day.  They  fled  i  lio  ^be  woods,  and  owing  to  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  lost  one  of  their  com^^anionb,  lud  the  fVolf  and  another  soon 
after  returned  to  Williamsburgh,  and  were  well  received  by  the  inhabitants. 
The  object  of  the  governor  was  very  obvious. 

Aa  great  a  warrior,  perhaps,  as  any  who  have  lived  among  the  nations  of  the 
west,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  of.    This  was 

PONTIAK,  a  chief  of  the  Ottoway  nation,  whose  fame,  >n  his  time,  was  not 
alone  confined  to  his  own  continent ;  but  the  gazettes  of  Europe  spread  it  also. 

One  who  knew  this  chief,  and  the  tribes  over  whom  he  had  sway,  thus 
speaks  of  them  in  1765 : — "  The  Indians  on  the  lakes  are  generally  at  peace 
with  one  another,  having  a  wide  extended  and  fruitful  country  in  their 
possession.  They  are  formed  into  a  sort  of  empire,  and  the  emperor  is 
elected  from  the  eldest  tribe,  which  is  the  Ottawawas,  some  of  whom  inhabit 
near  our  fort  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  further  westward,  towards  the  Missis- 
sippi. Ponteack  is  their  present  king  or  emperor,  who  has  certainly  the  largest 
empire  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that  has  appeared  on  the 
continent  since  our  acquaintance  with  it.  He  puts  on  an  air  of  majesty  and 
princely  grandeur,  ond  is  greatly  honored  and  revered  by  his  subjects."  f 

In  17<30,  Major  Rogers  marched  into  his  country,  in  fulfilling  his  orders  of 
displacing  tlie  French,  after  the  fall  of  Quebec.^  Ajiprized  of  his  approach, 
Pontiak  sent  ambassadors  to  inform  him  'hat  their  chief  was  not  far  off,  and 
desired  him  to  halt  until  he  could  see  him  "  with  his  own  eyes,"  and  to  in- 
form him  that  he  was  tlie  king  and  lord  of  the  country. 

Pontiak  soon  met  the  English  officer,  and  demanded  his  business  into  his 
country,  and  how  it  came  about  that  he  d.ired  enter  it  without  his  permission 
When  the  colonel  told  him  he  had  no  design  against  the  Indians,  and  only 
wished  to  remove  the  French,  their  common  enemy,  and  cause  of  all  theii 
trouble,  delivering  him  at  the  some  time  several  belts  of  wampum,  Pontiak 
replied,  "I  stand  in  the  path  you  travel  in,  until  to-morrow  morning,"  and 
gave  h:m  a  belt.  This  communication  was  understood,  and  "  was  os  much 
as  to  say,"  snys  the  actor,  "I  must  not  march  further  witliout  his  leave.'' 

*  In  Carey's  Museum,  iv.  140.  t  Ro^erg's  Account  of  Norih  America,  210. 

(  Qiicbiis  is  an  Algonquin  word,  signifying  a  Strait.     Cliarlrvoix. 


W-X. 


t 


It 


Chap.  IIl.J 


PONTIAK. 


647 


The  colonel  continues :  "When  he  departed  for  the  night,  he  inquired  whetlier 
I  wanted  any  thing  that  bis  country  afforded,  and  [if  I  did]  he  would  send 
his  warriors  to  fetch  it.  I  assured  him  that  any  provisions  thuy  brought 
should  be  paid  for ;  and  the  next  day  we  were  supplied  by  tliem  with  several 
bags  of  parched  corn,  and  some  other  necessaries.  At  our  second  meeting, 
he  gave  me  the  pipe  of  peace,  and  both  of  us  by  turns  smoked  with  it ;  and 
be  assured  me  he  had  made  peace  with  me  and  my  detachment ;  that  1  might 
pass  through  his  country  unmolested,  and  relieve  the  French  garrison ;  and 
that  he  would  protect  me  and  my  party  from  any  insults  tliRt  might  lje  offered 
or  intended  by  the  Indians ;  and,  as  an  earnest  of  his  friendship,  he  sent  100 
warriors  to  protect  and  assist  us  in  driving  100  fat  cattle,  wliich  we  had 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  detachment  from  Pittsburgh,  by  the  way  of  Prcsquo- 
Isle.  He  likewise  sent  to  the  several  Indian  towns  on  the  south  side 
and  west  end  of  Lake  Erie,  to  inform  them  that  I  hod  his  consent  to  come  into 
the  cotmtry.  He  attended  me  constantly  after  this  interview  till  I  arrived  it 
Detroit,  and  while  I  remained  in  the  country,  and  waf.  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  debichnient  from  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  who  had  assembled  at  the 
mouth  of  the  strait,  with  an  intent  to  cut  us  off  I  had  several  conferences  with 
biin,  in  which  he  discovered  great  strength  of  judgment  and  a  tliirst  after 
knowledge." 

This  same  ofBcer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their  equi- 
page, and  wished  to  know  how  their  clothes  were  made,  and  to  learn  theii 
mode  of  war.  He  expressed  a  willingness  to  acknowledge  the  king  of  England, 
though  not  as  his  superior,  but  as  his  uncle,  which  he  would  acknowledge, 
as  he  was  able,  in  furs.  England  was  much  in  his  thoughts,  and  he  often 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  it  Tie  told  Colonel  Rogers  that,  if  he  would  conduct 
bim  there,  he  would  give  him  a  part  of  his  country. 

He  was  willing  to  grant  the  English  favors,  and  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  doiuuiions,  but  not  unless  he  could  be  viewed  as  sovereign ;  and  he  gave 
them  to  understand,  that,  unless  they  conducted  themselves  agreeably  to  his 
wishes,  "he  would  shut  up  the  way,"  and  keep  them  out.  Hence  it  is  fair, 
within  the  scope  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to  conclude,  that  his  ftnul 
disaffection  to  the  English  was  owing  to  tlieir  haughty  carriage,  and  maltreat- 
ment of  him  and  his  people. 

The  principal  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilimakinak  and  Detroit. 
The  French  ftnally  gave  up  possession  in  Canada,  in  17(J0 ;  but  many  of  the 
Indian  nations  who  had  become  attached  to  them  were  taught,  at  the  same 
time,  to  hate  the  English.  Pontiak  was  most  conspicuous  in  his  enmity,  al- 
tliough,  until  he  had  united  the  strength  of  many  tribes  to  his,  he  showed 
great  kindness  and  friendship  towards  them.  The  Miamis,  Ottuwas,  Cliippe- 
was,  VVyandots,  Pottowatomies,  Mississagas,  Shawanese,  Ottagumies,  and 
VVinnebagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in  after-time,  they  did  that  of  Te- 
cutnaeh. 

There  was  more  system  employed  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  perlin}))«, 
by  any  other  of  his  countrymen  upon  any  similar  undertaking,  nut  excepting 
even  Metacomet  or  Tecuinseh.  In  his  war  of  1763,  which  is  justly  (lenoiiiiiiateil 
"  Pontiac'a  war,"  he  appointed  a  commissary,  and  liegan  to  make  and  issue 
bills  of  credit,  all  of  which  he  afterwai'ds  carefully  redeemed.  He  made  I  i.-t 
bills  or  notes  of  bakk,  on  which  was  drawn  the  hgure  of  the  coiiinioiiity  ho 
wanted  for  it.  The  shape  of  on  otter  was  drown  under  that  of  the  arliele 
wanted,  and  an  otter  was  the  insignia  or  arms  of  his  nation.  He  had  also, 
>vith  great  sagacity,  urged  upon  his  people  the  necessity  of  disi)enplng  alto- 
gether with  European  commodities,  to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  w!  '  -s, 
and  to  depend  entirely  upon  their  ancient  modes  of  procuring  sustenance." 

Major  Gladmn  held  possession  of  Detroit  in  17(i3.    Having  been  (les|»iitclic<l 
thither  by  General  .Imherst,  he  had  been  hifnrmcd  by  commissioners  wlio  had 
been  exploring  the  country,  that  hostile  feelings  were  manifested  aiiniiii>-  the 
Indians,  and  he  sent  men  on  purpose  to  ascertain  the  fact,  who,  on  their  re 
turn,  dissipated  all  fears. 

"  In  17GJ,"  soys  Major  Rogers,  "  when  I  went  to  throw  f  rovisions  into  the 

•  Rogers's  ConcUt  Account  of  North  America,  3H. 


'*■    It,'*! 


I 

'if  I 


548 


PONTIAK  CAPTURES  MICHILIMAKINAK. 


[Book  V 


u 


h  Hh 


fnrrisoii  nt  Detroit,  I  sent  this  Indian  a  bottle  of  brandy  by  a  Frenchman 
lis  counselloi-s  advised  him  not  to  taste  it,  insinuating  that  it  was  poinonea 
and  sent  with  a  design  to  kill  iiim;  but  Ponteack,  with  a  nobleness  of  mind 
iuughe«l  at  their  suspicions,  sayuig  it  was  not  in  my  powcT  to  kill  Aim,  who 
had  HO  lately  saved  my  life."  • 

Several  traders  had  brought  news  to  the  fort  at  Alichilimukinak,  that  the 
Indians  were  hostile  to  the  English.  Major  Etheringlon  commanded  the  gar- 
rison, and  would  l)elieve  nothing  of  it,  ^  Mr.  Duchanne  communicated 
the  inforniatU)n  to  the  major,  who  was  nmch  displeased  at  it,  "and  threatt.'.".rd 
to  send  the  next  ])erson  who  should  bring  a  story  of  the  sanie  kind  a  prisoner 
to  I)etroit."t 

The  gurison,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  90  men,  besides  two  sid)alterns  and 
the  commander-in-chief.  There  v^ere  also  at  the  fort  four  English  merchants. 
Little  regiu-d  was  paid  to  the  assembling  of  sundry  bands  of  Indians,  as  they 
aj)j)eared  friendly;  but  when  nearly  400  of  them  were  scattered  up  and  down 
throughout  the  place,  "I  took  the  liberty,"  says  Mr.  Henry,  "of  obsei-ving  to 
Major  Etherinirton,  that,  in  my  judgment,  no  confidence  ought  to  be  placed 
in  them  ;  in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  me  on  my  timidity." 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king's  birth  day,  the  In<lians  began,  as  if  to  amuse 
themselves,  to  play  at  a  favorite  game  of  ball,  which  they  called  baggatiwni/, 
which  is  thus  described  by  Mr. /feriTT/ ; — "It  is  played  with  a  bat  and  bull, 
the  bat  being  about  four  feet  in  length,  curved,  and  terminated  in  a  sort  of 
racket.  Tvv(>  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  a  considerable  distance  from 
each  othfci,  a  a  mile  or  more.  Each  |)arty  has  its  post,  ind  the  game  con- 
sists in  throwing  the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  adversary.  The  bail,  at  the 
beginning,  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  course,  and  each  party  endeavors  as 
well  to  throw  the  ball  out  cf  the  direction  of  i's  own  post,  as  into  that  of  the 
Bfhersary's.  This  farce  drew  many  off  their  guoid.and  some  of  the  garrison 
went  out  to  witnesa  the  sport. 

"The  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continues,)  as  from  the  description  above 
will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  much  noise  and  vio- 
lence. In  the  ardor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if  it  cannot 
he  thrown  to  the  goa'  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  by  which  it  can  be 
diverted  from  that  designed  by  the  adversary.  At  such  p.  moment,  therefore, 
nothing  coidd  be  less  liable  to  excite  prematm-e  alarm,  than  that  the  ball  slioidd 
be  tossed  over  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  nor  that,  having  fallen  there,  it  should 
be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  engaged  in  the  game,  as  well  the  one  party 
as  the  other,  all  eager,  all  striving,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit 
of  a  rude  athletic  oxercise.''  And  this  was  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of 
their  game,  to  throw  their  ball  within  the  pickets  of  the  foit,  and  then  all  to 
rush  in,  and,  in  die  midi-i  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  garrison  ;  and  it 
suceeed<!d  to  their  wishes.  They  struck  the  ball  over  the  stockade,  as  if  by 
accident,  and  repeated  it  several  times,  running  in  and  out  of  the  fort  with  all 
freedom,  "to  make  the  deception  more  complete  •,"X  and  then,  rushing  in  in 
every  direction,  took  possession  of  the  place  without  the  least  resistance. 

Tiiey  murdered  the  soldiers,  until  their  numbers  were  so  diminished,  that 
they  a|)preliended  nothing  from  their  resistance  ;  many  of  wliom  were  ran- 
somed at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a  great  price.  Seventy  were  put  to  death, 
and  the  other  twenty  reserved  for  slaves.  A  <ew  days  aller,  &  boat  from 
Montreal,  whhout  knowing  what  had  happened,  came  ashore  with  English 
passengers,  who  all  (ell  into  the  hands  o.'  the  Indians.  Pontiak  was  not  per- 
sonally concerned  in  this  aftair,  but  it  was  a  part  of  his  design,  and,  there- 
fore, is  very  properly  here  related.  A  chief  named  Menekwehna  was  the 
commander  in  that  amiir.  § 

It  was  oidy  15  days  from  the  time  the  first  blc  w  was  struck,  before  Pontiak 
had  taken  possession  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  except  three.    No  lesa 

*  The  Al)l)e  Raynal,  whom  we  followed  in  the  formor  editions,  (not  then  possessing  Rogers's 
own  ari'ouiit,)  does  not  narrate  this  rircumstanrc  raitlifully. 

t  Travels  in  Canada,  by  Alexander  Ueni-y,  Esq.,  from  which  the  following  account  of  th« 
destruction  of  Mirhilimakinh.   is  taken. 

i  Canter's  Travels,  19,  20.  edit.  8vo.  Lend.  1784.  (  Henry's  travels,  ut  supra. 


Chap.  III.]        PONTIAK.— STRATAGEM  TO  TAKE  DETROIT. 


649 


thaii  10  were,  in  this  short  space,  reduced.  Detroit  alone  remained  in  that 
distant  region,  and,  as  will  presently  be  sren,  this  was  brought  to  the  very 
brink  of  the  most  awful  precipice  of  w'.tich  the  imagination  can  conceive. 
The  names  of  tlnse  captured  at  this  t'me  were  Le  Bo«uf,  Venun^o, 
Prcsq'lsle,  on  or  near  Lake  Erie  ;  La  Bay,*  upon  Lake  Michigan ;  St  Joseph's, 
upon  the  river  of  tliat  name:  Miamis,  upon  the  Miami  River:  Ouachtanon, 
upon  the  Ouabuciie ;  Sandusky,  upon  Luke  Junundat ;  and  Mirhilinmkinak.f 

Tlie  garrison  at  Detroit  was  closely  besieged  by  Pontiac,  in  person,  before 
the  news  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Michilimakinak  arrived  there.  It  was 
garrisoned  by  about  300  men,  and  when  Pontiae  came  with  his  warriors, 
aliliough  in  great  numbers,  they  were  so  intermixed  with  women  and  children, 
and  brought  so  many  cotnmodities  for  trade,  that  no  suspicion  was  excited, 
either  in  the  mind  of  Major  Gladwin,  or  the  inhabitants.  He  encamped  a 
little  distance  from  the  fort,  and  sent  to  the  major  to  inform  him  that  ho  was 
come  to  trade,  and,  preparatory  thereto,  wished  to  hold  a  talk  with  him  for 
the  purpose  of  "  brightening  the  chain  of  peace  "  between  the  English  and 
his  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  entertained,  and  the  major  readily  con- 
sented, and  the  next  morning  was  fixed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening,  a  circumstance  transpired  which  saved  the  garrison 
from  a  dreadful  massacre.  An  Indian  woman,  who  had  ma<le  a  pair  of 
moccasins  tur  Major  Gladmn,  out  of  a  curious  elk  skin,  brought  them  to  him, 
and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  Being  much  pleased  with  them, 
the  major  wished  her  tu  take  the  skin  and  make  another  pair,  as  he  had  con- 
cluded to  give  the  others  to  a  friend,  and  what  was  lefl  to  make  into  shoes 
for  hcrseltl  She  was  then  paid  for  her  work,  and  dismissed.  But  when 
those  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear  of  strangers,  and  to 
close  the  gates  tor  the  night,  went  upon  their  duty,  this  woman  was  found 
loitering  in  the  area,  and,  being  asked  what  she  wanted,  made  no  reply. 
The  *.ujor,  being  informed  of  her  singular  demeanor,  directed  her  to  be  coii- 
ducteil  iiilo  his  presence,  which  being  done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not 
depart  belbre  the  gates  were  shut.  She  replied,  with  some  hesitation,  that 
she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the  skin,  as  he  set  so  great  a  value  upon  it. 
This  answer  was  delivered  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dis- 
satisfied with  it,  and  asked  her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objection  on 
taking  it  in  the  first  place.  This  rather  confused  her,  and  she  said  that  if 
she  took  it  away  now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it 

It  was  now  evident  that  she  withheld  something  which  she  wishf  d  to  com- 
municute,  but  was  restrained  through  fear.  But  on  being  assured  by 
Major  Gladioin  that  she  should  not  he  betrayed,  hut  should  be  protected  and 
rewarded,  if  the  information  was  valuable,  she  said  that  the  chiefs  who 
were  to  meet  hiin  in  council  the  next  day  had  contrived  to  murder  him,  and 
take  the  garrison,  and  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  death.  Each  chief,  she 
said,  would  come  to  the  council,  witli  so  much  cut  off  of  his  gun,  that  he 
could  conceal  it  under  his  blanket ;  that  Pontiae  was  to  give  the  signal, 
while  delivering  his  spec,  h,  which  was,  when  he  should  draw  his  peace 
Itelt  of  wampum,  and  present  it  to  the  major  in  a  certain  manner ;  and 
that,  while  the  council  was  sitting,  as  many  of  the  warriors  as  could  should 
assemble  within  the  fort,  armed  in  the  same  manner,  under  the  pretence  of 
ti'adin^  with  the  garrison. 

Havmg  got  all  the  information  necessary,  the  woman  was  discharged,  and 
Major  Gladwin  had  every  precaution  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into  the  best 
possible  state  for  defence.  He  impai'ted  the  discovery  to  his  men,  and 
instructed  them  how  to  act  at  the  approaching  council ;  at  the  same  time 
sending  to  all  the  traders  in  different  directions  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

The  next  morning  having  arrived,  every  countenance  wore  a  different 
aspect ;  the  hour  of  the  cowicil  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  quick  step 
and  nervous  exercise  in  every  evolution  of  tlie  soldiers  were  expressive  of 

•  So  called  by  the  French,  who  built  it,  because  it  stood  at  the  extremity  of  a  bay  in  Miohi- 
^n,  called  "  Le  Baiedes  Piianlij,"  now  Green  Uay.  It  was  taken  by  the  Menoniiiiiuii :  liis 
garrison  consisted  of  30  men.    See  Carver's  Travels,  21,  22. 

\  Bouquet's  Ohio  Expedition,  Int.  iii. 


!-  Ill 
1; 


i:^* 


S60 


PONT.AK.— SIEGE  OF  DETROIT. 


[Book  V 


m 


If-'  '  ': 


r^  I. 


11 


an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny.  It  waa  heightened  in  the  past 
oigiit,  when  a  cry  was  heard  in  the  Indian  encampment  different  from  wfiat 
was  usual  on  peace  occasions.  The  garrison  fires  were  extinguished,  and 
every  man  repaired  to  his  post.  But  the  cry  being  heard  no  more,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  night  was  passed  in  silence. 

The  appointed  hour  of  ten  o'clock  arrived,  and  also  as  punctual  arrived 
Pontiac  and  his  36  chiefs,  followed  by  a  train  of  wcrriors.  When  the  stip- 
ulated number  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  were  closed.  The  chiefs 
observed  attentively  the  troops  under  arms,  inarching  from  place  to  place  ; 
two  columns  nearly  inclosing  the  council  house,  and  both  facing  towards  it. 
On  Pontiac's  entering  it,  he  demanded  of  Major  Gladmn  the  cause  of  so 
much  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  under  arms ;  he  said  it  waa  an  odd 
manner  of  holding  a  council.  The  major  told  him  it  was  only  to  exercise 
them.  The  Indians  being  seated  upon  the  skins  prepared  for  them,  Pontiai 
commenced  his  speech,  and  when  he  came  to  the  signal  of  presenting  the 
belt,  the  governor  and  his  attendants  drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their 
scabbards,  and  the  soldiers  clinching  their  guns  with  firmness,  discovered  to 
the  chiei's,  by  their  peculiar  attitudes,  that  their  plot  was  discovered.  Pontiac, 
with  all  his  bravery,  turned  pale,  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astonish- 
ment. To  avoid  an  open  detection,  the  signal  in  passing  the  belt  was  not 
given,  and  Ponilac  closed  his  speech,  which  contained  many  professions  of 
respect  and  affection  to  the  English.  But  when  Major  Gladwin  commenced 
his,  he  did  not  fail  directly  to  reproach  Pontiac  with  treachery;  told  him  he 
could  not  do  any  thing  to  insnare  the  English,  and  that  he  knew  his  whole 
diabolical  plan.  Ponhac  tried  to  excuse  himself,  and  to  make  Major  Gladwin 
believe  that  he  had  laid  no  plot ;  upon  which  the  major  stepped  to  the  chief 
nearest  himself^  and,  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  exposed  his  short  gun,  which 
completed  their  confusion. 

The  governor,  for  such  was  Major  Gladmn,  ordered  Pontiac  to  leave  the 
fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be  with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his  men 
from  cutting  him  in  pieces,  should  they  know  the  circumstances.  The  gov 
ernor  was  aflerwards  blamed  for  thus  suffering  them  to  withdraw,  without 
retaining  several  of  them  as  hostages  for  tbe  quiet  behavior  of  the  rest ;  but 
he,  having  passed  his  word  that  they  should  come  and  go  without  hinderance 
or  restraint,  merited,  perhaps,  les  censure  for  keeping  it,  and  respecting  his 
honor,  than  those  who  reproached  him. 

A  furious  attack  was  the  next  day  made  upon  the  fort.  Every  stratagem 
was  resorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a  cart  with  combustibles,  and  run 
it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were  about  to  set 
fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  fiery  arrows  into  it;  but  religious  scruples 
averted  the  execution, — a  French  priest  telling  Pontiac  that  it  would  call 
down  the  anger  of  God  upon  him.  They  had  frequently,  during  the  siege, 
endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  as  to  make  a  breach.  Major  Gladmn 
ordered  his  men,  at  last,  to  cut  on  the  inside  at  the  same  time,  and  assist  them. 
This  was  doue,  and  when  a  breach  was  made,  there  was  a  rush  upon  the 
outside  towards  the  breach,  and  at  the  same  instant,  a  brass  four-pounder, 
which  had  been  levelled  for  the  purpose,  was  shot  off,  which  made  a  dread- 
ful slaugiiter  among  them.  Afler  tnis  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and 
cut  off  its  supplies,  and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  for  some  time  subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

There  was  great  difliculty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  garrison  at  Detroit, 
as  there  waa  such  an  extent  of  country  between  it  and  the  other  most  west- 
ern posts,  in  possession  of  the  English.  Fort  Pitt  and  Niagara  had  been 
besieged,  and  all  communication  for  a  long  time  cut  off;  the  former  had  been 
reduced  to  great  extremities,  but  they  were  at  length  relieved  by  Colonel 
Bouquet.  Captain  Dalyell  was  a*  the  same  time  sent  for  the  relief  oi'  Detroit, 
wliere  he  ariived  on  29  July,  1763.*  A  bloody  scene  was  shortly  to  follow. 
Captain  Dulydl,  with  247  men,  went  out  of  the  fort  to  surprise  Pontiac  in  hi* 
camp ;  but  the  wary  chief  had  rutmers  out,  who  gave  him  timely  notice,  an«l 


*  Bouquet's  Expedition,  Iiitro'.l.  iv. 


Fi'i 


,U':(:a  I 


II 


Oup.  III.] 


PONTIAK.— BATTLE  OF  BLOODY  BRIDGE. 


551 


be  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place,  and,  being  vastlv  superior  in  numbers, 
and  concealed  behind  a  picket  fence,  near  a  bridge  where  the  Enj^lish  were 
to  p-88,  poure*]  in  upon  them  a  dreadful  fire.  Many  fell  at  the  hrst  onset, 
but  ttiey  kept  their  order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the  bridge  they 
had  just  iiassed.  They  eti'ectcd  their  |mr|>OBC,  but  ninny  fell  in  the  attempt, 
among  whom  was  Captain  DahtU.  The  famous  Major  Rogers,  the  second 
in  command,  and  Lieutenant  nrthm,  with  aiiont  200  others,  recovered  the 
fort.  This  bridge,  where  so  many  brave  men  were  slain,  is  culled  to  this  day 
Bloody  Bridge. 
Pontine  ordered  the  head  of  Captain  Ddyell  to  be  cut  off  and  set  upon  a 

Cost.  Between  eighty  and  a  hundred  dead  bmlies  were  counted  upon  tlie 
ridue  'he  next  morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  passage. 
We  have  thought  proper  to  give  thin  account  as  it  is  generally  found  in 
our  histories,  but  having  been  put  in  possession  of  the  oificiul  return  of  Sir 
Jeffery  Amherst,  iriinutely  detailing  this  important  affair  of  Bloody  Bridge, 
we  will  lay  it  before  *\e  reader,  as  it  appeared  at  the  time.  From  which  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  .  jmnnn  report  is  jirobably  erroneous  in  some  of  its  most 
important  features. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  July,  Captain  Dcdyell,  aid-de-camp  to  Gen 
eral  Amherst,  being  arrived  here  with  the  detachment  sent  under  his  comntand, 
and  being  fully  persuaded  tliat  Pontiac,  the  Indian  chief,  with  his  tribes,  would 
soon  abandon  his  design,  and  retire,  insisted  with  the  commandant,  that 
they  might  easily  be  surprised  in  their  camp,  totally  routed,  and  driven  out 
of  the  settlement ;  and  it  was  thereupon  determined,  that  Captain  Dalydl 
should  march  out  with  247  men.  Accordingly,  we  marched  about  half  an 
hour  afler  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  along  the  great  road  by  the  river 
side,  two  boats  up  the  river  along  shore,  with  a  patteraro  in  each,  with  orders 
to  keep  up  with  the  line  of  march,  cover  our  retreat,  and  take  off  our  killed 
and  wounded ;  Lieutenant  Bean,  of  the  Queen's  Independents,  being  ordered, 
with  a  rear  guard,  to  convey  the  dead  anu  wounded  to  the  bouts.  About  a 
mile  and  a  half  from  the  foit,  we  had  orders  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if 
attacked  in  the  front,  to  fire  by  street-firings.  We  then  advanced,  and,  in 
about  a  mile  farther,  our  advanced  guard,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Brown, 
of  the  55th  regiment,  had  been  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy's  breastworks 
and  cover,  that  the  fire,  being  very  heavy,  not  only  killed  and  wounded  some 
of  his  party,  but  •■' ached  the  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a  little 
confusion ;  but  they  soon  recovered  their  order,  and  gave  the  enemy,  or 
rather  their  works,  it  being  very  dark,  a  discbarge  or  two  from  the  front, 
conmianded  by  Captain  Gray,  At  the  same  time,  the  rear,  commanded  by 
Captain  Grant,  were  fired  upon  from  a  house,  and  some  fences  about  twenty 
yards  on  his  lefl ;  on  which  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkins's  eoni- 
pnnies  to  face  to  the  lefl,  and  give  a  full  fire  that  way.  Alter  which,  it 
appearing  that  the  enemy  gave  way  every  where.  Captain  Dalyell  sent 
orders  to  Captain  Grant,  to  take  possession  of  the  above-said  houses  and 
fences ;  which  he  immediately  did ;  and  found  in  one  of  the  said  houses  two 
men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  hnd  been  there  ?ong,  and  were  well  apprized 
of  our  design.  Captain  Gratd  then  asked  tiicni  the  numbers;  tliey  said, 
above  300 ;  and  that  they  intended,  as  soon  as  they  had  attacked  us  in  the 
front,  to  get  between  us  and  the  fort ;  which  Captain  Grant  told  Captain  Dcd- 

«ell,  who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And  in  about  an  hour  after, 
e  came  to  him  again,  and  told  Captain  Grant  he  was  to  retire,  and  ordered 
him  to  march  in  the  front,  and  post  himself  in  an  orchard.  lie  then  march- 
ed, and  about  half  a  mile  farther  on  his  retreat,  he  had  some  shots  fu'ed  on 
his  flunk ;  but  got  possession  of  the  orchard,  which  was  well  fenced ;  and 
just  as  he  got  there,  he  het.  1  a  warm  firing  in  the  rear,  having,  at  the  siune 
time,  a  firing  on  his  own  post,  from  the  fences  and  corn-fields  behind  it  Lieu- 
tt^nnrit  flTDougai,  who  acted  as  adjutant  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to  him, 
{Captain  Grant,)  and  told  him,  that  Captain  D<difeU  was  killed,  and  Captain 
Gray  very  much  wounded,  in  making  a  push  on  the  enemy,  and  forcing  them 
out  of  a  stronw  breastwork  of  cord-wood,  and  an  intrenchment  which  they  ho  J 
taken  possession  of;  and  that  the  coinmond  then  tievolved  upon  him.  Lieu- 
tenant Bean  immediately  came  up,  and  told  hiui,  that  Captain  Rogers  had 


«i. 


^^:t: 


si 


'  II 


l«i  i 


552 


PONTIAK  ATTACKS  A  VESSEL  AND  IS  REPULSED.     [Booi  V 


a*  ' 


h  I] 


deHired  liim  to  teli  Captain  GrarU,  >^it  he  lincl  tnken  possession  of  a  hoiiw, 
and  that  he  had  lielter  retire  with  numt)er8  he  had,  as  he  (Captain  Rogert) 

could  U(Jt  get  otr  without  the  boats  '         'er  him,  lie  being  hard  \  uahcd  by  the 
enemy  from  tlie  enclosures  bchinc  some  of  which  scoured  the  roa.l 

through  which  he  must  retire.  Captaui  Grant  then  sent  Ensign  Pauli,  with 
20  men,  hack  to  attack  a  part  of  'he  enemy  which  annoyed  his  own  post  o 
little,  and  galled  those  that  were  joining  hnn,  from  the  place  where  Captain 
Dali/eU  WU8  killed,  and  Captain  Gra^,  Lieutenants  Brown  and  Lukt^  wi-re 
wounded;  which  EuHign  Pnulx  did,  and  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their 
flight.  Captain  Grant,  at  the  san  e  time,  detached  uU  the  men  he  could  get, 
and  took  possession  of  the  enclosures,  burns,  fences,  &c.  leading  from  liis 
own  poHt  to  the  fort,  which  posts  he  reinforced  with  the  officers  and  men,  as 
they  came  up.  Thinking  the  retreat  then  secured,  he  sent  back  to  Captain  Itof^- 
era,  desiring  he  would  come  off;  that  the  retreat  was  quite  secured,  and  tlie 
different  parties  ordered  to  cover  one  another  successively,  until  the  whole  had 
joined  ;  but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  right  to  risk  the  loss  of  more  men,  he 
chose  to  wait  for  the  armed  boats,  one  of  which  up|)eared  soon,  conunanded  by 
Lieutenant  Brehm,  whom  Captain  Grant  hud  directed  to  go  and  cover  Captain 
Jtogera's  retreot,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieutenant  Brehm  accordingly 
went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemy.  Lieutenant  JlbhoU,  with  tiie 
other  boat,  wanting  anununition,  went  down  with  Captain  Gray.  Lieuten- 
ant Broum  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which  Captain  Grant  su])- 
poses  the  enemy  seeing,  did  not  wait  her  arrival,  but  retired  on  Lieutenant 
Brehm's  firing,  and  gave  Cuptum  Rogers,  with  the  rear,  an  opportunity  to 
come  off:  so  that  the  whole  from  the  different  posts  joined  without  any  con- 
fusion, and  marched  to  the  fort  in  good  order,  covered  by  the  armed  boats 
on  the  water  side,  and  by  our  own  parties  on  the  country  side,  in  view  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were  much  stronger  than  at  the  beginning  of 
the  affair,  as  was  afterwards  told  us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  their  escape ; 
many  having  joined  them  from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  places. 
The  whole  arrived  at  the  fort  about  eight  o'clock,  conmianded  by  Captain 
Grant,  whose  able  and  skilful  retreat  is  highly  connnended. 

"Return  of  killed  and  wounded  of  the  several  detachments  near  the  Detroit, 
July  31, 17Ga 

"  0/  the  55th  Regiment: — 1  Sergeant,  13  rank  and  file,  killed;  1  captain,  2 
lieutenants,  1  drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

"  Of  the  Royal  Americans: — 1  rank  and  file,  killed;  1  rank  and  file  wounded. 

"  Of  the  Wth  Regiment : — 2  rank  and  file  killed ;  3  rank  and  file  wounded. 

"  Of  the  Queen^s  Rangers: — 2  rank  and  file  killed;  1  rank  and  file  wounded, 

"  J^ames  of  the  officers : — 55</i  Regiment :  Captain  Gray,  Lieutenant  Lukf,,  and 
Lieutenant  Brown,  wounded. 

"  N.  B. — Captain  Dalyell,  killed,  not  included  in  the  above." 

Hence  it  appears  that  but  19  were  killed  and  42  wounded  in  the  celebrated 
*' Battle  of  Detroit,"  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  this  return  was  made  out 
before  the  exact  state  of  the  troops  engaged  in  it  was  ascertained.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  Captain  Dalyell  was  found  to  be  among  the  killed  aAer  the  return 
was  finished,  or  nearly  so.  It  is  unnecessary  to  apprize  the  reader,  that  re- 
turns were  often  made  more  favorable  than  strict  scrutiny  would  warrant, 
from  obvious  motives. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pontiar.,  which 
were  destined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of  men,  as  well 
as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time  of  de.spon- 
doncy,  there  arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought  them  supplies 
of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  this  kind  could  be  landed  without  Ponliac's 
knowledge,  and  he  determined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the  schooner :  a  deta  jhnient 
made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself,  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  tack  short 
about,  and  proceed  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  Indians  followed  her  in 
canoes,  and,  by  continually  firing  into  her,  killed  almost  every  man,  and  at 
length  boarded  her.  As  they  were  climbing  up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in 
every  quarter,  the  captain,  having  determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  alive, 
ordered  the  gunner  to  set  fii*e  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  un  i  >irPtJi»r 


Chap.  Ill] 


PONTIAC. 


553 


This  was  hcnrd  by  a  Huron  chief,  who  underntnod  cnntigh  En^'lish  to  know 
what  was  going  forward,  and  instantly  cotnnnniicated  it  to  lii.s  followoni. 
Thoy  diHciiKiijLred  thenisiHvefl  from  the  vessel  as  fastns  possible,  and  Hed  fr"in 
her  in  a  gnat  fright,  at  conHidenibli;  distance.  Meantime  the  crew  took  tliu 
advantage  of  a  wind,andarriveii  safe  at  tlie  fort.  In  the  |iiirs'<>t  of  the  vessel, 
the  Indians  (iiscovered  extreme  temi^ity,  often  coming  so  clo*j  to  the  schooner 
as  to  Ih!  sevcraly  burned  by  the  discharge  of  her  guns. 

This  vessel  had  been  sent  from  Niagara,  and  was  manned  with  18  men,  12 
of  whom  were  Mohawk  Indians.  They  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  J)  Septem- 
lier ;  and  thus  was  the  garrison  saved  irom  certain  destruction.  So  S4'iisible 
was  Major  Gladwin  ancf  his  officers  of  their  escape  from  a  dreadful  fate  by  the 
bravery  of  the  crew  of  this  vessel,  that  they  caused  silver  medals  to  1)6  struck 
and  presented  to  each  dc8cri[)tive  of  the  event* 

Many  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous  siege,  but  it  is  believed 
the  preceding  are  ail  that  are  well  authenticated. 

Pontiac  having  invested  Detroit  now  for  about  twelve  montlis,  and  the 
news  of  his  operations  having  been  carried  to  various  parts  of  the  British 
empire,  extensive  preparations  were  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power. 
Aware  of  the  movements  of  General  Bradstred,  who  was  proceeding  tor  De- 
troit with  an  army  of  3000  men,  he  gave  up,  and  sued  for  |)eace,  which  was 
granted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  their  hunting-grounds.  By  some  it 
IS  reported  that  he  was  killed,  with  many  others  of  his  chief  men,  by  the 
loways,  in  the  year  1769,  in  a  war  which  at  that  time  raged  l)etwecn  the 
Ottowas  and  that  nation.  It  is  also  said  that  he  had  a  son  named  Sheoana- 
BY,  who  was  also  a  distinguished  chief,  and  who,  after  the  death  of  his  father, 
revenged  his  murder  by  the  destruction  of  almost  the  entire  nation  of  the 
loways.  When  tie  revolution  commenced,  the  Americans  sent  messnges  to 
Pontiac  to  meet  them  in  council.  He  was  inclined  to  do  so,  but  was  prevented 
from  time  to  time  by  Governor  Hamilton  of  Detroit.  He  seems  now  to  have 
laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  English,  and  became  their  friend ;  and 
to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a  liberal  pension.  It 
has  also  been  reported  that  he  became  suspected  in  the  time  of  the  war,  and 
as  he  was  going  to  hold  a  council  among  the  Indians  in  Illinois,  as  an  agent 
lor  the  English,  a  spy  attended  him  to  observe  h'  conduct ;  and  that,  in  a 
speech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  discovered  i  .s  former  enmity  against 
them.  When  he  had  finished,  the  Indian  who  had  accompiiiiicd  him, 
plunged  a  knife  into  his  breast,  and  t'.ius  ended  the  days  of  a  chief  who  has 
been  i-enowned  for  singular  sagacity,  during  courage,  great  spirit  of  conunand, 
and  indeed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only  in  those  born  with  such 
elementary  organizations  as  produce  them  by  their  peculiar  school  of  cir- 
sumstances. 


*  Holmuf*  Annalt,  u.  ISS. 


4-' 


II 


m! 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


rBooK  T 


fA 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Captaih  Vin—Situatiim  of  affair  ton  the  frontiers  at  the  period  of  the  revolulion — Sad 
eomdition  of  the  Moravian  Indian*  at  this  period — Half-king  engage*  to  take  them 
to  Canada — Hi*  gjieeeh  to  them — Thty  remon*trate — naif-king  incline*  not  to  mo- 
lest them,  but  Captain  Pipe'*  eouniel  prevail*,  and  they  are  seized — Pipe'*  cnnduct 
thereupon — Mi**ionarie*  taken  to  Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  went  to  aceu*fthem — 
Changr* hi*  conduct  toteard*  them,  and  they  are  actruitted — Remarkable  delirerance 
— Captain  White-eyes  oppo*e*  the  conduct  of  Pipe — lit*  speech  to  his  people — 
Colonel  Broadhead's  expedition — Brutal  ma*sacre  of  a  chief — FACHOANTficiiiiiii.AS — 
Surprises  the  mistionarie* — GEi.ELr.Meifu — BuoKONaAMr.LAS — Murder  of  Major 
Trurman  and  others — In  the  bottle  of  Presaue-ltle — His  death — His  great  intrepid- 
ill/ — Further  particulars  of  Captain  Pipe — His  famous  speech — Erpeditionand  defeat 
of  Colonel  Crawford,  who  is  burnt  at  the  stake,  and  many  more — Ciiiktommo — Tom 
LEWIS — Mksihawa — KiNO-cRANR — LiTTi.E  TURTLE — Defeats  General  St.  Clair's 
armu — Incidents  in  that  affair — Little-turtle's  opinion  of  General  Wnyne — Visit* 
Philadelphia — His  interview  with  C.  F.  Volney — JInecdote* — Blue-jackkt — De- 
feated by  General  Wayne  in  the  battle  of  Presque-Isle. 

PIPE,  or  Captain  Ptpe,*  ns  lie  is  usually  called,  from  his  having  boen  a 
most  conspiruous  war-captain  among  tlio  Delawarcs,  during  the  period  of 
the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  character  is  a 
very  prominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  the  froiiti<T  settle- 
ments, at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Situated  as  were  the  Dt-iawares 
between  the  English  of  Canada  and  the  Americans,  it  was  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pected but  that  they  should  be  drawn  into  that  war.  They  could  not  well 
weigh  its  merits  or  demerits  upon  either  side.  A  speech  of  the  renowned 
Corn-plant  contains  the  best  commentary  ujmn  this  matter.  The  English 
stood  much  the  best  chance  of  gaining  the  Indians  to  thrir  interest,  inasniiich 
as  they  were  profuse  in  their  presents  of  what  was  uscfiil  to  thciii,  as  well  as 
ornaineii.  j1,  whereas  the  Americans  required  all  their  resources  to  curry  on 
the  war.  The  commanding  officer  at  Detroit,  believing  that  the  Rloraviun 
Lidians  upon  the  Susquehannah  favored  the  Americans,  ordered  them,  dead 
or  alive,  with  their  priests,  to  be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquois  agreed 
that  it  should  be  done,  but,  unwilling  to  do  it  themselves,  sent  messengers  to 
the  Chippeways  and  Ottawos,  to  intimate  that,  if  they  would  do  it,  "  thev 
should  nave  them  to  make  soup  ofl"  These  two  tribes,  however,  refused, 
and  the  Half-king  of  the  Hurons  undertook  it  himself.  He  had  b«>en  ibrmerly 
very  friendly  to  uie  believing  Indians,  and  now  pretended  that  he  only  con- 
cluded to  seize  upon  them,  to  save  them  from  destruction ;  and,  Mr.  Loskiel 
adds,  "even  the  Half-King  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Captain  Pipe,  a  noted  enemy  of  the 
gospel  and  of  the  believing  Indians,  instigated  him  to  do  it."  Pipe  and  his 
company  of  Delawares,  joined  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors,  and  some  Sha- 
wanese,  held  a  war-feast,  roasted  a  who'e  ox,  and  agreed  upon  the  manner 
of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  expedition  knew  fully  its  destina- 
tion. With  such  secrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Moravian  settlements 
knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their  vicinity.  They  bore 
an  English  nag,  and  an  English  officer  was  among  them.  It  was  now  10 
August,  1781.    Half-king  sent  in  a  message  to  Salem,  requesting  the  inliab- 


•  His  Indian  name,  according  to  Heckewelder,  was  Hopocan,  and  si^jnified  a  Tobacco- 
pipe  'I'liis  nnmc  lie  bore  until  about  1763,  when  ihat  of  KogIkschquanohkt.  was  subsli- 
tuled.  'I'liis  meant,  Maker  of  Day-Light,  Of  the  word  pipe,  a  more  exiendcil  notice  should 
be  taken.  The  French  writers  generally  use  the  name  calumet,  which  means  the  same  thine, 
and,  of  its  origin,  Barou  Lahontan,  "Voyages  dans  L'Amerique,"  i.  401,  observes  as  fol- 
lows :  — "  It  is  a  Norman  word,  which  comes  from  chalumeau,  and  was  introduced  into  Canada 
by  the  people  of  that  nation,  on  their  first  coming  into  this  country,  by  whom  it  has  ever  since 
been  used.  The  Iroquois  call  it  Ganondao4.  and  the  other  Indian  nations,  Poaoan;"  this, 
allowing  for  the  ditference  between  the  French  and  English  idioms,  will  agree  tolerably  with 
Mr.  Herkfirelders  HopoCAW.  A  chief  named  Pipe  signed  a  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  in  1814, 
nitli  112otliers,  by  which  it  seems  the  Delawares  perpetuated  it.  It  followed  that  of  IMiite-eyes, 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


liiHi 


itnntfl  not  to  ho  nlnrmed,  for  tliey  nhoiilcl  rrrcive  no  injury,  nnil  llmt  lie  had 
good  words  to  Dornk  to  tlicrn,  and  witthcd  to  know  nt  which  of  th«  wttk- 
iMcntK  thoy  mi^lit  hold  a  council  with  them.  Gnadcuhuvttun  h«-ing  ivun\ 
niioti,  ail  iiMRcinhled  there  iqion  II  .AngiiHt. 

Meunwhile,  the  ntnnlierH  of  Pipers  ex|>edition  had  incmancd  from  140  to 
•300,  and  almiit  10  days  a(\er,  Half-king  made  the  following  8|)eech  to  tho 
helit'ving  Indians  ancl  their  teachcra: — 

"  Cousins :  yc  i)elieving  Indians  in  Gnadenhuetten,  Bchoenitnum,  and  Salem, 
I  am  much  concerned  on  your  accoimt,  perceiving  that  you  live  in  a  very 
dangerous  spot  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  gods  stand  ready 
opening  tlioir  jaws  wide  against  each  other :  you  are  sitting  down  hetweun 
hotli,  and  thus  in  danger  of  being  devoured  and  ground  to  imwder  hy  the 
teeth  of  either  one  or  the  otiier,  or  both.  It  is  therefore  not  aavisaiile  for  you 
to  stay  here  any  longer.  Consider  your  young  |M;ople,  your  wives,  and  your 
children,  and  preserve  their  lives,  for  here  thdy  must  all  perish.  I  thereforu 
take  you  by  the  hand,  liA  you  up,  and  place  you  in  or  near  m^  dwelling, 
where  you  will  be  Mife  and  dwell  in  |H-ace.     Do  not  stand  looking  at  your 

filantations  and  houses,  but  arise  and  follow  me !  Take  also  your  teachers 
priests]  with  you,  and  worship  God  in  the  place  to  which  I  shall  lead  you, 
as  you  have  been  accustomed  to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  provisions,  and 
our  father  beyond  the  lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  care  tti-  you.  This 
is  my  message,  and  I  am  come  liither  purpost'ly  to  deliver  it." 

The  brethren,  after  taking  this  into  consideration,  remonstrated,  in  feeling 
language,  against  such  an  nnmediate  removal ;  saying  they  did  not  conceive 
that  the  danger  was  so  great,  as,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace  with  all  men, 
and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  would  bring  famin<^  and  distress  uiion 
them,  to  set  out  before  their  harvest  with  nothing  in  their  hands,  but  that  they 
would  keep  and  consider  his  words,  and  would  answer  him  the  next  winter. 
It  was  supposed  that  Half-king  was  willing  to  comply,  but  for  tlic  importunity 
of  Pipe  and  the  English  captam. 

Thisaffiiir  eventuated  in  the  seizure  of  the  missionaries  and  their  removal 
to  Sandusky,  as  has  been  written  in  the  account  of  Glikhikan. 

Captain  Pipe  now  publicly  boasted  of  bis  exploit,  and  said  the  Indians  and 
their  priests  were  his  sla\ts.  TJiey  had  had  but  a  moment's  re|)08e  at  Saii- 
Jiisky,  when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Captain  Pipe  to  conduct  them  to 
him.  They  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  of  seeuig  the  governor  face  to  face, 
believing  they  could  convince  him  that  they  had  never  as.sisted  the  Americans, 
and  accordingly  attended  Pipe  tliifher.  Here  the  missionaries  Zeisbenrer, 
Senscman,  Heckewelder  and  Edwards  had  to  await  a  kind  of  trial,  and  Pipe 
was  the  evidence  against  them.  On  the  9  November,  this  trial  or  examina- 
tion cuiue  on,  and  Captain  Pipe  ap|)eared,  and  spoke  as  follows :  "  Father,  you 
have  commanded  us  to  brine  the  belteving  Ir  Hans  and  their  teachers  from  the.  Mus- 
king-am.  This  has  been  done.  HTien  we  had  brought  them  to  Sundusky,  you 
ordered  us  to  bring  their  teachers  and  some  of  their  chiefs  urUo  you.  Here  you 
see  them  before  you :  now  you  may  speak  with  them  yourself,  as  you  have  desired. 
But  I  hope  you  will  speak  good  words  unto  them,  yea  1  tell  you,  speak  good  words 
unto  them,  for  they  are  my  friends,  and  I  should  be  sorry  to  see  them  ill  used." 
The  governor  then  repeated  to  Pipe  the  charges  he  had  formerly  urged 
iiguiust  the  brethren,  and  called  on  hun  to  prove  his  asseitions.  The  chief 
seemed  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have  happened, 
b'lt  they  would  do  so  no  more,  for  they  were  now  at  Detroit.  This  did  not 
satisfy  the  governor,  and  he  peremptorily  demanded  that  Pipe  should  answer 
positively  to  the  point.  This  caused  him  still  greater  eriibarrassment,  and  he 
itsked  his  counsellors  what  he  should  say,  but  each  held  down  his  head  in 
silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the  only  wise  course,  and  he  thus 
ingenuously  spoke :  "/  said  before,  thai  some  such  thing  might  have  happened, 
bid  noto  I  tvill  tell  you  the  plain  truth.  The  missionaries  are  innocent.  They 
have  done  nothing  of  themselves :  what  they  have  done,  they  were  compelled  to  do. 
J  am  to  blame,  and  the  chiefs  that  were  with  me  in  Goschacl^uenk  :  we  have  forced 
them  to  do  it,  when  they  refused."  The  governor  now  tlecTared  them  tnnoc^ent, 
in  tile  presence  of  the  court,  and  they  were  permitt<:d  to  return  to  theif 
brethren. 


M 

»  •'I 


556 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


J9;        ,tf- 


One  circumstance,  illustrative  of  savage  superstition,  we  will  notice  here. 
When  Pipe's  warriors  were  about  to  force  the  brethren  to  leave  their  dwell- 
in.';s,  it  was  almost  unanimously  concluded  at  one  time  by  the  chiefs,  that 
the  white  brethren  should  be  put  to  death.  They,  however,  would  not  ad- 
venture upon  such  a  deed  without  the  advice  of  one  of  their  common  war- 
riors, who  was  considered  a  great  sorcerer.  His  answer  was,  "  he  could  not 
understand  what  end  it  would  answer  to  kill  them."  Upon  this,  the  chiefs 
held  a  council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not  only  the  white  brethren 
and  their  wives,  but  the  Indian  assistants  also.  When  they  made  this  reso- 
lution known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them,  "  Then  you  have  resolved  to 
kill  my  friends ;  for  most  of  their  chief  people  ire  my  friends :  but  this  J 
tell  you,  that  if  you  hurt  any  one  of  them,  I  know  what  I  will  do ! "  Thit 
threat  deterred  them:  thus  were  the  missionaries  as  well  as  many  others 
saved. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Heckewdder,  that,  notwithstanding  Captain  Pipe  was  so 
cage,  for  the  war  before  its  commencement,  he  soon  became  sorry  for  it 
afterwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case ;  and  yet  he  was  one  of  the 
most  efficient  enemies  of  the  Americans  after  the  peace,  as  will  elsewhere 
appear.  Captain  WhUe-eyea,  or  Koquethagaeehlon,  which  was  his  Indian 
name,*  was  his  particular  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  the  Dela- 
ware nation,  having  been  nearly  alike  distinguished  by  their  courage  on 
many  occasions.  No  one  could  have  more  at  heart  the  welfiu-e  of  their 
country,  than  Captain  While-eyes  had  that  of  the  Delaware  nation,  and  it  is 
not  pretended,  but  that  as  much  should  be  said  of  Captain  Pipe ;  but  they 
were  differently  circumstanced,  and  the  former  was  open  and  fearless  in  his 
declarations  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  while  the  latter  secretly  favored  the 
British.  Thus  they  were  unwillingly  opposed  to  each  other,  and  for  about 
two  years,  one  by  his  frankness  and  the  other  by  his  clandestine  operations 
sti'ove  to  unite  and  strengthen  their  respective  parties. 

Meanwhile  a  circumstance  happened,  which  Captain  Pipe  seized  upon  for 
declaring  war.  MKee,  Elliot,  Girly,  and  several  others,  had  been  held  at 
I'ittsburg  as  tories.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  they  made  an  escape,  and 
fled  into  the  Indian  country,  and,  as  they  went,  proclaimed  to  that  people, 
that  the  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them ;  that  therefore  their  only 
safety  consisted  in  repelling  them  ;  that  they  must  fly  to  amis,  and  fight  them 
in  every  place.  Pipe,  being  rather  inclined  to  war,  believed  all  that  those 
exasperated  fugitives  said ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  tVhile-eyes  would  give  no 
credit  to  them.  Having  got  many  of  his  men  together.  Captain  Pipe  address- 
ed them  with  great  earnestness,  and  with  great  force  of  oratory  said, "  Every  man 
is  an  enemy  to  his  country,  who  endeavors  to  persuade  us  against  fighting  the 
Americans,  and  all  such  ought  surely  to  be  put  to  death."  Captain  ^Vhite-eyea 
was  not  idle,  and  at  the  same  time  had  assembled  the  people  of  his  tribe,  and 
the  substance  of  what  he  said  was,  ^Hhat  if  they  [any  of  his  warriors]  meant 
in  earnest  to  go  out,  as  he  observed  some  of  them  were  preparing  to  do,  they  should 
not  go  without  him.  He  had,  he  said,  taken  peace  measures  in  order  to  save  the 
natwnfrom  uttsr  destruction.  Bid  if  they  believed  that  he  was  in  the  wrong,  and 
gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives,  whom  he  knew  to  be  such,  than  to  himself, 
who  loas  best  acquainted  tvith  the  real  state  of  things ;  if  they  had  determined  to 
follow  their  advice,  and  go  out  against  the  r/hnericans,  he  woulago  out  tvith  them ; 
but  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  be  beaten  about  with 
his  paws,  while  he  keeps  at  a  safe  distance ;  no !  he  tvould  lead  them  on,  place 
himself  in  the  front,  and  be  the  first  who  should  fall,  Thet  only  had  to  determine 
on  tvhnt  they  meant  to  do ;  as  for  Ata  own  mind,  it  was  fully  made  up,  not  to  sur- 
vive his  nation ;  and  he  womd  not  spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in 
bewaili-  g  the  total  destruction  of  a  brave  people,  who  deserved  a  better  fate." 

This  speech  was  spoken  with  a  pathos  and  in  a  manner  calculated  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such,  that  all 
unanimously  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions  and  orders 
and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  otlier  person,  of  any  nation  or  color 
but  Captain  Hliite-eyes. 


According  to  Mr.  Heckeweldtr.    His  residence  was  at  ihe  mouth  of  the  Uig  Beaver. 


Chap.  IV.]  CAPTAIN  PIPE— COSHOCTON  EXPEDITION. 


557 


At  the  same  time,  Captain  White-eyes,  in  order  to  counteract,  as  much  aa 
possible,  tlio  evil  counsel  of  the  white  men  just  mentioned,  despatched  run 
ners  to  the  Shawaneso  towns  on  the  Scioto,  where  these  impostors  had  gone, 
with  the  following  speccli :  "  Grandchildren,  ye  Shaivanese,  some  days  ago,  a 
Jlock  of  birds,  that  had  come  on  from  the  east,  lit  at  Goschochking,  imposing  a 
song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh  proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds, 
which  on  leaving  us,  took  their  fight  towards  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song 
on  you  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie ! " 

A  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  Captain  While-eyes  having  reached 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  course  to  take,  and,  while  thus  confounded,  a  kind 
and  conciliatory  message  was  received  in  the  Delaware  nation,  from  the  Amer- 
ican agent  nf  Indian  antiirs  at  Pittsburg.  It  particularly  cautioned  the  people 
of  that  nation  *^not  to  hearken  to  those  loicked  and  tjtrtlUess  rncn,  who  had  run 
away  from  their  friends  in  the  night,  and  to  be  assured  of  the  real  friendship  of 
the  United  Stales,"  This  comjileted  Pipe's  confusion.  But  after  pondering 
a  while  upon  tlie  wrongs  to  which  his  countrymen  had  for  a  long  time  been 
lauhjected,  like  the  sachem  of  the  VVanipanoags,  he  permitted  his  warriora 
to  go  out,  and  surprise,  and  mwder  all  the  Americans  they  could  lay  their 
hands  ti])on. 

Blood  having  now  begun  to  flow,  barbarities  followed  in  quick  succes- 
sion. Early  in  the  spring  of  1781,*  Colonel  Broailhead  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
vian town  of  Salem,  and  notified  the  inhabitants  that  he  was  on  an  ex])odi- 
tion  against  the  hostile  Indians,  and  gave  them  that  timely  notice  that  they 
might  collect  their  people,  if  any  were  abroad,  that  they  might  not  be  taken 
for  enemies.  "However,"  says  Mr.  Heckewelder,  "whilst  tlie  colonel  was 
assuring  me  that  our  Indians  had  nothing  to  fear,  an  officer  came  with  great 
speed  from  one  quarter  of  the  camp,  and  reported  that  a  particular  division 
of  the  militia  "  were  preparing  to  break  off  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the 
Moravian  settlements  up  the  river,  and  he  feared  they  could  not  be  restrained 
from  so  doing.' "  They  were,  however,  by  the  exertions  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  aided  by  Colonel  Shepherd,  of  Wheeling,  partially  prevented  from 
their  murderous  design.  Thus  tliese  Christian  Indians  were  situated  pre- 
cisely like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Philip's  war.  But  we  have  no  instance 
to  record,  of  the  latter,  equal  in  extent,  for  diabolical  atrocity,  to  that  of  the 
massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  elsewhere  m  ^itioned. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Broadhead  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a  hostile  settle- 
ment near  the  forks  of  the  Muskingum  ;  and  with  such  secrecy  ('id  he  pro- 
ceed, that  not  a  person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  army 
is  not  mentioned ;  but,  not  long  after,  16  warriors  were  put  to  death  with 
shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Colonel  Broad- 
head's  army  a  Delaware  chief  named  Pekillon.f  Sixteen  of  the  captive 
warriors  were  designated  by  him  as  perpetrators  of  murders,  and  they  were 
forthwith  tomahawked  and  scalped.  Tney  were  executed  pursuant  to  the 
decree  of  a  court-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  been  urged  for  this  revolting  transaction,  and  that 
alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief.  Biit  a  short  time  be- 
fore Broo.dSead's  expedition,  a  large  Indian  force,  called  by  the  whites  an 
army,  collected,  and  set  out  for  the  destruction  of  North-western  Virginia. 
This  army  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  their  expectations  were  wrought 
up  to  a  very  high  degree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted,  were  changed  into 
rage  and  fury.  Havmg,  in  their  march,  taken  a  large  number  of  captives, 
they  retreated  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  them  to  trees  and  put  them 
to  death  in  their  barbarous  manner.  Tliis  massacre  was,  however,  confined 
to  their  male  prisoners.  Fathers,  in  presence  of  their  fiimilics,  wore  leu 
forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  and  lamentations,  which  no  creature  but  infu- 
riated man  could  Avitlistand.  This  barbarity  was  the  more  aggravating 
when  it  was  contemplated  that  those  who  fell  into  th«;ir  hands  had  made  no 
resistance !  Nothing,  therefore,  like  just  retribution  was  to  he  (!.\i)octed 
from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when  vengeance  was  the  only  pursuit, 

•  Doddridge,  Notes,  291,  says,  this  "  campaign  "  was  in  llic  summer  of  1780. 
t  The  same  who,  allerwards,  as  I  couclude,  was  a  party  to  Waytit't  treaty. 

47* 


:y* 


i  .1 


! 


t     ^5 
I 


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i 


558     MASSACRE  OF  INDIAN  PRISONERS.— PETCHENANALAS.     [TtooK  V. 

After  every  tiling  hud  been  destroyed  in  the  bidian  country  through  which 
the  Aiuericuns  passed,  tliey  ft  tamed  to  Pittsburg.  Before  ieavuig  Cosiiuc- 
ton,  a  Hhockiiig  circninstauce  v)ccurred,  which  alone  was  sufficient  to  liave 
tarnished  the  most  brilliant  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  the  side  of  the 
river  over  against  tlie  encampment,  and  called  to  the  sentinels,  who  asked 
him  what  he  wanted.  He  answered  that  he  wished  to  see  tlie  "  big  captain  " 
(the  name  by  which  Indians  commonly  designate  the  commander-in-chief). 
Colonel  Broadhead  appeared,  and  asked  him  what  he  wanted,  who  replied, 
"  TVj  :.taA«^eace,"  Then,  said  the  colonel,  send  over  some  of  your  chiefs. 
The  indian  interrogatively  said,  "  May  be  you  kill  ?  "  No,  said  the  colonel, 
they  shall  come  and  go  in  safety.  Hereupon  a  chief  of  most  elegant  appear- 
ance crossed  to  the  encnnipment,  and — I  hesitate  to  relate  it — while  tliia 
chief  was  conversing  with  the  colonel,  a  monster,  of  the  militia,  came  up, 
and  with  a  tomahawk,  which  lie  had  concealed  in  his  clothes,  laid  him  dead 
with  a  single  stroke !  •  The  name  of  this  fiend  was  fVetzel.  The  army  soon 
began  its  retreat,  and  Colonel  Broadhead  having  put  his  prisoners,  (about  20 
in  number,)  into  the  cai'e  of  the  soldiers,  they  immediately  began  to  mas- 
Sucre  them !  all  except  a  few  women  and  children  were  killed.  These  were 
taken  to  Pittsburg,  and  afterwards  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of  white 
prisoneis.t  Thus  the  peace  which  might  have  been  concluded  was  unhappily 
suspended,  and  the  war  afterwards  might  well  have  been  expected  to  exhibit 
scenes  no  less  bloody  than  before. 

A  chief,  called  Pachoantschihilas,  distinguished  himself  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, immediately  upon  the  retreat  of  Colonel  Broadhead's  army ;  not  as  many 
others  have,  but  by  magnanimity  and  address.  And  subsequently  his  name 
was  set  to  many  treaties  between  his  nation  and  the  United  States,  from  that 
of  General  Wayne  at  Greenville  to  tliat  of  St.  Mary's  in  1818 :  if,  indeed, 
Petchenanalas,  Bokongehelas,  and  several  other  variations,  stand  for  the  same 
person.  His  name,  according  to  Heckewelder,  signified  a  Jidfller,  or  one  vho 
succeeds  in  all  he  undertakes.  He  was  a  son  of  a  great  chiet  whose  name  is 
written  Wewandochwalend,  which  signified  one  employed  on  important  messages ; 
and  who  in  the  French  war  was  a  great  captain,  and  in  peace  a  great  coun- 
sellor. He  had  upon  his  under  lip  and  chin  tatooed  the  figure  of  a  water 
lizard,  on  which  account  he  wns  often  called  Tweegachschasu.  Buokongahelas 
was  head  warrior  of  all  the  Delawares  who  lived  on  the  Miami  and  White 
Rivers. 

Petchenanalas,  at  the  head  of  80  warriors,  appeared  suddenly  at  Gna- 
deuhuetten,  surrounding  it  before  day,  allowing  no  one  a  chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  peo])le  were  filled  with  terror.  But  he  soon 
dispelled  tlieir  fears,  by  telling  them  that  he  came  to  take  the  chief  Gelele- 
mend,  and  a  few  other  head  men,  whom  he  would  have,  either  dead  or  alive. 
As  it  happened,  not  one  of  those  he  sought  after  was  there  at  the  time. 
Having  satisfied  himself  of  this  fact,  the  chief  demanded  that  deputies  from 
the  three  Christian  towns  should  meet  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say  to  them. 
When  the  deputies  and  others  had  met,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"  Friends  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  what  I  say  to  you.  You  see  a  great  and 
powerful  nation  divided.  You  sec  the  father  fighting  against  the  son,  and 
the  son  against  the  father. — The  father  has  called  on  his  Indian  children  to 
assist  him  in  punishing  his  children,  the  Americans,  who  have  become  re- 
fractory. I  took  time  to  consider  what  I  should  do ;  whether  or  not  I  shouhl 
receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I  looked  upon  it  as 
a  fumily  quarrel,  in  which  I  was  not  interested.  At  length  it  a|)peured  to  me, 
that  the  fiither  was  in  the  right,  and  his  children  deserved  to  be  j)unii<hed  a 
little. — That  this  must  be  the  case,  I  concluded  from  the  many  cruel  acts  his 
offspring  had  committed,  from  time  to  time,  on  his  Indian  children — hi  en- 
croaching on  their  lands,  stealing  their  projierty — shooting  at  and  murdering 
without  cause,  men,  women,  and  children : — yes,  even  murdering  those,  wlio 
at  all  times  had  been  friendly  to  them,  and  were  placed  for  protection  under 


*  Chronicles  of  Western  SeUlemenls,  pamm. 
t  Doddridge's  Notes,  21)3. 


W  .  (■ 


•^•i 


Chap.  IV.] 


BUOKONGAIIELAS. 


55 


tlie  roof  nf  their  father's  house  ;  •  the  father  himself  standing  sentry  at  the  door, 
at  the  time ! — Friends  and  relatives,  often  has  the  father  been  obliged  to  settle 
and  make  amends  for  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  his  refractory 
children ;  yet  these  do  not  grow  better.  No !  they  remain  the  same,  and  will 
continue  to  be  so,  as  long  as  we  have  any  land  lelt  us !  Look  back  at  the 
murders  committed  by  tiie  Long-Knives  on  many  of  our  relations,  who  lived 
peaceable  neighbors  to  tlictn  on  the  Ohio !  Did  they  not  kill  them  without 
the  least  provocation .' — Are  they,  do  you  think,  better  now,  than  they  were 
then  ?  No !  indeed  not ;  and  many  days  are  not  elapsed,  since  you  had  a 
number  of  these  very  men  near  your  doors,  who  panted  to  kill  you,  but  for- 
tunately were  prevented  from  so  doing,  by  the  Great  Sun,f  who,  at  that  time, 
had  by  the  Great  Spirit  been  ordained  to  protect  you ! " 

The  chief  then  spoke  with  res})ect  of  their  peaceable  mode  of  life,  and 
comtnended  their  desire  to  live  in  friendship  with  all  mankind ;  but  said,  they 
must  be  aware  of  their  exposed  situation — living  in  the  very  road  the  hostile 
parties  must  pass  over,  in  going  to  fight  each  other ;  that  they  had  just  es* 
coped  destruction  from  one  of  these  parties ;  that  therefore  no  time  should 
be  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  Miami,  where  tliey  would  be 
entirely  out  of  danger. 

The  Christian  Lidians  replied,  that,  as  they  had  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, they  thought  they  need  not  fear  injury  from  them;  that  if  their 
friends  at  war  wished  them  well,  in  truth,  they  would  not  moke  their 
settlement  upon  the  path  they  took  to  go  to  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  the  same  way ;  and  tliat  they  could  not  remove  without  great 
detriment ;  and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  consent 
to  go. 

Pachganlsddhilaa  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  chief  men,  and 
answered  very  feelingly  to  what  the  brethre'i  had  said.  He  observed  that  he 
was  sorry  that  they  should  difiVr  from  him  in  opinion,  but  that  he  had  no 
intention  to  use  compulsion,  and  only  requested  that  those  might  be  permit- 
ted to  go,  whose  fears  prompted  tliem  to  it.  This  was  readily  a^isented  to, 
and  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  departed.  At  Salem  they  made  a 
short  stay,  where  they  conducted  themselves  as  they  hud  done  at  Gnaden- 
huetten.  Here  a  family  of  old  people  joined  them,  through  fear  of  what  Pach- 
garUschihUas  had  predicted,  and  the  event  justified  the  proceeding!  The 
massacre  of  Gnadenhuctten  will  ever  be  remembered  with  the  deepest  regret 
and  indignation. 

Nothing  was  feared  from  the  good  Petchenarudas ;  but  the  prowling  mon- 
sters JiPKee,  Girty,  Elliot,  and  perhaps  others,  calling  themselves  white,  were 
the  plotters  of  the  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  at  Gnadenhuctten,  which  foU 
lowed  not  long  afler. 

Our  present  design  makes  it  expedient  that  we  pass  over  many  events  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  frontier  wars,  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  proceed  with 
more  minuteness  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  eminent  chiefs.  Although 
we  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,  derive  Buokontrakelas  from  PachgarUad- 
hUa»  or  Petchenanalas,  yet,  as  they  have  as  much  affinity  as  Pomelacom  and 
Mdacomet,  we  shall  let  tiiem  pass  for  the  same  person,  and  thus  continue  our 
narrative. 

3tiokongahelas  was  not  only  a  great,  but  a  noble  warrior.    He  took  no  de- 
light in  shedding  blond ;  and  when  he  raised  the  hatchet  on  the  side  of  the 
British  in  the  revolution,  it  was  for  the  best  of  reasons ;  and  would  that  nume- 
rous other  allies  we  could  name  had  acted  from  as  pure  motives !     Our  n  >rt 
notice  of  Biwkonvakelas  is  in  17'J2,  when  he  showed  himself  no  less  mngnt 
imous  tluin  at  Gnadenhuetten  and  Salem.     Colonoi  Hardin,  Major  Trueman 
and  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  this  year,  by  Washinfcton,  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  particularly  the  Mnumee  towns 
They  having  arrived  near  the  Indian  town  of  Au  Glaize  on  the  south-wes 

*  Alhuliii;  to  the  murder  of  the  Concstof^^a  Indians,  which  was  as  atrocious  as  that  at  Gaa 
denhaotten,  nnd  of  which  we  shall  in  due  course  five  a  relation. 
f  Rel'erriiig  to  what  we  have  jusl  related  of  Colonel  Daniel  Broadhead  and  his  army. 


■■I 


*: 


1^1 


560 


BUOKONGAHELAS.— MURDER  OF  COL.  HARDIN. 


IDooi  V. 


bran(;h  of  tlie  Miami  of  the  Lake,  fell  in  with  some  Indiann,  who  treated 
tliem  well  at  first,  and  made  many  professions  of  friendsliip,  but  in  the  end 
took  Rdvantage  oi'  them,  while  on  their  guard,  and  murdered  nearly  all  of 
them.  Tiie  interpreter  made  his  escape,  aAer  some  time,  and  gave  an  ac- 
count of  the  transaction.  His  name  was  H'iUiam  Smallif ;  and  he  had  been 
Kome  time  before  with  the  Indians,  and  had  learned  then'  manners  and  cus- 
toms, whicii  gave  him  some  advantage  in  being  able  to  save  himself.  lie  was 
at  first  conducted  to  Au  Gluize,  and  soon  after  to  '■^  Biwkimgahela,  king  of  the 
Dela wares,  by  his  captors."  Tlie  chief  told  those  that  committed  the  murder, 
ht  was  very  sorry  they  had  killed  the  men.  That  instead  of  so  doing,  they  should 
have  brought  them  to  the  hulian  towns ;  and  then,  if  wlutt  tliey  had  to  say  had  not 
been  liked,  it  would  have  been  time  enough  to  have  killed  them  Uien.  J\olhing,  he 
said,  could  justify  them  for  putting  them  to  death,  as  Ihere  was  no  chance  for  them 
to  escape.  The  truth  was,  they  ki'led  them  to  plunder  their  effects.  Buokon- 
gahelas  took  Mr.  Smally  into  his  cabin,  and  showed  him  great  kindness ;  told 
him  to  stay  there  while  he  could  go  safely  to  his  former  Indian  tiiends. 
(He  having  been  adopted  into  an  Indian  fiimily,  in  place  of  one  who  had 
been  killed,  in  his  former  captivity.)  While  here  with  Buokongahelas, 
which  was  near  a  month,  Mr.  Smally  said  the  chief  would  not  permit 
him  to  go  abroad  alone,  for  fear,  he  said,  that  the  young  Indians  would 
kill  him. 

From  another  source  we  learn  the  names  of  several  of  the  murdered.  "  A 
letter  from  Paris  (in  the  new  French  settlement),  dated  July  17,  states,  that 
intelligence  had  been  received  at  Fort  Jeffiirson,  of  the  death  of  Major  True- 
nuin,  Mr.  IVeeman,  Debachi  and  Jairat.  That  this  inlbrmation  was  brought 
by  two  i)risoners,  wiio  were  laboring  in  a  cornfield,  and  made  their  escapo. 
Tlie  one  had  biien  taken  pri-soncr  at  the  time  General  Harmer  was  defeated — 
the  other  is  William  Dtier,  of  Capt.  Buchanan^a  comjmny  of  levies.  They 
further  inform,  that  on  the  15th  June  a  party  of  Indians  took  8  men  prisoners, 
who  were  making  hay  near  Fort  Jefierson ;  that  when  they  had  moved  the 
prisoners  some  liistunce  from  the  fort,  they  divided  them — four  were  given 
to  the  Chippewas,  and  four  to  the  Shawunese — that  the  Shawanese  burnt  the 
four  unfortunately  assigned  to  them — that  the  Chippewas  took  theirs  home, 
to  the  uitent  of  making  laborers  of  them — that  the  Indians  are  determined 
for  war,  and  will  not  treat,  but  will  kill  every  white  person  that  attempts  to 
go  to  tliem,  either  with  or  without  a  flag — that  their  present  plan  is  to  cut  of!" 
the  escorts  of  provisions  destined  to  the  outposts,  and  by  that  means  oblige- 
the  troops  stationed  there  to  surrender ;  and  that  for  this  purpose  they  kept 
two  spies  constantly  out."  • 

It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  tlie  British,  at  the  battle  of  Presque-Isle,  for- 
ever changed  the  mind  of  this  chief,  as  it  did  that  of  many  others,  in  regard 
to  them.  Buokongahelas  said  he  would  henceforth  trust  them  no  more.  The 
fort  at  Maiimeo  was  critically  situated,  but  by  its  own  imprudence.  The  offi- 
cers of  it  had  told  the  Indians  that  if  the  buttle  turned  against  them,  they 
should  have  protection  in  the  fort.  Immediately  a.'ler,  Genci-ui  Wayne  in- 
formed thein,  that  if  they  did  protect  the  Indians  in  that  event,  he  would 
treat  them  as  though  found  in  arms  against  him ;  therefore,  tiiinking  their 
own  safety  of  more  consequence  than  keeping  their  faith  with  the  Indians, 
they  barred  the  gates,  and  were  idle  spectators  of  those  they  had  basely  1 1  - 
frayed,  cut  down  in  great  numbers  by  the  swords  of  the  horsemen,  under 
their  very  ramparts ! 

It  would  seem  from  a  passage  in  the  Memoirs  of  General  Harrison,^  that 
Buokongaliflas  died  soon  "after  die  treaty  of  1804;  "that  if  he  had  been 
alive,  Mr.  Dawson  thinks,  when  Tecunseh  and  the  Prophet  enlisted  so  many 
nations  against  the  Americans,  he  would  not  have  suffered  tli('ir  i)lans  to 
have  been  matured.  The  same  author  relates  an  incident  of  peculiar  interest, 
concerning  our  subject,  which  is  as  follows: — Afler  the  fight  with  Waynt^s 
army  before  mentioned,  Buokongalielas  collected  the  remnant  of  his  Imnd, 
and  embarked  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up  the  river,  to  send  a  flag  of 


Carey's  Museum,  xii.  15. 


t  By  Mr.  Dawson,  page  82. 


w^% 


Chap.  IV] 


CAPTAI^   PIPE.— GELELEMEM). 


561 


truce  to  Fort  IVame.  When  the  chief  arrived  ngniiist  tlie  British  fort,  he 
was  requested  to  land,  wliicii  he  did.  When  he  liadapprouchcii  tiie  seiitiiiol, 
he  demanded,  " /f/wt  have  you  to  say  to  me')"  Ho  was  answered  that  the 
rnmmandant  desired  to  spealc  with  him.  "  Then  he  may  come  here,"  wa.s  tlic 
n'ply.  The  sentry  then  said  the  officer  would  not  do  that,  and  that  he  would 
not  be  allowed  to  pass  the  fort,  if  he  did  not  comply  with  its  rules.  "  ^Vkat 
shall  prevent  me '}  "  said  tlie  intrepid  chief.  Pointing  to  the  cannon  of  the  fort, 
the  sentry  said,  "Those."  The  chief  replied  indignantly,  "/ _/enr  not  your 
cannon :  afler  suffering  the  Jim  ricans  to  defile  your  spring,  without  daring  tojire 
on  them,  you  cannot  expect  to  frighten  Buokongehelas."  He  reeinharked,  and 
passed  the  fort,  without  nioh-stjition.  By  "  defiling  their  spring,"  he  meant 
an  ironical  reproach  to  the  British  garrison  for  their  treachery  to  the  Indians, 
which  has  been  mentioned. 

It  is  said  that  Buokongahelas  was  present  at  Fort  M'Intosh,  at  the  treaty 
of  178.J ;  but  as  his  naiue  is  not  among  the  signers,  we  suppose  he  was 
opposed  to  it.  General  George  R.  Clark,  Arthur  Lee,  and  Richard  Butler,  were 
the  American  commissioners ;  the  former  had  been  a  successful  warrior  againr^t 
the  Lidians,  which  had  gained  him  the  respect  of  Buokongahelas:  and  wiieu 
he  had  an  opportunity,  he  passetl  the  others  without  noticmg  them,  but  went 
and  took  General  Clark  by  the  hand,  and  said,  "/  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for 
having  this  day  brought  together  two  such  great  ivarriors,  as  Buokonoahelas 
and  Gen.  Clark." 

A  separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  named,  illustrates  the  history  of  several 
chiefs  already  mentioned.  It  is  in  these  words: — "It  is  agreed  that  the  Del- 
aware chiefs  Kelelamand,  [Gelclemend,  Killbuck,]  or  Colonel  Henry;  Hengue- 
vushees,  or  the  Big-cat ;  Wtcocalind,  or  Captain  While-eyes ;  who  took  u|)  the 
natchet  lor  the  United  States,  and  their  families,  shall  be  received  into  the 
Delawfu-e  nation,  in  the  same  situation  and  rank  as  before  the  war,  and  enjoy 
their  due  portions  of  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations  in  this 
treaty,  as  fully  as  if  they  had  not  taken  part  with  Americji." 

Gei.elemend,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  those  noticed  in  the  provision 
of  the  treaty  ol"  Fort  M'Intosh,  we  will  proceed  to  consider  in  this  i)lace. 
His  name  signified  A  leader,  but  he  was  called  Killbuck  because  the  whites 
had  so  called  his  father,  and  to  distinguish  him,  junior  was  added.  Upon 
the  death  of  White-eyes,  he,  as  that  chief  had  done,  accepted  the  office  of 
chief,  until  the  young  heir  should  be  old  enough  to  fil!  the  important  place. 
He  continued  the  course  of  measures  carried  on  by  his  predecessor,  but  in 
spite  of  all  he  could  do.  Captain  Pipe  succeeded  in  defeating  his  designs. 
Such  was  the  power  of  Pi/  ,  that  Gelelemend  and  his  party  were  forced 
through  fear  to  abandon  their  council-house  at  Goschoehking,  and  retire 
under  the  protection  of  the  Americans  near  Pittsburg.  Here  they  supposed 
themselves  safe,  but  they  were  soon  disiippointed ;  "for  while  the  fiiendly 
chiefs,  together  with  a  number  of  their  pi?ople,  were  peaceably  living  together 
on  an  island  just  below  the  town  of  Pittsburg,  they  were  suddenly  surprised 
and  attacked  by  the  murdering  party  which  had  returned  from  killing  I'ear  a 
hundred  of  the  Christian  Indians,  and  partly  killed  and  partly  put  to  flight, 
from  whence  this  chief  (Killbuck)  saved  his  life  only  by  taking  to  tln! 
river  and  swimming  across  to  tlie  point,  or  town,  [of  Pittsburg]  leaving  all 
his  property  behind  ;  among  wiiicii  way  tJic  bag  containing  all  the  waiiipui!i 
speeches  and  written  documents  of  William  Penn  and  his  succ(!ssors  lor  a 
great  number  of  years,  which  had  for  so  loisg  a  time  been  carefully  preserved 
by  them,  but  now  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  mmdering  band  of  white 
eavagcs,  who  killed  at  the  same  time  the  promising  young  Delaware  chief 
above  mentioned."  The  many  services  he  rendered  to  Pemisylvaiiia  were 
known  and  appreciated ;  whieii  services,  however,  being  obnoxious  to  the 
enemy,  drew  their  hatred  u|)0ti  him,  so  much  so,  that  they  ordered  any  tiiat 
should  meet  with  him  to  shoot  him  dead.  He  therefore  n  mained  concealed 
some  time  afler  the  peace  with  the  Indiaiis,  with  his  fainiiy  at  I'ittsbiirg.  He 
finally  jrined  the  Christian  Indians  and  lived  undrr  tlieir  jiioteetion  ;  never 
venturing  far  from  home,  lest  tia;  .Muiiseys  shoidil  meet  \^  iiii  and  kill  him 
He  was  ba|)tizcd  by  the  name  of  William  Henry,  a  name  he  had  been  long 
known  under,  and  which  was  that  of  a  distinguished  member  of  congresHi 

Jii 


■■l'^ 


■J<  f 


I 


662 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V, 


Mk 


m:i 


conferred  by  himself.     Killhuck*  died  in  the  faith  in  January,  1811,  aged 
about  80.t 

At  tlie  time  these  peaceable  Indians  were  murderously  driven  from  their 
isluiid,  as  just  noticed,  Z;(i/c-ccU|  narrowly  escaped  the  slaughter.  He  retired 
to  the  Miami  country,  where  ho  atlerwards  died.  He  had  been  an  able 
counsellor,  and  afterwards  a  chief  of  the  Turtle  tribe.f  But  to  return  to 
Captain  Pipe. 

At  one  time  after  an  expedition  against  the  Americans,  Captain  Pipe  Avrnt 
to  Detroit,  where  he  was  received  with  resp(!ct  by  tiie  British  coiiiniundant, 
W'lO,  with  his  attendants,  was  invited  to  the  council-house,  to  give  an  account 
of  past  transactions.  He  was  seated  in  front  of  his  Indians,  tiicingthe  chitf 
of:ker,  and  held  in  his  left  hand  a  short  stick,  to  which  was  fastened  a  scalp. 
After  a  usual  pause,  he  arose  and  spoke  as  follows : — 

"  Father,  [then  he  stooped  a  little,  and,  turning  towards  the  audience,  with 
a  countenance  full  of  great  expression,  and  a  sarcastic  look,  siiicl,  in  a  lower 
tone  of  voice,] "  /  Jiave  said  father,  although,  indeed,  I  do  not  know  why  /  am 
to  call  HIM  so,  having  never  known  any  other  Jatlwr  than  the  French,  and  consider- 
ing  the  English  only  as  brothers.  But  as  this  name  is  also  imposed  upon  iw, 
/  sluUl  make  use  of  it,  and  say,  [at  the  same  time  fixing  his  eyes  upon  the  com- 
maiidant,]  Father,  some  time  ago  you  put  a  war  haicliet  into  my  hands,  saying, 
'  Take  this  weapon  and  try  it  on  the  heads  of  my  enemies,  the  Long-Knives,  and 
let  me  qflerwaras  know  if  it  toas  sharp  and  good.'  Fattier,  at  the  time  when  you 
gave  me  this  weapon,  1  had  neither  cause  nor  inclination  to  go  to  war  against  a 
people  who  liad  done  me  no  injury ;  yet  in  obedience  to  you,  wIm  say  you  are  my 
/ather,  and  call  me  your  child,  I  received  the  hatchet ;  well  knowing,  that  if  I  did 
iwt  obey,  you  would  witliholdfrom  me  tlie  necessaries  of  life,  without  which  I  could 
not  subsist,  and  which  are  iwt  elsewhere  to  be  procured,  but  at  the  house  of  my 
father. —  I'oit  may  perhaps  think  me  a  fool,  for  risking  my  life  at  your  bidding,  {re 
a  cause  too,  by  which  I  have  no  prospect  of  gaining  any  tiling ;  fur  it  is  your  cause 
and  not  mine.  It  is  your  concern  to  fight  the  hong-Knives ;  you  have  raised  a 
quarrel  amongst  yourselves,  and  you  ought  yourselves  to  fight  it  out.  You  should 
not  compel  your  children,  tlic  Indians,  to  expose  themselves  to  danger,  for  your  sakes. 
— Fattier,  many  lives  have  already  b^en  lost  on  your  account ! — JVations  have  suf- 
fered, anil  been  weakened! — children  have  lost  parents,  brotliers,  and  relatives! — 
wives  tutve  lost  husbands ! — It  is  not  known  how  many  more  may  perish  before 
your  war  will  be  at  an  end! — Fattier,  Itmvesaid,  ttuit  you  may,  perhaps,  think  me 
afoot,  for  tlius  thougtdlessly  rustling  on  your  enemy ! — Do  not  believe  tltis,  father*: 
Think  not  that  I  ward  sense  to  conmnce  me,  that  alttwugh  you  now  pretend  to  keep 
up  a  perpetual  enmity  to  the  Long-Knives,  you  may  before  long  conclude  a  peace 
with  ttiem. — Father,  you  say  you  love  your  ctiildren,  the  Indians. — Ttiis  you  tuive 
often  told  Itiem,  and  indeed  it  is  your  interest  to  say  so  to  them,  tliat  you  may  have 
them  at  your  service.  But,  father,  who  of  us  can  believe  ttiat  you  can  love  a  people 
of  a  dijferent  color  from  your  own,  better  ttian  those  who  tiave  a  white  skin  like 
yourselves  ?  Father,  pay  attention  to  wtiat  I  am  going  to  say.  JfTiile  you,  father, 
are  setting  me  [meaning  the  Indians  in  general]  on  your  enemy,  much  in  the 
same  manner  as  a  hunter  sets  his  dog  on  live  game ;  wliile  I  am  in  live  act  of  rustling 
on  that  enemy  of  yours,  with  tlie  bloody  destructive  weapon  you  gave  me,  1 
may,  perctiance,  tutppen  to  look  back  to  ttie  place  from  tutience  you  started  me ;  and 
what  studl  I  see'}  Perhaps  I  may  see  my  fattier  studcing  tiands  with  ttie  Long- 
Knives  ;  yes,  tvith  these  venj  people  tie  now  calls  his  enemies,  I  may  then  see  him 
laugh  at  my  folly  for  having  obeyed  his  orders;  and  yet  I  am  now  risking  my  life 
at  his  command !  Father,  keep  tctiat  I  tiave  said  in  rememl)rance. — Ao«),  father, 
txere  is  tohat  lias  been  done  wilti  ttie  tmtctiet  you  gave  me.  [With  these  words  he 
handed  the  stick  to  tlie  commandant,  with  the  si-alp  ujjon  it,  above  men- 
tioned.] I  tutve  done  with  ttie  hatchet  wtiat  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found  it 
sharp.    JVeverttieless,  I  did  not  do  all  tfuU  I  might  tiave  done.   JVo,  I  did  not.    My 

*  Another  of  tlio  same  name  is  mentioned  by  ,Mr.  Latrobe,  llambles,  ii.  Ilfl,  whom  he  saw 
•t  New  Fairfield  in  1832  j  "  a  venerable  "  ."nan  "  watching  the  bed  of  his  dying  daughter,  the 
last  of  12  chihlren." 

t  Heckewelder's  Hio<raphy  of  tlie  Delawares,  &.C.,  in  Philos,  Trans. 

i  Machingiie  Puschtis,  according:  to  lieckewelder. 


W^fi!'';, 


Chap.  IV.l         CAPTAIN  PIPE.— CRAWFORD'S  EXPEDITION. 


'  compassion  J 


5(53 


•  your  inemy.  Innocence  [liclpless 
mamls ;  therefore  J  dMji^uished — I 
spared.  I  took  some  live  flesh,  which,  while  1  was  bringing  to  you,  I  spied  one  of 
your  targe  canoes,  on  which  I  put  it  for  you.  In  a  few  days  you  mil  recover  this 
nesli,  and  find,  thai  the  skin  is  of  the  same  color  with  your  own.  Father,  I  hope 
you  loill  not  destroy  what  /  have  saved.  You,  father,  have  the  means  of  prescrv- 
t}ig  thai  which  uriin  me  would  ptrishfor  want.  The  tcairior  is  poor,  and  his  cabin 
is  always  empty ;  but  your  house,  father,  is  always  full." 

Atler  II  high  encomium  upon  tliis  speecli,  wiiich  need  not  be  repeated,  ]\Tr 
Ileckewelder  ^ays,  "It  is  but  justice  here  to  say,  that  Pipe  was  well  ac(iuuiut- 
cd  with  the  noble  and  gimerous  character  of  the  British  officer  to  whom  tiiis 
Bpeech  was  addressed.  He  is  still  living  in  his  own  country,  an  honor  to  the 
liritish  name.  He  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  superiors,  in  employing  the  In- 
dians to  tight  against  us;  but  he  did  it  with  reluctaiice,  and  soitcned  >'.s  nuich 
as  was  in  his  power  the  horrors  of  that  abominable  warfare.  He  esteemed 
Captain  Pipe,  and,  1  have  no  douht,  was  well  pleased  with  the  humane  con- 
duct of  this  Indian  chief,  whose  sagacity  in  this  uistance  is  no  less  deserving 
of  praise  than  his  eloquence." 

The  name  of  Captain  Pipe  ie  unfortunately  associated  with  the  history  of  the 
lamented  Colonel  William  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  stake,  alter  suff taring 
the  most  horrible  and  excruciating  tortures  possible  for  Indians  to  inflict.  He 
was  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  from  having  heen  many  years  a  successful 
commander  against  them.  He  fell  into  the  hiuids  of  the  Indians  not  far  from 
Upper  Sanduslcy,  in  the  latter  etui  of  May,  1782.  At  this  time  he  was  arriv».<l 
there,  at  tiie  head  of  a  band  of  ai)out  .500  volunteers,  who  were  attacked  and 
put  to  flight,  without  having  accjuittcd  themselves  like  soldiers  in  any  degree  : 
except,  indued,  some  individual  instances.  At  least  a  hundred  were  killed 
and  taken,  and  of  the  latter,  but  two  are  said  ever  to  have  escaped- 

Captain  Pipe,  if  not  the  princi|)al,  was  probably  one  of  tiie  chief  leaders  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  When  the  rout  of  the  army  began,  instead  of  re- 
treating in  a  body,  they  fled  in  small  parties,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  pn'y  into 
the  hands  of  their  pursuers.  Colonel  Crawford  became  separated  tium  the 
main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extreme  anxiety  for  his  son,  and  two  or  three 
other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  were  in  the  rear,  and  thcrel'ore  waited 
for  them  an  unreasonable  time.  He  at  length  fled,  in  company  with  a  l>r. 
Knighl  and  two  others.  Unfortunately,  after  travelling  nearly  two  days,  they 
were,  with  several  others,  surprised  by  a  party  of  Dehiwares,  and  conducted 
to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Here  Captain  Pipe,  witii  his  own  hands,  painted 
Craioford  and  Knighl  black  in  every  part  of  their  bodiet,.  A  place  culled 
the  New  Wyandot  Town  was  not  far  off.  To  diis  place  they  were  now 
ordered,  and  Pipe  told  Crawford,  that  when  he  arrived  there,  his  head  should 
be  shaved ;  of  which,  it  seems,  he  did  not  understand  the  import.  These  mis- 
erable inr-n  were  accompanied  by  Pipe  aiul  another  noted  Delaware  chief, 
named  Wingenim.  Several  other  caf)tivfc8  had  been  sent  forward ;  and  in  tiio 
way,  as  Knight  and  Crawford  passed  along,  they  saw  four  of  the  mangled 
bodies  of  their  friends,  lying  upon  the  ground,  dead  and  scalped.  Nine  others 
had  been  picked  up  at  the  same  time  the  two  just  named  were,  and  four  of 
these  were  those  murdered  in  the  way.  The  other  five  met  a  like  fiite,  from 
the  hands  of  Indian  squaws  and  boys  at  the  destined  village.  Here  Crawfora 
and  Knight  saw  Sinwn  Girty,  of  whom  no  human  being  since,  we  aj)prehen(i, 
has  spoken  or  written  witliout  indignation.  He  is  represented  to  have  wit- 
nessed the  torture  of  Crawford  with  much  satisfaction ! 

Atler  the  colonel  was  tied  to  the  fatal  post.  Captain  Pipe  addressed  the  assem- 
bled Indians  inanearnestspeech,  which  when  he  had  closed,  they  all  joined  in 
tt  hideous  yell,  and  fell  to  torturing  the  j)risoner,  which  continued  lor  ahout 
three  hours,  when  he  sunk  down  upon  his  face,  and  with  a  groan  exjjired. 

Dr.  Knight  was  reserved  for  tiie  same  fate,  and  wsis  present,  and  ohligud  to 
bear  the  agonizing  ejaculations  of  his  friend,  and  at  last  to  see  him  expire- 
without  being  abln  to  render  him  even  the  a-^sistance  of  a  consoling  word!— 
Indeed  the  thoughts  of  his  own  coiulifion,  and  the  end  that  awaited  him, 
were  as  much,  nay,  more,  perhaps,  than  a  rational  mind  could  bear.  There 
Eeented  no  possibility  of  a  deliverance ;  but  it  came  in  an  unexpected  hour 


J' 


•I 

■■rr 


r-. 


{mm  .; 


564 


WINCENU.ND'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  COL.  CRAWFORD.         [Book  V 


He  was  to  Ihj  sent  to  tlie  Snwnnee  Town,  nnd  for  this  purjwse  was  intriiBteil 
to  a  young  warrior,  who  watched  hiii;  incessantly.  The  distance  was  nhoiit 
4U  miles;  and,  (hiring  thoir  march,  he  found  means  to  knock  down  his  driver 
mid  make  good  his  escape,  lie  wasSl  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  waa 
nearly  famished  when  he  arrived  at  Fort  M'lntosh.  At  the  place  to  which 
In-  was  destinet'  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  Cmwfordfa  son,  son-in-law,  and  sev- 
eral others,  wer^  put  to  death  about  the  same  time. 

ff'ingenund,  Wmf^nnoorul,  or  Wingaynoond,  had  an  interview  with  Colonel 
Crawford  iirnnediately  before  his  execution,  and  as  the  substance  of  what 
I>asscd  bet./een  the  victhn  and  the  chief  has  been  preserved,  it  shall  hen; 
l»o  given,  not  merely  for  the  history  which  it  contains,  but  as  it  strikingly 
lirings  to  view  the  manner  in  which  an  Lidian  exercises  his  views  of  justice 
in  an  extraordinary  case. 

This  chief  had  been  known  to  Crawford  some  time  before,  and  had  been 
on  terms  of  true  friendship  with  him,  and  kindly  entertained  by  him  at  his 
own  house ;  and  such  acts  of  kindness  all  red  men  remember  with  gratitude. 
ft'ini^emmd  does  not  appear  to  have  been  present  when  the  first  preparations 
were  made  for  burning  the  prisoner,  hut  resided  not  far  from  the  fatal  spot,  and 
had  retired  to  his  cabin  that  he  might  not  see  the  sentence  of  his  nation  exe- 
cuted upon  one  calling  him  his  friend ;  but  Crawford  requested  that  he  might 
be  sent  for,  cheering  his  almost  rayless  mind  with  the  tiiint  hope  that  hn 
would  interpose  and  save  him.  Accordingly,  ff'ingenund  soon  appeared  in 
the  presence  of  the  bound  and  naked  white  man.  He  wasasked  by  Crawford  if 
he  knew  him,  wIjo  said,  he  believed  he  did,  and  asked,  "Are  you  not  Cfolonel 
Crawford'}"  "I  am,"  n  plied  the  colonel.  The  chief  discovered  much  agi- 
tation and  embarrassment,  and  ejaculated — "So! — Yes! — Indeed!"  "Do 
you  not  recollect  the  friendship  that  always  existed  between  us,  and  that  we 
were  always  glad  to  seeeach  other?" said  Crauford.  "Yes,"  said  the  chief,  "1 
remember  all  this,  and  that  we  have  ollen  drank  together,  and  that  you  have 
been  kind  tome."  "Tlien  I  hope,"  added  Crawford,  "  the  same  friendship 
t<till  contiimus."  "  It  would  of  course,"  said  fVingenund, "  were  you  where  you 
ought  to  be, and  not  here."  "And  why  not  here?"  said  the  colonel;  "I  hope 
you  would  not  desert  a  friend  in  time  of  need.  Now  is  the  time  for  you  to 
exert  yourself  in  my  behalf!  "s  I  should  do  for  you,  were  you  in  my  place." 
"Colonel  Cratoford"  replied  tVingennnd,  "you  have  placed  yourself  in  a  sit- 
uation which  puts  it  out  of  my  power  nnd  that  of  others  of  your  friends  to 
do  any  thing  for  you."  "How  so,  Captain  JVingenund'7"  s&iA  the  colonel. 
He  added,  "By  joining  yourself  to  that  exeerahhj  man,  Williavison  and  his 
party.  Tiie  man  who  but  the  other  day  murdered  such  a  number  of  the 
jMoravian  Indians,  knowing  them  to  be  friends ;  knowing  that  he  nm  no  risk 
ill  murdering  a  peop.e  who  would  not  fight,  and  whose  only  business  was 
praying."  "  I  Jut  I  assure  you,  jyingenund"  said  Craiiford, "  that  had  I  been  with 
iiiiii  at  the  time,  this  would  not  have  happened.  Not  I  alone,  but  all  your 
fViends  and  all  good  men,  wiierever  th(<y  are,  reprobate  acts  of  this  kind." 
"  That  may  be,"  said  fVingenund,  "  yet  these  friends,  these  good  men  did  not 
jirevent  him  from  going  out  again,  to  kill  the  remainder  of  those  inoftiinsive, 
yet  foolish  Moravian  Indians !  I  say  foolish,  because  they  believed  the  wliites 
in  ])reference  to  us.  We  had  often  told  them  that  they  would  he  one  day  so 
treated  by  those  people  who  called  themselves  their  friends!  We  told  them 
that  there  was  no  faith  to  be  placed  in  what  the  white  men  said ;  that  their 
fair  promises  were  only  intended  to  allure  us,  that  they  might  the  more  easily 
l:ill  us,  as  they  have  done  many  Indians  before  they  killed  these  Moravians." 
'■I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  speak  tlius,"  said  Crauford:  "as  to  Williamson's  going 
out  again,  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  determined  on  it,  I  went  out  witli 
him,  to  prevent  him  from  committing  fresh  murdere."  "This,"  said  Wingt- 
nund,  "  the  Indians  would  not  believe,  were  even  I  to  tell  them  so."  Craufora 
tlien  a.sked,  "And  why  would  they  not  believe  it?  "Because,"  replied  JFin- 
tremind,  "it  would  have  been  out  of  your  power  to  prevent  his  doing  what 
he  |)lease(l."  "Out  of  mypower?"  exclaimed  the  colonel,  and  asked,  "Have 
any  Moravian  Indians  been  killed  or  hurt  since  we  came  out?"  "None," 
answered  the  chief;  "hut  you  went  first  to  tiieir  town,  and  finding  it  empty 
and  deserted,  you  turned  on  the  patli  towards  us.    If  you  had  b^en  in  search 


i 


Chap.  IV.] 


COL.  CRAWFORD  BURNT  AT  THE  STAKE. 


5u5 


of  warriors  only,  you  would  not  have  gone  thither.  Our  spies  watched  you 
closely.  They  saw  you  while  you  were  embodying  yourselves  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Ohio.  They  saw  you  cross  that  river — they  saw  where  you  encamiied 
at  night — they  saw  you  turn  off  from  the  path  to  the  deserted  Moravian  town — 
tliey  knew  you  were  going  out  of  your  way — your  stejis  were  conHtatitly  watcii- 
ed,  and  you  were  suffered  quietly  to  proceed  until  you  reached  the  8]iot 
wliere  you  were  attacked." 

Crawford,  doubtless,  with  this  sentence,  ended  his  last  rays  of  hope.  He  asked, 
with  faint  emotion,  "\Vhat  do  they  intend  to  do  with  me .'"  wlien  Wingenund 
frankly  replied, "  I  tell  you  with  grief.  As  fVilliamson,  with  his  whole  cowardly 
host,  ran  off  in  the  night  at  the  whistling  of  our  warriors'  halls,  being  satisfied 
that  now  he  had  no  Moravians  to  deal  with,  but  men  who  could  fight,  and  witii 
such  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  thing  to  do — I  say,  as  he  escaped,  and  they 
have  taken  you,  they  will  take  revenge  on  you  in  his  stead."  "  And  is  there 
no  possibility  of  preventing  this?"  said  Crawford — "Can  you  devise  no  way 
to  get  me  ofi".'  You  shall,  my  friend,  be  well  rewarded  if  you  are  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  my  life."  "  Had  Williamson  been  taken  with  you,"  answered  the 
chief,  "I  and  some  friends,  by  making  use  of  what  you  have  told  me,  might. 
])erhups,  have  succeeded  in  saving  you,  but  as  the  matter  now  stands,  no  man 
would  dure  to  interfere  in  your  behalf.  The  king  of  England  himself,  were  he 
to  come  to  this  spot,  with  all  his  wealth  and  treasure,  could  not  effect  this  pur- 
pose. The  blood  of  the  innocent  Moravians,  more  than  half  of  them  women 
and  children,  cruelly  and  wantonly  murdered,  calls  aloud  for  revenge.  The  rela- 
tives of  the  slain,  who  are  among  us,  cry  out  and  stand  ready  for  revenge.  The 
nation  to  which  they  belonged  will  have  revenge.  The  Shawanese,  our  grand- 
cliildren,  have  asked  for  your  fellow  prisoner ;  on  him  they  will  take  revenge. 
All  the  nations  connected  with  us  cry  out,  revenge !  revenge !  The  Moravians 
whom  you  went  to  destroy,  having  fled,  instead  of  avenging  their  brethren, 
the  offence  is  become  national,  and  the  nation  itself  is  bound  to  take  revenge ! " 
"My  fate  then  is  fixed,"  said  the  wretched  man,  "and  I  must  prepare  to 
meet  death  in  its  worst  form."  "Yes,  colonel,"  said  the  chief;  "I  am 
sorry  for  it,  but  cannot  do  any  thing  for  you.  Had  you  attended  to  the  Indian 
principle,  that  as  good  and  evil  cannot  dwell  together  in  the  same  heart,  so  a 
good  man  ought  not  to  go  into  evil  company,  you  would  not  be  in  this  lam*^  nt- 
able  situation.  You  see,  now,  when  it  is  too  late,  after  Williamson  has  deserted 
you,  what  a  bad  man  he  must  be !  Nothing  now  remains  for  you  but  '    meet 

i'our  fate  like  a  brave  man.  Farewell,  Colonel  Crawford !  they  ore  coming 
will  retire  to  a  solitary  spot." 

Accordingly  a  host  of  executioners  were  immediately  upon  him,  and  he 
died  by  their  cruel  hands,  as  we  have  already  written.  It  is  said  that  Winge- 
nund shed  tears  ut  parting  with  his  friend,  and  that  ever  after,  when  the  cir- 
cumstance was  mentioned,  he  seemed  very  sensibly  affected.* 

Colonel  Crawford's  son  was  compelled  to  witness  this  cruel  death  of  his 
father,  and  suffered  the  same  fate  immediately  afler.f 

The  expedition  of  Colonel  Crawford  waa  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
many  others,  in  as  far  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns  upon  the 
Muskingum,  where  many,  who  composed  it,  were  determined  that  the  Chris- 
tian Lidians,  which  they  there  expected  to  find,  should  glut  their  vengeance 
by  their  blood,  as  those  at  Gnadenhuetten  had  done  but  a  short  time  before.^ 

CHIKATOAlMO.  In  1790,  this  chief  succeeded  in  capturing  many  boats 
upon  the  Ohio  River,  killing  many  of  those  in  them,  and  taking  and  destroy- 
ing a  vast  amount  of  property.  Among  the  bouts  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Chikatommo  was  one  in  which  was  a  Mr.  Charles  Johnston  of  Botetourt 
county,  Virginia,  and  several  others,  and  from  whose  narrative  we  derive  much 
of  this  information — a  book  replete  with  instruction,  and  one  of  the  most 
valuable  in  its  kind.§     As  this  company  were  descending  the  Ohio,  in  an  un- 

*  Heckewelder's  Indian  Nations,  281  to  284.  f  Columbian  Magazine  for  1787,  p.  518. 

X  Our  chief  authority  for  these  events  is  the  valuable  Curunicles  by  Mr.  Withers,  before 
referred  to. 

&  The  author  appears  to  have  been  prompted  to  its  publication  by  the  misinterpretation 
of  nis  oral  communications  by  the  Duke  de  Liancourt ;  whom,  by  the  way,  we  do  not  find  to 
differ  so  materially,  in  his  account,  from  the  author  as  one  might  apprehend  from  his  stale 

48 


^      I 


1       ,     1 

i 

^Ei' 

!.*.» 

:'      !■  ! 

560       CniKATOM.MO.— NARRATIVE  OF  CHARLES  JOHNSTON.       [Book  V. 


.  Ii'i' : 


l#T 


wicldy  flat-hottonied  l)oaf,  in  wliicli  wore  a  nimibor  of  horfles  and  considera- 
dIo  mercliaiidiMt',  two  white  men  appeiimd  upon  the  shore,  and  called  to  them, 
ntf'er.tinfr  f^rrtit  di.streHs,  and  begged  to  be  Uikvn  on  hoard.  Before  these  two 
wliitPH  showed  theniselves,  however,  a  smoke  was  seen  above  the  trees,  and 
for  some  time  held  them  in  doubt  on  which  side  of  the  rive-  it  was.  They 
wished  to  ascertain  this  fact,  as  thereby  they  might  keep  close  in  upon  the 
op|iosire  shore,  and  so  escape  mischief  in  the  event  of  an  ambiishment  of 
Indians.  They  were  thus  wary,  as  the  Indians  were  constantly  doing  mis- 
chief upon  the  rivers,  and  had  but  a  short  time  before  destroyed  a  settlement 
at  a  place  called  Kennedy's  Bottom,  in  Kentucky. 

It  was  l)efore  simrise  on  the  20  March,  that  the  two  white  men  before  men- 
tioned hailed  the  boat,  which  was  safely  out  of  the  reach  of  fire-arms,  having 
discovered  the  smoke  to  be  upon  the  N.  W.  shore,  and  therefore  they  kept 
upon  the  S.  W.  These  white  men,  the  more  effectually  to  decoy  the  bout's 
crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians  at  Kennedy's  Bot- 
tom, and  had  just  escaped  from  them,  and  unless  they  would  take  them  on 
board  they  nnist  perish  from  hunger  and  cold.  The  truth  was,  one  or  both 
of  them  were  abandoned  wretches,  who  had  leagued  with  a  band  of  dcjirecla- 
tors  imder  ChikcUommo,  and  thus  were  the  means  of  destroying  many  inno- 
cent lives  in  the  most  atrocious  manner.  When  hailed  by  them,  as  we  have 
I'ust  said,  some  in  the  boat  were  for  listening  to  them,  and  some  against  it. 
n  the  mean  time,  the  boat  floated  fast  down  the  current,  ond  left  those  on 
shore  considerably  in  the  rear,  although  they  exerted  themselves  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  boat.  Those  who  were  against  taking  them  on  board  had  their 
objections  well  grounded ;  for  when  these  men  were  asked  the  occasion  of 
the  smoke  upon  their  side  of  the  river,  they  denied  that  there  had  been  any, 
or  said  they  knew  of  no  such  thing ;  and  this  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason 
why  they  should  reject  the  other  part  of  their  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided 
down,  those  on  board  debated  the  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if 
there  were  Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  then  be  far  up 
the  river,  as  it  was  thought  impossible  that  they  could  have  got  through 
the  woods  so  fast  as  they  had  floated  down ;  and  one  of  the  company,  a  Mr. 
Flinn,  whose  kindness  of  heart  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  proposed 
hazarding  his  own  person  on  shore,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the 
rest.  K is  plan  was  as  follows:  that  whereas  they  must  be  now  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  barely  touch  upon  the  shore, 
und  he  would  jump  out,  and  the  boat  should  at  the  same  time  haul  oflT;  so 
that  if  Indians  should  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  off  safe, 
and  as  to  himself,  he  could  well  outruii  them,  and  would  get  on  board  the 
boat  again  at  a  certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  humane  plan  laid  of 
relieving  supposed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which  we  now  proceed  to 
relate. 

One  circumstance  had  not  been  taken  into  account  by  this  devoted  com 
pany.  The  current  being  rapid,  it  took  them  much  longer  than  they  had 
anticipated  to  gain  the  shore ;  and  this  gave  some  of  the  most  swift-footed  of 
Chikalommo's  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time  with  them. 
Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Flinn  had  but  ba.  ely  cleared  himself 
from  the  boat,  when  a  large  number  of  Indians,  painted  in  the  most  frightful 
manner,  came  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  the  boat's  crew  seized  their 
guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  the  others  used  every  means  to  get 
their  boat  from  the  shore ;  but  every  thing  seemed  to  conspire  against  them. 
Their  boat  became  entangled  in  the  branches  of  a  large  tree,  and  the  whole 
body  of  Indians,  having  orrived,  being  54  in  number,  gave  a  horrible  yell, 
and  poured  in  their  whole  fire  upon  the  boat.  From  the  protection  afforded 
by  the  side  of  the  boat,  one  only  was  killed,  Dolly  Fleming,  and  Mr.  Skyha 
wounded.  All  resistance  was  vain,  and  the  others  lay  down  upon  the  bot- 
tom of  the  boat,  to  prevent  being  immediately  killed.  The  Indians  kept  up 
their  fire  until  all  the  horses  were  shot  down,  which  added  much  to  ths 


mont 

in   naming   (In 
Flamming;  for 


Till!  chief  ilisaijrccmeiit  appears  in  siirli  minor  points  as  the  spelling'  of  names:   thus, 
rsuns  cniilivaleJ,  for  .Skvles  he  writes  S/ciiijl ;  for  Dolly   Fleming,    JWj 


c  pe 
or  Fl 


inn,  Phhjn,  &ie. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CIIiKATOMMC-JOHNSTONS  CAPTIVITY. 


567 


horror  of  the  situation  of  tiioso  npon  tlio  l)ottom  of  tlie  l)oat,  as  tlicy  wore 
III  greut  (iniigcr  of  liein^  traiii|)i(>il  to  dcatli  Ity  tliciii  l)et()i-ti  tlicy  till,  and 
atVurwanls  from  their  8trivin<;H.  When  thin  \va8  tiiiishfd,  tiiu  firing  (■cusrii, 
BIKJ  Mr.  May  ntood  up,  and  ht.-id  up  a  v  'iit*>  rap  in  tol^rn  of  Hiirrcnder ;  but 
ho  ()>ll  in  a  nioinent  attt-r,  with  a  bull  shot  thron^rh  his  head.  Several  of  the 
Indians  now  swam  to  the  hoat,  and  wen;  helped  into  it  hy  thoHe  within. 
Iiavin<^  now  |!ot  po8Ht<ssion  of  it,  they  seemed  well  pleaHid,  and  offered  no 
further  violence.  All  thin^rH  were  now  taken  on  mIkhc,  and  an  immense  fir»! 
kindled ;  the  dead  were  scalped,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  and  the  captive^i 
divented  of  most  of  their  clothes.  As  S(?veral  Indians  wen;  gathered  around 
Air.  JoAnj/on  when  he  was  stiiiiped,  one,  ohserviii<;  that  he  had  una  kind 
of  red  vest,  approached  and  siiid  to  him  in  Knjtiish,  "  O/t/ i/ou  crt/>/>f(/i'u  .'" 
He  said,  ".Vo."  Then  the  Indian  |)ointed  to  his  own  breast,  ami  said,  ".l/i; 
cappatin — all  dese  my  sogers"  This  was  Chickalommo.  An  Indian,  named 
Tom  Leiois,  discovered  much  humanity  to  .Mr.  Johnston,  in  that  lie  covered 
him  with  his  own  blanket  atler  he  had  lost  his  clothes. 

Ikiini;  all  stationed  about  the  fin;,  Chickaiomino  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
i)eing  about . 50  i<-(!t  in  length,)  who,  ri.sing  n|),  made  a  speech  to  the  multi- 
tude. An  old  Sliawaiiee  chief,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned,  made  tlio 
first  speech,  at  the  end  of  w  liich  Chickalommo  conducted  Johnston  to  another 
Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  was  Mcs-shaw-M,  to  whom  he  was  given  or 
assigned,  and  intbrmed  that  he  was  his  friend.  At  the  end  of  Chickalommo'' s 
speech,  another  prisoner  was  disposed  n(.  The  .same  ceremony  was  repeated 
with  the  tliird  and  last.  Johnston,  Skyles,  and  /7//in  \vent  to  the  Shawanese, 
and  Pegtrji  Fleming  to  the  Cherokees.  This  band  of  r<d»bers  appears  to  have 
been  made  up  of  adventurers  from  the  tribes  just  mentioned,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a  tew  Dclawares.  The  latter  had  none  of  the  jirisoners,  as  they  did 
not  wish  to  be  known  in  the  business,  thinking  it  might  involve  their  nation 
in  a  war  with  the  United  States, 

The  two  white  men  who  had  decoyed  the  boat  into  the  Indians'  hands 
were  still  with  them,  and  the  next  day  all  the  cajitives  were  ordered  to  take 
a  position  upon  the  edge  of  i.'ie  river,  to  decoy  the  first  that  should  be  |)assing. 
A  boat  soon  appeared,  and,  repugnant  as  such  an  cinploynient  was  to  the 
feelings  of  these  captives,  yet  they  were  obliged  thus  to  do,  or  siiflTer  a  horri- 
ble death.  Divine  and  Thomas  were  the  names  of  the  two  whites  so  olteu 
mentioned :  the  former  was  the  volunt^iry  agent,  and,  as  3Ir.  Johnston 
exprcs.ses  it,  the  one  who  "alone  had  devised  and  carrie<l  into  efiict  their 
destruction;"  and,  "ingenious  in  wicked  stratagems,  seemed  to  be  perfectly 
gratified  to  aid  tiie  savages  in  their  views,  and  to  feel  no  scruples  in  suggest- 
ing means  for  their  accomplishment  He  fabricated  a  tale,  that  we  were 
passengers  down  the  Ohio,  whose  boat  had  suffered  so  great  an  injury  that 
we  were  unable  to  proceed  until  it  was  repaired ;  but  that  for  want  of  an 
nxe,  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  do  the  necessai'y  work.  These  unsuspecting 
canoe-men  turned  towai-ds  us ;  but  the  current  bore  them  down  so  fiir  below 
us,  as  to  preclude  all  chance  of  my  putting  them  on  their  guard.  [Mr.  Johns- 
ton having  intended  by  some  sign  to  lia>.''i  given  them  warning  of  what 
awaited  them.]  The  Indians,  as  they  had  acted  in  our  case,  ran  down  the 
river  at  such  a  disUmce  from  it,  and  under  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they 
were  not  discovered  until  the  canoe  was  close  to  the  shore,  when  they  fired 
into  it,  and  shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tumbled  into  the  water,  their 
little  bark  was  overset.  Two,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
but  were  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off.  The  Indians 
leaped  into  the  river,  and  after  dragging  them  to  the  shore,  despatched  them 
with  the  tomahawk.  The  bodies  of  the  four  who  were  l.Jlled  were  also  brought 
to  land,  and  the  whole  six  were  scalped.  All  were  then  thrown  into  t' 3 
river.  Nothing  I  could  then  learn,  or  which  has  since  come  to  my  know 
edge,  has  enabled  me  to  understand  who  these  unfortunaie  sufferers  were." 

After  various  successes  and  encounters  upon  the  river,  Chickalommo  left  it, 
and  met  a  number  of  his  company  at  an  encampment  about  five  miles  from 
it.  Here  he  left  the  rest,  taking  with  him  a  select  number  and  some  of  the 
Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming ;  and  the  com[iany  with  whom  Johnston 
remained  did  not  join  him  again  for  many  days.    Aile**  much  delay  and 


•a 


I     {  )  1 


ses 


KING-CRANE— RKSCUES  a  CAPTIVE. 


fliooB  1 


liitcrnHting  incidc^iit,  tliev  reached  tlie  Indian  town  of  V\>ymr  Sandimky 
lltTu  tliL<y  8(|iiaiidvrvd  nil  their  ricti  huoty  for  whiNkey,  and,  ii8  tuiial,  rioted 
in  drnnkenncKH  tor  Hvverui  days.  Chickatuvuno  at  tiiis  time  ehowcd  liiinsrlf 
very  wiva^^e  to  the  priKoneru,  and  had  he  not  been  prevented  by  the  Inirnane 
and  Itentvoicnt  A/e4«Aau>a,*  would  iiave  killed  8orne  of  them.  The  unfortu- 
iiute  SkyUa  had  some  time  before  led  them,  and  gone  in  an  unknown  direction 
with  liiH  cruel  niaster. 

A  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a  Mr.  Duchonqxut,  had  used  endeavors  to 
niMHom  Johnston ;  but  his  mnHter  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing  of  it. 
At  length,  having  dissi|)ated  all  his  booty,  and  ahhumed  to  return  home  msucli 
a  state,  ho  concluded  to  sell  Johnston  for  the  most  he  could  get;  atul  accord- 
ingly (iOO  silver  broaches  were  paid  him,  etpial  in  value  to  100  dollars,  the 
amount  agreed  upon.  Chickatommo  and  liis  party  then  took  u|)  their  march 
for  Detroit.  Not  long  alter  this,  Mr.  Johitston  returned  home  by  way  of  that 
jtlace.  H<rfore  he  lell  Sandus'y,  he  was  informed  of  the  burning  of  the  ill- 
lated  Flinn:  he  suffered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami  village,  and  was  eaten  by 
his  torturers.  The  Indian  who  brought  the  news  to  Sandusky,  said  that  he 
himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane,  a  Wyandot  chief,  appears  conspicuous  in  this  narrative,  and 
illustrates  n  valuable  trait  of  character  in  Indian  life.  When  Mr.  Duchou- 
qnet  and  Johnston  had  urrivcd  at  Lower  Hanilusky,  in  their  way  to  Detroit, 
the  town  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  they  soon  learned  the  occasion  to  be 
fiom  the  arrival  of  some  Cherokees  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a  female  cap- 
tive. The  traders  in  the  place  immediately  went  to  their  camp,  where  they 
found  Peggy  Fleming,  who  some  tinu!  before  had  been  separated  from  Johnston 
and  the  other  captives.  Among  those  who  went  to  see  her,  was  a  white 
man  by  the  natne  of  IVhilaker,  m  ho,  having  be«'n  carried  into  captivity  in  his 
youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian  habitn,  and  being  a  man  of  consider 
able  physical  [jowers  and  enterprise,  had  become  a  chief  among  the  Wyandots.f 
He  had  been  upon  the  frontiers  with  the  Indians  upon  trading  ex|»editiou», 
and  had  lodged  at  times  in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  Fleming's  father. 
She  immediately  knew  him,  and  besought  him,  in  the  most  affecting  nmnitLi*, 
to  deliver  her  from  bondage.  He  went  inunediately  to  King-crane,  and  told 
him  that  the  woman  with  the  Cherokees  was  his  sister,  |  and  bogged  him  to 
use  means  for  her  relief.  King-crane  went  without  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
the  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  ln;r  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  there  was  danger  of  their  murdering  her  lest  she  should  be 
taivcn  from  them.  He  next  tiied  to  purchase  her;  but  bis  benevolent  ofTirs 
wt  re  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  incn-ased.  Resolved  to 
rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  King-crane  re])uired  to  their  camp  early  the 
next  corning,  accompanied  with  8  or  10  young  warriors.  They  found  the 
Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive — it  is  shoc'dng  to  hutnanity  to  relate — wa* 
without  the  least  attire!  extended  and  lashed  to  the  stake! — ready  to  U. 
burned  ! — her  body  painted  all  over  v/ith  black.  King-crane  silently  cut  tiie 
thongs  with  which  she  was  bound,  then  awakened  the  nmrdercrs,  and  threw 
down  up>  n  the  ground  the  j)rice  of  a  captive  in  silver  broaches,  (which  are 
current  m^ney  among  them,)  and  dej)arted.  She  was  soon  afler  sent  forward 
for  her  home,  disguised  in  the  attire  of  a  squaw.  The  Cherokees  prowled 
about  seeking  vengeance  upon  some  white  person  for  a  few  days,  and  then 
disappeared. 

The  reader  may  wish  to  know  what  became  of  Skyles : — he  was  taken  to 
a  place  upon  the  Miami  River,  where  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but  made 
his  escape  the  night  previous  to  the  day  on  which  he  was  to  have  suffered. 
Afler  enduring  the  most  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from  wandering  alone 
in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  conveyed  him  to  Detroit, 
and  from  thence  home  to  Virginia. 

The  sequel  of  the  life  of  the  old  hard-hearted  Chickatommo  is  as  follows 


\ 


*  Mr.  Johnston,  throughout  his  narrative,  g;ives  him  an  excellent  character. 
«fter  the  war  of  1812  IiCMn,  and  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Teaimseh: 
\  Hitrons  and  Wijamlots  are  synonymous  terms  with  most  writers. 
}  If  ever  good  came  out  of  evil,  we  should  e.xjicet  It  in  a  case  like  this. 


(le  was  aliva 


■  I  ■III!  M  IIILJIII.MW 


Wimiiiinuiii.  II 


ClIAf.  IV.] 


LirrLE-TURTLE. 


mo 


For  four  years  succeedinpf  the  events  bIwvc  rolntcd,  Iio  followeil  his  df^pn-iln- 
titig  nirt'isr,  and  was  concerned  in  oppotting  tlie  war  piiriit's  of  Ainericniia 
until  tlic  time  of  General  Wayne's  fainons  t-xpedition.  As  that  vt-ttTan  wils 
udvani'ing  into  the  western  re^'ion,  Chickatommo  met  an  advance  party  of  liis 
army  at  tlie  liead  of  a  Iwind  of  his  <ii'flperate  warriors,  who  were  si-nt  forwanl 
us  thi;  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A  sharp  skirmish  followed,  and  Chickatommo 
vviw  slain.  This  was  the  action  near  Fort  Defiance.  King-crant  was  also  in 
arms  to  oppose  General  Wamt ;  but  in  the  last  war  against  England,  he 
fought  lor  the  Americans,  ana  is  supposed  to  have  died  three  or  four  years 
afit'r  its  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  fVayne'a  famous  treaty  at  Fort 
Gre«-nville,  and  severol  others. 
V^  We  now  piu<s  to  a  chief  by  fiir  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
\  many  who  have  received  much  greater  notice  from  historians.  This  was 
MIHIII KINAK WA,  (a  name  by  no  means  setthtd  in  orthography,)  which,  inter- 
preted, is  said  to  mean  the  Little-turlle.  To  the  different  treaties  bearing  his 
name,  we  find  these  spellings:  jtfejA«A:unm>^A/7uoA,  Greenville,  3  Aug.  1795; 
Mtshekunnoghquoh,  Fort  Wayne,  V  Jiuie,  1803;  .Maahtkanahquah,  Vincennes, 
21  August,  1805;  Mtshtkeimghqua,  Fort  Wayne,  30  September,  1801);  and 
were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have  used  the  name, 
we  might  nearly  finish  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

L1TT1.E-TUHTI.E  was  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  scenes  of  his  warlike 
AchiL-vements  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  Ho  had,  in  conjunction 
with  the  tribes  of  that  region,  successfully  fought  the  armies  of  Harmtr  and 
St.  Clair ;  and  in  the  fight  with  the  latter,  he  is  said  to  have  hud  the  chief 
command  ;  hence  a  detailed  account  of  that  afiair  belongs  to  his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Americans  invi-ighcd  loudly  against  the  F'-nglish 
of  Canada,  in  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of  tlie  enormi- 
ties conunitted  on  their  frontiers  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally  well  known, 
at  this  day,  by  every  judicious  inquirer,  that  they  were  not  so  blamable  as 
the  Americans  reported,  nor  so  nuiocent  as  themselves  and  friends,  even 
long  uller,  pretended.  That  the  British  government  encouraged  depredations 
upon  the  frontiers  in  times  of  peace,  should  not  too  easily  be  received  for 
truth ;  still,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  who  held  ii^fcrior  ofiices 
under  it,  were  secret  abettors  of  barbarities.  In  the  attack  upon  General  St. 
Clair's  army,  now  about  to  be  related,  there  was  much  cause  of  susj)icion 
against  the  Canadians,  as  it  was  known  that  many  of  them  even  exceeded 
in  that  bloody  affair  the  Indians  themnelves.  Mr.  fVeld,  the  intelligent 
traveller,  says,*  "  A  great  many  young  Catiadians,  and  in  particidar  many  that 
were  born  of  Indian  women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  this  action ; 
a  circumstance  which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  o|)inion  they 
bad  previously  formed,  that  the  Indians  were  encouraged  and  abetted  in 
their  attacks  upon  them  by  tlie  British.  I  can  safely  afiirm,  however,  from 
ba.ing  conversed  with  many  of  these  young  men  who  fought  against  i^. 
Clair,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  secrecy  they  lefl  their  homes  to  join  the 
Indians,  fearflil  lest  the  government  should  censure  their  conduct." 

The  western  Indians  were  only  iiubi)ldenc(l  by  the  battles  between  them 
and  detachments  of  General  Harmer's  army,  in  1790,  and,  under  such  a  lead- 
er as  JI/isAt7i{)iaA;wa,  entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
their  own  terms.  One  murder  followed  another,  in  ra|)id  succession,  attend- 
ed by  all  the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfiire,  which  caused  President 
IVashington  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  recommending  Congress  to 
adopt  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  checking  those  calamities ;  and  2000 
men  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under  the  command  of  General  St. 
Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North- Western  Territory.  He  received  his  ap- 
pointment the  4th  of  March,  1791,  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Washington,  by 
way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  des])atch,  where  he  arrived  15  May.f 
There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting  the  troops  imbodied  at  this  place ;  Gen- 
eral BxUler,  with  the  residue,  not  arriving  until  the  middle  of  September. 
There  were  various  circumstances  to  account  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  uu- 
Decessary  to  recount  here. 


irEh 


•  Travels  in  Canada,  436— 7,8vo.  London,  (4  ed.)  1800. 

48* 


t  St.  Clair's  Narrative,  p.  4. 


570 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


[SOOK   V 


Colonel  Darke  proceeded  inimpdiately  on  liis  anival,  which  was  about  the 
end  of  Angiist,  and  built  Fort  Hamilton,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  couuti-}'  of 
LitUe-twlle ;  and  soon  aller  Fort  Jefibrson  was  built,  forty  miles  farther  on- 
ward. These  two  forts  being  lelt  manned,  about  the  end  of  October  tlie 
army  advanced,  being  about  ^000  strong,  militia  included,  whose  nund)era 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  appear  by  the  miserable  manner  in  which 
they  not  only  confused  themselves,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

General  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jeffer- 
son, when  60  of  his  militia,  from  pretended  disaffection,  commenced  a  r«  treat ; 
and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably  among  the  rest 
of  the  army.  Being  fearl'ul  they  would  seize  upon  the  convoy  of  provisions, 
the  general  ordered  Colonel  Hamlrattik  to  pursue  them  with  his  regiment,  and 
force  them  to  return.  The  army  now  consisted  of  but  1400  effective  men, 
and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  lAUle-turtle  and  his  warriors,  15  miles 
from  the  Miami  villages. 

Colonel  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  Colonel  Darke  the  left. 
The  militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage,  when  tliey 
were  attacked  in  their  camp.  It  was  their  intention  to  have  marched  imme- 
diately to  the  destruction  of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  their  movements 
api)rized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firmness.  They 
fell  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4  November,  who  at  once  fled  uito  the  main 
camp,  in  the  most  disorderly  and  tumultuous  manner:  many  of  them,  having 
thrown  away  their  guns,  were  ])ursued  and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  camp 
the  fight  was  sustamed  some  time,  by  the  great  exertions  of  tlie  ofhcers,  but 
with  great  inequality ;  the  Indians  under  LitUe-turtle  amounting  to  about  1500 
warriors.  Colonels  Darke  and  Butler,  and  Major  Clark,  made  several  suc- 
cessful chai'ges,  which  enabled  them  to  save  some  of  their  numbers  by 
checking  the  enemy  while  flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  593  were  killed  and  missing,  beside  thirty-eight  officerB ; 
and  242  soldiers  and  twenty-one  ofhcers  were  wounded,  many  of  whom  died. 
Colonel  Butler  was  among  the  slain.  The  account  of  his  ftill  is  shocking. 
Ho  was  severely  wounded,  and  lell  on  the  ground.  The  well-known  and 
infamous  Simon  Girly  came  up  to  him,  and  obsei-ved  him  writhing  under 
severe  pain  from  his  wounds.  Girty  knew  and  spoke  to  him.  Knowing  that 
he  could  not  live,  the  colonel  begged  of  Girty  to  put  an  end  to  his  misery. 
This  he  refused  to  do,  but  turned  to  an  Indian,  whom  he  told  that  the  oflicer 
was  the  commander  of  the  wmy ;  upon  which  he  drove  his  tomahawk  into 
his  head.  A  number  of  others  then  came  around,  and  aller  taking  ofl'  his 
scalp,  they  took  out  his  heart,  and  cut  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there  were 
b'ibes  in  the  action,  and  divided  it  among  them.  All  manner  of  brutal  acta 
(vere  committed  on  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  It  need  not  be  mentioned  for  the 
information  of  the  observer  of  Indian  affairs,  that  land  was  the  main  cause 
of  this  as  well  as  most  other  wars  between  the  Indians  and  whites;  and 
hence  it  was  very  easy  to  account  for  the  Indians  fUling  the  mouths  of  the 
slain  with  earth  after  this  battle.  It  was  actually  the  case,  as  reported  by 
those  who  shortly  afler  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

General  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  for  the  disastrous  issue  of  this 
campaign,  and  was  honorably  acquitted.  He  published  a  narrative  in  vindi- 
cation of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  day,  few  will  think  it  required.  What 
he  says  of  lijs  retreat  we  will  give  in  his  own  words.*  "  The  retreat  was,  you 
may  be  sure,  a  precipitate  one  ;  it  was  in  fact  a  flight  The  camp  and  the 
artillery  were  abandoned  ;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for  not  a  horse  was  lelt 
alive  to  have  drawn  it  oti",  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable.  But  the  most 
disuraccfid  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw 
away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  continued 
about  four  mile§,  had  ceased.  I  found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many 
miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy  it ;  for,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  upon  one  that  coiUd  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  J 
could  not  get  forward  myself,  and  the  ordors  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt 


*  I'enn,  Gazette,  of  llml  year 


m 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIIl'S  DEFE.Vr. 


571 


the  front,  or  prevent  the  men  from  parting  with  their  arms,  were  unaltend 
ed  to." 

Tiie  rniiiiiiint  of  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  Jefferson  the  same  day,  just 
before  sunset,  the  phice  from  which  they  fled  being  )A)  miles  distant  Gene- 
ral St.  Clair  did  every  thing  that  a  brave  general  could  do.  He  exposed  him- 
self to  every  danger,  having,  during  the  action,  eight  bullets  shot  through  his 
clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  our  records,  did  the  Indians  discover  greater 
bravery  and  determination.  After  giving  the  first  fire,  they  rushed  forward 
with  tomahawk  in  hand.  Their  loss  was  inconsiderable;  but  the  traders 
afterwards  learned  among  them  that  Jjittle-titrlle  had  150  killed  and  many 
wounded.*  "  They  rushed  on  the  artillery,  heedless  of  their  fire,  and  took 
two  pieces  in  an  instant  They  were  again  retaken  by  our  troops:  and 
whenever  the  army  charged  them,  they  were  seen  to  give  way,  and  advmice 
again  as  soon  as  they  began  to  retreat,  doing  great  execution,  both  in  the 
retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very  dextrous  in  covering  themselves  with 
trees ;  many  of  them  however  fell,  both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery."  "  Six 
or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  fell  into  their  hands,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the 
baggage,  ammunition,  and  provisions."  f 

Whether  the  battle-ground  of  General  St.  Clair  were  visited  by  the  whites 
previous  to  1793  I  do  not  learn ;  but  in  December  of  that  year  a  detachment 
of  General  Wayne^s  army  went  to  the  place,  and  the  account  given  of  its  ap- 
pearance is  most  truly  melancholy.  This  detachment  was  ordered  to  build 
a  fort  there,  which  having  done,  it  was  called  Fort  Recovery.  Within  a  S|)ace 
of  about  350  yards  were  found  500  skull  bones,  the  most  of  which  were 
gathered  up  and  buried.  For  about  five  miles  in  the  direction  of  the  retreat 
of  the  army  the  woods  was  strewed  with  skehitons  and  muskets.  'I  he  two 
brass  caimon,  which  composed  St.  Clair's  artillery,  one  a  thrte,  and  the  other 
a  six-pounder,  were  foimd  in  a  creek  adjacent^ 

The  following  song  has  been  often  reprinted,  and  although  not  the  best  of 
poetry,  is  considered  a  valuable  relic  of  those  days.    It  is  iiuaded  tliiis  :- 


.  >-  I 


Sainclaire's  Defeat. 

5  'Twas  November  the  fourth,  in  the  year  of  ninety-one,|| 
We  had  a  sore  engagement  near  to  Fort  Jefferson ; 
Sinclaire  was  our  commander,  which  may  remembered  be, 
For  there  we  left  nine  hundred  men  iu  t'  Weiil'n  Ter'tory. 

At  Bunker's  Hill  and  Quebeck,  where  many  a  hero  fell, 
Likewise  at  Long  Island,  (it  is  I  the  truth  can  tell,) 
But  such  a  dreaitlul  carnage  may  1  never  see  a§;ain 
As  bap'ned  near  St.  Mary  s,  upon  the  river  plam. 

Our  army  was  attacked  just  as  the  day  did  dawn. 
And  soon  were  overpowered  and  driven  fiom  the  lawn. 
Tliny  killed  Major  Ouldham,  Letnn  and  Br%s;g»  likewise, 
And' horrid  yells  of  sav'ges  resounded  thro'tlie  skies. 

Major  Butler  IT  was  wounded  the  very  second  fire  ; 
His  manly  bosom  sweli'd  with  rage  when  forc'd  to  retire; 
And  as  he  lay  in  anguish,  nor  scarcely  could  he  see, 
Exclaim'd,  ''Ye  hounds  of  hell,  O!  revenged  I  will  be." 

We  had  not  been  long  broken  when  General  Butler  found 
Himself  so  badly  wounded,  was  forced  to  quit  the  ground. 


*   Perm.  Gazette,  of  \.\\a.\.ycta.T. 

\    Letter  from  Fort  Hamilton,  dnled  six  ''nvs  nUi-r  the  bntilc. 

\  Massachusetts  Magazine  lor  \'l\)\,  p.  I'll. 

^  Wnen  I  began  to  copy  these  lines,  I  did  not  intend  to  change  a  word  in  them,  but  sooa 
found  my  resolution  shaken;  the  lines  were  of  such  unequal  lengtns,  and  the  rhyme  so  bad,  I 
could  not  endure  it,  and,  therefore,  when  the  syllables  were  too  many,  some  were  dropped, 
and  when  too  few,  sonie  were  ailfled  j  but  the  sense  is  In  no  wise  impaired.  The  copy  I  use, 
I  found  in  Baltimore  iu  1817.  They  were  printed  in  1815. 
That  is,  1791. 

Richard  Butter  was  of  Nottingham,  iu  New  Hampshire,  where  some  of  his  relatives  yet 
remain. 


i  <U 


572 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


[Book 


r,n 


M   s 


W 


"  Mj  God ! "  says  he,  "  what  shall  we  do :  we're  wounded  every  man  ; 
Go  charge  them,  valiant  heroes,  and  beat  them  if  you  can." 

He  leaned  his  back  against  a  tree,  and  there  resigned  his  breath,* 
And  like  a  valiant  soldier  sunk  in  the  arms  of  death  ; 
When  blessed  angels  did  await,  his  spirit  to  convey ; 
And  unto  the  celestial  fields  he  quickly  bent  his  way. 

We  charg'd  again  with  courage  firm,  but  soon  again  gave  grouna, 
The  war-whoop  then  redoubled,  as  did  the  foes  around. 
They  killed  Major  Fereuson,  which  caused  his  men  to  cry, 
"  Our  only  safety  is  in  flight ;  or  fighting  here  to  die." 

"  Stand  to  your  guns,"  says  valiant  Ford,  "  let's  die  upon  them  acre 
Before  we  let  the  sav'ges  know  we  ever  harbored  fear." 
Our  cannon-balls  exhausted,  and  artill'ry-men  all  slain, 
Obliged  were  our  musketmen  the  en'my  to  sustain. 

Yet  three  hours  f  more  we  fought  them,  and  then  were  forc'd  to  yield. 
When  three  hundred  bloody  warriors  lay  strelch'd  upon  the  field. 
Says  Colonel  Gibson  to  his  men,  "My  boys,  be  not  oismay'd ; 
I'm  sure  that  true  Virginians  were  never  yet  afraid. 

"  Ten  thousand  deaths  I'd  rather  die,  than  they  should  gain  the  field ; " 
With  that  he  eot  a  fatal  shot,  which  caused  him  to  yield. 
Says  Major  Clark,  "  My  heroes,  I  can  here  no  longer  stand. 
We'll  strive  to  form  in  order,  and  retreat  the  best  we  can." 

The  word.  Retreat,  being  past  around,  there  was  a  dismal  cry, 
Then  helter  skelter  through  the  woods,  like  wolves  and  sheep  they  fly. 
This  well-appointed  army,  who  but  a  day  before, 
Defied  and  braved  all  danger,  had  like  a  cloud  pass'd  o'er. 

Alas!  the  dying  and  wounded,  how  dreadful  was  the  thought. 
To  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  in  mis'ry  are  brought. 
Some  had  a  (high  and  some  an  arm  broke  on  the  field  that  day. 
Who  writhed  in  torments  at  the  stake,  to  close  the  dire  aflray. 

To  mention  our  brave  officers,  is  what  I  wish  to  do ; 
No  sons  of  Mars  e'er  fought  more  brave,  or  with  more  courage  true. 
To  Captain  Bradford  1  belonged,  in  his  artillery, 
X  He  fell  that  day  amongst  the  slain,  a  valiant  man  was  he. 

It  lias  been  generally  said,  that  had  the  advice  of  IMtle-turtle  been  taken 
at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards  with  General  Wayne,  there  is  very  little 
doubt  but  he  had  met  as  ill  success  §  as  General  St.  Clair  \\  did  before  him. 
He  was  not  for  fighting  General  Wayne  at  Presque-Isle,  and  inclined  rather 
to  peace  than  fighting  him  at  all.  In  a  council  held  the  night  before  the 
battle,  he  argued  as  follows :  "  We  have  beaten  the  enemy  twice  under  separate 
commanders.  We  cannot  expect  the  same  good  fortune  always  to  attend  tis.  The 
Americans  are  now  led  by  a  chief  who  never  sleeps :  Oie  mght  and  the  day  are 
alike  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  that  he  has  been  marching  upon 
our  villages,  notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  tve  have 
never  been  able  to  surprise  hinu     Think  well  of  tt.     There  is  sonuthing  whis- 

fiers  me,  it  would  be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace."  For  holding  this 
anguage  he  was  reproached  by  another  chief  with  cowardice,  whicii  put  an 
end  to  all  further  discourse.  Nothing  wounds  the  feelings  of  a  warrior  like 
the  reproach  of  cowardice  ;  but  lAttle-turile  stifled  his  resentment,  did  his 
duty  in  the  battle,  and  its  issue  proved  him  a  truer  prophet  than  his  accuser 


k 
,1 


*  This  was  probably  a  report,  but  is  doubtless  incorrect. 

t  This  is  not  fact. 

X  It  would  have  been  agree.ible  if  our  poet  had  given  us  a  kind  of  catalogue  of  all  such  as 
were  killed  at  this  time,  of  any  note.  Captain  Nt\eman  was  among  the  number.  Elliot's 
Works,  135. 

$  Little-turtle  told  Mr.  Volney  circumstances  which  gave  him  that  opinion.  See  his 
Travels  in  America,  ed.  Lond.  ISOi. 

II  General  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  of  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  He  came  to  America  in  the 
leet  which  brought  over  Admiral  Ihscawen,  in  17S5,  and  having  served  through  the  revolu- 
tiniiary  and  Indian  wars,  died  at  his  farm  near  Greensburgh,  Pa.  31  Aug.  1818.  Amer  Mun 
His-  ii-  4fiy,  (N.  Y.  1018.) 


Chap.  IV.l 


LITTLE-TURTLE  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 


573 


believed.*  His  residence  was  upon  Eel  River,  about  20  miles  from  Fort  Wayne, 
where  our  government  built  him  a  house,  and  furnished  him  with  means  of 
living,  much  to  the  envy  of  his  countrymen.  Therefore  what  had  been  bestowed 
upon  Aim,  to  induce  others  to  a  like  mode  of  life  by  their  own  exertions,  proved 
not  only  prejudicial  to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  minds 
of  all  tlie  Lidians.  He  was  not  a  cliief  by  birth,  but  was  raised  to  that 
standing  by  his  superior  talents.  This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jealousy 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a  neglect  of  his  counsel  heretofore.  The  same 
author,t  from  whom  we  get  the  facts  in  the  preceding  part  of  tliis  paragraph, 
says,  " Mcshecunnaqua,  or  the  LittU-turtle,  was  the  son  of  a  Miami  chief,  by  a 
Mohecan  woman.  As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regard  to  descents,  ia  precisely 
that  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the  condition  of  the  woman 
adheres  to  the  offspring,  he  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,"  &c. 

Little-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  great  wisdom. 
"And,"  says  my  author,  "there  have  been  few  individuals  among  ui)origines  who 
have  done  so  much  to  abolish  the  rites  of  human  sacrifice.  The  grave  of 
this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  neai*  Fort  Wayne.  It  is  frequently 
visited  by  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country,  by  whom  his  memory  is 
cherished  with  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration."  | 

The  grave  of  his  great  opponent  was  also  in  the  same  region ;  but  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  ihmily.  Ever  after 
his  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Big-wind  ;§  or  Tor- 
nado ;  some,  however,  on  particular  occasions,  called  lum  Sukach-gook, 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a  black-snake ;  because,  they  said,  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  ort  and  cunning  of  that  reptile.  ||  We  hear  yet  of  anotlier 
name,  which,  though  it  may  not  have  been  his  fault  that  acquired  it,  is  less 
complimentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  tiie  British 
bestowed  a  great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the  Americans 
did ;  but  some  of  the  latter  made  large  pretensions  about  what  they  would 
do.  General  Wayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to  them  of 
goods,  but  never  got  ready  to  fulfil  them,  (probably  from  being  disappointed 
himself  by  the  failure  of  his  government  in  not  forwarding  what  was 
promised ; )  therefore  they  called  him  General  ffa6ang,1I  which  signified 
General  To-morrow.** 

When  the  philosopher  and  famous  traveller  Volney  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  of^  1797,  Little-turtle  came  to  Philadelphia,  ivhere  he  then  was. 
Volney  sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  the  celebrated  chief,  for  highly 
valuable  purposes,  which  in  some  measure  he  effected.  He  made  a  vocabu- 
lary of  his  language,  which  he  printed  in  the  appendix  to  his  Travels.  A 
copy  in  manuscript,  more  extensive  than  the  printed  one,  is  said  to  be  in  the 
library  of  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Having  become  convinced  that  all  resistance  to  the  whites  was  voin,  Little- 
turtle  brought  his  nation  to  consent  to  peace,  and  to  adopt  agricultural  pur- 
suits. And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the  benevolent 
society  of  Friends,  for  assistance  to  effect  this  latter  purpose,  that  he  now 
visitea  Philadelphia.  While  here,  he  was  inoculated  for  the  small-pox,  and 
was  also  afflicted  with  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Volnejfs  interview  with  him  for  information,  ho  took 
no  notice  of  the  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communicating  with 
Mr.  Volney,  for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked  about,  plucking 
out  his  beard  and  eyebrows.  He  was  dressed  now  in  English  clothes.  His 
skin,  where  not  exposed,  Mr.  Volney  savs,  was  as  white  as  his ;  and  on 
speaking  upon  the  subjecl^  Little-turtle  said,  "  I  have  seen  Spaniards  in  Louis- 
iana,  and  found  no  difference  of  color  between  them  and  me.  And  M'hy 
should  there  be  aiiy?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is  the  work  of  the  Father  of  colors, 
the  iSim,  that  burns  us.  You  white  people  compare  the  color  of  your  face 
with  that  of  your  bodies."    Mr.  Volney  ex])]aiued  to  him  the  notion  of  many 

*  flchoolcrap.'s  Travels.  f  Dawson,  Mems.  Harrison.  t  Sclwolcra/l's  Travels, 

i  Pa.  Gazelle.  |l  ffeckrwelders  Narrative. 

T  Or,  ocoording  to  Mr.  W.  J.  Snelling,  it  should  be  written  Wabunk. 
•»   Weld's  TraveU,  424. 


lr.| 


■\i  ■ 

1     i.-  ', 

■   ■       I 

\   -    * 

574 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— HIS  DEATH   AND  CHARACTER.       [Book  V. 


r  '* 


that  his  race  was  descended  from  the  Tartars,  and  by  a  map  showed  him  the 
supposed  communication  between  Asia  and  America.  To  tliis  I/iltle-turtle 
replied, "  fVhy  should  not  these  Tartars,  who  resemble  us,  have  come/rom  America  ? 
Are  there  any  reasons  to  the  contrary  ?  Or  wiiy  should  wo  not  botii  have  l)een 
born  in  our  own  country  ?  "  It  is  a  fact  that  the  Indians  give  tliemselves  a 
name  wiiich  is  equivalent  to  our  word  indigent,  that  is,  one  sprung  from  the  soil, 
or  natural  to  it.* 

Baron  Lahontan,^  after  describing  the  different  dances,  or  dances  for  differ- 
ent occasions,  among  the  Indians  of  Canada,  adds  the  following  in  a  note  : — 
"  Toutes  ces  danses  piuvent  etre  comparies  a  la  pyrrhique  de  Minerve,  car  les  sati- 
vagea  observent,  en  dansant  d'une  graviti  singvliire,  les  cadences  de  certaines 
chamons,  que  les  milices  C  recques  d'Achilie,  apelloient  hyporchvmatiques.  11  n^  est  pas 
facile  de  s^avoir  si  les  sauvages  les  ont  aprises  des  Grccs,  ou  si  les  Grecs  les  oni  apnses 
des  sauvages."  It  is,  perhaps,  from  such  passages  that  Lahontan  has  been 
branded  with  the  name  of  infidel  ;t  but  truly  there  can  be  nothing  irreligious 
in  such  deductions,  inasmuch  as  it  is  conceded  on  all  hands  that  the  geologi- 
ical  formations  of  the  new  world  have  required  as  much  time  for  their  jicr- 
fection  as  those  of  the  old.  Mr.  Volney  comes  within  the  same  pale,  when 
he  compares  the  Spartans  to  the  Five  5fation8.  In  contrasting  the  states  of 
Lacedsemon  with  modern  France,  he  says,  "  Maintenant  que  fai  vu  les  sau- 
vages d'Amirique,  je  persiste  deplus  en  plus  dana  cette  comparaison,  et  jc 
trouve  que  le  premiere  livre  de  Thucydide,  et  tout  ce  qu^U  dit  des  mtEurs  des 
iMcidemoniens,  convienent  tellement  aux  cinq  nations,  que  fappellerais  volontiers 
les  Spartiates,  les  Iroquois  de  Vancien  monde."§ 

When  Mr.  Volney  asked  Little-turtle  what  prevented  him  from  living 
among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not  more  comfortable  in  Philadelphia  than 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  he  said,  "  Taking  all  things  together,  you  have 
the  advantage  over  us ;  but  here  I  am  deaf  and  dumb.  I  So  not  talk  your  lan- 
guage ;  1  can  neither  hear,  nor  make  myself  heard.  When  I  walk  through  the 
streets,  I  see  every  person  in  his  shop  employed  about  something:  one  makes  shoes, 
another  hats,  a  third  sells  cloth,  and  every  one  livts  by  his  labor.  I  say  to, myself. 
Which  of  all  these  things  can  you  do  ?  JVot  one.  I  can  make  a  bow  or  an 
arrow,  catch fsh,  kill  game,  and  go  to  war :  but  none  of  these  it  of  any  use  here. 
To  learn  wJiat  is  done  here  uiould  require  a  long  time."  "  Old  age  comes  on." 
"  /  should  he  a  piece  of  furniture  useless  to  my  nation^  useless  to  the  whites,  and 
useless  to  myself."    "  I  must  return  to  my  oion  country." 

At  the  same  time,  (175)7,)  among  other  eminent  personages  to  whom  this  chief 
became  attached  in  Philadelphia,  was  the  renowned  Koskiusko.  This  old 
Polish  chief  was  so  well  pleased  with  Little-turtle,  that  when  the  latter  went 
to  take  his  final  leave  of  him,  the  old  "  war-worn  soldier  "  and  patriot  pre- 
sented hiiM  with  a  beautiful  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant  robe  made  of  sea- 
otter's  skii ,  of  the  value  of  "several"  hundred  dollars. 

Little-turtle  died  in  the  summer  of  1812,  at  his  residence,  but  a  short  time 
after  the  declaration  of  wai*  against  England  by  the  United  States.  His  por- 
trait, by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-office  of  our  nation.  TI.e 
following  notice  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  time  of  his  death  : 
"Fort  Wayne,  21  July,  1812.  On  the  14  inst  the  celebrated  Miami  chief, 
the  Little-turtle,  died  at  this  jdace,  at  the  age  of  65  years.|| — Perhaps  there  is 
not  left  on  this  continent,  one  of  his  color  so  distinguished  in  council  and  in 
war.  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  a  camp,  because  he  chogc  to 
be  in  the  open  air.  He  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The  agent  for  In- 
dian affairs  had  him  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  Oilier  marks  of  dis- 


*  Soe  Volney's  Travels,  ut  siipra.  t  Memoirea  de  L'  Amerique,  ii.  109. 

\  No  one  presumes  to  pronounce  Father  HenriPpin  an  infidel,  and  he  denies,  (after  living 
much  among  the  Indians,)  that  they  have  any  notion,  or  belief,  of  what  Christians  rail  Dr'lii. 
Hut  Mr.  Jiererlij  (Hist.  Virginia,  1(J9.)  says,  "Haron  Lahoman,  on  the  other  hand,  makes 
lliem  have  such  relined  notions,  as  seem  almost  to  ronfute  his  own  belief  of  Christianity." 

4  fEuvres  de  C.  F.  Volmii,  t.  C.  129.  (Paris,  182fi.) 

11  There  was  a  chief  of  the  same  name  among  the  Miamis  in  1818.  who  is  mentioned  in 
Ihe  treaty  made  with  those  Indians  on  (i  October,  at  Si.   Marys.    The  passage  in  die  treaty ' 
is  as  follows: — To  Meshctinqva  or  the  l.ittlf-ttnih,  one  section  nf  land  on  the  south  side  of 
llio  Wabash,  where  the  portage  path  siriiies  the  same."     Indian  Treaties,  314. 


.  vi'  '!'■ 


■jjiLiLi     mt  ii»ji 


Chap   IV.J 


BLUE  JACKET. 


675 


tinctinn  snitrd  to  his  cliarnctcr."  He  was,  generally,  in  his  time,  styled  the 
Messissago  chieti*  and  a  gciitlernan  who  saw  iiim  soon  alter  St.  Clair's  <le- 
feat,  at  Montreal,  says  he  was  six  feet  high,  "  ahoiit  45  years  of  age,  of  a 
very  sour  and  morose  countenance,  and  apparently  very  crafty  and  snhtle. 
His  dress  was  Indian  moccasins,  a  hiue  petticoat  that  came  half  way  down 
his  thighs;  an  European  waistcoat  and  surtout;  his  head  was  hound  with 
an  Indian  cap  that  hung  half  way  down  his  back,  and  almost  entirely  filled 
with  plain  silver  broaches,  to  the  number  of  more  than  200;  he  had  two 
ear-rings  to  each  ear,  the  upper  part  of  each  was  formed  of  three  silver 
medals,  about  the  size  of  a  dollar;  the  lower  part  was  formed  of  quarters 
of  dollars,  and  fell  more  than  12  inches  from  his  ears — one  from  each  ear 
over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  back  ;  he  had  three  very  large  nose  jewels 
of  silver,  that  were  curiously  painted.  The  account  he  gave  of  the  action 
[with  the  Americans,  4  Nov.]  was,  that  they  killed  1400  of  them,  with  the  loss 
of  nine  only  of  their  party,  one  of  whom  killed  himself  by  accident."  The 
person  who  gave  this  account  said  this  chief  wi=  in  Canada  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  all  the  Indian  force  be  could  to  go  out  again  in  the  spring  against  the 
whites. 

Mr.  Dawson  relates  a  pleasant  arecdote  of  Little-turtle,  which  happened 
while  he  was  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadelphia.  A  native  of  the 
Emerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  same  time,  who  prided  himself  upon 
his  ability  at  joking.  IMtle-turtle  was  not  backward  in  the  same  business, 
and  they  passed  severis)  meetings  very  pleasantly.  One  morning,  1/ittle- 
turtle  did  not  iake  n.uch  notice  of  his  friend,  and  seemed  rather  sedate, 
which  was  construed  by  the  Hibernian  into  an  acknowledgment  of  victory 
on  the  jiart  of  the  chief,  in  their  joking  game,  and  accordingly  began  to 
intimate  as  much.  When  Little-turtle  understood  him,  he  said  to  the  inter- 
preter, "  He  mistakes ;  I  was  just  thinking  of  proposing  to  this  man,  to  paint  us 
both  on  one  board,  and  there  I  would  stand  face  to  face  wiih  him,  and  blackguard 
him  to  all  eternity." 

Among  the  chiefs  associated  in  command,  in  the  wars  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking  with  the  tiunous  Mishikinukw".,  was  another  of  nearly  equal 
note,  familiai'ly  called  Blue-Jacket  by  the  Avhites,  but  by  his  o^vn  nation,  /f'e- 
yapiersenwaw.  He  was  the  most  distinguished  chief  of  the  Shawanese,  and 
we  hear  of  him  at  Fort  Industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the  liake,  as  late  as  lt*05. 
By  some  particular  arrangement,  the  chief  command  seems  to  have  devolved 
on  him  of  op[)osing  General  IVayne.  He  was  more  bloody  and  precipitate 
than  Mishikinakwa,  and  possessed  less  discrimination  and  judgtnent.  He 
was  among  the  last  of  the  chiefs  who  came  in  to  treat  with  General  Wayne. 
The  Shawanese  held  out  as  long  as  they  could,  and  came  in  very  slowly. 
On  the  24  June,  a  boy,  who  had  ben  a  captive  among  them,  (having  been 
lately  retaken,)  confidently  asserted  that  the  Shawanese  wotildnot  makepeace. 
But  one  month  alter,  23  July,  Blu£-Jacket  made  his  appearance,  and  it  was  duly 
noticed  by  a  gentleman  at  the  time,  who  kept  a  journal  of  important  matters 
at  Greenville.  He  then  adds,  "  deputations  from  all  the  late  hostile  tiibes 
north  of  the  Ohio  are,  consequently,  now  at  this  place."t 

We  find  this  notice  of  Blue-jacket  in  August,  171*2.  "  By  a  gentleman  im- 
mediately from  Montreal,  we  learn  that  about  four  weeks  since,  the  famous 
Indian  partisan,  known  by  the  name  of  Captain  Blue-Jacket,  was  at  Detroit, 
wth  about  2000  men,  waiting  for  the  Americans  to  come  out  into  the  woods: 
it  is  believed  at  Montreal,  that  in  case  the  Americans  do  not  go  out,  they 
will  bo  divided  into  small  parties  to  harass  our  frontiers,";  The  tribes 
which  furnished  warriors  to  oppose  the  Americans  were  tho  Wyandots, 
Miamis,  Pottowattomies,  Delawares,  Shawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottaways, 
and  a  few  Senecas.  Blue-Jacket  was  the  director  ai.d  leader  of  this  mighty 
band  of  warriors. 

In  the  treaty  of  29  September,  1817,  at  the  «  Foot  of  the  Rapids"  of  the 
Miami  of  the  Lakes,  with  the  VVyandots,  Senecas,  Delawares,  Shawanese, 

•  Tlios(^  of  this  tribe  in  (lie  vicinity  of  I.akR  Ontario,  r.re  of  a  miirli  (I;irl;cr  cdnijili'xion  lliaa 
llie  oilier  luilians  of  the  west.      W'e/d,  Travels  in  America,  'lol. 
t  See  Elliot's  Works,  141, 142.  i  Cu,-y'f  yUsvum,  v.l  lia. 


4'  i 


^'     .IS 


I    !'  M  i9 


576 


WAYNE'S  VICTORY  AT  MIAMI. 


[Book  V. 


W'  : 


&c.  there  is  a  paragraph  which  it  is  presumed  has  rrferonce  to  a  duii^liter 
of  this  chief.  It  proposes  to  give  "To  JVancy  Stewart,  daiigliter  of  the  lute 
Shawanee  chief  Blue-Jacket,  one  section  of  land,  to  contain  six  hundred  and 
40  acres,  on  the  Great  Miami  river  below  Lewistown,  to  include  her  present 
improvements,  three  quarters  of  the  said  section  to  be  on  the  S.  E.  side  of 
the  river,  and  one  quarter  on  the  N.  W.  side  thereof."* 

From  the  time  General  St,  Clair  was  defeated,  in  1791,  murders  were  con- 
tinued upon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  government  to  effect 
a  peace,  proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  the  anibassadors  sent  to  them  were 
murdered,  and  that  too  while  the  army  was  progressing  towards  their 
countiy. 

Aliter  building  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Miami,  six  miles  above  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, General  Wayne  took  possession  of  the  ground  where  General  St. 
Clair  had  been  defeated,  and  there  erected  a  ibrt,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Recovery,  in  which  the  army  spent  the  winter  of  1793-4.  Many  censures 
were  passed  upon  the  general  for  his  slow  progress ;  but  he  knew  much 
better  what  he  was  doing  than  newspaper  writers  did  what  tiioy  were 
writing,  when  they  undertook  to  censure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8  August,  1794,  when  the  army  arrived  at  the  confluence  of  the 
rivers  A u  Glaize  and  Maumee,  where  they  built  Fort  Defiance.  It  was  the 
general's  design  to  iiave  met  the  enemy  unprepared,  in  this  move ;  but  a 
fellow  deserted  his  camp,  and  notified  the  Indians.  He  now  tried  again  to 
bring  them  to  an  a>„commodation,  and  from  the  answers  which  he  received 
from  them,  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether  they  were  for 
peace  or  war ;  so  artful  was  the  manner  in  which  their  replies  were  formed.f 
At  length,  being  fully  satisfied,  he  marched  down  the  Muumee,  and  arrived 
at  the  rapids,  18  August,  two  days  bcfoie  the  battle.  His  army  ccmsisted  of 
upwards  of  3000  men,  2000  of  whom  were  regulars.  Fort  Deposit  was 
erected  at  this  place,  for  the  security  of  their  supplies.  They  now  set  out  to 
meet  the  enemy,  who  had  chosen  his  position  upon  the  bank  of  the  river, 
with  much  judgment.  They  had  a  breastwork  of  fallen  trees  in  front,  and 
the  high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  gave  them  much  security,  as  also  did  the 
thick  wood  of  Presque  Isle.  Their  force  was  divided,  and  disposed  at 
supporting  distances  for  about  two  miles.  Wlien  the  Americans  had  arrived 
at  proper  distance,  a  body  was  sent  out  to  begin  the  attack,  "  with  ordere  to 
rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with  the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver 
a  close  fire  upon  their  backs,  and  press  them  so  hard  as  not  to  give  them  time  to 
reload."  X  This  order  was  so  well  executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack 
so  short,  that  only  about  900  Americans  participated  in  it.  But  they  pursued 
the  Indians  with  great  slaughter  through  the  woods  to  Fort  Maumee,  where 
the  carnage  ended.  The  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their 
strong  hold,  that  their  numbers  only  increased  their  distress  and  confusion ; 
and  the  cavalry  made  horrible  havoc  among  them  with  their  long  saltres. 
Of  the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  130.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  be  ascertained,  but  must  have  been  very  severe.  The 
American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  as  they 
advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians'  rifles,  who  could  not  be  seen  until 
they  had  discharged  upon  them.  They  maintained  their  coverts  but  a  short 
time,  being  forced  in  every  direction  by  the  bayonet  But  until  that  was 
effected,  the  Americans  fell  fast,  and  we  only  wonder  that  men  coidd  be 
found  thus  to  advance  in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals  is  chargeable  to  certain  white 
men,  or  at  least  mainly  so ;  for  some  days  before  the  battle,  General  Wayne 
sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and  treat  with  him. 
The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to  Colonel  MKee,  who,  it  appeai-s,  was 
their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  putting  a  false  construction  upon  it,  increased  the 
rage  of  the  Indians :  he  then  informed  them  that  they  must  <brthwith  fight 
the  American  army.  Some  of  the  chiefs,  learning  the  truth  of  the  letter,  were 
for  peace ;  but  it  was  too  late.  Little-turlle  was  kiiown  to  have  heen  in  favor 
of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well  aware  of  tlie  abilities  «/f  the  American 

*  Indian  Treaties,  90.  t  Marshall's  Washin;;ton,  v.  4S1.  ed.  4lo.         X  Schoolcraft 


Chap.  V.] 


THAYANDANECA,  OR  BRANT. 


377 


general ;  but  such  was  the  influence  of  traders  among  them,  that  no  arg'i- 
inents  could  prevail.  Tlius,  instances  without  number  might  be  aihluced, 
where  these  people  have  been  destroyed  by  placiiig  confidence  iu  deceiving 
white  men. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  the  chiefs  assembled  in  council,  and  some  pro- 
posed attacking  the  army  in  its  encampment,  but  the  proposal  was  objected 
to  by  others;  finally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  Prcsque  Isle  prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
number.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up  until 
alter  the  defeat  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians  ot  the  folly 
of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans;  they  theretbre  were  glad  to  get 
what  terms  they  could  from  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve  tribes  met  commis- 
sioners at  Fort  Greenville,  S  August,  17!)5j  and,  as  a  price  of  their  peace, 
gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes,  and  west  of  the  Ohio ; 
and  such  other  tracts  as  comprehended  all  the  military  posts  ia  the  western 
region.  The  government  showed  some  liberality  to  these  tribes,  on  their  re- 
linquishing to  it  what  they  could  not  withhold,  and  as  a  gratuity  gave  them 
yO,000  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  DOOO  dollars  a  year  forever; 
to  be  divided  among  those  tribes  in  proportion  to  their  numbers.* 

-«/^#^- 

CHAPTER  V. 


?  n 


;■•      I- 
>  '      i 


Life  of  Thayandaneca,  called  by  the  whites,  Brant — His  education — Visits  Eng- 
land— Commissioned  there — His  sister  a  companion  to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson — His 
letter  to  the  Oneidas — Affair  with  Herkimer  at  Unadilla — Cuts  off  Herkimer  and 
200  men  at  Oriskana — Anecdote  of  Herkimer — Burns  Springfield — Horrid  affair 
of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  Valley — Barbarities  of  the  tories — Sul- 
livan's  depredations  am,onv  the  Five  J^ations — Brant  defeated  by  the  Americans  at 
A'ewtoion — Destruction  oj  Minisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  people — Destruction  of 
HarpcrsfiMr— Brant's  letter  to  M Causland — Marriage  of  his  daughter — Her  hus- 
baud  killed — Brant  becomes  the  friend  of  peace — Visits  Philadelphia — His  marriage 
— Lands  granted  him  by  the  king — His  death — His  son  John — Traits  of  character 
— One  of  his  sons  killed  by  him,  rn  an  attempt  to  kill  his  father — Account  of  Brant's 
arrival  in  England — Some  account  of  his  children. 

Colonel  Joseph  Brant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  whose  In- 
dian name  was  Thayendaneca,j  or  Tajjadanaga,l  signifying  a  brant.§  But  as  he 
was  seldom  called  by  that  name  after  ho  became  known  to  the  whites,  it  was 
generally  forgotten.  He  received  a  very  good  English  education  at  "  Moor's 
charity  school,"  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut,  whore  he  was  placed  by  Sir 
William  Johnson,  in  July,  1761.    His  age,  at  this  time,  we  have  not  learned. 

The  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the  son  of  a  German,  has  been 
widely  spread,  but  is  denied  by  hi»  son,  and  now  believed  to  be  a  falsoliood, 
ignorantly  circulated.  This  error  might  have  arisen  either  from  the  known 
fact  of  his  being  of  rather  a  lighter  complexion  than  his  countrymen  in  general, 
or  from  his  having  married  a  woman  who  was  a  half-breed.  |j 

Brant  went  to  England  in  1775,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolutionary 
rupture,  wh«re  he  was  received  with  attention,  and  doubtless  had  tiicre  his 
mind  prepared  for  the  part  he  acted  in  the  memorable  struggle  which  ensued. 

•  The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  offered  to  them  before  the  battle,  which 
should  be  mentioned,  as  addini^  materially  to  our  good  teelin^  towards  its  authors.  It  is 
punerally  denominated  VVayjie's  treaty.    It  is  woriliy  of  him. 

t  Carey's  Museum,  v.  18.  J  Annals  Tryon  County,  15. 

^  Generally  written  Brandt  by  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  of  his  In- 
dian name. 

|{  It  has  been  mentioned  to  me  by  a  gentleman,  (iTie  editor  of  Washington's  Writings,! 
that  he  had  no  doubt  of  llio  fact  tliat  Brant  was  the  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  I  am  not 
(sHiistied  upon  the  subject,  tuid,  therefore,  nolo  the  opinion  of  one  which  claims  primary  con- 
siileralion  on  all  subjects  connected  with  our  history,  The  only  author,  that  I  recoiled,  who 
has  circulated  a  printed  opinion  of  lliis  kind,  is  Chapman.    See  Hist.  Wyomiiig,  121 

49  2M 


!      I 


(^; 


1,1 


i  ■ 


:  f, 


«  A 


578 


BRANT  ftlEETS  THE  AMERICANS  AT  UNADILLA.       fBooK  V 


m 

1  ^ 


He  had  a  colonel's  commission  in  the  English  army  upon  tlie  frontiers,  which 
consisted  ofsucii  of  the  Six  Nations  and  tories,  as  took  part  against  the  conn- 
try.  General  Sir  H^illiam  Johnson  was  agent  of  Lidian  aiTairs,  and  had  greatly 
ingratiated  himself  into  the  esteem  of  the  Six  Nations.  He  lived  at  the  place 
since  named  from  him,  upon  the  noith  bank  of  t'le  Mohawk,  about  40  miles 
from  Albany.  Here  he  had  an  elegant  seat,  and  would  oilen  entertain  seve- 
ral hundreds  of  his  red  friends,  and  share  all  in  common  with  them.  They 
so  much  respected  him,  that,  notwithstanding  they  had  the  full  liberty  of  liis 
house,  yet  they  would  take  nothing  that  did  not  Iielong  to  them.  The  better 
to  rivet  their  esteem,  he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommodate  himself  to 
their  mode  of  dress,  and,  being  a  widower,  took  as  a  kind  of  companion  a 
sister  of  Brant,  by  the  name  of  Molky.  He  had  received  honors  and  emolu- 
ments from  the  British  government^  and  the  Indians  received  also,  through 
his  agency,  every  thing  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  hold  in  tlie  greatest  reverence  tlio 
name  of  their  "  great  liitlier,"  the  king,  and  think  ihefew  rebels  who  oj)posed 
his  autliority,  wlien  the  revolution  began,  most  ungratefully  wicked,  and  un- 
worthy all  mercy.  Sir  William,  died  in  1774,  about  a  year  before  the  battle 
of  Hunker's  Hill. 

Tlie  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  are  associated  with  the  recollec- 
tion of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Cherry-valley  and  Wyoming,  lived  at  Caugli- 
uewaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  from  the  village  of  Johnston,  and  upon  the 
same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

In  1775,  in  a  letter  to  the  Oneidas,  our  chief  subscribes  himself  "  secretary 
to  Guy  Johnson"  This  was  early  hi  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  hence  he 
was  immediately  from  England.  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in-law  of 
Sir  William.  The  letter  was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was  supposed  to 
have  been  lost  by  the  person  who  was  intrusted  with  it  It  was  in  the  Mo- 
hawk language,  the  translation  of  which  commences  thus :  "  Written  at  Guy 
Johnson's,  May,  1775.  This  is  your  letter,  you  great  ones  or  sachems.  Guy 
Johnson  says  he  will  be  glad  if  you  get  this  intelligence,  you  Oneidas,  hoiv  it  goes 
loith  him  now,  and  he  is  now  more  certain  concerning  the  intention  of  the  Boston 
people.  Guy  Johnson  is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians. 
We  Mohawks  arc  obliged  to  watch  him  constantly,"  &c. 

After  this,  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  when  he  fled  to  Canada.  The 
two  Butlers  were  also  in  tlie  train.  Being  now  in  a  place  of  safety,  and  tin; 
means  in  their  hands,  plots  of  destruction  were  put  in  execution  in  rapid 
succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson,  Brant  came  again  to  the 
frontiers.  Some  of  the  peaceable  Mohawks  had  been  confined,  to  prevent 
their  doing  mischief,  as  were  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  in  Philip's 
war.  Brant  was  displeased  at  this,  for  he  said,  if  the  distant  Indians  should 
come  down,  they  would  destroy  them  indiscriminately  with  the  whites.  He 
was  accompanied  by  a  band  of  70  or  80  warriors,  who,  in  their  rambles, 
visited  Unadilla,  where  they  assembled  the  inhabitants,  and  told  them  that 
they  stood  in  need  of  provisions,  and  if  they  did  not  give  them  some,  they 
should  take  it  by  force ;  a  refusal,  therefore,  would  have  been  worse  than 
useless.  Brant  further  observed, "  that  their  agreement  loith  the  king  was  strong, 
and  that  they  were  not  such  villains  as  to  break  their  covenant  with  him."  General 
Herkimer  marched  up  to  Unadilla,  in  July,  with  380  men,  where  he  fouml 
Brant  with  130  of  his  warriors.  Here  he  had  an  interview  with  him,  in  which 
he  held  the  following  language  : — "  TViat  the  Indians  were  in  concert  with  the 
king,  as  their  fathers  and  grandfathers  had  been.  That  the  king^s  bells  tvere  yet 
lodged  with  them,  and  they  coiUd  not  falsify  their  pledge.  That  General  Herki- 
mer and  the  rest  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  king.  That  Boston 
people  were  resobule,  but  the  king  icoiud  Jiumble  them.  That  Mr,  Schuyler,  or 
general,  or  what  you  please  to  call  him,  loas  very  smart  on  tlie  Indians  at  the  trenh/ 
at  German  Flatts ;  but  was  not,  at  tlie  same  time,  able  to  afford  them  the  smallest 
article  of  clothing.  That  the  Indians  had  formerly  made  war  on  the  while  people 
all  united ;  and  now  they  were  divided,  the  Indians  were  not  frightened"  Colonel 
Cox,  who  accompanied  Herkimer,  said,  if  war  was  his  (leterminatioti,  the 
matter  was  ended.    Brant  then  spoke  to  his  warriors,  and  they  shouted,  and 


>   I 


Chap.  V.] 


BRAN r— lurn.E  of  oriskana. 


579 


ran  to  their  place  of  eiif^ampment,  seized  their  arms,  fired  several  {?iiiis,  ami, 
aller  giving  tins  war-whoop,  returned  in  warlil<e  Jiriay.  General  Hirkimrr 
then  told  Brant  lie  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the  chief  motioned  for  iiis  men 
to  remain  quiet  Perhaps,  as  a  worthy  author  ohserved  upon  a  transaction 
ni  PKilip'a  war,  it  is  better  to  omit  the  cause  of  the  conduct  of  Herkinur, 
than  too  critically  to  inquire  into  it.  His  men  vastly  outnumbered  the  Indians, 
and  his  authority  was  ample ;  but  his  tnotives  were  no  doubt  pure,  ar.d  his 
courage  must  not  now  be  called  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  what  is  to 
be  related.  To  put  the  most  favorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to 
break  down  the  |)Ower  of  Brant,  is  to  8U|)po  e  that  he  was  impressed  with 
the  bi'lief  that  the  Indians  would  not  join  with  the  English  in  conniiitting 
hostilities ;  if  this  were  the  case,  he  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  his 
judgment. 

Atler  the  general  had  said  that  he  did  not  come  tofisht.  Brant,  with  an  air  of 
importance,  said,  "  If  your  purpose  is  war,  I  am  ready  for  you."  A  tempest, 
which  came  up  suddenly,  separated  the  parties,  and  each  retired  |)eaceably.. 
Tills  is  said  to  be  the  last  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans  with  the  Six 
Nations,  previous  to  hostilities,  except  with  the  Oneidas ;  all,  save  a  very 
few  of  whom  remained  neutral. 

Towards  the  autumn  of  this  year,  (1777,)  Brant  was  under  the  direction  of 
General  St.  Leger,  who  detached  him  with  a  eouciderable  body  of  warriors 
for  the  investment  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Colonel  Butler  was  commander- in-chief, 
with  a  band  of  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  deter- 
mined to  march  for  the  relief  of  Colonel  Gansevoort,  who  commanded  the 
fort,  which  they  did,  in  two  regh.ients,  with  General  Herkimt.'  at  their  head. 
As  is  usual  with  militia,  they  marched  in  great  disorder,  and  when  the  gene- 
ral ordered  scouting  parties  to  march,  as  security  against  surprise,  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  main  body,  they  accused  him  with  cowardice,  which,  most 
unwarrantably,  had  more  influence  U])on  his  mind,  than  the  safety  of  his 
ai"my.  A  catastrophe  ensued,  which,  though  not  so  momentous  in  that  day, 
as  was  that  of  Lothrop  in  1(376,  nor  so  comiilete  a  victory  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  yet  it  was  a  severe  fight,  in  which  200  Americans  were  sluiii.*  The 
place  of  attack  was  selected  by  Brant  or  Butler,  and  was  a  ravine  of  a  broad 
bottom,  nearly  impassable,  except  a  rough  track  covered  with  logs  of  from 
12  to  15  feet  in  length,  laid  transversely,t  which  extended  across  it.  General 
Herkimer  arrived  at  this  place  about  two  hours  before  mid-day,  August  (!. 
He  might  reasonably  have  expected  an  ambush,  but  his  fii's*  intimations  of 
the  vicinity  of  an  enemy  were  the  terrifying  yells  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
still  more  lasting  impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  advanced  guiu"d  were  all 
cut  off.  Such  as  survived  the  first  fire,  were  hewn  down  with  the  tomahawk. 
The  fiital  causeway  was  semicircular,  and  Brant  and  his  forces  occupied  the 
surrounding  heights.  These  are  the  principal  events  in  tl  u  uattle  of  Oriskana. 
A  surgeon.  Dr.  JMb«e»  young"/o«e,  was  taken  prisoner  ii  this  battle,  and  af\er 
his  return  from  captivity,  he  wrote  a  poem  upon  the  ..{fair,  from  which  we 
extract  the  following : — 

"  The  time  and  place  of  our  unhappy  fight, 
To  you  at  large  were  needless  to  recite: 
When  in  the  wood  our  fierce  inhuman  foes. 
With  piercing  yell  from  circling  ambush  rose, 
A  sudden  volley  rends  the  vauUed  sky ; 
Their  painted  bodies  hideous  Co  the  eye, 
They  rush  like  hellish  furies  on  our  bands, 
Their  slaughter  weapons  braiidish'd  in  their  hands." 

Running  down  from  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  forming  a  junction,  one  of  them  not  having  entered  the  causeway ; 
and  a  part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remainder 
upon  those  within  it.     The  former  fared  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 

*  Their  whole  loss  was  about  400,  says  Marshall,  Life  Washington,  v.  2fil. 

t  All  who  have  travelled,  even  within  a  few  years,  in  this  part  of  the  stale  of  New  York, 
ra;mol  but  well  rememl.er  the  "  Corduroy"  roads.  Such  was  me  roeul  over  this  memorable 
ravine. 


't  .f  I 


■.-m 


:     -t 


-,  \ 


■} 


>   !!     ! 


•■   I 


1  t.i 

» 

W '  • 


80 


nUANT— UATTLE  OF  ORI.SKAM 


fltuoK   V 


cnsos  a  flight  hna  iiliiioHt  ulwnyn  hoen  a  iliHiiml  defiut.  It  waa  now  the 
case.  Tliu  other  regiment,  iieniined  in  uh  they  were,  suw,  in  a  inonieul, 
that. 

To  fight,  or  not  to  iiglit,  was  death. 

They,  therefore,  hnok  to  Imck,  forming  a  front  in  every  direction,  fought  lik« 
men  in  deNi>uir.    ThiH,  Dr.  Younglove  tiius  forcihiy  duiiicts : — 

"  Now,  hand  to  hand,  the  contest  is  for  life, 
With  bay 'net,  lom'hawk,  sword,  and  sicalping  knife: 
Now  more  remote  the  work  of  (lealli  we  ply, 
And  thick  as  hail  the  show'ring  bulleLs  fly; 
Full  many  a  hardy  warrior  sinks  supine  ; 
Yells,  shrieks,  groans,  shouts  and  thund'ring  volleys  join  } 
The  dismal  dm  the  ringing  forest  fills, 
The  sounding  echo  roars  along  the  hills." 
« 
The  poet  thus  presents  to  our  view  the  attacking  parties  :— 

"  Of  two  departments  were  the  assailing  foes ; 
Wild  savage  natives  lead  the  first  of  tliose ; 
Their  almost  naked  frames,  of  various  dyes, 
And  rings  of  black  and  red  surround  their  eyes: 
On  one  side  they  present  a  shaven  head ; 
The  naked  half  of^  the  vermilion  red  ; 
In  spots  the  party-color'd  face  tliey  drew, 
Beyond  description  horrible  to  view ; 
Their  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o'erspread ; 
The  silver'd  cars  depending  from  the  head; 
Their  gaudry  my  descriptive  power  exceeds, 
In  plumes  of  feathers,  glitt'ring  plates  and  beads." 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  tories : — 

"  These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite, 
And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  light ; 
Their  rule  of  warfare,  devastation  dire, 
By  undistinguish'd  plunder,  death  and  fire ; 
They  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage 
Nor  tender  infant  spare,  nor  rev'rend  sage." 

And  Butler  ia  noticed  as  follows : — 

"  O'er  ihem  a  horrid  monster  bore  command, 
Whose  inauspicious  birth  disgrac'd  our  land  ; 
By  malice  urg'd  to  ev'ry  barb'rous  art  j 
Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart.*' 

With  such  bravery  did  they  fight  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  Indianf 
began  to  give  way ;  and,  but  for  a  reinforcenrient  of  tories,  under  Major  fVat- 
son,  they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforcement  is  thus 
cituracterized  by  the  surgeon : — 


"  The  oeennd  was  a  rer»«ffado  wew, 
Who  arm  and  dr«8s  as  Christian  nations  do. 
Led  by  a  chief  who  bore  the  first  command ; 
A  bola  invader  o(  his  native  land." 

The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Ampri- 
cans.  It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  who  had  left  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence  for  their 
hiyalty  to  the  king.  The  fight  was  renewed  with  vigor,  and  the  reinforcement 
(ought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  thirty  of  their  number  were  killed. 

*  Dr.  Gordon  says  the  tories  and  Indians  got  into  a  most  wretched  confusion,  and  foughl 
one  another;  and  that  the  latter,  al  last,  Ihoufflit  it  was  a  plot  of  the  whiles  on  both  sides,  to 
get  them  into  thai  situation,  thai  tlicy  niighl  cut  them  off. 


mimaui.  u  I  i. 


Uhap.  V.l 


BRANT.— ANECDOTE  OF  GEN.  IIERKI.MER. 


581 


Mnjor  ffatton,  their  leader,  was  woundud  and  token  prisoner,  but  left  upon 
tlie  battle-grouiid. 

In  the  mean  time,  Gfeneral  Herkimer  had  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  express, 
which  informed  Colonel  Gansevoort  of  his  sitiiution.  He  iminedintoly  (!*;• 
tached  Colonel  Marinua  ffillet  with  207  .uen,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  (Ik* 
remnunt  of  this  brave  band  from  destruction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from  the 
ground,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  consideruble  plunder.  Such  were  the 
events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskuna. 

General  Herkiiner  died  of  a  wound  which  he  received  in  this  fight  Near 
its  conuncncement,  he  was  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  and  his  horse  wns 
killed.  He  directed  his  saddle  to  lie  placed  upon  a  little  knoll,  and  rotating 
himself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  orders.  On  being  advised  to  remove 
to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  he  said,  *^M) — I  will  face  the  enemy  ; "  and,  adds 
the  historian  of  Tryon  county,  "  In  this  situation,  and  in  the  ht>at  of  the 
battle,  he  very  deliberately  took  from  his  pocket  his  tinderbox,  and  lit  his 
pipe,  which  he  smoked  with  great  composure." 

The  Indians,  t>8  well  as  tlie  Americans,  suffered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
And  our  fMiet  wiites, 

"  Such  was  the  bloody  fight :  and  such  Ihe  foe: 
Our  smaller  force  relurii'd  Ihem  blow  for  blow ; 
By  luriis  successfully  (heir  force  defy'd, 
And  conquest  wav'ring  scein'd  from  tide  to  side." 

Branfs  loss  being  about  100  men  ;  we  ar3  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indians  exaggeraled  in  thuse  lines : — 

"  Not  half  ihe  savages  returned  from  fight ; 
They  to  their  native  wilds  iiad  sped  their  flight." 

The  Senecas  alone  lost  30,  and  the  tories  about  100.  The  regiment  which 
fled  suffered  severely,  but  would  have  suffered  still  more,  had  not  their  pur- 
suers been  apprizetl  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  engaged  in  the 
ravine,  which  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit.  The  commanding  officer. 
Colonel  Cox,  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Campbell  and  Major  Clyde,  who  conducted  the  retreat. 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  '.6  thus  strikingly  presented  by 
Dr.  Younglove,  the  eye-witness: — 

"  Those  that  remain'd  a  lon^  encampment  made, 
And  rising  fires  illumin'd  all  the  shade  : 
III  vengeance  for  their  num'roug  brothers  slain, 
For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain ; 
And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 
A  fellow  pris'ncr  from  the  sentries  drew ; 
The  guards  I  (fore  received  their  chief's  command, 
To  not  withht  id  from  the  slaught'ring  band  ; 
liut  now  the  sufferer's  fate  they  sympathize, 
And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 
1  saw  the  general  *  slowly  passing  by, 
The  sergeant  on  his  knees,  with  tearful  eye, 
Implor'd  the  guards  might  wrest  him  from  their  hartdg, 
Since  now  the  troops  could  awe  their  lessen'd  baiids. 
With  I  i  ed  cane  the  gcn'ral  thus  replies, 
(While  indignation  sparkles  from  his  eyes : ) 
'  Go  !  sirrah!  mind  your  orders  giv'n  before  ! 
'  And  for  infernal  rebels  plead  no  more ! ' 
For  help  the  wretched  victim  vamJ^  i.-ir;, 
With  supplicatiiig  voice  and  ardent  eves ; 

With  horror  chill'd,  I  turn  away  my  lace,  ^ 

While  instantly  they  bear  him  from  the  place. 
Df'iad  scene! — with  angui.sh  stung  I  inly  groan, 
To  think  the  next  hard  Tot  may  be  my  own." 

The  poet  next  describes  his  dream,  in  which  he  was  carried  to  the  battle* 
ground ;  and  then  thus  opens  the  morning  scene : — 


■  •  I 


( f 


49 


•  Butler. 


! 


* 


5») 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CIIERRY-VALLEY. 


[Boos  V 


'.:./'     ' 


"  When  navn^'es,  for  horrid  sport  prcparM, 
Dnmaiiil  anolhur  pris'ner  from  the  euard, 
We  saw  Iheir  fcar'd  approach,  wilh  mortal  frif^hl, 
I'heir  scalpiiig-kiiivcs  tlicy  sharpeii'd  iii  our  sif^ht, 
Itvsidc  the  gwani  they  sut  them  uii  the  ground, 
And  view'd,  wilh  piercing  eyes,  the  prisuiiers  round." 

"  At  length,  one  rising  seized  me  by  the  haud  ; 
liy  him  drawn  forth,  on  trembling  knees  1  stand ; 
I  bid  my  fellows  all  a  lung  adieu, 
Wilh  answering  grief,  my  wretched  case  they  view. 
They  l«-d  me  bound  along  the  winding  flood, 
Far  in  the  gloomy  bosom  of  the  wood  ; 
There,  (horrid  sight!)  a  pris'iier  roasied  lay, 
The  carving-knile  had  cut  his  ilesh  away.'' 

After  enduring  every  thing  but  death  in  his  captivity,  Dr.  Younglave  retiirnetl 
home  in  safety. 

Ill  1778,  u  fort  was  built  at  Cherry-valley,  where  families  for  considerable 
extent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  occasionally  for  safety.  Brant 
iiitendud  to  destroy  this,  and  came  into  the  neighborhood  for  the  purpose 
It  hnppened  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discovery  of  the  strength 
of  tiie  garrison,  tlie  boys  were  assembled  in  a  training,  with  wooden  guns, 
for  amusement:  not  having  a  clear  view  of  them  from  the  foliage  of  the  trees 
wiiich  intervened.  Brant  thought  them  to  be  men.  It  was  ins  design  to  have 
made  the  attack  the  ibllowing  night ;  but  on  this  discovery,  he  gave  up  the 
design.  He  still  remained  in  the  neighborhood ;  secreted  behind  a  large  rock 
near  the  main  road  to  the  Mohawk,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  fort  iu 
the  valley.  Here  he  waited  to  interce|)t  some  unwary  passenger,  and  gain 
more  certain  intelligence.  Near  this  place  is  the  little  cascade  called  by  the 
natives,  Tekaharnwa.  The  inhal)itants  of  the  valley  were  in  expectation  of  a 
company  of  soldiers  from  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  them,  and  the  same  day 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  came  from  thence,  and  informed  them  that  Colonel 
Klock  would  arrive  the  next  day  with  the  party.  Near  night  he  set  out  to 
return,  accompanied  by  one  Peter  Sitz,  the  bearer  of  some  despatches.  He 
was  a  young  ollicer,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next 
day  with  one  of  the  companies  of  soldiers.  He  had  been  out  of  sight  but  a 
few  minutes,  when,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant,  his  wai'riors  fired 
upon  him,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse.  The  chief,  springing  from  his  hiding- 
place,  tomahawked  him  with  his  own  hands.  H'ormwood  and  his  companion 
were  ordered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  their  being  fired  upon. 
Brant  was  acquainted  with  Lieuteutuit  Wormwood  before  the  war,  and  after- 
wards exjjressed  sorrow  at  his  fate,  pretending  that  he  took  him  to  be  a  con- 
tinental officer.  His  horse  immediately  running  back  to  the  fort,  with  blood 
upon  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  had  happened.  His  compan- 
ion, Sitz,  was  taken  prisoner. 

In  June,  the  same  summer.  Brant  came  upon  Springfield,  which  he  burned, 
and  carried  off  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  women  and  children  were  not 
maltreated,  but  were  left  in  one  house  unmolested.  About  this  time,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  chief,  but  there  Wi  t  no  Captain  Church, 
or,  unlike  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  remote  nations  to  fly  to  without 
fijar  of  being  killed  by  them.  Captain  JVfKean  hunted  him  for  some  time, 
and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  an  insulting  letter  for  him,  and  left  it 
in  an  Indian  path.  Among  other  things,  he  challenged  him  to  single  combat, 
or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of  men ;  and  "that  if  he  would  come  to 
Cherry-valley,  and  have  a  fair  fight,  they  would  change  him  from  o  Brant 
into  a  Goos."  This  letter,  it  is  supposed.  Brant  received,  from  an  intimation 
contained  in  one  which  he  wrote  about  the  same  time  to  a  tory.  To  this  man 
(Parcifer  Carr,  of  Edmeston)  he  writes  from  Tunadilla  [Unadilla]  under  date 
y  July,  1778, — "Sir;  /  understand  by  the  Indians  that  was  at  your  house  last 
iveck,  that  one  Smith  lives  near  with  you,  has  little  more  com  to  spare.  I  should  be 
much  obliged  to  you,  if  you  would  he  so  kind  as  to  try  to  ett  as  much  com  as 
Smith  can  spared;  he  has  sent  me  five  skipples  already,  of  which  lam  much  oblig- 
ed to  him,  and  mil  see  him  paid,  and  woiUd  be  very  glad  if  you  coiUd  spare  one 
or  two  your  men  to  join  us,  especially  Elius.    /  would  be  glad  to  see  him,  and  i 


'  H 


ChAP.  v.] 


BRANT.— DEdJ'ftUCTION  OF  WYOMING. 


58C 


teish  you  coiUd  serd  me  as  many  guru  you  have,  at  I  kiww  you  have  no  uie  for 
thm,  if  you  anil ;  aa  I  mean  now  lof^ht  the  crud  rtbda  as  well  as  I  ran  ;  what- 
evrr  you  will  able  to  aenfd  me,  you  must  aenVd  by  the  bianr.  I  am  your  ainvrre 
frimd  and  humble  aet^t,  Joseph  Urant.  P,  S.  I  heard  that  Chimi-valUy 
iicople  ia  very  bold,  and  intended  to  make  nothitig  of  us  ;  they  coiled  ua  wild  ijifae, 
but  I  know  the  contrary."  Tli'm  we  siipposu  to  Ir!  u  fuir  H|M!ciiiu'ii  of  tlio  ciiin- 
ixiHition  of  the  cluefwho  nflerwunlM  triumlated  llie  Gospel  aecunliii^  to  John 
into  '^  Mohuwk  luiigtiiif^e,  disc  the  Hook  of  Common  Pruyer ;  copies  of  whii  li 
uif  ill  the  lihrury  of  llorvurd  college.* 

Tlif  next  evi.'iit  of  importance  in  which  Brant  was  engaged,  was  the  destriic- 
tioii  of  Wyoiniiigif  one  of  the  most  heart-rending  records  in  the  aiinalH  of  tiiii 
revolutionary  war.  In  that  horrid  attUir,  ahoiit  300  settlers  were  killed  oi 
curried  into  captivity ;  from  tlie  greater  port  of  whom  no  intelligence  was  evei 
ohtained. 

It  was  known  early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  that  a  largo  force  was  collecting 
at  Niagara  for  the  obj(!Ct  of  laying  waste  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
ginia and  New  York,  and  even  as  early  as  February,  (ieiieral  Schuvlkr  wrotis 
to  congress  to  inform  them  that  such  was  his  belief.     In  Mairii  he  wrote 
again  to  congress,  saying,  "A  number  of  Mohawks,  and  many  of  the  Oiioiidr,- 
goes,  Cayiigas,  and  Senecas,  will  commence  hostilities  agaiiist  ns  as  soon  as 
they  can;  it  would  be  prudent,  therefore,  early  to  take  mtasiires  to  carry  tlii! 
war  into  their  counti^    it  would  reipiire  no  greater  body  of  troops  to  destroy 
'heir  towns  than  to  prc.ect  the  frontier  inhabitants."  J    lint  congress  had  nnno 
than  their  hands  full  in  other  directions,  and  nothing  was  done.     In  the  he- 
gtiining  of  July,  the  tory  and  Indian  force,  amoiinling  together  to  about  KiOO 
men,  were  discovered  in  possession  of  Fort  Wiiiteriiioof,§  a  short  distance  from 
the  village  of  Wyoming.     Here  was  also  a  fort,  at  which  were  collected  near 
400  men  for  the  defence  of  the  coimtry,  who  wore  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  V    iiiiel  Zchulon  Iiiitlcr.\\     On  the  3  July,  a  council  of  war  v.as  held 
upon  the  jiiopriety  of  in  ircliing  out  and  attiickiiifj  the  tory  and  huliiin  nrniy, 
and  it  was  finally  ajrreed  that  the  enemy  should  be  souj^hr.     Accordinjfly  the 
Americans  marched  out  upon  this  expedition  the  same  dny.    Havint,'  sent 
for«vard  spies,  they  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were  discovered  by  two 
Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  the  same  business.     The  scouts  fired  each 
upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respective  head-qunrters.     Both 

Parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined  battle  near  a  thick  swamp, 
'he  Indians  and  torios,  being  the  more  numerous,  outflanked  the  Americans, 
and  Brant,  at  the  head  of  his  furious  warriors,  issuinjj  from  the  swamp,  turned 
their  left  flank,  and  creating  thereby  a  confusion,  which  greatly  favored  his 
kind  of  warfare,  and  enabled  him  to  make  dreadful  havoc  among  them. 

The  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by  Col- 
onel Dennison  that  Brant  successfully  encountered.  Butler,  at  the  same  lime, 
wna  gaining  some  advantage  over  the  other  line,  under  his  cousin  Zehulon, 
which,  added  to  the  raging  disaster  in  the  left,  became  immediately  a  flirjht. 
Colonel  Denniaon^a  order  to  fall  back,  by  which  ho  designed  to  make  an  ad- 
vantageous evolution,  was  distorted,  by  the  terrified  troops,  into  an  order  for 
flight ;  and  all  was  in  a  few  moments  lost.  And  from  Judge  Marshall  we  add 
as  follows: — "The  troops  fled  towards  the  river,  which  they  endeavored  to 
pass,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  Wilkesbarre,  [in  the  village  of  that  name  on  tlio 
opposite  side  of  the  Susquehannah.]     The  enemy  pursued  '  with  the  fury  of 

*  It  would  seem  from  Mr.  Weld,  (Travels  in  America,  48.5,)  that  he  translated  those 
works  before  the  war ;  but  I  have  heard  it  said  that  they  were  the  production  of  the 
chief  John  Norton ;  my  authority,  however,  1  do  not  remember. 

t  This  name  is  said  to  signify  ajteld  of  blood,  from  a  great  battle  fought  there  by  the 
Indians  before  its  settlement  by  the  whites.  This  derivation,  however,  is  not  according 
to  Heckewelder,  but  I  must  refer  the  curious  philologist  to  Chapman's  Ilist.  Wyominy, 
p.  10,  or  to  his  uuthority,  since  printed  in  the  Trans.  Amer.  I'hilos.  Hoc. 

t  Gordon's  American  Revolution,  iii.  184. 

9  This  was  garrisoned  by  a  company  of  men,  who  had  been  suspected  of  fon/ism,  and 
it  now  appeared  that  thejf  had  not  only  given  up  the  fort,  but  joined  the  hostile  party. 
Marshall's  Wasfiington,  lii.  .557. 

II  He  was  cousin  to  John  Butler,  the  leader  of  the  torics.  Marshall,  ibid.  5'56,  and  iv. 
Appendix,  1.3. 


1  ; 


H 


•     ! 


^  I'i' 


684 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTIOM  OF  WYOMING. 


[Book  V 


iii' 


devils ; '  and  of  the  400  who  had  marched  out  on  this  unfortunuto  parley 
only  about  20  escaped,"  among  whom  were  the  commanding  officers. 

The  fort  at  Wyoming  wp  j  now  closely  besieged,  and  seeing  no  chance  of 
escape, Colonel  Butler  proposed  a  parley  with  \\\sfrkndanA  namesake,  wliich 
was  assented  to.  The  place  of  meeting  was  appointed  at  some  distance  from 
the  fort,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  in  considerable  force,  to  prevent 
treachery,  to  the  place  appointed ;  but  when  they  arrived  there,  they  found 
nobody  with  whom  to  parley.  The  commander  of  the  tories  has  been  brand- 
C!d  with  gross  infamy,  for  this  piece  of  treaciiery  with  his  kinsman  ;  for  he 
feigned  fear  frtii  his  approach,  and  had  retired  us  tJiey  advanced,  displaying 
meanwhile  the  flag  of  truce.  The  unwary  Anierictms  were,  by  this  treacher- 
ous stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly  the  same  manner  us  were  Hutch- 
itison  and  fVheeler,  at  Wickabuug  Pond,  in  Philip^s  war.  They  were,  in  a 
iiioiiient,  nearly  surrounded  by  BranVa  warriors,  and  the  work  of  death  fuged 
in  all  its  fury.*  The  tories  "  were  not  a  whit  behind  tlie  very  chicfest "  of  tlicm 
in  this  bloody  day.  A  remnant  only  regained  the  fort,  out  of  st^veral  hundreds 
tliut  went  forth.  They  were  now  more  closely  besieged  than  before ;  and 
the  more  to  insult  the  vanquished,  a  demand  was  sent  in  to  tliem  to  surrender, 
"  accompanied  by  196  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been 
slain."  When  tlie  best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besiegers,  tlie  "infamous 
i?«Wer "  repi  id  in  these  two  words,  "</tc  hatclwl."  This  was  the  on]y  truth 
we  hear  of  is  uttering.  It  was  the  haicha,  indeed — a  few  only  fled  to  the 
stuTounding  wilderness,  there  to  meet  a  more  lingering  death  by  famine. 
These   'Lie  chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  passed  thefour'h  of  July,  1778,  in  the  before  flourishing  settlement 
of  Wyoming,  on  the  eastern  brunch  of  the  Sus<|uehannah.  Barlow  knew 
well,  in  his  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy  for  the  acta 
of  this  memorable  tragedy.    He  says, — 

"  His  savage  hordes  the  murderous  Johnson  leads, 
Files  through  the  woods  aud  trends  the  tangled  weeds 
Shuns  opcu  combat,  teaches  whore  to  run. 
Skulk,  couch  the  anibu^h,  aim  the  hunter's  gun, 
Whirl  the  sly  tomahawk,  the  war-whoon  sing, 
Pltide  the  spoils,  and  pack  the  scalps  they  bring." 

Columbiad,  \'i.  3n9,  &c 

Hti'ing  now  got  full  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Thacher, 
"after  selecting  .i  fi'v.  ])risoneip,  the  remainder  of  the  people,  including 
women  and  child  -an,  were  enel^'sed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  whicii  were 
immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  consumed  together.  Another  fort  was 
near  at  hand,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers ;  on  surrendering  without 
conditions,  these  were,  to  a  man,  btitchered  in  a  barbarous  manner;  when 
the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  childrer  were  shut  up  in  the  houses, 
and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengetince  in  oeholding  their  destitiction 
in  one  general  conflagration."  The  houses  of  the  tories  were  spared.  As 
though  they  could  not  exercise  their  cruelty  enough  '.  on  htiman  beings, 
they  fell  upon  the  beasts  in  the  field — shooting  some,  wotinding  and  man- 
gling others,  by  cutting  out  their  tongues,  &.c.  and  leaving  them  alive.  Well 
does  Campbell  make  his  Oneida  chief  to  say,  (who  conies  as  a  friend  to 
warn  the  settlement  of  tlie  approach  of  the  combined  army  of  tories  aud 
Indians,) 

"  '  But  this  is  not  a  time,'— he  started  up, 

And  smote  his  breast  with  woe-dcnouiicing  hand— 

'  This  is  no  tim    to  (ill  thv  joyous  cup; 

The  mnmiDoth  roir\es — tlio  Coo — the  monster  Brandt, 

With  all  his  howling  desolating  band  ; — 

These  eyes  have  seen  their  blade,  and  liurning  pine, 

Awake  at  once  and  silence  hall' your  land. 

Red  is  the  cup  tlioy  drink  ;  but  not  with  wine: 
Awake  and  watch  to-night !  or  sec  no  morning  shine. 

••  There  is  much  incongruity  in  relation  to  the  alTuirs  of  Wyoming.  C/ia;)mo»i  distinctly 
states  that  Itraut  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  urn\y  njidor  HiiIIit,  when  lie  was  met  by 
the  forces  that  marched  out  to  meet  them ;  nut  it  has  lately  been  denied  that  Brunt  was  even 
ftt  Wyoming  during  those  allairs. 


Chap.  V.J 


BRANT.— CRUELTIES  AT  WVO.MINO. 


68c 


"'Scorning  to  wield  the  hntrhet  for  his  bribe, 

'Gainst  Brandt  himself  I  went  to  battle  forth  : 

Accursed  Brandt !  he  lejl  of  all  my  tribe 

Nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thing  of  living  birth : 

No !  not  the  do^,  that  watched  my  household  hearth, 

Escaped,  that  night  of  blood,  upon  our  plains! 

All  perished  !-^l  alone  am  leA  on  earth! 

To  whom  nor  relative  nor  blood  remains. 
No  I— not  a  kindred  drop  that  runs  in  human  veins  I '  " 

Gertrude  of  Wyoming 

The  tories,  as  was  often  the  case,  were  attired  like  Indians,  and,  from  everj 
account,  it  appears  that  they  exceeded  them  in  ferocity. 

Dr.  Thacher  gives  us  tlie  following  examples  of  horror,  which  were  of  no- 
toriety at  the  tnne,  and  "  promulgated  from  authentic  sources.  One  of  tlia 
prisoners,  a  Captain  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  body 
tituck  full  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  and  a  fire  of  dry  wood  made  round  him, 
when  his  two  companions,  Captuitis  Ranson  and  Durkee,  were  thrown  into 
tiie  same  fire,  and  held  down  with  [)itchibrks,  till  consumed.  One  Partial 
Temj,  the  son  of  a  man  of  respectable  character,  having  joined  the  Indian 

i)arty,  several  times  sent  his  father  word  that  he  hoped  to  wash  his  hands  in  his 
\earPs  blood.  ^  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands,  murdered  his  father,  mother, 
brothers  and  sisters,  stripped  off  tiieir  scalps,  and  cut  off  his  father's  head  I "  * 

It  was  upon  such  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited  had 
dwelt,  which  caused  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denunciation  with  such  effect 
ti|)on  the  memory  of  Brant,  That  Butler  was  the  far  greater  savage,  none 
can  dispute,  and  Mr.  Campbell  has  long  since  acknowledged  his  too  great 
severity  upon  the  character  of  the  former.  We  should  explain  here,  that  a 
Koii  of  Colonel  Branl,  a  chief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  •/lhyonwaes;lis,  called 
by  the  English  John  Brant,  was  in  London  in  1822,  and  furnished  Mr.  Camp- 
bell witi:  documents,  which,  in  the  poet's  own  words,  "  changed  his  opinion 
of  Ills  father."  This  passage  was  contained  in  a  long  and  interesting  letter 
upon  tlie  subject,  to  ^yomoaeghs,  which  appeared  at  that  time  in  the  news- 
l)apersi. 

With  Wyoming  were  destroyed  Wilkesbarre  and  Kingston,  upon  the  other 
side  of  the  Susquohannah.  Though  Wyoming  is  generally  understood  to  be 
the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  tlie  valley  bearing  that 
name,  there  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  tiestroyed,  as  well  as 
Wyoming.f  These  towns  were  settled  by  emigrants  from  Coimecticut,  and 
wiien  destroyed  contained  more  tiian  1000  families,  and  had  furnished  the 
continental  army  with  more  than  1000  men,  who  were  generally  tlie  young 
and  active  part  of  the  population.^  The  opposite  sides  which  the  inhabitants 
took  in  the  great  revolutionary  question,  created  the  most  violent  rancor  in 
the  bosoms  of  both  parties,  and  hence  the  barbarities  wiiicli  ensued. 

In  November  following,  Clieiiy-valley  met  with  a  fate  sunilar  to  Wyoming. 
At  this  time,  Brant  was  returning  to  winter-quarters,  when  he  was  met  by  a 
tory  captain,  and  persuaded  to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  Tliis  was 
Walter  Butkr,  son  of  John,  the  hero  of  Wyoming.  He  went  to  Canada  with 
Guy  Johnson,  in  1775,  as  has  been  iiiention<'d;  and  now  some  circumstances 
brought  him  among  the  frontier  settlements  of  New  York.  What  his  object 
was,  we  are  not  informed  ;  but  it  was,  doubtless,  that  of  a  spy.  However, 
he  was  taken  lip  on  suspicion,  at  least,  and  confined  in  jail  at  Albany;  fallinr 
sick,  he  was  removed  to  a  private  dwelling,  from  whence  ho  soon  found 
means  to  esoajie.  Joining  hia  father  at  Niagara,  he  succeeded  in  detaching  a 
part  of  his  regiment  upon  an  incursion.  Meeting  with  Brant,  as  was  just 
mentioned,  they  returned  to  the  frontier.    It  is  said  that  Brant  was  at  first 

*  Thacher's  Journal. 

t  The  sculemcnt  of  Wyoming  consisted  of  eight  townships,  each  five  miles  square.  Annual 
Reg.  for  1779,  page  9.  "  Each  containing  a  square  of  five  miles,"  is  the  language  of  th« 
Register;  but  it  is  thought  unlikely  that  these  towns  were  so  small.  Writers,  and  good 
writers  loo.  often  commit  mathematical  errors  of  this  kind ;  not  distinguishing  between  miles 
tqiuire,ai\a  iquare  miles:  Thus,  the  differenco  between  five  square  miles,  and  five  milet 
square,  i.  e.  6*— 6=^0  square  miles,  the  true  diflurence  between  tlic  two  quantities. 

t  Marshall,  iii.  555. 


ri 


i-i 


il 


586 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY-VALLEY.  [Book  V 


i  •  ill 


Pn. 


displeased  with  the  project,  understanding  tliat  Captain  Walter  had  been  put 
in  office  over  him  by  his  old  general,  Walter'a  father,  but  stifled  his  resent- 
ment. Tiiuir  whole  force  was  700  men,  500  of  whom  were  the  warriors  of 
Brant. 

Colonel  Ichabod  Aldtn,  of  Massachusetts,  was  in  command  at  Cherry- 
valley,  and  to  his  misguided  judgment  is  to  be  attributed  the  disaster  which 
ensued.  But,  like  Waldron  of  Cochecho,  he  was  doomed  to  escape  the  dis- 
grace. He  was  early  apprized  of  the  march  of  Brant,  and  when  urged  to 
receive  the  inhabitants  into  the  fort,  observed  that  there  was  no  danger,  as 
he  would  keep  out  scouts  who  would  apprize  them  of  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  in  season  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out ;  one  of 
which,  eitiier  forgetting  the  business  they  were  upon,  or,  what  was  equally 
reprehensible,  made  a  large  fire  and  lay  down  to  sleep.  BranVa  wai'riors 
were  not  misled  by  so  luminous  a  beacon,  and  the  whole  were  made  prison- 
ers. This  was  on  the  night  of  the  9  November,  1778.  The  prisoners  now 
in  the  hands  of  Brant  were  obliged  to  give  the  most  exact  intelligence  con- 
cerning the  garrison.  On  the  njorning  of  the  IJ,  favored  by  a  thick  and  hazy 
atmosphere,  tliey  approached  the  fort.  Colonels  Alden  and  Stada  (luartered 
at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Wells.  A  Mr.  Harrible  was  fired  upon  as  he  was  coming 
from  his  house  to  the  fort,  by  a  scout,  which  gave  the  first  notice  of  tlie 
enemy.  He  escaped,  and  gave  the  alarm  to  Colonel  Alden,  who,  strange  as 
it  may  appear,  was  still  incredulous,  and  said  it  was  nothing  more  than  some 
straggling  Indians.  Tne  last  space' of  time  was  thus  lost ! — and,  in  less  than 
half  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place  were  mvested  at  once.  Such  of  the  sol- 
diers as  were  collected  being  immediately  all  killed  or  taken,  the  poor  inhab- 
itants fell  an  easy  prey.  Colonel  Alden  was  among  the  first  victims.  Like 
Cfwpart,  in  the  massacre  at  Natchez,  he  fled  from  his  house,  and  was  pur- 
sued by  an  Indian  with  his  hatchet,  at  whom  the  colonel  endeavored  several 
times  to  discharge  his  pistol ;  but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  facing 
about  for  this  purpose,  the  Indian  was  sufficiently  near  to  throw  his  toma- 
hawk with  deadly  effect.  He  did  so.  Colonel  Alden  fell  upon  his  face,  and 
his  scalp  was  in  a  moment  borne  oft'  in  triumph.  "Atory  boasted  that  he 
killed  Mr.  Wells  while  at  prayer."  His  daughter,  a  young  lady  of  great 
amiableness,  fled  from  the  house  to  a  pile  of  wood  for  shelter ;  but  an  In- 
dian pursued  her,  who,  coining  near,  comjjosedly  wiped  his  long  knife, 
already  bloody,  upon  his  leggins,  then  returning  it  to  his  belt,  seized  her  by 
the  arm,  and  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could 
speak  some  Indian,  and  begged  her  murderer  to  spare  her  life,  ond  a  tory 
interceded,  who  stood  neai*,  urging  that  she  was  his  sister;  but  he  would 
hear  to  neither.  Other  transactions  in  this  affiiir,  of  still  greater  honor,  we 
must  pass  in  silence. 

Between  30  and  40  prisoners  v.ere  carried  off";  but  tlie  fort,  containing 
about  200  soldiers,  was  not  ttUien,  although  several  trials  were  made  upon  it. 

Brant  was  the  only  person  engaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  we  hear  any 
BCts  of  clemency ;  one  of  w(Jiich  was  the  preservation  of  a  poor  woman  and 
her  children,  who,  but  for  him,  would  have  met  the  tomahawk.  He  inquired 
for  Captain  JWKean,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  mentioned,)  saying  he 
liad  now  come  to  accept  his  challenge.  Being  answered  that "  Capt.  M^Kean 
would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy,"  he  replied,  "I  know  it.  He  is  a 
brave  man,  and  I  would  have  given  more  to  have  taken  him  than  any  othei 
nian  in  Cherry-valley ;  but  I  would  not  have  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 

Brant  had  seen  and  heard  so  much  of  what  is  called  civilized  ivatfare,  that 
he  was  afraid  of  tiie  traduction  of  his  character,  and  always  said  that,  in  his 
roiinciis,  he  had  tried  to  make  his  warriors  humane  ;  and  to  his  l).)nor  it  is 
said,  (Imt  in  proportion  as  his  character  is  raised,  that  of  tlio  white  man 
must  t-'nd-,)  that  where  he  hud  the  chief  command,  few  barbarities  were 
committod. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  BiUler  fell  upon  Cherry- valley,  some  of  the 
tories  who  had  friends  tiiere,  requisted  liberty  to  go  in  secretly  and  adviso 
them  to  retire,  BiUler,  though  some  of  his  own  friends  were  among  tiie 
iidiabitants,  refused,  saying,  "that  there  were  so  many  families  comiected, 
that  tiie  one  would  inform  the  others,  and  all  would  escape.    He  thus  sacri- 


Chap.  V.]  BP  ANT.— DEFEATED  BY  COLONEL  WILLET. 


587 


ficed  his  friends,  for  the  sake  of  punishing  his  enemies."  Tliis,  whether 
reported  by  Brcmt  to  magnify  his  own  liumanity,  by  a  contrast  with  tlie 
depravity  of  his  associate,  is  not  known,  but  it  may  have  been  the  fact. 

lint  this  midnight  assassin  did  not  escape  his  retribution ;  he  was  killed 
by  an  Oneida  Indian,  on  30  October,  1781,  under  the  following  circumstances : 
Colonel  fVillet  having  been  orrierc^d  with  about  400  men  to  make  an  expedi- 
tion into  the  country  of  th'j  Mohawk,  he  surprised  a  party  of  CCO  tories, 
and  130  Indians  at  Johnston,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods,  and  severely 
distressed  them  by  cutting  off  their  retreat  to  their  boats.  About  this  time 
Colonel  JVillet  was  joined  by  60  Oneida  Indians,  and  he  shortly  after  came 
up  with  a  party  which  formed  tlie  rear  of  the  British  and  Indians,  and  killed 
and  took  prisoners  the  most  of  them.  Walter  Butler  was  among  the  van- 
quished, and  lieing  wounded  by  one  of  WUleVs  Indians,  cried  for  quaiter; 
upon  which  the  Indian  screamed  out  with  a  dreadful  voice, "  Sherry  Valley," 
at  the  same  time  cleaving  his  head  with  his  tomahawk !  * 

VV^hether  the  followl'ig  inter'jsting  affair  belongs  to  Walter  or  John  Bidler, 
or  whether  it  happened  at  Wyoming  or  at  Cherry-valley,  it  equally  affects 
the  character  of  Brant.  It  is  said,  that  Butler,  on  entering  a  house,  ordered 
a  woman  and  child  to  be  killed,  whom  they  found  in  a  bed ;  but  Brant  said, 
"  What  ?  kill  a  looman  and  child!  JVo !  (hat  child  is  not  an  enemy  to  the  king, 
nor  a  fnend  to  the  congress.  Long  before  he  will  be  big  enough  to  do  any 
mischief,  the  disptde  vrill  be  setlled,"\ 

The  depredations  of  the  Indians  and  tories  at  Wyoming  and  other  places 
in  tliat  region,  caused  General  Washington  to  order  General  Sullivan  with 
2.>00  men  into  the  Indian  country.  Considerable  delay  was  experienced, 
and  the  forces  were  not  concentrated  at  Wyoming  until  a  year  aller  it  was 
destroyed.  On  22  July,  a  company  of  Pennsylvania  militia  who  had  marched 
from  this  place  to  Lackawaxen  to  protect  the  settlers  there,  were  attacked 
by  140  Indians  and  40  or  50  of  them  were  killed  or  made  |)risoners.:( 

It  was  said  that  this  summer,  (1779,)  160,000  bushels  of  their  corn  was 
destroyed.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Sullivan  was  advancing  into  the 
coiuitry.  Brant  and  Butler,  with  600  Indians,  and  Johnson,  witli  200  tories, 
took  a  position  on  his  route,  to  cut  him  off  Stdlivan  came  upon  them, 
August  29,  at  a  place  called  JVewtown,  on  Tioga  River,§  where  they  hud  en- 
trenched themselves,  and  immediately  attacked  them.  The  battle  lusted 
about  two  hours,  when,  by  a  successful  movement  of  General  Poor,  at  the 
head  of  his  New  Hampshire  regiment,  Braid's  warriors  were  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  the  whole  were  put  to  flight.||  Few  were  killed,  and  they 
made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the  expedition.lf  The 
historian  adds,  "  They  utterly  destroyed  40  villages,  and  letl  no  single  trace 
of  vegetation  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground."**  AH  their  cattle  were  either 
killed  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  had  before  taken  from  the  Ameri- 
c  iins.  "  None  of  the  bounties  of  nature,  none  of  the  products  of  human 
industry,  esca|)ed  tlie  fury  of  the  Americans."tt  Upon  this  business  tlie 
same  author  writes,  that  "  the  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  these 
devastations,  Avere  themselves  ashamed  of  them;  some  even  ventured  to 
remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed  to  exercise  the  vocation  of  ban- 
ditti." General  Poor,  doubtless,  was  the  efficient  man  in  this  expedition, 
but  the  ostentation  of  Sullivan  gained  hiin  the  honor!  of  it.    Thus  were  the 


•  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.  Appendix,  13. — Allen's  Biog,  Diet.  Article,  Butler,  John. 
\  Allen,  ibid. 

I  Chapman,  13L  ^  Chapman's  Hist.  Wyoming,  132. 

II  Nine  only  of  the  Indians  were  kilted  ;  of  the  Americans,  four.  Il  is  said  to  be  owing  to 
lliL<  sa!<:arity  of  Brant,  liiat  his  whole  force  escaped  falhng  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 
Annal.i  Tryon  Co.  125. 

U  Bona,  Hist.  Rev.  ii.  206. 

•*  Ibid.  Some  of  the  officers  thought  it  too  degrading  to  the  army  to  be  employed  ia 
destroying  fruit-trees,  and  remonstrated  to  Gen.  SuUiran  against  the  order.  lie  replied, 
''  Thc'Indians  shnii  see  that  there  is  malice  enough  in  our  hearts  to  destroy  every  thing  thai 
contributes  to  mcir  support."     Gordon,  Amer.  Rev,  iii,  21, 

tt  Gordon,  Amer,  Rev.  iii,  207, 


I       ,f!| 


','   'I' 


M: 


588 


BUANT.— DESTROYS  MINISLNK. 


[Book  V 


.5* 
1,  i  > 


Five  Nations  chastised  for  acting  as  they  had  been  taught  by  the  white 
people  ;  yea,  by  the  Americans  themselves.* 

Tlie  tullowiug  summer,  (23  July,  1779,)  Colonel  Brant,  with  60  of  his  war- 
riors and  27  white  men,  came  suddenly  upon  Minisink,  in  Orange  county, 
New  York,  where  they  killed  sundry  of  tlie  inhabitants  and  made  otliers 
captives.  They  burnt  ten  houses,  twelve  barns,  a  garrison  and  two  mills, 
and  then  commenced  their  retreat  The  militia  from  Goshen  and  places 
adjacent,  to  the  number  of  149,  collected,  pursued,  and  came  up  with  them, 
x^lien  a  most  bloody  battle  was  fought  The  Indians  were  finally  victorious, 
and  30  only,  oat  of  the  149  whites,  escaped.  Some  were  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, and  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  sufficiently  cautious,  they  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  so  fought  at  great  disadvantage.f 

In  1821,  a  county  meeting  was  field,  by  which  it  «  voted  that  the  bones 
of  the  slain  should  be  collected,  and  deposited  undr  4  suitable  monument 
at  the  same  time  ordered  to  be  erected.|  In  1822,  the  committee  appointeil 
to  collect  the  boties  "  which  had  been  exposed  to  the  suns  and  snows  for  43 
years,"  had  found  those  of  44  persons,  which  were,  with  much  formality, 
publicly  interred.§ 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  Brant  surprised  Harpersfield,  with  a  company  of 
his  warriors,  and  a  few  tories.  He  took  19  prisoners,  and  killed  several 
others.  On  2  August  following,  he  fell  upon  Canajoharrie,  witli  about 
400  mixed  warriors,  killed  16  people,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chiefly  women 
and  children  ;  they  killed  and  drove  away,  at  the  same  time,  about  300  cattle 
and  horses,  burnt  53  houses,  and  as  many  barns,  besides  out-houses,  a  new 
and  bbgaiit  church,  a  grist-mill  and  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  tliere  were  many  other  warlike  scenes  in  which  Brant  was 
engaged  personally ;  but  we  have  ah'eady  dwelt  longer  upon  them  than  we 
intended. 

European  writers,  for  a  long  time,  contended  that  the  N.  American  Indians 
had,  naturally,  no  beards.l|  A  Mr.  M'Camland  took  the  trouble  of  writing 
to  JSranl,  after  the  revoluticn,  to  get  the  truth  of  the  matter.  The  following 
is  BranCa  letter  to  his  inquiry : — "  Niagara,  19  Jlpril,  1783.  The  men  of  the 
Six  JVations  have  all  beards  by  nature ;  as  have  likewise  all  other  Indian  nations 
of  North  Amtrica,  which  I  have  seen.  Some  Indians  allow  a  part  of  the  beard 
upon  the  chin  and  upper  Up  to  grow,  and  afeiv  of  the  Mohawks  shave  with  razors, 
in  tht',  same  manner  as  Europeans ;  but  the  generality  pluck  out  the  hairs  of  the 
beard  by  the  roots,  as  soon  as  they  begin  to  appear ;  ana  as  thty  continue  this  prac- 
tice all  their  lives,  they  appear  to  have  no  beard,  or,  at  ■most,  only  a  few  straggli7ig 
hairs,  which  they  have  neglected  to  pluck  out.  I  am,  however,  of  opinion,  that  if 
Hie  Iruliana  were  to  shave,  they  would  never  have  beards  altogeth^  so  thick  as  the 
Europeans ;  and  there  are  some  to  be  met  with  who  have  actually  very  little  bcard.*\ 

Jos.  Brant  Thayendanega." 


A  daughter  of  Colonel  Brant  married  a  Frenchman,  who  in  June,  1789, 
was  killed  by  a  party  of  Indians,  while  peaceably  travelling  up  the  Wabash 
River.  He  was  in  company  with  nine  others,  four  of  whom  were  killed  and 
three  wounded.    When  the  hostile  party  came  up  to  them,  and  discovered 


X  Spafford's  Gaz,  328. 


*  See  the  speech  of  Dig-tree,  Corn-plant,  and  Hatf-toicn,  to  which  nothing^  need  be  added 
by  wa;  of  commentary  upon  such  afl'airs. 

t  Gordon's  America,  iii.  22. 

j  //tWs'i  Amer.  Annals,  ii.  302. 

Jl  Even  the  great  luminary  Voltaire  fell  into  this  error.  He  says,  "  Les  Iroquois,  les 
Hurons,  et  tons  les  peuples  jusqu'a  la  Floride,  parurent  olivStres  et  sans  ancun  poil  snr  le 
corps  excepts  la  tite."  That  is,  all  from  the  60"  of  N.  latitude.  Voyez  CEuvres  completes 
iv.  708,  ed.  Prris,  1817,  8vo.    See  also  Raynal,  viii.  210. 

A  gentleman,  Mr,  W.  J.  Snelling,  who  resided  among  the  western  Indians  for  some  lime, 
says,  h  is  not  an  error  that  the  Lidians  have  no  beard  ;  that  the  "  Saques  and  Foxes  have  but 
very  few  hairs  upoa  their  faces,  nor  have  they  any  instrument  for  extirpating  it ;  and  what 
makes  (he  fact  certain  is,  they  have  no  hair  on  the  concealed  parts  of  their  bodies."  Accord- 
ing to  La'.vson,  Account  of  the  hulians  of  North  Carolina,  190,  191,  the  same  is  true  with 
regard  to  them.    Lau'son  travelled  much  among  the  southern  Indians. 

II  This  is  the  case  with  many  of  the  whites. 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— HIS  EXERTIONS  FOR  PEACE. 


589 


the  son-in-law  of  Brant,  they  assisted  in  drawing  the  arrows  from  the  wound- 
ed, and  then  went  off.* 

When  the  Indians  upon  the  southern  and  western  frontier  were  allowing 
themselves  hostile,  in  1791,  Colonel  Brant  used  his  exertions  to  prevent  hos- 
tilities, by  visiting  such  tribes  as  appeared  hostile.  His  name  appears  in 
many  important  transactions  of  thoss  times.  The  boundary  line  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  had  not  been  satii^factorily  estab- 
lished, which  was  the  cause  of  much  trouble.  A  gentleman  in  Canatla  wrote 
to  another  in  the  state  of  New  York,  under  date  of  2  August,  1791, 
wherein  Colonel  Brant  is  thus  mentioned :  "  Capt.  Joseph  Brant,  after  having 
attended  for  some  time  the  councils  ot  the  western  Indians  at  the  Miami 
River,  set  off  a  few  days  ago  for  Quebec,  attended  with  several  of  the  chiefs 
from  that  quarter ;  as  they  avowedly  go  to  ask  Lord  Dorchester's  advice,  and 
as  we  well  know  his  and  government's  strong  desire  for  peace,  we  would 
gladly  hope  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  bringing  on  an  accommodation." 

In  1793,  hfs  arrival  m  Philadelphia  is  thus  publicly  noticed  in  the  Gazette 
of  that  city: — "Capt.  Joseph  Brant,  the  principal  warrior  chief  of  the  Six 
Nations,  arrived  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  evening  last,  (June  20.)  It  is  suid 
his  errand  is  a  visit  to  a  number  of  his  acquaintance  residing  here,  and  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  United  States."  He  left  there  about 
he  beginning  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excursion  among  the  western 
tribes,  which  still  remained  hostile. 

When  General  Wayne  was  marching  into  the  Indian  country,  in  1793,  many 
of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  heard  that  his  army  consisted  of  8000 
men.  Learning,  also,  that  commissioners  accompanied  the  army,  authorized 
to  treat  of  peace,  and  wishing  to  know  the  strength  of  the  Americans,  thirty 
chiefs  of  different  tribes  were  despatched  upon  this  important  business. 
Colonel  Brant  was  one  of  these  30  Indian  ambassadors.  If  the  Aniericans 
would  ii.-'ke  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  they  wished  peace.  The  whole  cause 
of  General  Wayne's  war  appears  to  have  been  about  the  lands  lying  west  of 
the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  Rivers.  We  have  no  doubt  Brant  secretly,  if  not 
openly,  advocated  the  establishment  of  this  boundary ;  yes.  and  we  must 
acknowledge  that  if  he  did,  it  was  from  the  best  of  reasons.  We  know  that 
Tecumseh  labored  incessantly  for  this  boundary.  Rightly  did  they  conceive 
of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolling  westward,  southward  and  north- 
ward. Truly,  they  must  have  been  blind  not  to  have  seen  that  it  was  about 
to  engulf  them  forever!  When  they  had  met  the  commissioners,  and  found 
them  uiflexible  in  their  determination.  Brant,  with  most  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  gave  up  the  point  as  hopeless,  preferring  peace,  on  any  terms, 
to  war.  Bu  the  Wyandots,  Dela wares,  Shawanees  and  Mianiis  would  not 
agree  to  it. 

Mention  w  II  be  found  in  the  account  of  Farmers-hrother  of  a  great  council 
held  by  the  c  liefs  of  most  of  the  western  nations  at  Niagara,  in  April,  1793. 
In  this  counc  1  it  was  agreed  that  peace  should  be  maintained ;  and  "  they 
unanimously  agreed  to  meet  the  Americans  in  a  grand  council,  to  be  holden 
the  June  following,  upon  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie  ;  and  for  the  purpose 
of  making  the  peace  more  permanent  and  extensive,  they  have  appointed 
Brant  who  is  now  their  king  of  kmgs,  to  go  and  convene  all  those  tribes  who 
live  to  the  north-west  of  Lake  Ontario.  He  accordingly,  the  day  after, 
set  out  for  that  purpose."  The  Indians  did  not  asseuiMe  uiitl!  July,  from  the 
difficulty  of  their  journeys  and  other  causes,  which  is  generally  the  case  with 
meetings  of  this  kind.  The  council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  Colonel 
Brant  set  out  from  Niagara  for  that  place  in  May.  Before  leaving,  he  had 
frequent  conversations  with  a  gentleman  of  respectaljiiity,  to  whom  he  gave 
it  us  his  opinion,  that  no  peace  could  take  place,  until  the  Ohio  and  Muskin- 

fum  should  make  the  boundary  between  the  Aiii^ricHnH  and  the  red  men. 
le  still  expressed  good  feelings  towards  the  United  States,  and  hoped  that 
they  would  see  it  to  be  their  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundaiy,  as  he  firmly 
believed  war  would  ensue  should  they  refuse.  He  even  said,  that,  in  case 
they  would  not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  boundary,  he  should  take 


■.  \ 


I  !   ■,  '•; 


60 


Carey's  Museum,  vi.  178 


mnif 


i1:i 


y\ ''■■':' 


55)0  im.VNT.-CONTENDS  TOR  THE  OHIO  BOUNDARY.       [Book  V. 

part  agains*  them.  It  was  not  agreed  to  ;  mit  we  do  not  hear  tliat  the  old 
chief  was  actually  engaged  in  the  lusiilities  tim*  followed. 

How  much  the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  Indians, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine ;  *  but  men  like  Pontiac,  Brant  and  Tecumaeh  could 
easily  see  through  such  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a  few  unprincipled 
speculators,  as  M^Kee,  Girty  and  Elliot.  They  had,  doubtless,  conceived  that 
if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary,  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country  from  thence  to  the 
lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They  knew  well  that  if  the 
Indians  possessed  this  tract  of  country,  it  would  be  no  difficult  matter  to 
purchase  it  from  them  by  means  of  a  few  trifling  articles,  comparatively  of 
no  consideration,  and  that  worst  of  calamities,  ardent  spirits !  In  this  they 
were  disappointed,  and,  with  the  batde  of  Presque  Isle,  resigned  their  hopes, 
at  least  for  a  season.  They  urged  upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  have 
been  well  assured  of— their  destruction ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  tiie  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brant, 
but  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  he  much  lessened  on  being  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Every  successful  warrior,  at  least  in  his 
day,  is  denounced  by  the  vanquished  as  a  barbarian.  JVapoleon  was  thus 
branded  by  all  the  world — we  a«k  no  excuse  for  our  chief  on  this  score — all 
wars  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them  are  barbarians  I  This 
we  know  to  be  strong  language ;  but  we  are  prepared  to  prove  our  assertion. 
When  mankind  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  improved  to  that  extent  which 
human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining,— when  the  causes  of  avarice  and 
dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  mind,  by  taking  away  the  means 
which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then,  will  wars  and  a  multitude  of 
attending  calamities  cease. 

As  a  sample  of  the  stories  circulating  about  Colonel  Brant,  while  the  af- 
Tiirs  of  Wyoming  and  Cherry-valley  were  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all, 
we  extract  from  field's  Travels  the  following : — f 

"  With  a  considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  Johnston."  "A  skirmish  took  place  with  a  body  of 
American  troops ;  the  action  was  warm,  and  Brant  >viis  shot  by  a  musket 
uall  in  his  heel ;  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  an  officer 
with  about  60  men  were  taken  prisoners.  The  officer,  after  having  delivered 
up  his  sword,  had  entered  into  conversation  with  Colonel  Johnston,  who  com- 
manded the  British  troops,  and  they  were  talking  together  in  the  most  friend- 
ly manner,  when  Brant  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid  the  American 
officer  lifeless  on  the  ground  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk.  The  indignation 
of  Sir  John  Johnston,  as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was  roused  by  such  an  act 
of  treachei-y,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  Avarmest  terms.  Brant  listened  to 
nim  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished,  told  him,  that  ]ie  tvas  sorry  for 
his  displeasure,  but  that,  indeed,  his  heel  was  extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and 
he  covldnot  help  revenginf^  himself  on  the  only  chief  of  the  party  that  he  saw  taken." 

Upon  this  passage  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon  County  J  observes : 
"  I  have  heard  a  story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  was  killed  to  prevent  his  being  retaken  by  the  Americans,  who 
were  in  pursuit."    This  we  should  pronounce  very  c/is-similar  to  tiie  stoi^ 

*  We  will  hear  a  great  writer  and  traveller  upon  this  subject,  whose  means  of  forming  a 
correct  iudgmcnt,  it  is  presumed,  will  not  be  questioned.  "  Je  remarquerai  a  cette  occasion 
sans  mVieniIre  davanlage  sur  ce  sujet,  que  toute  la  politque  do  I'Anglelerre  avec  les  Indicns 
est  absoluinent  dans  les  mains  des  agens,  qui  seuls  en  cntondent  la  languc  ;  et  qui  seuls  s-ont 

es  dislributcurs  des  presens;"  &c.  Voyage  dais  les  Etals-unis  en  171)5,  etc.  Par  La 
Rochefoucauld- Liancoiirt,  ii.  78.  The  duke  was  at  Newark,  U.  C,  at  this  time,  where  he 
witnessed  a  business  assemblage  of  hidians.  After  a  dance,  which  they  hold  before  their 
audience  with  the  governor  of  Canada,  the  duke  says  that,  "  Pendant  ces  jeux,  I'iigcnt  s'esl 
approcho  du  general  avec  un  des  chefs,  et  lui  a  dit  que  sa  nation  de  Tuscorora  le  lonsullait 

f)our  savoir  si  elle  irait  rt  un  conscil  tenu  par  les  Indiens  Oiieydas  a  Onondago  pour  vcndre 
eurs  terres  de  reserve,  que  I'Elat  de  New  Yorck  desirait  aclieter.  Le  gouverneur  a  repondu 
tr^s-vagucmeut  k  celle  question  ;  I'ngent  a  Iraduit  comme  il  a  voulu  cette  rcnonse;  mnis  il  a 
ri'plique  au  gouvenieur  Ue  la  part  des  hidiens  qui  comme  ils  croy;<ient  Ctre  plus  agrcables  au 
roy  ci'Angli'li'rre  en  n'y  allant  pas ;  ils  n'iraicnt  pas."     Ibid.  77. 

*  Page  •WJG,  octavo  ed.  London,  1800.  %  In  the  Appendix,  p.  16. 


■Hi 
1     i't 


Chap.  V] 


BRANT.— HIS  DEATH. 


691 


told  by  Mr.  IVdd.    But  there  was,  no  doubt,  somo  circumstnnce  out  of  wbirh 
a  story  bus  grown,  the  truth  of  whicli,  we  uppreheiul,  is  now  jiast  tiiiti 
iug  out. 

Colonel  Brant  woa  married,  in  the  winter  of  1779,  to  a  daughter  of  Colonel 
Croghan  by  an  Indian  woman.  He  had  lived  with  her  some  time  ad  libitum, 
according  to  tiie  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time  being  present  at  the  wedding 
of  a  Miss  Moore,  at  Niagara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  from  Cherry-valley,) 
insisted  on  being  married  himself;  and  thus  his  consort's  name  was  no 
longer  Miss  Croghan,  but  Mrs.  Brant.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by  his 
oompaniou'in-arms,  Colonel  John  Butler,  who,  although  he  had  lelt  his 
country,  yet  carried  so  much  of  his  magistrate's  commission  with  liim,  as  to 
solemnize  marriages  according  to  law. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  famous  ally  a  valuable  tract  of  land  situated 
upon  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  finally  settled  and  lived  atlei 
tlie  English  fashion.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform  to  this  mode 
of  life,  but  would  adhere  to  the  custom  of  the  Lidir^ns,  and  on  the  death  of 
her  husband,  which  happened  24  November,  IP'^/,  she  repaired  to  Grand 
River,  there  to  spend  her  days  in  a  wigwam,  with  some  of  her  children, 
while  she  left  behind  others  in  a  commodious  dwelling.*  A  son,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  with  a  sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of  their  father, 
and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  family.  This  son,  whose  name  is 
John,  is  a  man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  England  in  18'2'i,  as  has 
been  mentioned,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has  been  returned  a  mem- 
ber of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Upjjcr  Canada.  His  place  of  residence  was 
in  the  county  of  Haldiman,  in  Brantford,  so  culled,  probably,  in  honor  of  the 
old  chief.t  Several  other  places  are  mentioned  as  having  been  the  residence 
of  Brant — Uuadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (which  is  about  36  miles  south-west  from 
the  present  site  of  Cooperstown,)  and  Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  places 
before  the  Mohawks  removed  to  Canada,  which  was  soon  after  tlie  war  of 
the  revolution  was  ended.  They  made  their  principal  residence  upon 
Grand  River,  which  falls  into  Lake  Erie  on  the  north  side,  about  GO  miles 
from  the  town  of  Newark,  or  Niagara.  At  one  time,  he  had  no  less  than  3U 
or  40  negroes,  who  took  care  of  his  horses  and  lands.  "  These  poor  crea- 
tures," says  Mr.  ffdd,  "  are  kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not 
attempt  to  make  their  escape,  for  he  has  assured  them,  that  if  they  did  so,  he 
would  follow  them  himseltj  though  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and 
would  tomahawk  them  wherever  he  met  them.  They  know  his  disposition 
too  well  not  to  think  that  he  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word."  The  same 
author  says  that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half-pay 
as  captain,  amounted  to  £500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  chief,  in  1795,  may  be  formed  from  the 
circumstance,  that  a  gentleman  considered  himself  a  loser  to  the  amount  of 
£100,  at  least,  by  not  being  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season  to  attend  to 
some  law  case  for  him.  Contrary  winds  had  prevented  his  arrival,  and  the 
buiiiness  had  been  given  to  another.^ 

"  Whenever  the  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so.  Brant  de- 
clares it  to  be  his  intention  to  sit  down  to  the  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a  great  admirer,  and  to  trans- 
late from  the  original,  into  the  Mohawk  language,  more  of  the  New  Testament; 
yet  this  same  man,  shortly  before  we  arrived  at  Niagai*a,  killed  his  own  son, 
with  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a  drunken,  good-for-nothing 
fellow,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  destroying  nis  father.  One 
evening,  he  absolutely  entered  the  apartment  of  his  father,  and  had  begun  to 
grapple  with  him,  perhaps  with  a  view  to  put  his  unnatural  threats  in  execu- 
tion, when  Brant  drew  a  short  sword,  and  felled  him  to  the  ground.  He 
speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but,  at  the  same  time,  without  any  of  that 
emotion  which  another  person  than  an  Indian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.    He 

•  Buchanan's  Sketches,  i.  36. 

t  Mr.  Cdmi'MI's  Aiiuals  ol'Tryon  County  lias  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  infr  rmattoo 
tbrou^linut  tills  iircount,  especially  of  (lie  revolutionary  period. 
{   (Vf/rf,  Travels,  487. 


■  1-^^ 


\     \ 


i  i-i 


*' 


592 


miANT, 


[Book  V. 


i 


;l 


coiipoles  himself  for  the  act,  by  thinking  tliat  lie  has  benefited  the  nation,  by 
ridding  it  of  a  rnscai."* 

With  regard  to  the  dress  of  the  sachem,  there  has  been  some  contradiction. 
Mr.  fVeld,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  he  wore  his  liair  in  tlie  Indian 
fashion,  as  he  also  did  his  clothes ;  except  tluit,  instead  of  the  bhinl^ct,  lie  wore 
a  iiind  of  hunting  froclt.  Tliis  was  in  17LKJ.  But  it  was  reportid,  that,  hi 
1792,  Brant  liaving  waited  on  Lord  Dorchester,  tiie  governor  of  Canada,  upon 
some  business,  his  lordship  told  him,  that  as  he  was  an  oftioer  in  tlio  British 
service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian  dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English 
captain;  and  tliat,  if  he  persisted  in  wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop 
his  pay.    It  is  added  that  thereupon  he  changed  his  dress.f 

AVhen  Colonel  Brant  arrived  at  any  principal  city,  his  arrival  was  jnibliciy 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have  given 
some  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more : — 

"New  York,  June  20,  1792.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a  visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this  quar- 
ter, Cajjtain  Joseph  Brandt,  of  the  British  artny,  the  famous  Mohawk  chief, 
who  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  the  military 
leader  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  are  informed  that  he  intends  to  visit  tiic  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  U.  States,"  J 
General  ffashinglon,  which  he  did.  We  have  belbre  mentioned  his  visit  to 
that  city. 

The  very  respectable  traveller  §  Rochefoticauld  thus  notices  our  chief:  "At 
24  miles  ti-om  tliis  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  nj)on  Grand  River,  is  an  establish- 
ment whieh  I  had  been  curious  to  visit.  It  is  that  of  Colonel  Brant.  But 
the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  assured  that  I  should  see  little  else 
than  what  I  had  already  seen  among  those  people,  I  gave  over  my  intention. 
Colonel  Brant  is  an  Indian  who  took  part  with  the  English,  and  having  been 
in  England,  was  commissioned  by  the  king,  and  politely  treated  by  every  one. 
His  manners  are  half  European.  He  is  accompanied  by  two  negro  servants, 
and  is  in  ap])earance  like  an  Englishman.  He  has  a  garden  and  farm  under 
cultivation ;  dresses  almost  entirely  like  an  European,  and  has  great  hifluence 
over  the  Indians.  He  is  at  present  [17951  at  Miami,  holding  a  treaty  with 
the  United  States,  in  company  with  the  Indians  of  the  west.  He  is  equally 
respected  by  the  Americans,  who  extol  so  much  his  character,  that  1  i  egret 
much  not  to  have  seen  him."  || 

.The  great  respect  in  which  Brant  was  held  in  England  will  be  very  appar- 
ent from  a  perusal  of  the  following  letter,1I  dated  12  December,  1785:  "Mon- 
day last.  Colonel  Joseph  Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks,  arrived 
in  this  city,  [Salisbury,]  from  America,  and  after  dining  with  Colonel  de  Peis- 
ter,  at  the  head-quarters  here,  proceeded  immediately  on  his  journey  to 
London.  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  presided  at  tlie  late 
grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nation  in  America,  and  to 
be  by  them  ai)pointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief  command  in  the  war  which 
they  now  meditate  against  the  United  States  of  America.  He  took  his  de- 
parture for  England  unmediately  as  that  assembly  broke  up ;  and  it  is  con- 

*   Weld,  Travels,  4S0.  _     f  Apollo  for  1792.  t  American  Apollo,  297. 

Duke  de  Liancourt,  Travels,  ii.  81,  before  cited,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 
This  French  traveller  seems  to  have  been  m  advance  o(  history,  m  as  (ar  as  he  thus  early 
sets  in  their  proper  lii^ht  the  characters  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming.  After  speaking  of  the 
influence  of  Indian  agents  over  those  people,  as  we  have  extracted  in  a  previous  note,  he  thus 
consi£;ns  to  Colonel  liutler  the  place  whicn  he  is  doubtless  to  hold  in  all  aflcr-tiine  in  the 
annals  of  his  country: — "  L'airent  anglais  dont  ilest  ici  queston,  est  le  Colonel  i?u«/er,  fameux 
par  SOS  incendics,  ses  pillages  et  ses  nieurtrcs  dans  la  guerre  d'AmPrique.  II  est  lui-meme 
Ainericain  d'aiiprt'^s  de  Wilkosbarre  ;  [one  of  the  towns  in  the  valley  of  VVyoming;]  son  pre- 
tendu  loyalisiiie  qu'il  a  su  se  (iiire  payer  de  brevets  el  de  traitemens,  lui  a  fait  comineltre  plus 
de  barbaries,  plus  d'lnfainies  conire  sa  patrie,  au'a  qui  que  ce  soit.  II  conduisait  les  Indiens, 
Icur  indiqnait  Ics  ternios,  ies  niaisons  k  bruler,  les  virtimes  a  scarpeler,  les  eiifans  ft  dechirer. 
L'Angleterre  a  recompense  son  loyalisme  de  cinq  mille  acres  de  terre  pour  lui,  d'une  quantity 
pareilTe  pour  ses  eiilaiis,  d'une  pension  de  deux  a  trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  d'une  place 
d'agent  aupn'-s  d .s  Indiens,  qui  ln'  en  vaut  cinq  cents  aulres,  avec  la  facility  de  puiser  a  vo- 
lonte  (Inns  les  n  asas.is  de  prt'scns."    Rochefoucauld,  ut  supra,  (ii.  7fi — 9.) 

IT  Tliere  is  n(.  name  to  this  letter;  but  it  was  written  in  Salisbury,  Eng.,  and  thence  sent  la 
London,  where  u  was  published. 


^ 


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t<\„..  1  ■•ll."* 

iJi  'hmti,  u^  In'  hIjO  dal  lilM  i  i«>«hnh ; 
n  ki-  I  of"  lulling  troch.      '»■• 
17if,',  /imut  iiiivii,:r  wiiin ».  ■  • 

K'li.c  l)!!^!!!!!^**,  Ilia  I*'.' 
scnn",  lit;  ouL'ht  u<  h  ■      . 

rvi'f  "ri  ;  a!)  !   ■ 
n^  p!iy.      It 

'A  Iv 
'iliiii>iii\<  '      • 

finiv..  :4|)i'i-.,' 


rn.oh  V. 

ti'i<>  iK'iuliiitU  ili«  iiatioi:.  I>y 

.■\»  it!H!»  'OMif-  ruHlniiltctii.fl. 

r<    Ins   hnir  in  th*    liiimn 

■  111  iliH  hlmiki't,  III"  ui.Tc 

;i    .s^a   !vport(<l,  Uia(,  il> 

',  t>n'  tfiivenifir  of"  <'iiiiitl)i,  ii|>ori 

'  l.f^  Willi  .til  ortii'cr  ill  (]i<:  ljiiiiii>ii 

s'u"!  !i««»iii«' tlialof  !ii»  f^iii'li^ii 

itIS   'Mfltliil   i)rt'ci«l,  li€  aiiuuld   ^lll{l 

,/,.,(    !.lv   ,1,,  .-.* 

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,i:  Ijcliii'i)  111' 


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.  sfK*.  tni>lii  trnv.  ii»r  ^  ffw  Ajuumidtl  tltii:'  notn'cw  our  chirl :    "  ir 
....  11'  ilti.<  pl:itM',  ii\>  vviirit,  L.  C.)  upon  Cuiml  IUmt.  i.^  rui  eslahli.-li- 

iiu'iit  ivhjfh  I  Ij;h1  *'>i'>^ii  viiriu'Jf*  lo  visit,  it  i.^-  tliiit  of  «''>l<  i  <>1  Bfint.  Hi;i 
ili:>  v!(ilunel  not  \u\iv^  nt  Ihjmjh,  avt]  hi'h\X  Hs.siirod  Umt  I  -litiulil  sen  jitrit  ciw; 
•.!.'.ii  wliiit  1  had  airoadv  .lot'ii  un.nnfc.  ..  -«•  jn  -ipii,  1  rip  i^  ovur  niy  ii.teiitiori. 
«-'i>!<in<<l  iyrd/i^  IS  ;in  ImriHri  wiii-v  t.<  r  i'.-.rt  ■  ■'.    '"  '      ■     '  ti.-vitij?  tx'on 

ii)  I'.iiirland,  wnscoi.ifnKi<ioiiod  l.\  ''  •  •  lu  .'nry  one. 

Hi.-' 'iiaiunTSMre  luilt  i'<  ■■■  vuiit-, 

!!'>  !       in  )i(,>)>«>T-tri'»'  _  '  iiiid'.T 

iiifiwi' 

..      .    ji  «o  much  liis  iharai'trr,  timt  .1  regret 
riiUi  .         111'.'    Het'M  Jiim.''  IJ 

y.i-  jr, ,  M.-j>««^t  iri  "h;rh  Bm;.i  wa^'  '.'.M  in  Bluif'im!  will  h'  vi  -j  uppar- 
ptit  •.•.»«  1  jjnTiiwU  oi  !iw  U>llo\vii;g  litUUjV  vintt'i  !"./  Dtcui:' !»«;•,  i7b.'>,  '  Mun 
li/iv  ii-.-,r,  Coti.nil  Jotcph  Jiratd,  the  ccK  liraicd  kiii.<r  ot'  ttic  Moli  uvke,  nrrivd 
ii!  tl'is  cit},  [."?!*iiyl)ur\.j  iVt.Ui  AnitiicH.  mid  K'i«r  -ruiijifj  \\iih(,"itloiii !  ;'  J.'i,.i- 
tii.  it  ttio  lioud-nimriers  lurt-,  ptofv»"'"d  nuuiedtitSfciy  »»t!  hij  idiiriicy  to 
Lond'in.  Tli~  >  .ir:in>-  .'  ut-v  '  ■  .si'.:,;;;  »•  -i"!-!  rn  ''■"?•  j»r.  -•.l|  t!  ^t  tin'  hni. 
iir.'iiKl  '■!.  .  •  'li"'  to 

u.  !,-.  !'  vvhiuh 

;H»   dc- 


J.'iim  whom  •  ■ 
.iii.;«  <il  liistorv, 
.-<    - :  \Vvc!ii.i.-, 


Ki 


,       ■■  -if  the  tf>»'ll:i  ;•; 

,.,r  .(H  ^ ;»  -•  '-i  v)H  brevi'ti  i-\  .in  i. 

...s  diiif.i  .' •  .  .•  .>rie,  <jij'a 'jul  i^Ti- 

V-  ';  .ni.'S,  li-s   ■  '  1  t^ri'iler,  io8  \  ;ciim<"*  tt  ' 

.,.,..       M.itsc  :  ■..  ■  >i'f ']c  rini/ miJlf  HCTf- 

;                    .1':..  If   iliuix  i'l  U"i.s   <'>■•! 

!                   -    i^i  :  <  Inq  ctiMs  iiiitiei 

..__   ___. .^.. .1.,., — y      ''«/,"■-■!,'•■ , 

II  Tliern  is  no  namn  lo  this  letter ;  but  it  wa--  written  in  Salisbury,  Eug.,  and  thence  sent  to 
I.oiid"-.,  where  it  was  pubhslicd. 


•  l.rlv 

•  It  iiie 
ii...tt,  '."•  ■.Imj 
rt(w'  r.ioe  in  tdo 
"■  lik  :'tri  famCMx 
«i  iiji-mfii.'ia 
I  .".on  j»ro- 

■Urf  |iius 

l;v'i(lis, 

I .  (1  ii  ■  ii  ilixti  rer. 

i-i  li  uiii'  i|iiantii'' 

•iiTs,  il'une  |i|a«'« 

'•  -lo  puiser  a  vo- 


Chii-r  ol'   tl\e     Scnrc'.its 


Chap.  VI] 


RED-JACKET 


59.^ 


jocrtiircd  timt  liia  cinlmiiay  to  the  BritiMh  court  in  of  jiroat  iiiiportiiiico.  Tliis 
(■(iiiiitry  owrH  much  to  th«  HcrviccH  of  Colonel  Brant  diiriiitf  the  lute  war  in 
Aineric(u  lie  wna  educated  at  IMiiladel|iliiik,  [iit  the  Moord  churity  mcIiooI 
ill  Lehanon,  Corineclicut,]  ix  a  very  shrewd,  intelligent  pcrnon,  jjossetwen  great 
con  rage  and  uhilities  aa  u  warrior,  and  is  uiviolubly  utuichod  to  the  English 
n.ition." 

It  lias  been  denied  that  Brant  was  in  any  way  engaged  in  the  mnssjicres 
at  Wyoming,  but  it  seems  hardly  posHiblo  that  so  many  shoidd  have  been 
d('C>  ivcd  ut  tiiat  time ;  and,  moreover,  wo  do  not  fmd  that  it  was  denied  until 
uli:i()Ht  every  one  of  that  age  hud  ietl  the  t<tage  of  action.  Those  who  deny 
that  he  was  at  VVvoming  should,  at  least,  prove  an  alibi,  or  they  cannot  ex- 
p  'c't  to  be  believed.* 

Brnnt  was  said  to  have  been  G5  years  old  at  his  death.  \  daughter  of  his  mar- 
ried H'Utiau  J.  Ker,  Es(|.  of  Niagara,  and  he  had  several  other  children  besides 
those  we  liave  mentioned.  The  son  who  visited  England  in  lS'i2,  and 
another  named  Jacob,  entered  Moor's  school  at  Hanover,  N.  H.  in  1801,  under 
th(!  care  of  Dr.  IVhedock.  The  ibrmer  son,  John^  died  about  two  years  since, 
in  the  winter  of  1831. 

-"»«>/#«»• 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Farts  in  thf  history  of  the  Seneca  nation — Saooyewatha,  or  Red-jackkt — His  fa- 
mous s/iefrk  to  a  missionary — His  intirview  with  Colonel  Snellinir — British  invade 
his  country — Resolves  to  repel  them — His  speech  upon  the  event — Governor  Clinton's 
account  of  him — Witchcraft  affair — Complains  of  encroachments — One  of  his  people 
put  to  death  for  being  a  witch — He  defends  the  execjitioner — His  interview  with 
Lafayette — Council  at  Canandaiguti — Farmer s-brothir — Red-jacket  visits  Phila 
dr'nhia — His  speech  to  the  gover".or  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  of  Jtgwelondongwas, 
or  Good-peter — JYarrative  of  his  capture  during  the  revolutionary  war — Farmers- 
brother, or  HoNAVAWUS — Visits  Philadelphia — Peter-jac^uette — Vis.ts  France 
— Account  of  his  death — Memorable  speech  of  Farmers-brother — His  letter  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war — JVbtice  of  several  other  Seneca  chiefs — KoYiNoiiUATAH,  or  Younc- 
KiNQ — JusKAKAK  A, or  Little-billy — Achiout,  or  Half-towh — Ki an pogew  a, or 
Bio-TREE — Gyentwaia,  or  Corn-plant — Jlddress  of  the  t<ree  latter  to  Presidnit 
Washington — Grant  of  land  to  Big-tree — His  visit  to  Philadelphia,  and  death — 
Further  account  of  Corn-plant — His  oion  account  of  himself — Interesting  events  in 
his  life — His  sons. 

The  Senecas  were  the  most  important  trilw  among  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  IVeiser,  they  were  th3  fourth  nation  that 
joined  that  confederacy.  He  calls  them  f  "  leuontowunois  or  Sinikers,"  and 
says,  "  they  are  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Ononrbgos,  brothers ; "  and  that 
their  title  in  councils  is  Onughkaurydaaug.  The  French  call  them  Tsonnon- 
thouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  council-house,  the  name  of  which, 
according  to  Colden,  is  Sinondowans.  |  Other  particulars  of  this  nation  will 
be  related  as  we  proceed  in  detailing  the  lives  of  its  chiefs.  Among  these, 
perhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

SAGOYEWATHA,  §  called  by  the  whites,  Red-jacket.    His  place  of  resi- 


*  III  a  late  criminal  trial  which  has  much  agitalefl  New  Enjfland,  reasonable  people  said, 
tli(>  del'enclaiit,  out  of  respect  to  public  opinion,  ought  to  make  it  appear  where  he  was  at  the 
time  a  murder  was  committed,  allhouj^h  in  law  he  was  not  bound  so  to  do.  An  advocate  for 
his  innocence  told  the  writer,  that  "  he  was  not  obliged  to  tell  where  he  was,"  and  it  wag 
nobody's  business  ;  and,  therefore,  we  were  bound,  according  to  law,  to  believe  him  innocent 
This  we  offer  as  a  parallel  case  to  the  one  in  hand.  But  it  happens  we  are  not  "  bowid  by 
law"  to  believe  our  chief  entirely  innocent  of  the  blood  shed  at  Wyoming. 

t  American  Mag.  t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  42. 

§  Tlie  common  ntelhod  of  spelling.  Governor  Clinton  writes,  Sai^uoaha.  Written  to 
the  treaty  of  "  Konondaigua,"  (Nov.  1794,)  Soggooyawauthau ;  to  that  of  Buffalo  Creek, 
(June,  180'2,)  Soogooyawautau ;  to  that  o(  Moscow,  (Sept.  \S'i3.)  Sagmiata.  It  is  said 
111  -iiirnifv  "  0««  who  keeps  awake,"  ot  Am'piy ,  Keeper-awake.  "  Sd-gwi'-i'-wau"-tiMi  :  he 
is  wide  awake,  and  keeps  every  body  else  awake,  a  very  appropriate  name  for  the  Cicerc 
60  *  2N 


I 


I*  -'■'■  ■"'' 


m^ 


594 


RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A  MISSIONARY. 


dence  was,  for  many  years  previous  to  his  death,  (which  happened  20  Januai-y 
1830,  at  his  own  house,)  about  four  miles  from  Biiifulo,  and  one  mile  north 
of  the  road  that  leads  through  the  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the  Seneca 
nation,  called  the  Reservation,  His  house  was  a  log-cabin,  situated  in  a  retired 
place.  Some  of  his  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacret  would  never  hear 
to  any  thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered  of  superior  wisdom  in 
council,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified  behavior,  which  would  have  honored 
any  man.  But,  like  nearly  all  his  race,  li  'mild  not  withstand  the  tem])tation 
of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with  his  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less 
worthy  notice.  Formerly,  scarce  a  traveller  passed  near  liis  place  of  resi- 
dence, who  would  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  see  this  wonderful  man,  and  to 
hear  his  profound  observations. 

In  th3  year  1805,  a  council  was  held  at  Buffalo,  in  the  state  of  New  York, 
at  which  were  present  many  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors,  assembled  at 
the  request  of  a  missionary,  Mr.  Crain,  from  Massachusetts.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech,  about  which  so  much  has 
been  said  and  written,  and  which  we  propose  to  give  here  at  length,  and  cor- 
rectly ;  as  some  omissions  and  errors  ^vere  contained  in  it  as  published  at  the 
time.  It  may  be  taken  as  genuine,  at  least  as  nearly  so  as  the  Indian  lan- 
gnage  can  be  translated,  in  which  it  was  delivered,  for  Red-jacket  would  uc>t 
speak  in  English,  although  he  understood  it.  The  missionary  liir-i  made  a 
s{>eech  to  the  Indians,  in  wliich  he  explained  the  ohjecl  for  which  he  had  called 
them  together ;  namely,  to  inform  them  that  he  v,  as  sent  by  the  missionary 
society  of  Boston  to  instruct  them  "how  to  worshij)  the  Great  SpmY,"  and 
not  to  get  away  their  lands  and  money ;  that  there  was  but  one  elig'>on,  and 
unless  they  emijraeed  it  they  could  not  be  happy;  that  they  .lad  lived  in 
darkness  and  great  errors  all  their  lives;  he  wished  that,  if  voy  had  any 
objections  to  his  religion,  they  would  state  them;  that  he  ha.  isited  some 
smaller  tribes,  who  waited  their  decision  before  they  would  consent  to 
receive  him,  as  they  were  their  "older  brothers  " 

Afler  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  tin  Indians  conferred  together 
about  two  hours,  by  themselves,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red-jacket, 
which  follows : — 

^^  Friend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should  mi  et 
together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine  day  for 
our  council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and  caused  it 
to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us  ;  our  eyes  are  opened,  that  we  see  clearly  ; 
our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  distinctly  the  words 
that  you  have  spoken ;  for  all  these  favors  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
him  only. 

"  Brother,  this  council  fire  was  kindled  by  you ;  it  was  at  your  request  that 
we  Ciime  together  at  this  time ;  we  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you 
have  said;  you  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely;  this  gives  us  great 
joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you,  and  can  speak 
what  we  think  ;  all  have  heard  your  voice,  and  all  speak  to  you  as  one  man ; 
our  minds  are  agreed. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave  this 

!)lace.  I',  is  right  you  should  have  one,  as  you  are  a  great  distance  from 
lome,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  lietain  you ;  but  we  Avill  first  look  back  a  little, 
and  tell  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have  heard  from  the 
white  people. 

"  Brother,  listen  to  what  ive  say.  There  was  £>  time  when  our  forefathers 
owned  this  gicnt  island.*  Their  seats  extended  from  the  rising  to  the  set- 
ting sun.  The  Great  S[)irithad  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  lie  hud  cre- 
ated the  buffalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made  the  bear 
and  the  beaver,  and  their  skins  served  us  for  clothing.    He  had  scattered 


His  English  nppellalioii  had  its  oriffin  from  liic  rirrnnislajiot!  of  his  woariiifj, 
a  red  jitrki't.''     Aldvii's  Account  of  Missions,    Mri. — 'I'his   is  a   very   iiiilMiiil 


of  the  west, 
when  a  child ... 

derivation  ;  b.il  from  what  oirt'umstance  some  of  the  Indians  dcrivod  thoir  nanios,  it  hooIcI 
liard  to  divine  :  thus.  lieil-Juc/ci'l  ha.i  an  uncle  whose  name  meant  a  lieiip  of  dogs,  \b.  Ijl. 
*  A  general  o]>inion  aniojiirall  the  Indians  that  this  cuuiitry  was  an  island, 


Chap,  VI.]  RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A  MISSIONARY. 


505 


them  over  the  country,  and  taught  us  how  to  take  them.  He  had  caused 
tlie  euith  to  produce  corn  for  bread.  All  this  he  had  done  lor  his  red  cliil- 
tlreu  because  he  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disputes  about  hunting  grounds, 
tliey  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of  much  blood  :  but  an  evil 
day  came  upon  us ;  your  forefathers  crossed  the  great  waters,  and  landed  on 
this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ;  they  found  friends,  and  not  enemies; 
they  told  us  they  had  fled  from  their  own  country  for  fear  of  wicked  men, 
and  come  here  to  enjoy  tiieir  religion.  Tliey  asked  for  a  small  seat;  we  took 
pity  on  them,  granted  their  request,  and  thoy  sat  down  amongst  us ;  we  gave 
them  corn  and  meat ;  tliey  gave  us  poison  *  in  return.  The  wliite  people  had 
now  found  our  country,  tidings  were  c.irried  back,  and  more  came  amongst 
us ;  yet  we  did  not  fear  them,  we  took  them  to  be  friends ;  they  called  us 
brothers ;  we  believed  them,  and  gave  them  a  larger  seat.  At  length  their 
numbers  had  greatly  increased;  they  wanted  more  land;  they  wanted  our 
country.  Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy.  Wars  took 
place  ;  Indians  were  hired  to  figlit  against  Indians,  and  many  of  our  people 
were  destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  licjuors  among  us :  it  was  strong 
and  powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"  Brother,  our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ;  you  have 
now  become  a  great  i)eople,  and  we  have  scarcely  a  pli'?-"  left  to  spread 
our  blankets ;  you  have  got  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ,  you  want  to 
force,  your  religion  upon  us. 

"  Brother,  co7it{nu£  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  arc  sent  to  instruct  us  how 
to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not  take  hold 
of  tiie  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be  unhappy  here- 
after; you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ;  how  do  we  know  this  to 
be  true  .■'  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a  book ;  if  it  was 
intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the  (Jreat  Spirit  given  it  to  us, 
and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did  he  not  give  to  our  forefatheis  the  knowledge 
of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly .'  We  only  know 
what  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  we  know  when  to  believe,  being  so 
often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

"  Brollier,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great 
Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  people  differ  so  much 
about  it .'  why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  ? 

"Brother,  we  do  not  understjind  these  things;  we  are  told  that  your 
religion  was  given  to  your  forefiithers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  to  son.  We  also  have  a  religion  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers, 
and  has  been  handed  down  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  that  way.  // 
teackclh  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  tliej'avors  ive  receive ;  to  love  each  other,  and  to 
be  '••n'ued ;  we  never  qunirel  about  religion. 

"  Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all ;  but  he  has  made  a  great  differ- 
ence between  his  white  and  red  children  ;  he  has  given  us  a  diffircnt  com- 
plexion, and  different  customs ;  to  you  he  has  given  the  arts ;  to  these  he 
has  not  o|)ened  our  eyes;  we  know  these  things  to  be  true.  Since  he  lias 
made  so  great  adifftu'ence  between  us  in  other  things,  why  may  we  nr>t  con- 
clude that  he  has  given  us  a  difforont  religion  according  to  oiv,  u'.iderstand- 
ing;  the  Great  Spirit  does  right;  he  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children; 
we  are  satisfied. 

"  Brotlier,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you ;  we 
only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"  Brollver,  you  say  yon  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or  our  monej',  but  to 
enlighten  our  minds.  I  will  now  tell  you  that  I  have  been  at  yoiu*  meetings, 
and  saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meeting.  I  cannot  tell  what  this 
money  was  iiitcmded  for,  but  suppose  it  was  for  your  minister,  and  if 
we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  thinking,  perhaps  yon  may  want  some 
from  us. 

"Brother,  we  are  told  tliat  you  have  been  preaching  to  wliitp  ]ieo|)lo  in  this 
place;  these  pcopli*  are  our  neighbors,  we  arc  acquainted  witli  tliem;  wo 
will  wait  a  little  while  and  see  what  efiect  your  preaching  has  upon  tlicmu 


.  '     ■  H 

'1 

•  t 

'■"■  ■ 

\ 

..t . 


Spiriluoiis  liiiuor  is  alluiJed  to,  it  is  supposed. 


596 


REDJACKET- ENGAGES  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812.        [Book  V 


If  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them  honest,  and  less  disposed  to  cheat 
Indians,  wc  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 

"  Brollier,  you  liave  now  heard  our  answer  to  your  talk,  and  this  is  all  we 
have  to  say  at  present.  As  we  arc  going  to  part,  we  will  come  Bn<l  take  you 
hy  the  hand,  and  liope  the  Great  Spirit  will  protect  yoti  on  your  journey,  and 
retu-n  you  safe  to  your  friends." 

The  cliiefa  and  others  then  drew  near  the  missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand;  hut  he  would  not  receive  them,  and  hastily  rising  from  his  seat,  w.iti, 
"  that  tliere  was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the  works 
of  the  Devil,  and,  therefore,  could  not  join  hands  with  them."  Upon  this 
being  interpreted  to  them,  "they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a  peaceable  manner." 

Tlie  Indians  cannot  well  conceive  how  they  have  any  participation  in  the 
gu\]*  of  the  crucifixion  ;  inasmuch  as  they  do  not  believe  themselves  of  the 
same  origin  as  the  whites ;  and  there  being  no  dispute  but  that  they  com- 
mitted that  act.  Red-jacket  once  said  to  a  clerg;man  who  was  importuning 
him  on  this  sidycct, 

"  Brother,  if  you  white  men  murdered  the  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit,  we  Indians 
had  nothing  to  do  itnth  it,  and  it  is  none  of  our  affair.  If  he  had  come  among  us, 
ue  would  not  have  killed  him ;  we  would  have  treated  him  well.  You  must  make 
amends  for  that  crime  yourselves."  * 

Red-jacket  took  i)art  with  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  but  was  not 
distinguished  for  that  jJiodigaHty  of  life  which  marked  the  character  of 
Tecumseh,  and  many  others,  but,  on  all  occasions,  was  cool  and  collected. 
He  had  become  at.ached  to  Colonel  Snelling  during  the  war,  and  when  he 
heard  that  that  officer  was  ordered  to  a  distant  station,  he  went  to  take  his 
farewell  of  him.    At  that  interview  he  said, 

^^  Brother,  I  hear  you  are  going  to  a  place  called  Governor's  Island.  I  hope 
you  imll  be  a/ governor  yourself.  I  understand  that  you  tvhite  people  think  children 
a  blessing.  I  hope  you  may  have  a  thousand.  Jind,  above  all,  I  hope,  wherever 
you  go,  you  nuty  never  find  whisky  more  than  two  shillings  a  quart."\ 

Grand  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  just  above  the  iiimous  Niagara  Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Senccas.  When  it  was  rumored  that  the  British  had  taken 
possession  of  it,  in  their  last  war  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  assem- 
bli'd  his  people,  to  considt  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  agent.  After  having 
stated  to  liim  the  information,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  profound 
speech : — 

"  Brother,  yon  have  told  us  that  toe  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  that  has 
taken  place  between  you  aivl  the  British.  But  we  find  the  war  has  comt  to  our 
doors.  Our  property  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  Indian 
friends.  It  is  necessary  now  for  us  to  take  up  tfie  business,  defend  owe  property, 
and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  If  we  sit  still  upon  our  seals,  and  take  no  means 
of  redress,  the  British  (according  to  the  customs  of  you  white  people)  will  hold 
it  by  conquest.  And  shotdd  you  conquer  the  Canadas,  you  will  claim  it  upon 
the  same  principles,  as  [though]  conquered  from  the  British.  We,  therefore,  re- 
qmst  permission  to  go  with  our  warriors,  and  drive  off  those  bad  people,  and  take 
possession  of  our  lands."  Whtrcupon,  such  of  the  Senecas  as  had  an  in- 
clination, wore  permitted  to  join  the  American  army. 

In  one  action  Red-jacket  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  is  most  honorably 
mentioned  by  the  coiuniaiiding  general.  The  action  took  place  near  Fort 
Gi'orge,  on  the  17  August,  18I."J,  between  about  300  volunteers  and  Indians, 
supported  by  200  regulars.  These  surprised  the  British  and  Indian  camp  at 
day-light,  killed  75  aiid  took  Iti  prisoners.  Th.e  success  of  the  expedition 
was  arinost  entirely  owing  to  a  stratagem  of  the  Indians,  who,  when  they 
had  font  '  tiioir  j)lau  of  attack,  decoyed  their  brethren,  on  the  British  side, 
uito  an  ambush,  by  giving  a  war-whoop  which  they  mistook  for  that  of 
tlifir  liicnds.  (Jenoral  Boyd,  who  commanded  here,  says,  "The  principal 
ciiiefs  who  led  the  warriors  this  day,  were  Farmer's  Brother,  Red-jacket, 


*  "  This  occurred  in  a  coiiversalioii  hctwcpii  R^d-Jarket  wid  tlie  Reverend  Mr.  BrMken- 
ridge;  Tommy-Ji'mmy,  Jack- lierry  anOt  niyst'lf  were  present.  I  heard  the  reinHrk,  ami  will 
vouch  for  it."     yV.  J.  Sufllhis:- 

t  N.E.  Galaxy,  13  July,  1833. 


\W'. 


Chap.  VI]        REIMACKET.— REFORMATION  IN  HI3  TRIBE. 


oD7 


Little  Billt,  Pollard,  Black  Snake,  Johnson,  Silverheels,  Captain 
Half-town,  Major  Henrt  O.  Ball,  (Corn-planter's  son,)  and  Captain  Cold, 
chief  of  Onondago,  who  was  wounded.  In  a  council  wliich  was  held  witii 
them  yesterday,  they  covenanted  not  to  scalp  or  murder ;  and  I  am  happy  to 
say,  that  they  treated  the  prisoners  with  humanity,  and  committed  no  wunton 
cruelties  upon  the  dead."  "  Their  bravery  and  humanity  were  equally  con- 
spicuous. Already  the  quietness  in  which  our  pickets  are  suffered  toremuhi, 
evinces  the  benefit  arising  from  their  assistance."* 

Governor  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  his  most  valuable  discourse  before  the  His- 
torical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  Bed-jacket: — "  Witli^a  a  few  yeurw, 
an  extraordinary  orator  has  risen  among  the  Senecas;  his  real  name  is 
Sas;uodha.  Without  the  advantages  of  illustrious  descent,  and  with  no 
evtruordinary  talents  for  war,  he  has  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  tin: 
nation  by  the  force  of  his  eloquence."  Red-jacket  having,  by  some  means, 
loiit  the  confidence  of  liis  countrymen,  in  order,  as  it  is  reported,  to  retrievi; 
i ,  iirevailed  upon  his  brother  to  announce  himself  a  prophet,  comniiijsioned 
by  the  Great  Spirit  to  redeem  them  from  their  miserable  condition. — 
It  rotiuired  nothing  but  an  adroit  and  skilful  reasoner  to  persuade  the  igno- 
rant multitude,  given  to  the  grossest  superstition,  of  his  infallibility  in  the 
pretended  art  or  mystery.  If  good  ever  came  out  of  evil,  it  did  at  this  time. 
The  Onoudagas  were,  at  that  period,  the  most  drunken  and  profligate  of  all 
the  Iroquois.  They  were  now  so  lar  prevailed  upon  as  almost  entirely  to 
ul>8tuin  from  ardent  spirits,  became  sober  and  industrious,  and  observed  and 
respected  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good  effect  was  not  confined  to  tho 
Onondagas,  but  shed  its  benign  influence  through  the  nations  atljacent.  But 
as  this  reform  was  begun  in  hypocrisy,  it  necessarily  ended  witii  its  hypo- 
critical author.  The  greatest  check,  perhaps,  which  can  be  thrown  in  the 
way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  Li  this  case,  like  witchcrafl  among 
us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  by  its  own  operations.  Many  were  de- 
nounced as  witches,  and  some  would  biive  been  executed  but  for  the  inter- 
ference of  their  white  neighbors.  Red-jacket  was  denounced  in  a  great 
council  of  Lidians,  held  at  Buffalo  Creek,  as  the  chief  author  of  their 
troubles.  He  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  his  eloquence  saved  his 
life,  and  greatly  increased  his  reputation.  His  defence  was  near  three  hours 
long.  And,  in  the  language  of  (Jovernor  Clinton,  "  the  iron  brow  of  super- 
stition relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence :  he  declared  the  projihet 
[his  brother]  an  impostor  and  a  cheat ;  he  pi-evailed ;  the  Indians  divided, 
luid  a  small  majority  a[)peared  in  his  favor.  Perhaps  the  annals  of  history 
cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuous  instance  of  the  triumph  and  power  of 
oratory,  in  a  barbarous  nation,  devoted  to  superstition,  and  looking  up  to  the 
accuser  as  a  delegated  minister  of  the  Alitiighty.  lam  well  aware  that  tlio 
speech  of  Losan  will  be  triumphantly  quoted  against  me,  and  that  ii  will 
be  said,  that  the  most  splendid  exliibition  of  Indian  eloquence  may  be  found 
out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Nations.  I  fully  subscribe  to  the  eulogiiun  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  when  he  says, '  I  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demoslhencs 
and  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  moio 
eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage  sujterior  to  the  speech  of  Logan,^  But 
let  it  be  remembered  that  Logan  was  a  Mingo  chief,"  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant,  if  not  already  arrived,  when  the  name  of  Red- 
jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  assemblies,  to  give  weight  to  the 
mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  the  debate  on  the  Indian  bill,  in  1830,  iu 
congress,  Mr.  Crockett,\  of  Tennessee,  said,  "  I  am  forcibly  reminded  of  tho 
remark  made  by  the  famous  Red-jacket,  in  the  rotunda  of  this  buildinif, 
when  he  was  shown  the  panel  which  represented  in  sculpture  tho  fir&t 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  presenting  to  them  an  ear  of' 
corn,  m  token  of  friendly  welcome.    The  aged    Indian  said,   'That  teas 

*  Nilea'  Register,  iv.  418,  and  v.  1,—Brannans  Official  Letters,  WO. — Sliallus's  Tables,  ii. 
120. 

t  The  piliful  crusade  in  which  this  brave  man  lost  his  life,  will  .■■  i  lone;  bo  rcmembprrci  for 
ts  unju<<tiliable  oririii,  as  the  many  valuable  but  misguided  inoii  wlio  have  Ihmmi  sarrificcd  iu 
il.  Having  joined  the  army  of  Texas,  Colonel  Crockett  was  there  iniinlcrcil  widi  llu;  rest 
ef  a  garrison  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans  ;  this  prcitcnl  ycur,  liiM. 


■I 


598 


RED  JACKET.— COiMPLAINS  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.     [Book  V 


I  ;   'i  t'K 


^00(1.^  He  said  he  knew  they  came  from  the  Great  Spirit,  and  he  was  wiH- 
ing  to  share  tiie  soil  with  his  brotliers.  But  when  he  turned  round  to  view 
another  panel,  representing  Pernios  treaty,  he  said,  ^M!  all's  gone  nmoJ 
There  was  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  this  short  saying." 

Nothing  seems  more  to  have  troubled  the  peace  of  Red-jacket  than  the 
intru.sion  of  missionaries  among  his  people.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  tlie  manner  in  which  particular  creeds  have  been  forced  upon  the  In- 
dians in  general,  we  have  nothing  to  do,  but  we  will  refer  the  reader  to  Mr. 
Buchanaii's  Sketches,*  where,  in  our  opuiion,  every  sectarian  will  glean  some 
Useful  hints  upon  that  head. 

Red-jacket  and  his  council,  in  1821,  made  a  forma!  complaint  to  the  gov 
ernor  of  New  York,  cf  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  some  teachers  among  his 
people,  and  of  their  undue  influence  generally.    Considering  it  to  contain  a 
most  important  and  valuable  piece  of  information,  we  will  give  it  entire  : — 

"  Brother  Parish,  I  address  myself  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  govern- 
or. The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  have  accompanied  you  to  Albany,  to  do  busi- 
ness with  the  governor ;  I  also  was  to  have  been  with  you,  but  I  am  sorry 
to  say  that  bad  health  has  put  it  out  of  my  power.  For  this  you  must  not 
tliink  hard  of  me.  I  am  not  to  blame  for  it.  It  is  tiie  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit  that  it  should  be  so.  The  object  of  the  Onondagas  is  to  purchase  our 
lands  at  Tonnewanta.  This  and  all  other  business  that  they  may  have  to  do 
at  Albanj',  must  be  transacted  in  the  presence  of  the  governor.  He  will 
soe  that  the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may  have  reason  to  be 
satisfied  with  what  shall  be  done ;  and  when  our  sanction  shall  be  wanted 
to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  I  much  regret  that,  at  this  time, 
tlie  state  of  my  health  should  have  prevented  me  from  accompanying  you  to 
Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  nation  that  I  should  state  to  the  governor 
.some  circumstances  which  show  that  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us 
and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and  wants  brightening.  I  proceed 
'low,  however,  to  lay  them  before  you  by  letter,  that  you  may  mention  them 
to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He  is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all, 
iind  the  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will  not  suflTer  them  to  be  wronged 
with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which  we  would  call  the  attention  of 
the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are  daily  committed  by  the  white 
people  upon  the  most  valuable  timber  on  our  reservations.  This  has  been  a 
subject  of  complaint  with  us  for  many  years  ;  but  now,  and  particr'arly  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  become  an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the 
immediate  interposition  of  the  governor  in  our  behalf  Our  next  subject 
of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts  of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  white 
j)eople,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and  using  them  whenever  they  please,  and 
without  our  leave.  These  are  evils  which  seem  to  increase  upon  us 
with  the  increase  of  our  white  neighbors,  and  they  call  loudly  for  redressi. 
Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure  of  the  whites  upon  us,  and  our 
imavoidable  communication  with  them,  ia  the  frequency  with  which  our 
cliieis,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown  into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for 
the  most  trifling  causes.  This  is  very  galling  to  our  feelings,  and  ought  not 
lo  be  permitted  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  gratify  their  bad  passions,  our 
Avhite  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice.  In  our  hunting  and  fishing,  too, 
Ave  are  greatly  inten'upted  by  the  whites.  Our  venison  is  stolen  from  the 
ticts  where  we  have  hung  it  to  be  reclaimed  after  the  chase.  Our  hunting 
<  amjts  have  been  fired  into,  and  we  have  been  warned  that  we  shall  no 
longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer  in  those  forests  which  were  so  lately 
all  our  own.  The  T^h,  which,  in  the  Bufltldo  and  Tonnewanta  Creeks,  used 
to  suj)ply  us  with  foo^'.  are  nov,  by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the 
white  people,  preventea  irom.  multijjlying,  and  we  are  almost  entirely  de- 
prived of  that  accustomea  «jstenance.  Our  great  father,  the  president,  hra 
recommended  to  our  young  men  to  be  industrious,  to  plough,  and  to  sow. 
This  we  have  done,  and  we  are  thankful  for  the  advice,  and  for  the  means 
he  has  afflirded  us  of  carrying  it  into  cflTect.  We  are  happier  in  conse- 
([Uence  of  it.     But  another  thing  recommended  to  i«,  has  created  great  voitfusion 


Vol.  i,  chap.  !x. 


^l  -V^^ 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— WITCHCRAFT  AFFAIR. 


599 


amone  us,  and  is  making  us  a  quarrtlsome  and  divided  peofle  ;  and  that  is,  the 
introduction  of  preachers  into  our  nation.  These  black  ^oats  contrive  to  get 
the  consent  of  some  of  the  Lidians  to  preach  among  us,  and  wlierevcr  this 
is  the  case,  confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow,  and  the  encroach- 
inrnts  of  the  whites  upon  our  lands  are  the  invariable  conse(iuence.  The 
governor  must  not  think  hard  of  me  for  sj)eaking  thus  of  the  preachers.  1 
liave  observed  their  progress,  and  when  I  look  back  to  see  what  has  taken 
place  of  old,  1  perceive  that  whenever  they  came  among  the  Indians,  tiiey 
were  the  forerunners  of  iheir  dispersion  ;  that  they  always  excited  enmities 
•nnd  quarrels  among  them  ;  that  they  introduced  the  white  people  on  their 
lands,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  and  plundered  of  their  pro|)erty ;  and 
tliat  the  Indians  were  sure  to  dwindle  and  decrease,  and  be  driven  buck  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  preachers  that  came  among  them.  Each  nation 
liiis  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  Indians  have  theirs,  given  to 
tiiem  by  the  Great  Spirit,  under  which  they  were  happy.  It  was  not  in- 
tended that  they  should  embrace  the  religion  of  the  whites,  and  be  destroyed 
by  the  attempt  to  make  them  think  difierently  on  that  subject  from  their 
fathers.*  It  is  true,  these  preachers  have  got  th(!  consent  of  some  of  the 
chiefs  to  stay  and  preach  among  us,  but  I  and  my  friends  know  this  to  bo 
wrong,  and  that  they  oug!>*  to  be  removed ;  besides,  we  have  been  threatened 
by  Mr.  Hyde,  who  came  among  us  as  a  school-master  and  a  teacher  of  our 
children,  but  has  now  become  a  black  coat,  and  refused  to  teac'<  them  any 
more,  tliat  unless  we  listen  to  liis  preaching  and  become  Christians,  we  will 
be  turned  off  our  lands.  We  wish  to  know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to 
J)o  so ;  and  if  he  has  no  right  to  say  so,  we  think  he  ought  to  be  turned  off 
our  lands,  and  not  allowed  to  plague  us  any  more.  We  shall  never  be  at 
peace  while  he  is  among  us.  Let  them  be  removed,  and  we  will  be  haj)|iy 
and  contented  among  ourselves.  We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and 
hope  that  he  will  attend  to  our  complaints,  and  speedily  give  us  redress. 

Rf.1)-J4CKET." 

"  Till"  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jacJ(el,  and  interpreted  by  Henrif  Obeal,\ 
in  the  p.osence  of  the  following  Indians:  Jled-jackcfs  son.  Corn-planter,  Johii- 
cnhh,  Peter,  Young-kings-brother,  Tom-the-infant,  [Onnonggaiheko,]  Blue-ski/, 
[Tuwijocaupa,]  John-sb/,  Jemmy-johnson,  Marcus,  Big-Jire,  Captain- Jcmm;/." 

The  success  this  petition  met  with,  it  is  presumed,  was  full  and  satisiiictory 
to  him,  in  respect  to  one  particular ;  for  :io  ministers,  for  some  time  al'tervvards, 
were  admitted  upon  the  reservation. 

In  thespringof  1821,  amanof  iJerf-jWftct'stribe  fell  intoalang-'ishment  and 
died.  His  complaint  was  unknown,  and  some  circumstances  attended  hiai 
illness  which  caused  his  friends  to  believe  that  he  was  bewitched.  The  wo- 
man that  attended  him  was  fixed  upon  as  the  witch,  and  by  the  law,  or 
custom,  of  the  nation,  she  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  A  chief  by  the  name 
of  Tom-jemmy,  called  by  his  own  people  Soo-nong-gise,  executed  the  decree 
by  cutting  her  throat.  The  Americans  took  up  the  matter,  seized  Tom-jemmy, 
and  threw  him  into  prison.^  Some  time  after,  when  bis  trial  came  on,  Red- 
jacket  appeared  in  court  as  an  evidence.  The  counsel  lor  the  prisoner  denied 
that  the  court  had  any  jurisdiction  over  the  case,  and  alter  it  was  carried 
through  three  terms,  Soo-nong-gise  was  finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  and  the 
oilier  witnesses  testified  that  the  woman  was  a  witch,  and  that  she  had  been 
tried,  condenmed  and  executed  in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been 
established  from  time  immemorial;  long  before  the  English  came  into 
the  country.  The  witch  doctrine  of  the  Senecas  was  much  ridiculed  by 
some  of  the  Americans,  to  which  Red-jacket  thus  aptly  alludes  in  a  .speech 
which  he  made  while  upon  the  stand : — 

"  fVhat !  do  you  denounce  us  as  fools  and  higots,  because  ive  still  continue  to 
believe  that  ivhich  you  yourselves  sedulously  inciucated  two  centuries  ago  ?  Your 
divines  have  thundered  this  doctrine  from  the  ptdpit,  your  judges  have  pronounced 

*  A  liappy  illustration  of  tlie  force  of  ecliication.     t  Son  o(  Com-pUmter,  or  Cnrn-pliinf. 

\  Information  of  a  gentleman  (  IV.  J.  UneUmg,  Esq  )  who  was  on  llie  spot,  and  saw  him 
l>roM;;lit  to  BulTalo.  'litis  was  tlie  next  day  alter  the  murder,  and  the  blood  was  yvl  iipdc 
III:*  hands. 


.  •♦ 


600 


RED-JACKET.— INTERVIEW  WITH  LAFAYETTE.         [Book  V 


it  from  the  bench,  your  courts  of  justice  have  sanctioned  it  wUh  the  formalities  of 
kuo,  and  you  would  now  puntah  our  unfortunate  brother  for  adherence  to  the  su- 
perstitions of  his  fathers .'  Go  to  Salem !  Look  at  the  records  of  your  government, 
and  you  will  fnd  hundreds  executed  for  the  very  crime  which  has  called  forth  the 
sentence  of  condemnation  upon  this  woman,  and  drawn  down  the  arm  of  vengeance 
upon  her.  fVhat  have  our  brothers  done  more  than  the  rulers  of  your  people  have 
clone  f  and  what  crime  has  this  man  committed  by  executing,  in  a  summary  way, 
the  laws  of  his  country,  and  the  injunctions  of  his  God  ?  Before  Red-jacket 
was  admitted  to  eive  evidence  in  the  case,  he  was  asked  if  he  believed  in 
future  rewards  and  punishments,  and  the  existence  of  GJod.  With  a  piercing 
look  into  the  face  ot  his  interrogator,  and  with  no  little  indignation  of  expres- 
sion, he  replied :  "  Yes !  much  more  than  the  white  men,  if  we  are  to  judge  by 
their  actions"  Upon  the  appearance  of  Red-jacket  upon  this  occasion,  one 
observes :  "  There  is  not,  perhaps,  in  nature,  a  more  expressive  eye  tiian  that 
of  Red-jacket ;  when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible  ;  and  when 
he  chooses  to  display  his  unrivalled  talent  for  irony,  his  keen  sarcastic  glance 
is  irresistible."  * 

When  Lafayette,  in  1825,  was  at  Buffalo,  among  the  persons  of  distinction 
who  called  upon  him,  was  Red-jacket.  Of  the  old  chief,  M.  Levasaeur  ob- 
serves :  f  This  extraordinary  man,  although  much  worn  down  by  time  and 
intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a  surprising  degree,  the  exercise  of  all  his 
faculties.  He  had  ever  remembered  Lcfayette  since  1784,  at  which  time  he, 
with  others,  met  a  great  council  of  all  tiie  Indian  nations  at  Fort  Schuyler, 
when  the  interest  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  enemies,  was  regulated 
with  the  United  States.  He  asked  the  general  if  he  recollected  that  meeting. 
Ho  replied  that  he  had  not  forgotten  that  great  event,  and  asked  Red-jacket  if 
he  knew  what  had  become  of  the  young  chief,  who,  in  that  council,  opposed 
with  such  eloquence  the  "  burying  of  the  tomahawk."  Red-Jacket  replied, 
"i/e  is  before  you."  His  speech  was  a  master-piece,  and  every  warrior  who 
heard  him  was  carried  away  with  his  eloquence.  He  urged  a  continuation  of  tlie 
war  against  the  Americans,  having  joined  against  them  in  the  revolution. 
The  general  observed  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that 
meeting.  "  Ah !  "  said  Red-jacket,  "  time  has  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as 
it  has  upon  me.     It  has  left  to  you  a  fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover 

i'our  head ;  while  to  me behold ! "  and  taking  a  handkerchief  from 
lis  head,  with  an  air  of  much  feeling,  showed  his  head,  which  was  almost 
entirely  bald.| 

At  this  interview,  was  fully  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated.  Le- 
vfiuseur  continues:  itcrf-jacArei  obstinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language  but 
that  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  all  others ;  although 
it  is  easy  to  discern  tliat  he  perfectly  understands  the  English ;  and  refused, 
nevertheless,  to  reply  to  the  general  before  his  interpreter  had  translated  his 
questions  into  the  Seneca  language.  The  general  spoke  a  few  words  in 
Indian,  which  he  had  learned  in  his  youth,  at  which  Red-Jacket  was  highly 
pleased,  and  which  augmented  much  his  high  opinion  o(  Lafayette. 

The  author  of  the  following  passage  is  unknown  to  us;  but  presuming  it 
to  be  authentic,  we  quote  it.  "More  than  30  years ^  have  rolled  away  since 
a  treaty  was  held  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Canandaigiia  || 

*  Niles's  Weekly  Register,  vol.  xx.  339,  411. 

t  111  liis  Lafayette  en  Ameiiqne,  (ome  ii.  437-8. 

\  "  Les  assistants  ne  parent  s'empMier  de  soiirire  de  la  simpliciti  de  I'Indien,  qui  sevMail 
is;norer  I' art  de  r^parer  les  injures  du  temps ;  muis  on  se  garda  bien  de  dUruire  son  err  ear  ; 
k  petU-Hre  fit-on  bien,  cariCedt  pu  confondre  une  prrruqiie  avec  une  cheielure  scalpee,  et 
concevoir  lidi'e  de  regarnir  sa  tSte  nux  d<'pens  de  la  tHe  d'une  de  ses  voisons."  Hiid. 
— 'I'liis  attempt  al  facotiousness  by  Mons.  Levassenr  Is  enlirely  a  failure,  and  in  very  bail 
taste.  Hiui  11  had  reference  lo  an  ol)scnre  person,  it  would  have  been  diflerent.  For  a  parcel 
of  white  ignoramuses  lo  make  themselves  merry  at  the  simple  but  dignified  appearance  of  the 
old  chief,  only  shows  them  ofT  in  their  true  light ;  and  the  assertion  (hat  he  covered  his  own 
nead  al  the  expense  of  that  of  his  neighbor,  too  nearly  classes  the  writer  with  his  companions. 

\  This  writer,  I  conclude,  wrote  in  1822.  I  copy  it  from  Miscellanies  selected  frmn  the 
Piildic  Journals,  by  Mr.  Buckingham. 

II  Higiiilying,  in  the  Seneca  language,  a  tmcn  set  off.  The  lake  received  ils  name  from 
tlie  town  upon  its  s\\iitc.—Spaffoi-d's  Gaz. 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— VISIT  TO  PHILADELPHIA. 


601 


Lake.  The  witnesses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  powers  of  native 
oratory.  Two  days  hud  passed  awoy  in  negotiation  with  tlie  Indians  for  a 
cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract  was  supposed  to  be  nearly  completed, 
when  Red-jacket  arose.  With  the  grace  and  dignity  of  a  Roman  senator,  he 
drew  his  blanket  around  him,  and,  with  a  piercing  eye,  surveyed  the  multi- 
tude. All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed  to  break  the  silence,  save  the 
gentle  rustliiig  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose  shade  they  were  gathered.  After 
u  long  and  solemn,  but  not  unmeaning  pause,  he  commenced  his  8j)eech  in  a 
low  voice  and  sententious  style.  Rising  gradually  with  the  subject,  he  de- 
picted the  primitive  simplicity  and  happiness  of  his  nation,  and  the  wrongs 
they  had  sustained  from  the  usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a  bold  but 
faithful  pencil,  that  every  auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  or  melted 
into  tears.  The  effect  was  inexpressible.  But  ere  the  emotions  of  admira- 
tion and  sympathy  had  subsided,  the  white  men  became  alarmed.  They  were 
in  the  heart  of  an  Indian  country — surrounded  by  more  than  ten  times  their 
number,  who  were  inflamed  by  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries,  and  ex- 
cited to  indignation  by  the  eloquence  of  a  favorite  chief.  Appalled  and 
terrified,  the  white  men  cast  a  cheerless  goz3  upon  the  hordes  around  them. 
A  nod  from  the  chiefs  might  be  the  onset  of  destruction.  At  this  portentous 
moment.  Farmer s-lrother  niterposed.  He  replied  not  to  his  brother  chief, 
but,  with  a  sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  he  caused  a  cessation  of  the  council,  in- 
troduced good  cheer,  commended  the  eloquence  of  Red-jacket,  and,  before 
the  meeting  had  reassembled,  with  the  aid  of  other  prudent  chief's,  he  hud 
moderated  the  fury  of  his  nation  to  a  more  salutary  review  of  the  question 
before  them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the  Western 
District,  at  this  day,  owes  no  small  portion  of  its  power  and  influence  to  the 
counsels  of  a  savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  for  genius,  heroism,  virtue, 
or  ^ny  other  quality  that  can  adorn  the  bawble  ofa  diadem,  not  only  George  the 
IV.  and  Louis  It  Desiri,  but  the  German  emperor  and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike 
dwindle  into  insigniflcance."     We  can  add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacket  was  of  the  number  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  1792,  as  will  be 
found  mentioned  in  the  accomit  of  Jaquetle ;  at  which  time  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  that  city,  and  addressed  by  him,  in  behalf 
of  the  commonwealth,  in  the  council-chamber.  The  following  is  the  closing 
paragraph  of  the  governor's  speech :  "  Brothers !  I  know  the  kindness  Avith 
which  you  treat  the  strangei-s  that  visit  your  country ;  and  it  is  my  sincere 
wish,  that,  when  you  return  to  your  families,  you  may  be  able  to  assure  them 
that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and  hospitality  are  also  practised  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Pennsylvania."  He  had  before  observed  that  the  government  had 
fiirnished  every  thing  to  make  them  comfortable  during  their  stay  at  Phila- 
delphia. This  was  upon  the  28  March,  1792,  and  on  2  April  following, 
they  met  agaui,  when  Red-jacket  spoke  in  answer  to  the  governor  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"Brother,  Onas*  Governor,  open  unprejudiced  ears  to  what  we  have  to 
say.  8ome  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and  what  you  said  gave  us  great 
pleasure.  This  day  the  Great  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  again,  in 
this  council-chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  inmiediate  an- 
swer to  your  address,  will  make  no  improper  impression  upon  your  mind. 
We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your  kind  welcome  and  friendly 
address  has  not  had  a  proper  effect  upon  our  hearts.  We  assure  you  it  is  far 
otherwise.  In  your  address  to  us  the  other  day,  in  this  ancient  council-cham- 
ber, where  our  forefathers  have  oflen  conversed  together,  several  things 
struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you  told  us  this  was  the  place  m 
which  our  forefathers  often  met  on  peaceable  terms,  it  gave  us  sensible  pleas 
ure,  and  more  joy  than  we  could  express.  Though  we  have  no  writings 
like  you,  yet  we  remember  often  to  have  heard  of  the  friendship  that  existed 
between  our  fathers  and  yours.    The  picture  f  to  which  you  drew  our  atten- 


•  Oruu  was  the  name  the  Indians  gave  William  Perm,  and  they  conliniu;  llii-  sinn;  naino 
to  all  the  governors  ot'  Pennsylvania, 
t  A  fine  picture  representing  Peiin's  treaty  with  the  Indians. 

51 


'?: 


602 


RED-JACKET— DOMINIE-PETER. 


[Book  V. 


11 


tion.  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  the  friendly  conferences  that  used  to  be  held 
bet  /een  the  former  governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  our  tribes,  and  showed 
th  J  love  which  your  Ibrefuthers  liad  of  peace,  and  the  friendly  dispoKition  of 
our  people.  It  is  still  our  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  between 
our  tribes  and  you,  and  it  would  be  well  if  the  same  spirit  existed  among  the 
Indians  to  the  westward,  and  through  every  part  of  the  United  States.  You 
particularly  expressed  that  you  were  well  pleased  to  find  that  we  differed  in 
disposition  from  the  Indians  westward.  Your  disposition  is  that  for  which 
the  ancient  Onas  Governors  were  remarkable,  As  you  love  jieace,  so  do  we 
also ;  and  we  wish  it  could  be  extended  to  the  most  distant  part  of  this  great 
country.  We  agreed  in  council,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments  I  have 
expressed  should  be  communicated  to  you,  before  the  delegates  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  to  tell  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city,  and  the  good 
sentiments  corun  ..  id  in  your  address,  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  our 
hearts,'  ^  five  ii  us  grGul  joy,  mul  from  the  heart  Hell  you  so.  This  is  all  I 
have  to 

When  "  jach  t  Sad  finished,  another  chic^f,  called  ^g^oelondoncrwas,  (and 
sometimes  n  )d-petf'*'  addressed  the  asseml  ly.  His  speech  is  much  in  the 
style  of  Red-jackeCs,  u  I  /as  chiefly  a  repetition,  in  other  words,  of  it.  It 
was  short,  and  contained  this  passage  :  "  Wli  it  is  there  more  desii-able  than 
that  we,  who  live  within  hearing  of  each  othar,  should  unite  for  the  common 
good?  This  is  my  wish.  It  is  the  wish  of  my  nation,  although  I  am  sorry  I 
can't  sny  so  of  every  individual  in  it ;  for  there  are  differences  ol'  opinions 
among  us,  as  well  as  among  our  white  brethren." 

Sitice  we  have  here  introduced  Dominie  Peter,  we  will  so  far  di'^ress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  him.  He  was  one  of  those  who  took  part 
against  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  when  hostilities  com- 
menced, he  retired  and  joined  the  remote  tribes  towards  Canada.  Colonel 
John  Harper  (one  of  the  family  from  whom  Harpersfield,  New  York,  takes 
its  name)  was  stationed  at  the  fort  at  Schorrie,  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  maple  sugar,  when  all 
were  upon  the  look-out  to  avoid  surprise  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  Harper  left 
the  garrison  and  proceeded  through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield ;  thence  by 
an  Indian  path  to  Cherry-valley.  In  his  way,  as  he  was  turning  the  point  of 
a  hill,  he  saw  a  company  of  Indians,  who,  at  the  same  time,  saw  him.  He 
dared  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  could  expect  no  other  than  to  be  shot  down  in 
such  attempt.  lie,  therefore,  determined  to  advance  and  meet  them  without 
discovering  fear.  Concealing  his  regimentals  as  well  as  he  could  with  his 
great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  meet  them.  Before  they  met  him,  he  dis- 
covered that  Peter  was  their  chief,  with  whom  he  had  formerly  traded  much 
at  Oquago,  but  who  did  not  know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  speak,  as  they 
met,  and  his  words  were,  "  How  do  you  do,  brothers'?"  The  chief  answered, 
"  fVell. — How  do  you  do,  brother?  IVhii^h  ivay  are  you  bound'?  "  The  colonel 
replied,  "  On  a  secret  expedition.  And  tohich  tvay  are  you  bound,  brothers  ? " 
They  answered  without  hesitation  or  distrust,  tliinking,  no  doubt,  they  had 
fallen  in  with  one  of  the  king's  men,  "  Doion  the  Susquehannah,  to  cut  off  the 
Johnstone  settlement.'"  This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains,  consisted  of  a 
few  Scotch  families,  and  their  minister's  name  was  Johnstone ;  hence  the 
name  of  the  settlement.  The  colonel  next  asked  them  where  they  lodged 
that  night,  and  they  told  him,  "  At  the  mouth  of  Scheneva's  Creek."  Af\er 
shaking  hands,  they  separated.  As  soon  as  they  were  out  of  sight,  Harper 
made  a  circuit  through  the  woods  with  all  speed,  and  soon  arrived  at  the 
head  of  Charlotte  River,  where  were  several  men  making  sugar.  This  place 
WHS  about  ten  miles  from  Decatur  Hill,  where  he  met  the  Indiuns.  He 
onicrrd  them  to  take  each  a  rope  and  provisions  in  their  j)acks,  and  assem- 
ble at  J:2vaii's  Place,  where  he  would  soon  meet  them :  thence  he  returned 
to  Harfiersfield,  and  collected  the  men  there,  which,  including  the  others  and 
himself;  made  15,  just  equal  to  Pe/er's  force.  When  they  arrived  at  Evan's 
Place,  upon  the  Charlotte,  Haiper  made  known  his  jiroject.  They  set  ofl^ 
and  before  day  the  next  morning,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  the   In- 

*  And  oflcii  Do/niiie-pder.     2  Coll.  N.  Y.  Hist.  See.  Tk 


.     ♦  ;.  ■> 


Chap.  VI.] 


FAUMERS  bKOTIIER. 


603 


Id 
!d 

)!' 
Ill 
le 
III 
in 
•li 
•p. 


dians'  cntnp.  From  a  smnll  eminence,  jtiat  at  dawn  of  day,  tlicir  fire  was 
seen  biiriuii>r,  and  Pder,  amidst  his  warriors,  lying  upon  tlie  ground.  All 
wore  fast  a.sfecp.  Harper  and  liis  companions  each  crept  silently  up,  witii 
their  ropes  in  their  hands,  man  to  man  ;  and  eacli,  standing  in  a  position  to 
gras|)  his  adversary,  waited  for  the  word  to  be  given  by  their  leader.  The 
colonel  jogged  his  Indian,  and,  as  he  was  waking,  said  to  him,  "  Come,  il  U 
time  for  men  of  business  to  be  on  their  way.^'  This  was  the  watchword ;  and 
no  sooner  was  it  pronounced,  than  each  Indian  felt  the  warm  grasp  of  his 
foe.  The  struggle  was  desjierate,  though  short,  and  resulted  in  the  ca|)ture 
of  every  one  of"  the  party.  When  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  distinguish 
countenances,  Peter,  observing  Colonel //arper,  said,  "Ma/  Colonel  Harper. 
JVow  I  know  you !  Why  did  I  not  know  you  yesterday^"  The  colonel  observed, 
"  Some  policy  in  war,  Peter,"  To  which  Pettr  replied,  "^A.'  mx  find  em 
80  now.  These  captives  were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to 
the  commanding  officer.  Uy  this  capital  exploit  no  doubt  many  lives  were 
saved.* 

As  has  been  noted,  Red-Jacket  died  at  his  residi-nco  near  Buffiilo,  on  the 
20tii  of  Januaiy,  1830,  aged  about  80  years.  In  1833,  a  grandson  of  his  was 
chosen  chief  of  the  Senecas. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  FARMERS-BROTHER,  is  often  men 
tioned  in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.    His  native  nan      .vas  Ho  nn-ya-wus. 

In  17y"2,  Farmers-brother  was  in  Philadelphia^  and  'as  among' tho.se 
who  attended  the  burial  of  Mr.  Peter  Jnquelte,  and  is  t  s  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  28  March,  of  that  yea:  "  Or  j-londay  last,  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadel])hia  in  an  address  delivered  by  the 
governor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a  general  ackn'  wledgment  for  the  cor- 
dial reception  which  they  had  expcrionced,  but  postponed  their  formal  answer 
until  another  opportunity.  The  room  in  which  -cy  assembled  was  mentioned 
as  the  ancient  council-chamber,  in  which  tlieii  cestors  and  ours  had  often 
met  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship ;  and  this  circumstance,  together  widi 
the  presence  of  a  great  part  of  the  beauty  of  the  city,  liad  an  evidiuit  tfti.-ct 
upon  the  feelings  of  the  Indians,  and  seemed  particularly  to  embarrass  the 
elocution  of  the  Farmers-brother."  This  last  clause  does  not  correspond  witli 
our  ideas  of  the  great  chief. 

Through  his  whole  life.  Farmers-brother  seems  to  have  been  a  peacemukor. 
In  the  si)ri-ig  of  the  next  year,  there  was  a  great  council  held  at  Niagara, 
consisting  of  the  chiefs  of  a  great  many  nations,  dwelling  upon  the  shores 
of  the  western  lakes.  At  this  time,  many  long  and  laborious  speeches  were 
made,  some  for  and  others  against  the  conduct  of  the  United  States.  Fann- 
ers-brother shone  conspicuous  at  this  time.  His  speech  was  nearly  three 
hours  long,  and  the  final  determination  of  the  council  was  peace.  We 
know  of  no  speeches  being  preserved  at  this  time,  but  if  there  could  have 
been,  doubtless  much  true  history  might  have  been  collected  from  them. 
He  seems  not  only  to  have  been  esteemed  by  the  Americans,  but  also  by  the 
English.f 

Of  Peter  Jaquetlc,  whom  we  have  several  times  incidentally  mentioned, 
we  will  give  some  account  before  proceeding  with  Honayawus.  He  was 
one  of  the  principal  sachems  of  the  Oneidas.  This  chief  died  in  Phila- 
delphia, 19  March,  1792.  He  had  been  taken  to  France  by  General  Lafay- 
ette, at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  where  he  received  an  education. 
.Mr  Jaquette,  having  died  on  Monday,  was  interred  on  the  following  Wednes- 
day. "  His  funeral  was  attended  from  Oeler's  hotel  to  the  Presl)ytorian 
burying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  The  corpse  was  preceded  by  a  detach- 
ment of  the  light  infantry  of  the  city,  with  arms  reversed,  drums  niuffled, 
music  playing  a  solemn  dirge.    The  corpse  was  followed  by  six  of  the 

•  Annals  of  Tryon  Co.  8ro.  N.  York,  IS. 

t  "  Le  village  ife  Buffalo  est  habile  par  les  Senecas.  Le  clief  de  celte  nation  est  Drollieis 
fanner,  cstimc  par  toiites  les  Iribus  comine  ffranil  guerrier  nl  grand  politique,  et  liirt  caress* 
a  ce  titre  par  les  ajjens  anglais  et  les  ageiis  Amrricains.  Huflfalo  est  le  chef  lieu  de  la  ualion 
Seneca."    Rochejoucauld,  Voyage  dans  I' Anterique  en  1795,  G,  and  7, 1,  i.  29y. 


J 


^■' 


^  'fi 


604       FARMKRS-I'.IlOTnEU.— HIS  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MOUNDS.     [Book  V. 


T 

t; ,,  1, 


chiefs  as  mournors,  succeeded  by  all  the  warriors ;  the  reverend  clergy 
of  all  dcnoiniiiations  ;  Hocretury  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  wur  de- 
partment; officers  of  the  federal  army,  and  of  the  militia;  and  a  number  of 
citizens."  • 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  Farmers-brother  was  deliverrd 
in  a  council  at  Genesee  River,  in  17U8,  and  after  being  interpreted,  was 
si^nicd  by  the  chiefs  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  New  York.  It 
follows : — 

"  Brothers,  as  you  ore  once  more  assembled  in  council  for  the  purpose  of 
doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  country,  we,  your  brothers, 
the  Hoclittms,  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation,  request  you  to  open 

!four  ears  and  give  attention  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — You  will  recollect  the 
ate  contest  between  you  and  your  father,  the  great  king  of  England.  This 
contest  threw  the  inhabitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a  great  tumult  and 
commotion,  like  a  raging  whirlwind  which  tears  up  the  trees,  and  tosses  tu 
and  fro  the  leaves,  so  that  no  one  knows  from  whence  they  come,  or  where 
they  will  fall. — This  whirlwind  was  so  directed  by  the  Great  Spirit  above,  as 
to  throw  into  our  arms  two  of  your  infant  children, /(uper  ParrisA  and  Horatio 
Jones.f  We  adopted  them  into  our  families,  and  made  them  our  children. 
We  loved  them  and  nourished  them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years.  Jit 
length  the  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  ivhirlwind,  and  it  was  still.  A  clear  and  un- 
interrupted sky  appeared.  The  path  of  peace  was  opened,  and  the  chain  of 
friendship  was  once  more  made  bright  Then  these  our  adopted  children 
lell  us,  to  seek  their  relations ;  we  wished  them  to  remain  among  us,  and 
promised,  if  they  would  return  and  live  in  our  coimtry,  to  give  each  of  them 
a  seat  of  land  for  them  and  their  children  to  sit  down  upon. — They  have  re- 
turned, and  have,  lor  several  years  past,  been  serviceable  to  us  as  interpret- 
ers. We  still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to 
AiUil  the  promise  we  made  them,  and  reward  them  for  their  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  up  our  minds  to  give  them  a  seat  of  two  square  miles 
of  land,  lying  on  tiiC  outlets  of  Lake  Lrie,  about  three  miles  below  Black- 
rock,  begnming  at  the  mouth  of  a  creuk  known  by  the  name  of  Scoyguquoy- 
descreeh,  running  one  mile  from  the  River  Niagara  up  said  creek,  thence 
northerly  as  the  river  runs  two  miles,  thence  westerly  one  mile  to  the  river, 
thence  up  the  river  as  the  river  runs,  two  miles,  to  the  place  of  beginning,  so 
as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — We  have  now  made  known  to  you  oiu* 
minds.  We  expect  and  earnestly  request  that  you  will  permit  our  friends 
to  receive  this  our  gift,  and  will  make  the  same  good  to  them,  according  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — Why  shotdd  you  hesitate  to  make  our 
minds  easy  with  regard  to  this  our  request  ?  To  you  it  is  but  a  little  thing ; 
and  have  you  not  complied  with  the  request  and  confirmed  the  gifts  of  our 
brothers  the  Oneidas,  the  Oiiondagas  and  Cayugas  to  their  interpreters  ? 
And  shall  we  ask  and  not  be  heard  ?  We  send  you  this  our  speech,  to 
which  we  expect  your  answer  before  the  breaking  up  our  great  council 
fire." 

A  gentleman  t  who  visited  Buffalo  in  1810,  observes  that  Farvte/s-brother 
was  never  known  to  drink  ardent  spirits,  an<l  although  then  94  years  old, 
walked  perfecdy  upright,  and  Wfis  remarkably  straight  and  well  formed ; 
very  grave,  and  answered  his  inquiries  with  great  precisicjn,  but  through  his 
interpreter,  Mr.  Parrish,  before  named.  His  account  of  the  mounds  in  that 
region  will  not  give  satisfaction.  He  told  Dr.  King  that  they  were  thrown 
up  against  the  incursions  of  the  French,  and  that  the  implements  found  in 
them  were  taken  from  them ;  a  great  army  of  French  having  been  overthrown 
and  mostly  cut  off,  the  Indians  became  possessed  of  their  acuiitrements, 
which,  being  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buriiul  with  their  owners. 

He  was  a  great  warrior,  and  although  "  eighty  snows  in  years  "  when  the 
war  of  1812  began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Americans. 

*  Pennsylvania  Gazette. 

f  Taken  prisoners  at  the  destruction  of  Wyoming  by  the  lories  and  Indians  under  Butler 
»nil  Itrant. 

X  l>r.  WUliam  King  the  celebrated  electrician,  who  gives  the  autlior  lliis  iuforraatioQ 
rcrbally. 


Chap.  VI]  FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE  AT  DEVILS   HOLE. 


605 


He  did  not  live  till  its  clone,  but  died  at  the  Seneca  village,  juHt  aHcr  tlin 
battle  of  Brid^ownler,  and  was  interred  with  military  honors  by  the  titlh 
regiment  of  tnited  States  infantry.  He  usiiallv  wore  a  medal  preHontud 
him  by  General  fVashington.  In  the  revolution,  he  fuught  sucreHsfniiy 
against  the  Americans.  I'erhapa  there  never  flowed  from  the  li|)H  of  muii 
u  more  sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speech  given  aliove,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  i^ 
worth  repenting :  "  The  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  ivhirlmrtd,  and  it  was 
still." 

This  celebrated  chief  was  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  French,  in  the  old 
French  war,  as  it  is  termed,  and  lie  once  pointed  out  the  spot  to  a  traveller, 
where,  at  the  head  of  a  bund  of  his  warriors,  ho  ambusht'd  a  guard  that  ac- 
companied the  English  teams,  employed  bi'tween  the  Falls  of  Ningarii  and 
Fort  Niagara,  which  had  then  recently  surrendered  to  the  English  under 
Sir  William  Johnson,  The  place  of  the  ambush  is  now  called  the  Devil's 
Hole,  and  is  a  very  noted  place  to  inquisitive  visitors  of  that  romantic  region, 
as  it  is  but  three  and  a  half  miles  below  the  great  Fulls,  and  U|)on  the  Ameri- 
can shore.  It  is  said  of  this  place,  that  "  the  mind  can  scarcely  conceive  of 
a  more  dismal  looking  den.  A  large  ravine,  made  by  the  fulling  in  of  the 
perpendicular  bank,  uurkened  by  the  s])reading  branches  of  the  birch  and 
cedar,  which  had  taken  root  below,  and  the  low  nuirmuring  of  the  rapids  in 
the  chasm,  added  to  the  solemn  thtmder  of  the  cataract  itself,  cnntribctij  to 
render  the  scene  truly  awful.  The  English  party  wore  not  aware  of  the  dread- 
ful fate  that  a'vaitcd  them.  Unconscious  of  danger,  the  drivers  were  guyly 
whistling  to  their  dull  ox-teams.  Farmers-brother  and  his  band,  on  their 
arrival  at  this  spot,  rushed  from  the  thicket  which  had  concealed  them,  and 
commenced  a  horrid  butchery."  So  tinoxpocted  was  the  attack  that  all  |)rns- 
eiice  of  iniud  forsook  the  En^  lish,  and  they  made  little  or  no  resistance.  The 
guard,  the  teamsters,  the  oxen  and  tlie  wagons  were  p.ccij)itated  down  into 
the  gidf.  But  two  of  the  men  escaped;  a  Mr.  Sledman,  who  lived  at  Schlos- 
ser,  above  the  falls,  who,  being  mounted  on  a  fleet  horse,  ofFected  his  escajie  ; 
and  one  of  the  soldiers,  who  was  caught  on  the  projecting  root  of  a  cedar, 
which  sustained  him  until  the  Indians  ha<l  lell  the  place.  He  soon  after  got 
to  Fort  Niagara,  and  there  gave  an  account  of  what  had  hap])ened.  The 
small  rivulet  that  runs  into  the  Niagara  through  the  Devil's  Hole,  was,  it  is 
said,  colored  with  the  blood  of  the  slain  on  that  unfortunate  d«y,  and  it  now 
bears  the  name  of  Bloody-Run. 

Fanners-brother  fought  against  the  Americans  in  the  Revolution,  and  was 
no  inconsiderable  foe;  but  his  acts  were  probably  mostly  in  council,  us  we 
hear  of  no  important  achievements  by  him  in  the  field. 

The  following  remarkable  incident  should  not  be  omitted  in  the  fife  of 
this  chief.  In  the  war  of  1812,  a  fugitive  Mohawk  from  the  enemy  had  en- 
deavored to  pass  for  a  Seneca,  and  accordingly  came  among  those  luider 
Red-jacket  and  Farmers-brother.  The  latter  discovered  him,  and  imtnediatcly 
appeared  in  his  presence,  and  thus  accosted  him.  "/  know  you  well.  You 
belons;  to  the  Mohawks.  You  are  a  spy.  Here  is  my  rifle — my  tomahawk — my 
scalinns-knife.  Say,  ivhich  I  shall  use.  I  am  in  haste."  The  young  Mo- 
hawk knew  there  was  no  reprieve,  nor  time  to  deliberate.  He  chose  the 
rifle.  The  old  chief  ordered  him  to  lie  down  upon  the  grass,  and  with  one  foot 
ui)on  his  breast,  he  discharged  his  rifle  into  his  head.* 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Senecaa, 
develop  some  other  interesting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

"  To  the  Honorable  William  Eustis,  secretary  at  war. 

"The  sachems  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians, under- 
standing you  are  the  person  appointed  by  the  great  coimcil  of  your  nation  to 
manage  and  conduct  the  afl'airs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians  with  whom 
you  are  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  this  time,  as 
children  to  a  father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble  which  we  have  on  our 
minds. 


I 


61* 


*  Buckiitgltam's  Miscellanies,  i.  33,  31. 


606 


FARMERS-nROTHER. 


[Book   V. 


jM- 


"  Brotlier,  we  do  not  'liiiik  it  l)e.st  to  imiltiply  wonls:  we  will,  thcrofnrp, 
tfll  you  what  our  c()iiii)luiiit  Ih. — Hrother,  liMtcii  to  whiit  we  snv  :  Honiu  yr.irs 
siiu;i',  we  iield  n  treiity  ut  Jli},'trco,  ii«nr  ilic  Geiies(u!  llivt^.  TIiih  treaty  wiin 
caiicti  by  our  great  futtier,  tiio  |iruHi(lent  of  tiie  United  StateH.  Ho  Hciit  tin 
agent,  Col.  li'adsworlh,  to  attend  this  treaty,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  us  in 
tile  businosH,  and  .seeing  that  we  iiad  juHtice  done  us.  At  this  treaty,  we  soU'. 
to  Robert  Morris  tlu;  greatest  part  of  our  country ;  the  sum  he  gave  us  was 
100,000  dollars.  The  coinMiissionors  who  were  appointed  on  your  part, 
advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  iiands  of  our  great  father,  the  president 
of  the  United  States.  He  told  us  our  tiither  loved  his  red  chihlnn,  and 
would  take  care  of  our  money,  and  plant  it  in  n  field  where  it  would  l»car 
seed  f()rever,  as  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters  i  ui.  Our  money  has  hereto- 
fore b(!en  of  great  servi<;e  to  us ;  it  has  liel|)ed  us  to  8U|)port  our  old  people 
and  our  women  and  children ;  but  we  are  told  the  field  where  our  money  was 
))lanted  is  become  liarreii. — llrother,  we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing 
busine»<s.  This  thing  is  very  heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our 
white  brethren  of  the  United  States  by  the  hand ;  but  this  weight  lic^  heavy  ; 
we  hope  you  will  remove  it. — We  have  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our 
brothers  towards  the  setting  sun.  We  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done ; 
l)ut  you  nuist  not  blame  us ;  we  have  had  no  hand  in  this  bad  business. 
Tiiey  have  had  bad  peo|)le  among  them.  It  is  your  enemies  have  done  this. 
— We  have  persuaded  our  agent  to  take  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  Uu 
knows  our  situations,  and  will  speak  our  minds. 
[Subscribed  with  the  marks  of] 

Wheelbarrow, 

Jack-berry, 

Twenty  Canoes,  [Cachauntvaase,] 

Big-kettle,  [Sesaewa  ?] 

Half-town,  [JlchiotU,] 

Keyandeande, 

Captain-cold, 

Esq.  Blinkney, 

Capt.  Johnson,  [Talwinaha.] 


Farmer's  Brother,  [Honayawu3,] 
Little  Billy,  [Gishkaka,] 
YouNo  Kino,  [Komngquaulah,] 
Pollard,  [Kaounaooivand,] 
Chief-warrior,  [Lunuchshetva,] 
Two-guns, 
John  Sky, 


Parrot-nose,  \Soocooica,] 
John  Pierce,  [Teskaiy,] 
Strong,  [Kahalsla,] 

"  N.  B.  The  foregoing  speech  was  delivered  in  council  by  Farmrra-Brolher, 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  19  Dec.  1811,  and  subscribed  to  hi  my  presence  by  the 
chiefs  whose  names  are  annexed. 

Erastus  Granger." 

Eight  thousand  dollars  *  was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of  the 
above. 

Lillle-billy,  or  Gishkaka,  is  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  prece 
ding  cha|)ter,  and  called  by  ff'ashington,  Juskakaka. 

Young-king,  the  third  signer  of  the  above  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 
for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war  with  England,  and  by  an  act  of  congress 
was  to  be  paid  yearly,  in  quarterly  payments,  200  dollars,  during  life.  The 
act  states  tliat  it  was  "  a  compensation  for  the  brave  and  meritorious  services 
which  ho  rendered  "in  that  war,  "and  as  a  provision  for  the  wound  and 
disability  which  he  received  in  the  performance  of  those  services."  This 
was  in  tiie  spring  of  1810. 

Of  Pollard,  or  Captain  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  say 
more. 

Jack-hcrry  was  sometimes  interpreter  for  Red-jacket 

Half-town  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  affairs  of  the  Seneeas,  but  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  documents,  in  connection  with  Corn-plant,  or 
Corn-planter,  and  Big-tree,  we  had  designed  to  speak  of  the  three  collectively. 

We  find  among  the  acts  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  of  1791,  one  "  lor 

*  '•■  III  lieu  of  the  dividend  on  tlie  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  (lie  U.  Slates,  in 
Inist  for  the  Seneca  nation,  in  the  bank  of  the  U.  States." 
t  Or  KiiniJnoewa.  Kaijetithnirhke,  &r. 
j  Henson'sMiimoit,  before  tlie  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  page  20.     Also  Amer.  Magazine. 


Chap.  VI  ] 


IIALF-IOWN— CORN-PLANT— niO-TIlEE. 


607 


^ntini^  HOO  dullarH  to  Corn-planter^  Hitlf-lotim  mul  Bltr-tree,  StMiocu  cliirfH, 
Ui  triirtt  iur  till!  S*M":cu  luitioii."  At  lliin  tiiiiu  iniich  wiih  npprf  iu;iiilr«|  lioni 
an  Iiidiiui  war.  ^3(:ttlorH  were  iiitriidiiig  tiiL-iiiHvlveN  upon  tlicir  country,  aiiil 
all  ex|M'ricnoo  lias  Hliown  that  whenever  the  whites  have  ^oiie  ntimng  them, 
troiihles  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  iiioveiiiciit  of  the  Indians  was  looked 
upon  with  jealousy  by  them  at  this  period.  Half-toum  was  the  "white 
man's  friend,"  and  eonimiinicatcd  to  the  sarrisons  in  his  country  every  sns> 
picions  movement  of  trihes  of  whom  doubts  were  entertained.  It  is  eviiieiit 
that  hostile  Imiids,  for  a  long  time,  hovenMl  about  the  post  at  VenanL'o,  and, 
but  for  tiie  vigilance  of  Half-town,  and  other  friendly  chiefs,  it  would  have 
lieen  cut  off  In  April  tiiis  year,  (17!)!,)  Corn-plant  and  Half-town  bud  up- 
wards of  100  warriors  in  and  about  the  garrison,  and  kept  runners  out  con- 
tiiuially,  "  being  determined  to  protect  it  at  all  events."  Tiieir  spies  made 
frequent  discoveries  of  war  parties.  On  the  12  August,  17!)1,  Half-town  and 
J\iew-(irri)W  gave  information  at  P'ort  Franklin,  that  a  sloo|)  full  of  Indians 
hud  lii'(!n  seen  on  Lake  Erie,  sailing  for  Prestjue  Isle;  and  their  object  was 
supposed  to  be  Fort  Franklin  ;  but  the  conjecture  proved  groundless. 

The  Indian  name  of  Half-town  was  Jlchiovt.  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Harmer,  in  178}),  where,  with  2!1  others,  be  executed  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States.  The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  tlie  latter  were  General  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  Ifolcut,  Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  Lee.  Among  the  signers 
on  the  part  of  the  Senecaa  were  also  Big-tree,  or  Kiandogewa,  Corn-planter, 
or  Gyantwaia,  besides  several  others  whoso  names  are  familiur  in  history. 
Big-tree  was  oflen  culled  Great-tree,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  Five 
Nutions,  was  JVilioronlagoim,*  which  also  was  the  name  of  the  Oneida 
nation,  f  Big-tree  was  with  General  Washington  during  the  summer  of 
1778,  but  returned  to  the  Indian  nutions  in  the  autumn.  He  proceeded  to 
the  Henecus,  and  used  his  eloquence  to  dissuade  them  from  fighting  under 
Brani  against  tlie  Americans.  The  Oneidiis  were  friendly  at  this  time,  and 
Big-tree  was  received  among  them  with  bosjiitulity,  in  his  way,  u\w\\  tiiis 
mission.  Having  staid  longer  than  was  expected  among  the  Senecas,  (ho 
Oneidas  sent  a  messenger  to  him  to  know  the  reason.  He  returu<;d  answer 
that  when  be  arrived  among  bis  nation,  bo  found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their 
villages,  Kanadu-seago  and  Jennessee,  crowded  with  warriors  fioin  remote 
tribe>;  that  they  at  first  seemed  inclined  to  hearken  to  bis  wishes,  but  soon 
learning  by  a  spy  that  the  Americans  were  about  to  invade  their  country,  all 
flew  to  arms,  and  Big-tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  "  determined  to  clutstise," 
h»'  said,  "</jc  enemy  thai  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetrating  their  countrij." 
But  we  do  not  learn  that  be  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  hostile  attitude, 
and  doubtless  returned  soon  afler. 

CoRN-PLA.NTER  was  &  wurrior  at  Braddock's  defeat,  but  whether  a  chief  I  do 
not  learn;  we  will,  however,  according  to  our  design,  give  an  account  of 
that  signal  disaster,  in  this  connection.  The  French  having  established 
themselves  upon  the  Ohio,  within  the  territory  claimed  by  the  English,  and 
built  a  fort  u|)on  it,  as  low  down  as  the  confluence  of  that  river  with  the  Mo- 
nongabela,  the  latter  were  determined  to  dispossess  them.  This  was  under- 
taken by  a  force  of  about  2200  men  under  the  cotnmand  of  General  Edward 
Braddock.  With  about  1300  of  these  he  proceeded  on  the  expedition,  leaving 
the  rest  to  follow  under  Colonel  Dunoar.X  Through  nearly  the  whole 
course  of  bis  march,  he  was  watched  by  sjiies  from  Fort  Diiquesne,  (the  name 
of  the  French  fort  on  the  Ohio,)  and  the  earliest  intelligence  of  bis  move- 
ments was  carried  there  by  Indian  runners  with  the  utmost  despatch.  When 
it  was  told  among  the  Indians  that  the  army  wos  marching  n|)on  them  in 
solid  columns,  they  laughed  with  surprise,  and  said,  one  to  another,  "  IVeHl 
ikoot  'e?n  down,  all  one  pigeon ! "  §  and  it  will  always  be  acknowledged  that, 
in  this,  tiie  Indians  were  not  mistaken. 

The  French,  it  seems,  formed  but  a  small  part  of  the  force  that  defeated 

•  Or  Kiandocrewa,  Kayentho:^hke,  &.c. 

t  ISenson's  Alemoir,  before  tlie  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  pa^e  20.     Also  Amcr.  Magazine 

X  Arcouiit  of  the  Ohio  Defeat,  p.  4.  4°.   Boston,  17o5. 

%   Withers' s  (J/^ronicks,  53,  5i 


^( 


■  lU- 


Si   -'■■ 


■••^H 


G08 


CORN-PLANTER.— BRADDOCh'3  DEFEAT. 


[Book  V. 


BraddocKa  army ;  tlie  Indiana  planned  and  executed  the  operations  chiefly 
themselves,  and  their  wiiole  force  is  said  not  to  liave  exceeded  400  men ;  l)iit 
from  tiie  accounts  of  the  French  tliemseives,  it  is  evidi-nt  tiiore  vcre 
about  GOO  Indians,  and  not  fur  from  250  French,*  who marclied  out  to  mtef 
BraddMk. 

Early  in  the  moming  of  the  9  July,  1755,  the  English  army  arrived  at  a 
fording-plttce  on  the  Monongahela,  at  the  junction  of  tiie  Youghioguny,  which 
it  passed  in  fine  order,  and  pursued  its  march  upon  the  southern  margin  of 
the  river,  to  avoid  the  high  and  rugged  ground  on  the  north,  which  they 
would  have  had  to  encounter  ujmn  the  other  side  of  it  Washington  olh-nsaid 
afterwards!,  "that  the  most  beautiful  spectacle  which  he  I'.ud  ever  beheld  was 
the  display  of  the  British  troops  on  this  eventful  morning."  They  were  in 
full  uniform,  and  marclied  in  the  most  perfect  order,  and  dreamed  of  nothing 
but  an  easy  conquest.  About  noon  they  arrived  at  their  second  crossing 
place,  which  was  distant  only  10  miles  from  Fort  Dutjuosne.  It  was  here 
that  the  Indipns  and  French  had  intended  to  commence  their  attack ;  !)Ut 
owing  to  some  delay,  they  did  not  arrive  in  season,  and  therefore  took  a  ;">si- 
tion  further  in  advance,  and  awaited  the  approach  of  the  English. 

The  French  were  commanded  by  M.  de  Beaujeu,  who  had  for  bis  lieuten- 
ant, M.  Dumas.  The  place  cliostn  for  the  ambush  was  the  best  possible,  and 
the  Indians  never  showed  greater  courage  and  firmness.  It  is  said  by  the 
French,  that  they  were  for  some  time  opposed  to  going  out  to  fight  the 
English,  but  that  after  several  solicitations  fiom  M.  Beaujeu,  they  consented; 
but  the  Indian  accourit  is  as  we  have  before  stated. 

Immediately  on  crossing  the  river  the  army  were  formed  in  tiiree  divisions, 
which  was  the  order  of  march.  A  plain,  or  kind  of  ])rairie,  which  the  army 
had  to  cross,  extended  from  the  river  about  half  a  mile,  and  then  its  route 
lay  over  an  ascending  ground,  of  very  gentle  ascent,  covered  with  trees  and 
high  prairie  grass.  At  the  commencement  of  this  elevation  began  a  ravine, 
which,  as  it  extended  up  the  rising  ground,  formed  a  figure  resembling  nearly 
that  of  a  horse-shoe,  and  about  150  yards  in  extent.  Into  this  iuclosure  two 
divisions  of  the  army  had  passed  when  the  attack  began. 

Notwithstanding  fVashington  had  urged  upon  the  general  the  propriety  of 
keeping  out  scouting  parties  to  avoid  surprise,  yet  he  would  take  no  advice, 
and  it  is  said,  that  on  one  occasion,  he  boisterously  replied,  "  that  it  was  high 
times  for  a  young  Buckskin  to  teach  a  British  general  how  to  fight!"  iSucli 
was  his  contempt  for  scouting  parties,  that  he  accepted  with  cold  indifllr- 
ence  the  services  of  George  Croghan,  who  had  offered  himself  with  100 
Indians  for  the  important  business  of  scouring  the  woods.  The  consequence 
was,  the  Indians,  one  alter  another,  lefl  the  army  in  its  march,  much  to  th;, 
regret  of  fVashington  and  other  provincial  otKcers,  who  knew  how  to  ap- 
preciate their  value. 

When  the  first  division  of  tlie  army  had  nearly  ascended  the  hill,  as  tin; 
rising  ground  was  called,  the  Indians  broke  the  silence  of  the  morning  .vitli 
a  most  appalling  yell,  and  at  the  same  moment  poured  a  most  deadly  fire 
from  their  coverts  upon  vhe  devoted  column.  The  first  shocks  were  sus- 
tained with  firmness,  ".rui  the  fire  was  returned,  bv  which  a  few  Indians  wem 
killed,  and  the  1  rnch  coir!mander-in-chicf,  M.  dc  Beaujeu,  mortally  wounded. 
It  is  sa-'l  tliat  the  Indians  now  began  to  waver,  and  but  for  the  good  conduct 
of  M.  Dumas,  secoi'd  in  command,  would  have  fled ;  but  by  his  exertions 
order  was  restored,  and  the  firing,  which  had  not  ceased,  was  redoubled. 

The  advanced  colunm  was  connrianded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gn^e,  since 
so  well  known  as  governor  of  Miussadiusetts,  in  1775.  This  column  was 
about  100  yards  in  r.dvunce  of  tlie  second,  which  had  just  begun  to  ascend 
the  hill  when  the  attack  began,  and  the  main  body,  undt^r  the  g(>neral  in 
person,  was  liiit  a  few  rods  i;i  the  rear  of  this,  and  on  luaritig  the  firing  he 
pressed  forward  to  supi-oit  the  engaged  jiarty. 

Meanwhile  tli*!  extensive  line  of  Indians  upon  the  riglit  flank  made  an 
onset  from  their  section  of  the  ravine,  and  fioin  their  superior  numbei-s,  the 
Bhock  could  not  be  withstood,  and  the  column  was  innnediately  broken,  and 


(iparks's  VVaskington,  ii.  -UiSi — 76. 


t  lb.  c.  1  4C9. 


Chap.  VI.]      CORN-PLANT.— H;S  SPECCH  TO  W.ASIHNGTOJf. 


609 


began  to  retreat  in  disorder  down  the  hill — confusion  and  dismay  onKn( d — 
no  exertions  of  the  otlicers  could  prevent  the  panic  li'om  spreading,'  annnig 
the  refjular  troo|)s,  and  the  fight  was  allerwardscontiniajd  in  the  utmost  irreir- 
ularity.  Jmholdened  by  the  confusion  of  the  English,  the  ln<lians  now 
rushed  ui)on  them  with  their  tomahawks,  which,  after  near  two  hours,  ter- 
minated tlie  battle,  and  the  lield  was  left  in  their  possession.  Not  only  the 
field  of  battle,  i  ut  all  the  killed  and  many  of  the  wounded,  all  the  artillery, 
(eleven  pieces  of  cannon,)  all  the  general's  baggage,  and  evi;n  private  papers, 
and  all  the  anjmuiiition  and  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

All  hut  the  Virginians  fought  tor  some  tiuie  in  the  most  wretched  confu- 
sion ;  hut  the  olHcers  were  mournfully  sacrificed — sometimes  charging  the 
enemy  in  a  body  by  themselves,  hoping  by  their  example  to  draw  out  their 
men  in  a  manner  to  repel  their  adversaries ;  but  all  to  no  pur[)ose  :  and  >t  is 
not  doidjied  but  that  the  confused  nniltitude  of  ri?gulars  killed  many  ol"  tlu'lr 
companions,  as  they  oflen  fired  fiily  or  a  hundred  in  a  huddle  together, 
seemingly  for  no  other  ohj(!Ct  but  to  get  rid  of  their  aimnuniiion.  'J'lie  \ir- 
ginians  fought  in  the  Indian  manner,  behind  trees  and  coverts;  and  it  was 
owing  to  their  good  conduct  that  any  of  the  wretched  army  escaped. 

Alter  liaving  five  horses  shot  under  him.  General  BraiLlock  received  a 
wound  in  his  lungs,  of  which  he  died  on  the  l^th  of  July,  4  days  alter  the 
battle,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  whither  he  had  arrived  with  a  part  of  his  shat- 
tered army.  Ifshington  had  been  suffering,  for  some  time  before  arriving 
at  the  llitiil  batlie-field,  from  d  fever;  and  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his 
mother,  dated  July  18th,  he  thus  speaks  of  himself : — "The  Virguiia  troops 
'lowed  a  good  deal  of  bravery,  and  were  nearly  all  killed;  for  1  believe,  out 
'-  ;"iree  companies  that  were  there,  scarcely  30  men  are  lelt  alive.    Caji- 

■  Peijroum/,  and  all  his  officers  down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed.  Captain 
l^oison  had  nearly  as  hard  a  liite,  lor  only  one  of  his  were  lelL  lu  short,  the 
dastardly  behavior  of  those  they  call  n^gulars  exposed  all  others,  that  were 
inclined  to  do  their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death,  and  at  last,  in  despite  of 
all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrary,  they  ran,  as  sheej)  j)ursued  by 
dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to  rally  them.''  "  Sir  Peter  Halkel  was  killeil 
in  the  field,  where  dieu  many  other  brave  officers.  I  luckily  escajjcd  with- 
out a  wound,  though  I  had  4  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot 
under  me.  Captains  Orim  and  Motris,  two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were  wound- 
ed early  in  the  engag(iment,  which  rendered  the  duty  liarJar  upon  me,  as  I 
was  the  only  person  then  lell  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which  1  was 
scarcely  able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half  recovered  from  a  violent  illness,  that 
had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and  wagon  for  above  10  days." 

We  know  of  no  battle,  in  which  so  great  a  proportion  of  officers  fell. 
There  were  86  engaged  in  it,  and  ()3  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  U(> 
were  killed.  Besides  those  already  named,  there  were  among  the  wounded 
Colonel  Burton,  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  Colonel  Otme,  and  Major  Sparks.  Of  the 
jjrivate  soldiers  there  were  killed  and  wounded  714,  half  of  whom  were 
killed,  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  suffered  a  cruel  death  alh>r- 
wards.  Mr.  John  Field,  then  a  lieutenant,  and  Mr.  Charles  Lewis,  two  dis- 
tinguished officers  allerwn'ds,  escaped  the  carnage  of  BrmldoclCs  field  to 
fall  in  a  more  fortunate  place.  They  were  colonels  under  General  Jlndnw 
Lewis,  and  were  kill  jd  in  the  battle  of  Point  I'leasant,  as  will  be  found  men- 
tioned in  the  life  ut'  Lof;an. 

In  the  year  1790,  Biff-lree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-town  appeared  at  Philadel- 
jihia,  ancl,  by  their  interpreter,  communicated  to  President  ft'ashingtor.  as 
iiillows : — 

"  Father :  The  voice  of  the  Seneca  nations  speaks  to  you  ;  the  ai  vat  oiui- 
Ai'llor,  in  whose  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the  thirteeii  fires  ['3  U.  S.]  iiavo 
liiaced  tlu:ir  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  wo,  therefore, 
entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention ;  lor  we  are  able  to  speak  of  things 
vvliieh  are  to  us  very  great. 

"  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you 
\\u' town  destroyer ;  to  this  day,  when  your  name  is  heard,  our  women  look 
behind  them  and  turn  pale,  and  our  children  cling  close  to  the  necks  of  their 
mothers  " 

20 


610 


CORN-PLANT— HIS  CPKECII  TO  WASHINGTON.  [Book  V. 


*<  When  our  cliiefs  returned  from  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  coun- 
cil what  had  heen  done  tliure,  our  nation  was  surjirised  to  hear  how  great  a 
country  you  had  compeilud  them  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your  paying  to 
us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that  your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with 
resentment  against  us  for  what  had  happened  during  the  war,  but  that  one 
day  you  would  consider  it  with  njore  kindness.  We  asked  each  other,  ff'Uat 
have  we  done  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

"Father:  when  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately,  the  wise  men  assem- 
bled at  them  told  us  that  you  were  all  brothers ;  the  children  of  one  great 
father,  who  regarded  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  callecl  na 
brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  j)rotection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  great  water  wliere  the  sun  first  rises;  and  that  he  wns  a  king 
whose  power  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  as  bright  as 
the  sun.  What  thej  said  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  promised  to  obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises,  they  fiiith- 
fully  perform.  When  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  he  connnanded 
us  to  assist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  obeying  him,  we  did 
no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise."  "  We  were  deceived  ;  but 
your  people  teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us ; 
and  we  now  appeal  to  your  breast.     Is  all  the  blame  ours'} 

"Father:  wlien  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  invita- 
tion which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and  talk 
with  you  concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told  us  you 
could  crush  us  to  nothing ;  and  you  demanded  from  us  a  great  country,  as 
the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered  to  \xs:  asif  our  want  of 
strength  Iwui  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were 
unalile  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country. 
What  they  agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger  against  us  must 
by  this  time  be  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is  not  increased,  nor  your 
power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly — Were  the  terms  dictated 
to  us  by  your  commissioners  reasonable  and  just  ?  " 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solemn  promise  of  the  commission- 
ers, that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  what  was 
lelt  to  them,  and  then  ask,  "Docs  this  promise  hind  you')"  And  that  no 
sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  than  commissioners  from 
Pennsylvania  came  to  purchase  of  them  what  was  included  within  the  lines 
of  their  state.  These  they  informed  that  they  did  not  wish  to  sell,  but  being 
furth.er  urged,  consented  to  sell  a  ])art.  JJut  the  commissioners  said  that "  they 
must  have  the  whole ; "  for  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, at  the  peace  following  the  revolution;  but  still,  as  their  ancestors  had 
always  paid  the  Indians  for  land,  they  were  willing  to  pay  them  for  it.  Being 
not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold.  Soon  alter  this,  they  oiupowered  a 
person  to  let  out  part  of  their  land,  who  said  congress  had  sent  liitn  for  the 
purpose,  but  who,  it  seems,  fraudulently  procurctl  a  deed  instead  of  a  power 
to  lease;  for  there  soon  came  another  person  claiming  all  their  country  north- 
ward of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  saying  that  he  jjurehascd  it  of  the  other, 
and  for  which  he  had  paid  '20,000  dollars  to  him  and  20,000  more  to  the 
United  States.  He  now  demanded  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threaten- 
ed immediate  war.  Knowing  their  weak  situation,  they  held  a  council,  and 
took  the  advice  of  a  white  man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but  who, 
as  it  proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  receive  some  of  the 
land  for  his  agency.  He,  therefore,  told  them  they  must  com|)ly.  "  Astonish- 
ed at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,"  they  say,  "with  hearts  aching  with 
compassion  for  our  women  and  children,  we  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up 
nil  our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Genesee 
River,  up  to  the  great  forks,  and  east  of  a  south  line  drawn  up  from  tb.at 
fork  to  the  line  of  Peims}  Ivunia."  For  tliis  he  agreed  to  give  tliem  10,000 
dollars  down,  and  1000  dollars  a  year  forever.  Instead  of  that,  ho  paid  tiiem 
2500  dollars,  and  some  time  after  offered  500  dollars  more,  insisting  that 
that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yt^arly.    They  add, 

"Father:  you  havf,  said  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  closing  it 
you  could  crusli  us  to  nothing.    Are  you  determined  to  crush  us?  If  you 


Chaf.  VI.l 


CORN-PLANT.— DEATH  OF  BIG-TREE. 


611 


are,  tell  us  sg  ;  timt  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your  children,  and 
nave  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  wliat  to  do.  Li  this  cu.-^c,  one  cirKl" 
has  said,  lie  would  ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain.  Another,  who  w  ill 
not  tuink  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or  his  brother,  has  said  he  will 
retire  to  tlie  Chatuughque,  eat  of  tlte  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in 
[leace." 

"  All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations.  No  part 
of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  yoii."' 

"  Hear  us  once  njore.  At  Fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those  of 
our  people  who  should  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try  them  and 
punish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  accordinjrly. 
JJnt  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  lowest  of  your  puople 
took  them  from  your  magistrate,  and  put  thcin  immediately  to  death.  It  is 
just  to  pimish  the  murder  with  death  ;  but  the  Senecas  will  not  deliver  up 
their  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation." 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerateii,  and  all  in  a  strain  which, 
W(!  should  think,  would  have  drawn  forth  inmicdiate  relief.  In  his  answer, 
I'resident  fVashinglon  said  all,  jierhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his  situation  ; 
and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest  throughout :  still  there  is  something  like 
evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an  omission  of  notice  to 
others.  His  answer,  nevertliehss,  gave  them  much  encouragement.  He 
assured  them  that  the  lands  obtained  from  them  by  fraud  was  not  saiictiont'd 
by  the  govermnent,  and  that  the  whole  transaction  was  declared  null  and 
void ;  and  that  the  persons  who  murdered  their  people  should  be  dealt  with 
as  though  they  had  murdered  white  men,  and  that  all  possible  means  would 
be  used  lor  their  apprehension,  and  rewards  should  continue  to  be  offered  to 
effjct  it.  But  we  have  not  learned  that  they  were  ever  ap|)rehende(l.  The  land 
conveyed  by  treaty,  the  president  informed  them,  he  had  no  authority  to  con- 
cern with,  as  that  act  was  before  his  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although  appearing  to  be  a  joint  production,  is  believed 
to  have  been  dictated  by  Corn-plankr.  It,  how.^ver,  v/as  no  doubt  the  si-nti- 
ments  of  the  whole  nation,  as  well  as  those  of  himself.  Half-town  and  Bii^- 
tree.  Of  this  last-named  chief  we  will  here  speak  as  follows: — In  17i)l,  an  act 
passed  the  legislature  of  Pemisylvania,  "  to  empower  the  governor  to  grant  a 
j)atent  to  Bis^-tree,  a  Seneca  chief,  for  a  certain  island  in  the  Alleghany 
Uiver."  He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Clair's  army,  and  was  heard  to  say 
aftcrwiu'ds,  that  he  would  Iiave  two  scalps  for  General  Butler's,  who  fell  and  was 
scal|)ed  in  that  light.  John  Deckard,  another  Seneca  'lief,  repeated  the  same 
words.  Being  on  a  mission  to  Philadelphia,  in  April,  171)2,  he  was  taken 
sick  at  his  lodgings,  an  I  died  after  about  20  lioius'  illness.  Three  days  after, 
being  Stmday,  the  22d,  hi  was  buried  with  all  requisite  attention.  The  river 
Bii^-lree  was  probably  named  fi-om  the  circumstance  of  this  chief  having 
lived  upon  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  bis  descendants,  or 
otl  rs  of  his  tribe,  as  we  have  seen  it  subscribed  to  several  inslrinnents 
within  a  few  years.    To  return  to  Corn-planter. 

His  Indian  name,  as  we  have  before  noted,  was  Chjantwaia;  and  most  of 
our  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself,  and  is  contiiined  in 
a  letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania ;  and,  although  w  rit- 
teu  by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real  production  of  Corn-planter. 
It  was  dated  "Alleghany  Ilivcr,  2d  mo.  2d,  1822,"  and  is  as  follows: — 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  governor  of  Peniis^'vania  at 
this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place  where  I  was  from — which  was  it  Cone- 
uiuigus,*  on  the  Genesee  River. 

"  When  I  was  a  child,  I  played  with  the  butterfly,  the  gra8sho))per  and  the 
(Voj:s ;  and  as  I  grtnv  up,  1  began  to  j)ay  some  attention  and  play  with  the 
Indian  boys  in  the  neighborhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  being  a 
dillerent  color  from  theirs,  and  sjwke  about  it.  I  inquired  of  my  mother  the 
lansi!,  and  she  told  mo  that  my  f;.ither  was  a  residenter  in  Albany.f    I  still 


•  'I'll  s  was   the  Iroquois  term  to  dpsiffiiate  a  place  of  Clirisliiui   Indiaaa  i  lieiice  maa/ 
ivl:irrs  licar  il.     Ii  is  ilio  xaiue  lis  ('tiiiglmniuiga. 
t  It  IS  said  (Amur.  Rog.  Ii.  t:^)  iliat  he  wus  oa  Irisliinaa. 


(j\- 


COUN-n.ANT.— COMl'LAINT  TO  PE.\N3YLVAMA.        [Book  V 


fiU  iny  vicuials  out  of  n  bark  <lisli.  1  grew  up  to  be  a  young  ivnn,  ami  mar- 
riiil  uic  u  wife,  ami  I  hail  no  kettle  or  gun.  I  tlicn  krew  vviidre  my  (iitner 
lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  ami  found  he  was  n  white  man,  and  8))nke  ine 
I'.nglisli  lai'guage.  He  gave  nie  victuals  whilst  I  was  at  his  house,  liut  when 
1  started  to  retui'n  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He 
g.ive  me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  ne  tell  me  that  the  United  States 
wen;  about  to  rebel  against  the  govt  rninent  of  England. 

"  1  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  legislature  of 
Pemisylvania,  th.-it  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  known  to  me  that  I  have  been 
wicked;  and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionai-y  war  in  America.  The 
(MUse  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was  that  many  of 
them  were  in  the  })ractice  of  drinking  n'vj  getting  intoxicated.  Gp  at 
IJritain  requested  us  to  join  witii  them  in  the  conflict  against  the  Americans, 
and  proinisiMl  the  Indians  land  and  liipior.  I  myself  was  opposed  to  joining 
in  the  conflict,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  difliculty  that  existed  between 
(lie  two  parties.  I  have  now  inlbrnicd  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians 
tuok  a  part  in  the  revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  circumstances  that 
<)(•(  lu-red  after  the  close  of  the  war.  General  Putnam,  who  was  then  at 
I'liiliidelphia,  told  me  there  was  to  be  a  council  jf  P^ort  Stanwix;  and  the 
Indians  requested  me  to  attend  on  bihalf  of  the  Six  Nations;  which  I  <li(l, 
and  there  met  with  three  commissioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the 
council.  They  told  me  they  would  inform  me  of  the  cause  of  the  rivolu- 
tion,  which  I  recpiested  them  to  do  minutely.  They  then  said  that  it  had 
originated  on  account  of  the  heavy  taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them 
by  the  British  government,  which  had  been  for  filly  years  increasiti,'^  upon 
them;  that  the  Americans  had  grown  weary  thereof,  and  rcfupsd  to  pay, 
which  atlionted  the  king.  There  had  likewise  a  difliculty  taken  w'a.e  about 
tiome  tea,  which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  bad  been  one  of  t!  u  causes 
that  many  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now 
I K'ii'"  allionted,  the  war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our 
ciiiuitrj'.  Geneial  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at.  Fort  Stanwix, 
tliat,  by  the  late  war,  the  Americans  had  gained  two  olijects:  they  had 
♦■stal)lisiied  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some  land 
to  liv('  U|)on :  the  division  line  of  which,  from  Great  Britain,  lun  through 
tlie  lakes.  1  then  spoke,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for  t!ie  Indians  to 
live  on,  and  General  Put;  am  said  that  it  should  be  granted,  and  1  shculd  have 
hii'd  ill  the  state  of  jVew  ^'ork  for  the  Indians.  General  Putnam  iben  en- 
couraged me  to  use  my  endeavor;-  to  pacify  the  Indians  generally;  and,  as 
lie  considered  it  an  arduous  ta?!:  ' '  T>or(brni,  wished  to  know  what  I  watited 
for  pay  therefor.  I  replied  to  :.-  .',  I'.at  I  would  use  I'ly  endeavors  to  do  is 
Ik-  had  re(]uested,  wnli  the  Indin  .-.  <  \A  for  i)ay  thereof,  I  would  take  land. 
1  told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry  goods,  but  land.  And  lor  having 
atti'iicied  thereto,  I  received  the  tract  of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was 
jiresented  to  me  by  (lovernor  JV///7(.'(.  I  told  Qc\wri\\  Putnam  that  I  wished 
the  liiilians  to  have  the  exclusive  i)rivilege  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which 
lie  assented  to.  I  also  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting 
in  the  woods,  and  making  fires,  which  he  likewise  assented  to. 

"  The  treaty  that  was  made  nt  the  aforementioned  cruncil,  has  been  broken 
I  y  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now  intend  acquainting  the  governor 
with.  Some  white  peofile  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should  hunt  any  more, 
whilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white  people  who  reside 
near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  tlieii*s,  and  they  have 
(ibtiined  them  from  the  governor  The  treaty  has  been  also  broken 
by  the  white  |)eople  using  their  em.eavors  to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which 
was  not  spoken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  General  Putnam, 
but  has  originated  lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White  people  wisli 
to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them  honestly,  accon'ing  to  their 
Hgreeiiient.  ^n  another  respect,  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white  people, 
who  reside  near  my  dwelling;  for  when  I  plant  melons  and  vines  in  my 
field,  they  take  tliem  as  their  own.  It  has  been  broken  again  by  while 
people  using  their  endeavors  te  obtain  our  piue-trees  from  us.     We  hav« 


Ifti 


Chap.  VI.l 


cornpla?:t. 


Gl« 


very  f-^v  pine-trees  on  \t'.n  land,  in  the  state  of  New  YorK  ;  and  ivliite  peo)>!e 
and  Indians  ote:i  get  into  dispute  respecting  tliein.  There  is  also  a  {;reat 
quantity  of  wiiisiiy  brought  near  our  reservation  by  wiiite  j)eo|)l(',  and  tlio 
Indians  obtain  it  and  become  drunken.  Another  circumstunee  lias  taken 
place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the  interference  of  the  governoi 

"The  white  people,  wlio  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  nie,  some  time  ago, 
to  pay  taxes  for  my  land;  which  I  objected  to,  as  1  had  never  been  caliid 
upon  for  that  purpose  before;  and  having  refused  to  pay,  the  white  pcojiji! 
b(M'ame  irritated,  called  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length  brought  four  gmis 
with  them  and  seized  our  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  ])ay,  and  was  not  wiHing 
to  let  the  cattle  go.  After  a  time  of  dispute,  they  returned  home,  and  I  under- 
stood the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tax.  I 
went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending  difficulty,  was  obliged  to  gi\ o 
my  note  lor  the  tax,  the  amount  of  which  was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is 
my  desire  that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes  for  my  land 
to  white  people;  and  also  cause  that  the  money  I  am  now  obliged  to  pay, 
may  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I  am  very  ])oor.  The  governor  is  the  person 
who  attends  to  t!ie  situation  of  the  peo[)le,  and  I  wish  him  to  send  a  person 
to  Allegiiany,  that  I  may  inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and 
he  be  authorized  to  instruct  the  white  people  in  what  manner  to  conduct 
tlieniselves  towards  the  Indians. 

"The  govermnent  has  told  us  that  when  any  <rifficnltie3  arose  between  the 
Indians  and  while  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed.  Wo 
are  now  in  a  trying  situation,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  person 
authorized  to  attend  thereto,  the  forepart  of  next  sunmier,  about  the  time 
that  grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  pjisture. 

'The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  pay  attention  to  the  Indians  and 
take  care  of  them.  We  are  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  I  believe  In- 
dians cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with  my  request,  and 
send  a  person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  and  the  white  people,  the 
approaching  summer.    I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whetiier  the  government  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  what 
order  they  took,  U|)on  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But 
tiiat  an  independent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a  neighboring 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
only  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a  reujimeration  granted  for  the  vexation  and 
damage. 

Corn-plant  was  veiy  early  distinguished  for  his  wisdom  in  coimci'  Jt- 
withstanding  he  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784 ;  five  ■.■  ;  ? 
after,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmer,  l.e  gave  up  an  immense  tract  o?"  n' 
country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very  nuich  reproached  him,  ui.^  v  veil 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  and  other  chiefs  committed  this  act  lor  the  be-;t 
of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  part  with  England  in  the  n"  i  ;■:- 
tion,  when  the  king's  jjower  fell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were  reclucrd 
to  tlie  miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  mueh  of  their  country  as  '.Ik; 
Americans  required,  or  the  whole  of  it.  In  17'J0,  Corn-plant,  Half-toii"  ml 
liis:-tree,  tnade  a  most  pathetic  appeal  to  congress  lor  an  amelioration  ot' 
their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former  treaties,  in  which  the  fol- 
lov.'ing  memorable  paasage  occurs : — 

"Father:  we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preseiTed  the  Corn-plant  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they 
ask  continually,  "Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  ami  their  chi' 
dreii  after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon?  You  told  us  that  the  line  dra'  i 
from  Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  i.  ' 
the  line  riuining  from  Beaver  Creek  to  Pennsylvania,  wotdd  mark  it  on  t.  . 
west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  not  so;  fbr,firsl  one,  and  then  another,  come  rnul 
take  it  away  by  order  of  that  jieople  which  you  tell  us  promised  to  f-eeure  it 
to  us.'  He  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  When  the  sun  goes 
down,  he  opens  his  lii^art  before  God,  and  earlier  than  the  sini  ajipears, 
ogain  u]ion  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during  the  night. 


f>2 


*  Buchanan's  Skctclics 


()I4 


CORN-PLANT. 


[Book  V. 


For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  desperate  by  the  injuries  they  siifltain, 
it  is  God  only  tliat  can  j)reserve  him.  He  loves  peace,  and  all  he  had  in 
store  ho  has  given  to  tiiose  who  have  been  robbed  by  your  people,  lest 
they  should  [tlunder  the  innocent  to  rei)ay  themselves.  The  whole  season, 
which  others  have  employed  in  providing  for  their  families,  he  lias  spent  in 
endeavors  to  preserve  peace ;  and  this  moment  his  wife  and  children  a'  o 
lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  food." 

In  President  Washington's  answer,  we  arc  gratified  by  his  particular  notice 
of  this  chief.  He  says,  "The  merits  of  the  Corn-plant,  ixwA  his  friendship 
for  the  United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be  forgotten ;  and, 
iw  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I  have  directed  the  secretary  of 
war  tc  make  him  a  present  of  two  hundred  andjijly  dollars,  either  in  money 
or  goods,  as  the  Corn-plant  shall  like  best." 

There  was,  in  178!),  a  treaty  held  at  Marietta,  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans,  which  terminated  "to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  concerned. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  entertainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  behaved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day.  After  dinner, 
we  were  served  with  good  wine,  and  Corn-planter,  one  of  the  first  chiels  of 
the  Five  Nations,  and  a  very  great  waiTior,  took  up  his  glass  and  said,  "  I 
thank  tlw  Great  Spirit  for  this  opportunity  of  smoking  the  pipe  of  friendship  and 
lave.  JMaj/  ive  plant  our  own  vines — be  the  fathers  of  our  own  children — and 
mainfiin  tlienu'    * 

III  17U0,  an  act  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  "  granting  800 
dollurs  to  Co)7i-planter,  Half-town  and  Big-tree,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation, 
and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned."  In  Februaiy,  1791,  Corn-plant  was 
in  Philadelphia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous  expedition  to 
imderlake  the  pacification  of  the  western  tribes,  that  had  already  shown 
theui  <elves  hostile.  The  mission  terminated  unfavorably,  from  insurmount- 
:d)lo  dilliculties.t  There  were  many,  at  this  time,  as  in  all  Indian  wars,  who 
entertained  doubts  of  the  fidelity  of  such  Indians  as  pretended  friendship. 
Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion ;  but,  as  his  after-conduct  showed,  it 
was  entirely  without  foundation.  !  ;  the  midst  of  these  imputations,  a  letter 
u  Miten  at  Fort  Franklin  says,  "I  have  oidy  to  observe  that  the  Corn-plant 
h.is  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  as  friendly  as  one  of  our  own 
j)eople.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care ;  ^for,'  said  he,  ^you  ivill  soon  have  a 
rhnnce  to  let  the  tvorld  hiow  whether  you  are  a  soldier  or  not.''  When  he  went 
od|  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and  ten  warriors  to  remain  here,  and  scout  about 
tlie  garrison,  and  let  me  know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  either  advanc". 
against  iik;,  or  any  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States.  He  thinks  the 
pi^o|)le  B»  Pittsl)urgh  should  keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  for  he 
s.iys,  by  and  by,  he  thinks,  the  bad  Indians  will  come  from  that  way." 

In  1792,  the  following  adverlisemcnt  appeared,  signed  by  Corn-plant :  "  JMy 
pooijle  iiaving  been  cliarged  with  counnittitig  dejjredations  on  tiie  frontier 
inhaliitants  near  Pittsburg"),  I  hereby  contradict  the  assertion,  as  it  is  cer- 
taiuiy  without  foundation,  and  jdedge  myself  to  those  inhabitants,  that  they 
ii:.-  y  rest  perfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas  residing  on  the 
/illejrhany  waters,  and  that  niy  peojjlc  have  been  and  still  are  friendly  to  the 
r.  S^i.'^'es." 

A'liu'it  the  time  Corn-plant  left  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to  the 
i'o^tiie  ii'bes,  as  three  of  liis  pi^ople  were  travelling  through  a  settlement 
upon  t!ie  Oenesee,  they  stopped  at  a  house  to  light  their  pipes.  There  hap- 
pene.'  to  1;  several  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the  foremost  Indian  stoop- 
ed down  n.  Mght  his  i)ipe,  killed  him  with  an  axe.  One  of  the  others  was 
b  uily  wouiided  with  the  same  we(i])on,  while  escaping  from  the  house. 
Tiny  were  not  [liU'sued,  and  the  other,  a  boy,  escaped  unhurt.  (The  poor 
woiMided  man,  when  nearly  well  of  the  wound,  was  bitten  by  a  snake,  which 
»*aiisi  d  his  iimnediate  death.)  When  Corn-plant  knew  what  had  hap|)ened, 
he  charged  his  warriors  to  remain  <piict,  and  not  to  seek  revenge,  and  was 

*  Cnrpt/s  Miisriiin,  v.  41.5. 

t  '•  Ciiust'S  ol'  ihc  exisliii!^  IKisiililies,''  iVr.  llrin^lll>|l  bv  tlic  sec'v  of  war,  Grncral  Knot, 
in  1791. 


Cb*p.  VI  ] 


(■o;:.\.i'i.  K\r.—:\oyuj:<  ov  ('IVII.izatio.v. 


615 


heard  only  to  siiy,  "  II  is  ImrJ,  when  I  anil  nv/  people  are  trijim^  to  make  peace 
Jor  the  whites,  Hull  we  should  receive  suck  reward.  I  can  govern  my  young  men 
and  warriors  lietler  Uum  the  thirteen  fires  can  tlieirs.^^  How  is  it  tlmt  tliis  intiii 
should  practise  upon  tlio  iiiuxims  of  Confucius,  of  wlioin  lie  never  heard  ? 
(Do  ije  to  others  as  ye  woidd  that  they  should  do  unto  you ;)  uiid  tiie  iiioiistor  in 
liiinian  form,  in  a  gospellaiid,  taught  tliem  from  ins  youth,  should  show,  by 
his  actions,  his  utter  contempt  of  them,  and  even  of  the  divine  mandate  ? 

In  ldl(),  the  Reverend  Timothy  Mden,  then  president  of  Alleghany  college, 
in  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  visited  the  Seneca  nation.  At  this  time.  Corn- 
plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Connewango  with  the 
Alli!ghany,  upon  the  banks  of  the  latter,  "on  a  piece  of  first-rate  boitoni 
land,  a  little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania."  Here  was  his  village,* 
wiiich  exhibited  signs  of  industrious  inhabitants.  He  then  owned  1.500 
acres  of  land,  GOO  of  which  comprehended  his  town.  "It  was  grateful  to 
notice,"  observes  Mr.  ^Iden,  "the  present  agricultural  habits  of  the  place, 
from  the  numerous  enclosures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oats.  We  also  saw 
a  number  of  oxen,  cows  and  horses ;  and  many  logs  dtjsignod  for  the  saw- 
mill and  the  Pittsburgh  market."  Corn-plant  had,  for  some  time,  been  very 
much  in  liivor  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with  joy  such  as  prolesscil 
it.  When  he  was  apprized  of  Mr.  JUdeh's  arrival,  he  hastened  to  wel- 
come him  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  him.  And  notwithstanding  his  lii^^Ji 
station  as  a  chief,  having  many  men  under  his  command,  he  chose  railicr, 
"  in  the  ancient  patriarchal  style,"  to  serve  his  visitors  himself;  he,  ilieris 
fore,  took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the  field,  cut  and  brought  oats 
for  them. 

The  Western  Missionary  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Com-planPs  "  urgent 
request,"  established  a  school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 
success. 

Corn-plant  received  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States  of  2.")0  dollars, 
besides  his  proportion  of  9000  divided  equally  among  every  meml)er  of  the 
nation. 

Gos-kuk-ke-ioa-na-kon-ne-di-yu,  commonly  called  the  Prophet,  was  lirotlier 
to  Corn-plant,  and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  little  note,  and  died 
previous  to  ISlG.f  Corn-plant,  we  believe,  was,  when  living,  like  all  other 
unenlightened  people,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he  said  the  (iood 
Sj)irit  had  told  him  not  to  have  any  tiling  to  do  with  the  whites,  or  even  to 
preserve  any  mementoes  or  relics  "ley  had  from  time  to  time  given  him ; 
whereupon,  among  other  things,  he  burnt  up  his  belt  and  broke  his  elegant 
sword.  Ho  often  mentions  his  having  been  at  BraddccKs  defeat.  Henry 
Ohecde,  his  son,  he  sent  to  be  educated  among  the  wliites.  He  btn-anie  a 
drinikard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now  discarded  by  his  lather. 
C'o/H-/;/«»it  has  other  sons ;  but  he  says  no  moro  oi' them  shall  be  educated 
among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  "//  entirely  sp'iii  Indian."  And  allhouiih  be 
ciMmtenanccs  Christianity,  he  does  not  do  it,  it  is  tliouglit,  from  a  belief  of 
ii,  l)Ut  probably  from  the  same  motives  as  too  many  whites  do.  | 

The  I'ollowing  story,  M.  Bayard  says,§  was  told  him  by  Corn-planter.  We 
have  often  heard  a  similar  one,  and  as  often  a  new  origin  ;  but  never  before 
that  it  origitiated  with  William  Penn.  However,  as  our  author  observes,  as 
w(;  have  more  respect  for  truth  than  great  names,  we  will  relati;  it.  Pi-nn 
pi o|)08ed  to  the  Indians  to  sell  him  as  much  land  as  he  could  encompass 
with  the  hide  of  a  bullock.  They,  sujjposing  h"  meant  only  what  groiiiul 
would  be  covered  by  it,  when  it  was  spread  ou,,  ..nd  looking  upon  what 
was  oftere«l  as  a  good  price,  consented  to  tlie  proposition.  Penn,  like  Didon, 
cut  the  skin  into  a  line  of  immense  length,  to  the  astonishment  of  tiie  vend- 
ers, who,  in  silent  indignation,  religiously  observed  their  contract.  TIk; 
tliiaiifiiy  of  land  encoaqiassed  by  the  line  is  not  meniioned;  but,  nmre  or 
less,  the  Indians  had  passed  their  word,  and  they  scorned  to  break  it,  even 

*  Formerly  called  Obalelown.  See  Pa.  G.iz.  1792,  and  Stanbnry's  Jour. 
f  ,^iner.  Repslcrl'or  1816,  vol   Ii.  226,  &,c. 

j  Vt'ibal  accoinit  o{  E.   T.  Foote,  Es(|.  of  Chalauquo  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  muc« 
valualile  iiirornialioii  upon  matters  nf  this  kind. 
J  Vorjage  duns  I  InUrieur  des  Etats-Unis,  et  oel.  ps.  20C.  207. 


616 


TECUMSEH. 


OUK 


though  tfiey  would  have  been  justified  by  the  discovery  of  the  fraud.  We 
do  not  vf)ucli  Jbr  the  truth  of  this  matter,  nor  do  we  believe  William  Penn 
?ver  i)rnctis(d  a  tricii  of  tlie  liind.  No  doubt  soiiio  person  did  ;  and  perhaps 
Corn-planter  had  been  told  that  it  was  Penn. 

We  have  now  to  record  the  death  of  the  venerable  Corn-plant.  He  died 
at  his  residence  on  the  Seneca  reservation,  on  the  7lh  of  ]\iarch  last,  183(3 
aged  ui)ward8  of  100  years. 

7'ea^ilaegee,  or  Charles  Corn-planter,  was  a  party  to  the  treaty  of  Moscow, 
N.  Y.  in  1823.    He  was  probably  a  son  of  K^cnlwaJik,  or  Gyanlwaia. 


H§§t 


CHAPTER  VH. 

Tecumskh — His  great  exertions  to  ■prevent  the  whites  From  overrunning  his  country — 
}Iis  expedition  on  Hachcr's  Creek — Cooperation  of  kis  brother,  the  Prophet — Rise,  of 
the  iliyicu'ties  betioten  Tecumseh  and  Governor  Harrison — Speech  of  the  former  in 
a  council  at  Fincennes — Fearful  occurrence  in  thai  council — Winnemak — Trcumsih 
visited  by  Governor  Harrison  at  his  camp — Determination  of  war  the  result  of  the 
interview  on  both  sides — Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief — Determines,  in  the 
event  of  war,  to  prevent  barbarities — Battle  of  Tippecanoe — Battle  of  the  Thames, 
and,  death  of  Tecvmseh — Description  of  his  person — Important  events  in  his  life — 
Pi;KKEsnENo,/«//jer  of  Tecumseh — His  death — Buttle  of  Magaugo — Specimen  of 
the  Shawanee  language — Particular  account  of  Ellskwatawa,  or  the  Puopjiet — 
.iccount  of  RooND-iiEAD — Capture  and  massacre  of  General  li' inch  ester's  army  at 
the  River  Raisin — Mveerah,  or  the  Crane,  commonly  called  VValk-in-the-Water 
— Teyoninhokerawen,  or  John  Norton — Logan  the  Shaicanee — Black  bihi> — 
Massacre  at  Chicago — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpatonga,  or  Big-elk 
— Petalesharo — Metea. 


TECUMSEH,  by  birth  n  Shawanee,  and  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  born  about  1770,  and,  like  his  great 
prototype,  Pometacom,  the  Wampnnoag,  seems  always  to  have  made  his 
aversion  to  civilization  appear  a  proiriinent  trait  in  his  character ;  and  it  is 
not  presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red  sash  and 
other  badges  of  office,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the  whites ;  but  he 
employed  them,  more  probably,  as  a  means  of  inspiring  his  countrymen  with 
that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was  so  necessary  in  the  work 
of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undeilaken. 

The  first  exploit  in  which  we  find  Tecumseh  engaged  was  upon  a  branch 
of  Hacker's  Creek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a  small  band  of  warriors,  he  came 
upon  the  family  of  John  Wagsroner,  about  dusk.  They  found  IVaggoncr 
a  short  distance  from  his  house,  sitting  uj)on  a  log,  resting  himself  after  the 
fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directc-d  his  men  to  capture  the  family,  while 
'.iinseit  was  engaged  with  Waggoner.  To  make  sure  work,  he  took  deliberate 
aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ;  but  fortunately  he  did  not  even  wound  him,  though 
the  bail  passed  next  to  his  skin.  Waggoner  threw  himself  off  the  log,  and 
ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh  followed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground,  Waggoner  made  good  his  escape.  Mean- 
while his  men  succeeded  in  carrying  off  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  bar- 
barously murdered.  Among  these  were  Mrs.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her 
children.     Sr  veral  of  the  cliildnai  remained  a  long  time  with  the  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and  con- 
spicuous in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1795. 
He  was  brother  to  that  fimious  impostor  well  known  by  the  name  of  the 
i-'/o;>/i«/,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to  prevent  his 
falling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  l()ilowers.  Uts  principal  j)lace 
of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence!  of  the  Tippecanoe  with  the  Wabash, 
upon  the  north  bank  of  the  latter.  This  tract  of  country  was  none  of  his, 
but  had  been  possessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet,  in  1808,  with  a  motley 
band  of  about  1000  yomig  wanioi-s  fiom  among  the  Sliawanese,  Dela- 
wares,  Wyandots,  I'otowatomies,  Ottowas,  Kikkapoos  and  Chippeways.    The 


Ch4p.  VIl.J 


riiCUMSEII. 


617 


ftliainies  were  very  iiiiicli  opposed  to  tliis  intrusion  into  tlicir  country,  but 
wens  not  |)0\vcrtui  eimugli  to  rcprl  it,  and  many  of  their  cliii'ls  wen-  |»iit  to 
Jcatli  i.i  till'  most  barbarous  manner,  ("or  remonstrating  against  tiiiir  conduct. 
Tlie  maladmiiiistj.iion  of  the  Prophet,  liowever,  in  n  short  time,  very  much 
reduced  his  nuniljcrs,  so  that,  in  anout  a  year,  his  followers  consisti'd  of  but 
aiiout  :{00,  and  these  in  the  most  miserable  state  of  existence.  Their  habits 
li.id  lieen  su(;h  as  to  bring  lamii'o  u|K)n  them;  and  but  for  the  provisions 
furnished  by  General  Harrison,  AOin  Vincennes,  stai-vation  would  doubtless 
have  ensued.*  At  this  juncture,  Tecumsek  made  his  appearance  amoiig 
them  ;  and  although  in  the  character  of  a  subordinate  chief,  yet  it  was  known 
that  he  directed  every  thing  aflerwards,  altiiough  in  the  nami;  of  the  Prophet. 
His  exertions  now  became  immense  to  engagi;  every  tribe  upon  the  continent 
in  a  coidiideracy,  with  the  open  and  avowed  object  of  arresting  the  progress 
of  the  whites. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government,  Governor  Harrison  purchased 
of  the  Delawares,  iVIiamies,  and  Pottowatomies,  a  large  tract  of  country  on 
both  sides  of  the  Wabash,  and  extending  up  the  river  GO  miles  above  Vin- 
c  nnes.  This  was  in  1809,  about  a  year  alter  the  Propliel  settled  with  his  colony 
upon  th(!  Wabash,  as  before  statfjd.  Tecumseh  was  absent  at  this  time,  and 
his  brother,  the  Propliet,  was  not  considered  as  having  any  claim  to  the  coun- 
try, being  there  without  the  consent  of  the  Miamies.  Tecumsth  did  not  view 
it  in  this  light,  and  at  his  return  was  exceedingly  vexed  with  those  chiefs 
who  had  made  the  conveyance ;  many  ,)f  whom,  it  is  asserted,  he  threatened 
with  death.  7'ecMwweA's  dis[»leasure  and  dissatisfaction  reached  Governor 
Harrison,  who  despatched  a  messenger  to  him,  to  state  "that  any  claims  he 
niiglit  have  to  the  lands  which  lia(l  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the 
treaty;  that  he  might  come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his  pn^tensions,  and  if 
they  were  found  to  be  solid,  that  the  land  would  either  be  given  up,  or  an 
ani[)le  compensation  made  for  it."t  This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  not  in  a 
strain  calculated  to  soothe  a  mighty  mind,  when  once  justly  irritated,  as  waa 
that  of  Tixuinseh.  However,  upon  the  12  August,  1810,  (a  day  which  cannot 
fail  to  remind  the  reader  of' the  ilite  of  his  great  archetypi;,  Philip,  of  Pokan- 
oket,)  he  met  the  governor  in  council  at  Vinceimes,  with  many  of  his  war- 
riors; at  which  time  Ik;  spoke  to  him  as  follows: — 

"  It  is  true  I  am  a  Shawanee.  3Iy  foretiithere  were  warriors.  Their  son  is 
a  warrior.  From  them  I  only  take  my  existence  ;  from  my  tribe  I  take  noth- 
ing. I  am  the  maker  of  my  own  ibrtune  ;  and  oh !  that  1  could  make  that 
of  my  red  i)eople,  and  of  my  country,  as  great  as  the  conceptions  of  my 
mind,  when  I  think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe.  I  would  not  then 
cojne  to  Governor  Harrison,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  treaty,  and  to  obliterate 
the  landmark ;  but  I  would  say  to  him,  itn;  you  have  liberty  to  return  to 
your  own  couu'vy.  The  being  within,  comujuning  with  past  ages,  tells  me, 
that  once,  nor  u  itil  lately,  there  was  no  white  man  on  this  continent.  That 
it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of  the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by 
the  Great  Spirit  that  made  them,  to  keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  produc- 
tions, and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Once  a  happy  race;.  Since  made 
niiscrabh;  by  the  white  people,  who  are  never  contented,  but  always  encroach- 
ing. The  way,  and  the  only  way  to  check  and  to  stop  this  evil,  is,  for  all  the 
red  men  to  unite  in  claiming  a  common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was 
at  first,  and  should  be  yet ;  for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belongs  to  all,  for  the 
use  of  each.  That  no  part  has  a  right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less 
to  strangers  ;  those  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The  white  peo- 
ple have  no  right  to  take  the  land  tiom  the  Indians,  because  they  had  it  first; 
It  is  theirs.  They  may  sell,  but  all  must  join.  Any  sale  not  made  by  all  is 
not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a  part  only.  Part  do  not 
know  how  to  sell.  It  requires  all  to  make  a  bargain  for  all.  All  red  men 
liave  equal  rights  to  the  unoccupied  laud.  The  right  of  occupancy  is  as 
good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  cannot  he  two  oecnpations  in  the 
Bame  place.  The  first  excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting  or  travel- 
ling; for  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as  they  may  (tillow  each 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison. 

62* 


t  MA/ef. 


«18 


TECUMSEII.— CONFERENCE  AT  VINCENNES. 


[Book  V 


s: 


otiicr  uU  (lay ;  but  the  cuinp  is  stationary,  and  that  is  occupancy.  It  belongs 
to  the  first  wlio  sit.s  dowti  uii  liis  blanket  ur  siiins,  wiiich  lie  has  thrown  upon 
the  ground,  and  till  he  loaves  it  no  other  has  a  rijfht."  * 

How  near  this  in  to  the  original  \h  unknown  to  us,  but  it  appears  too  much 
Ainericanizrd  to  correspond  with  our  notions  of  Tccnmseh ;  nevertheless  it 
may  give  the  true  meaning.  <)u(!  ifnporlunt  paragraph  ought  to  be  added, 
whicli  we  do  not  find  in  tiie  author  lioni  which  we  have  extracted  the  above  ; 
whiidi  Was,  "that  the  Americans  hud  dri\(,'n  tlietn  from  the  sea-coasts,  and 
that  they  would  siiortly  push  them  into  the  lakes,  and  that  they  were  drter- 
mini'd  to  make  a  stand  wlicri!  they  were."  f  This  lani,Miago  lorciiily  reminds 
us  of  what  the  ancient  Ihiions  said  of  their  enemies,  wlien  tht-y  besoujiht  aid 
of  the  Romans.  "  'J'he  barbarians  (said  tliey)  drive  us  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea 
beats  us  biick  upon  thiMu  ;  between  those  extremes  we  arc  exposed,  either  to 
be  slain  with  the  sword,  or  drowned  in  the  wave  s."  I 

Teniiiiselt,  bavin ;^  thus  explained  iiis  reasons  against  the  validity  of  the 
j)urchase,  t(jok  his  seat  amidst  his  warriors,  (iovernor  Hanisun,'n\  his  reply, 
said,  "that  the  white  people,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  continent,  had 
found  the  Miumies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  country  on  the  Wabasli,  and 
at  that  time  the  Shawanese  were  residents  of  Georgia,  from  which  they 
were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  That  the  lands  had  been  purchased  liom  tin; 
Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and  ori;:iual  owners  of  it,  'I'liat  it  was  ridicu- 
lous to  assert  that  all  the  linlians  were  one  nation  ;  ibr  if  such  had  been  the 
intention  of  the  Creat  Spirit,  he  would  not  have  put  six  different  tongues 
into  their  heads,  but  have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a  language  that  all  could 
understand.  Tliat  the  JMianiics  found  it  for  their  interest  to  sell  a  part  of 
their  lands,  and  receive  for  them  a  further  amiuity,  the  benefit  of  whicli  they 
bud  long  exiterienced,  from  the  |iunctuality  with  which  the  seventeen  fires 
[the  seventeen  United  States]  complied  with  their  engagements;  and  that  the 
Shawanese  had  no  right  to  come  from  a  distant  country  and  control  the 
Miamies  in  the  disposal  of  their  own  property."  The  governor  tlien  took 
Ills  seat,  and  tlie  interpreter  proceedtul  to  explain  to  Tecuinsch  what  he  had 
said,  who,  when  he  had  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrui)ted  him,  and  ex- 
claimed, "// is  aW  yct/se ; "  at  the  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal, 
they  seized  their  war  clubs,  and  sprung  uj)on  their  feet,  from  the  green  grass 
on  which  they  had  been  sitting.  The  governor  now  thought  himself  in  im- 
minent danger,  and,  freeing  himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  his  swortl,  and 
prepared  to  defend  himself,  lie  was  attended  by  some  officers  of  his  gov- 
ernim  nt,  and  many  citizens,  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all  unarmed; 
most  of  whom,  however,  seized  upon  some  wea[)on,  such  as  stones  and  clubs. 
Teciimseh  contiimed  to  make  gestures  and  speak  with  great  emotion  ;  and  a 
guard  of  12  armed  men  stationed  by  the  governor  in  the  rear  were  ordered 
up.  For  a  few  minutes,  it  was  expected  blood  would  be  shed.  Major  G.  R. 
Floyde,  who  stood  near  the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and  JVinnemak  cocked  his 
pistol,  which  he  had  ready  primed;  he  said  Tecumsth  had  threatened  his 
lite  for  having  signed  the  treaty  and  sale  of  the  disputed  land.  A  Mr.  Wiruis, 
the  Methodist  minister,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  and,  taking  a  gun,  stood 
in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecuniseh  had  said,  the  governor  repliec  to  him, 
that  "  he  was  a  bad  man — that  he  would  have  no  liu'ther  talk  with  him — thnt 
he  must  return  to  his  camj),  and  set  out  for  his  home  immediately."  Thus 
ended  the  conference.  Tecumsih  did  not  h.-ave  the  ni'ighborhood,  but,  the 
next  morning,  having  reflected  upon  the  impropriety  of  liis  conduct,  sent  to 
the  governor  to  have  the  council  reneweil,  and  upologized  for  the  aflJi'ont 
oH(;red ;  to  which  the  governor,  after  some  tinn  ,  consented,  having  taken  the 
priM-anti  <u  to  have  two  ailditional  companies  o'  armed  men  in  readiness,  in 
case  of  iiisult. 

Having  met  a  second  time,  Teciimseh  was  asked  whetlu  r  he  had  any  other 
grounds,  than  those  he  had  statt.'d,  by  whicli  he  could  lay  claim  to  the  land 
in  cpiestion  ;  to  whicli  he  replied,  "No  other."  Here,  then,  was  an  end  of 
all  argument.     The  indignant  soul  of  Teauiuieh  could  not  but  be  enraged  at 


Hist.  Kciitni'ky. 


t  HIi'iii.  I larriiOii. 


t  Seller's  Eiiglaml. 


Chap.  VII] 


TEl.'IJMS::il 


GIO 


tlie  i(lc:i  of  ail  "  ('(iHiviili  :it  fur  a  (•(timtn,"  or,  wliiit  nii'ant  tlic  same  tliinj;,  n 
comjieiisiition  tor  land,  wliicli,  oUcii  rcpt^ati'd,  as  it  Imd  l)i<;ii,  would  soon  uiiKinnt 
In  a  aninlnj !  "Tla;  hcliavior  of  Tirumiieli,  at  this  iiitcrvifw,  was  very  diti'iT- 
fiit  from  wimt  it  iiad  bctiii  tiii!  day  iH'foro.  Ills  dcportiiiciit  was  (lij;iiititd 
and  collcctrd,  and  III!  sliowud  not  tiu;  least  dis|i(isition  to  li<>  insolent.  Ilu 
denied  liavin<(  any  inttMition  of  attackin;jf  tin;  governor,  l>nt  said  lie  had  been 
advised  hy  wliito  men  "  *  to  do  as  he  had  done  ;  that  two  w  liite  men  had  visited 
liini  at  his  |>laec  ot' residence,  and  told  hini  that  halfihe  w'hit(>  people  were  op- 
posed to  Governor  Ilumsun,  and  wiliinj,'  to  relincpiish  the  land,  und  told  liini 
to  advise  tl  e  trilies  not  to  receive  pay  t()r  it;  for  tliat  the  •;ov(!rnor  would  l)0 
soon  put  ojt  of  office,  and  a  "good  man"  sent  in  his  jilace,  who  would  give  up 
the  land  to  the  Indians.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent 
the  8ur\'ey  cf  the  land:  he  replied  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  tho 
old  houndarij.  Then  arose  a  Wyandot,  a  Kikkapoo,  a  Pottowattoinio,  an 
Ottowas,  and  u  Winnehcgo  chief,  each  (leclaring  his  deteiniination  to  stand 
by  TecHin.icli,  whom  they  had  chosen  their  chief.  After  the  governor  had 
informed  Tecumseh  that  his  words  should  he  truly  reported  to  the  presi- 
dent, alleging,  at  the  same  time,  that  Ik;  knt^w  the  land  wonlil  net  be  re- 
liritpiisliud,  and  that  it  would  be  inuiiitained  by  the  uword,  tlie  council 
closcid. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  i)rolong  the  interview,  and  thought  that, 
possibly,  Tccumath  might  appear  more  submissivi",  should  he  meet  him  in 
liis  own  tent.  Accordingly  he  took  with  him  an  interpreter,  and  visited 
the  chief  in  bis  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  with  kind- 
ness and  attention,  und  Tecumseh  conversi'd  with  him  a  considerahle  time. 
On  being  asked  by  the  governor  if  his  determination  really  whs  as  lie  had 
expressed  himself  in  the  council,  he  said,  "Yes;"  and  added,  "  that  it  was 
with  great  reluctance  he  would  make  war  with  the  United  States — against 
whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  but  their  |)mchasing  the  Indians'  land  ; 
that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  be  their  friend,  and  if  he  (the  governor) 
would  prevail  upon  the  jiresident  to  give  up  the  lands  lately  purchased,  and 
agree  never  to  make  another  treaty,  without  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he 
would  be  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  all  their  wars  with  the  ilnglish," 
whom  lie  knew  were  always  treating  the  Indians  lik(!  dogs,  clapping  their 
liaiids  and  iiullooing  s<i<-fco?/;  that  he  would  much  rather  join  the  seventet'ii 
fires;  but  if  tlic^y  would  not  give  uj)  said  laiiils,  and  eoi!i|)ly  with  his  reipiest 
in  other  respects,  he  would  join  the  English.  When  the  governor  told  him 
there  was  no  ])robability  that  the  [iri'sideiit  would  comply,  he  stiid,  "Well,  aa 
the  great  chief  is  to  detennine  the  matter,  I  ho|)e  the  Great  Spirit  will  put 
hense  enough  into  his  liead,  to  intluce  him  to  direct  }ou  to  give  up  this  land. 
It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off  he  will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still 
in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  1  will  have  to  fight  it  out." 
lie  had  saiil  before,  when  asked  if  it  were  his  determination  to  make  war 
unless  his  terms  were  complied  with,  "  //  is  mi/  determi nation ;  nor  teill  I  give 
rest  to  my  feel,  until  I  hace  united  all  the  red  men  in  the  like  residulion." 

Thus  is  exhibited  the  determined  character  of  Tecumseh,  in  which  no 
du])licity  appears,  and  whose  resentment  might  iiave  been  exjiected,  when 
qui'stioiK^d,  again  and  again,  U[)on  the  same  subject.  Most  religiously  did  iio 
prosecute  this  plan;  and  could  his  extraordinary  and  wonderful  exertions  be 
known,  no  fiction,  it  is  believed,  could  scarcely  surpass  the  reality.  The 
tribes  to  the  west  of  the  JMississippi,  and  those  about  Lakes  Su])erior  and 
Huron,  were  visited  and  jvisited  by  him  previous  to  the  year  1811.  He  had 
raised  in  these  tribes  the  nigh  exjiectation  that  they  should  be  able  to  drive 
the  Americans  to  the  east  of  the  Ohio.  The  famous  Blue-jacket  was  as  san- 
guine as  Tecumseh,  and  was  his  abettor  in  uniting  distant  tribes. 

The  following  characteristic  circumstance  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
ings at  Vincennes.  After  Tecumseh  had  made  a  speech  to  (Jovernor  Har- 
rison, and  was  about  to  seat  himseli'  in  a  chair,  he  observed  that  none  had 
b'en  placed  for  him.  One  was  immediately  ordered  by  the  governor,  and, 
Hs  the  interpreter  handed  it  to  him,  he  said,  "Your  father  requests  you  to  take 


Memoirs  of  Harrison. 


Sl^, 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WHSTH.N.Y.  USSO 

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TECUMSEIL— BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE. 


[Boox  V. 


(I  ■ 

,1 


a  chair."  "M>f  falher9"  says  Tecumseh,  with  great  indignity  of  expression, 
"  the  sun  is  mifjhilier,  and  the  tarlh  is  my  motktr ;  and  on  her  bosom  I  mil  repose ; ' 
and  iininediutely  seated  himself,  in  the  Indian  manner,  upon  tlie  ground.* 

T)ie  (Ight  at  Ti(ipecanoo  fullowed  soon  alien  This  ailair  tooic  place  in  tite 
niglit  of  Nov.  6,  1811,  in  wliich  G2  Americans  were  i^illed,  and  12(i  wounded. 
Tecumseh  was  not  in  this  fight,  but  Ids  brother,  the  Prophet,  conducted  or 
onlerefl  the  attacl(.  During  the  action,  he  was  performing  conjurations  on 
an  eminence  not  far  of!',  but  out  of  danger.  His  men  displayed  great  bravery, 
and  the  figlit  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison  lost  some  of  his  bravest  otli- 
cers.  The  late  Colonel  Snellirtg,  of  Boston,  tl-en  a  captain,  was  in  this  fight, 
and  took  prisoner  with  his  own  hands  an  Indian  chief,  the  only  Indian  taken 
by  the  Americans.  The  name  of  the  captured  chief  we  do  not  learn,  but 
from  his  fear  of  being  taken  for  a  Shawanee,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  of  that 
tribe.  When  he  was  seized  by  Capt  Snellini^,  he  ejaculated,  with  hurried 
accents, "  Good  man^  me  no  ■SAaimnee."  f  The  chiefs  frhite-lion  ( fyapamanf^wa,) 
Stone-eater  [Sanamahhonga,)  and  H'innemak,  were  conspicuous  at  this  time. 
The  latter  had  been  the  pretended  friend  of  the  governor,  but  now  ai)peared 
his  enemy.    He  was  killed  the  next  year  by  the  lamented  Logan. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  Governor  Harrison  had  with 
Tecumseh,  the  former  expressed  a  wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that  cruelty  to 
prisoners  should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  Tecumseh  assured  him  that 
ne  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  it ;  and  it  is  believed  he  strictly 
adhered  to  this  resolution.  Indeed,  we  have  one  example,  whirli  has  never 
been  called  in  question,  and  is  worthy  the  great  mind  of  this  chief.  When 
Colonel  Dvdky  was  cut  ofl^  and  near  400  of  his  men,  not  fur  from  P'ort  IVlei^'M, 
by  falling  into  an  ambush,  Tecumseh  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action  when  tim 
Americans  could  resist  no  longer.  He  exerted  himself  to  put  a  s>op  to  tiio 
massacre  of  the  soldiers,  which  was  then  going  on ;  and  meeting  with  a 
Chippeway  chief  who  would  not  desist  by  persuasion  nor  threats,  he  btnied 
his  tomahawk  in  his  head.  % 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  licen  in  almost  every  important  battle  with  the 
Americans,  from  the  destruction  of  General  Harmer^s  army  till  his  death  upon 
the  Thames.  He  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Proctor,  in  this  last 
great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course  of  |)roceed- 
mge,ond  is  said  to  have  remonstrated  against  retreating  before  the  Americans 
in  very  pointed  terms.  Perryi's  victory  hud  just  given  the  Americans  the 
command  of  Lake  Erie ;  and  innnediately  after.  Proctor  aliandoned  Detroit, 
and  marched  his  majesty's  army  up  the  River  Thames,  accompanied  by  Gen- 
eral Tecumseh,  with  about  1.500  warriors.  Harrison  overtook  them  near  the 
Moravian  town,  Oct.  5,  1813,  and,  after  a  bloody  buttle  with  the  Indians, 
routed  and  took  j)risoner8  nearly  the  whole  British  arn^y ;  Proctor  saving 
himself  only  bv  flight.  After  withstanding  almost  the  whole  force  of  the 
Americans  fo,  so  ne  time,  Tecumseh  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  arm,  but 
continued  to  hgiit  with  desperation,  until  a  shot  in  the  head  from  an  unknown 
hand  laid  him  prostrate  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  §  Of  his  warriors  ViO 
were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

Thus  fell  Tecumseh,  in  the  forty-fointh  year  of  his  age.  He  was  about  five 
feet  ten  inches  in  height,  of  a  noble  appearance,  and  a  perfectly  symnietricul 
form.  "His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motions  quick — his  eyes  pen- 
etrating— his  visage  stern,  with  an  air  of  hauteur  in  his  countenance,  whit-li 
arose  from  an  elevated  prioe  of  soul.  It  did  not  leave  hitn  even  in  «leath." 
He  is  thus  spoken  of  by  one  who  knew  him. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Shane  served  ns  a 
guide  to  Colonel  Johnson's  regiment.  He  mforms  us  that  he  knew  Tecumseh 
Well,  and  that  he  once  had  had  his  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  properly 
set,  caused  a  considerable  ridge  in  it  always  after.  This  was  pidilislud  in  u 
Kentucky  newspaper,  lately,  as  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indian  killed  liy 


Si:liootcra/t. 
t  Jiwws,  i.  W\—Pcrkinii,  221, 


t  Iiiformaliun  of  his  son,  W.  J,  Siulling,  Esq.  of  Bosum. 


fi  Tlie  story  that  he  firll  ii;  8  iiorsonni  rcnroiintcr  with  Colonel  Johnson,  must  no  loiijjcr  \>f 
ieved.     Facts  are  entirely  opposed  to  »iich  a  eonrlusion.     IiuleccI,  we  cuniiul  loiiiu  tlial 


llie  colonel  ever  claimed  tlic  Iwnor  uf  the  achievement. 


It. 


Chap.  VII] 


TECUMSEIL— BATTLE  OF  MAGAUGO. 


G2I 


Colonel  Johnson  wns  TVcjtwweA.  From  the  same  paper  it  would  seem,  tlint, 
even  on  the  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whetlior  the  chief  killed 
were  Teaimseh,  and  that  a  critical  inquest  was  held  over  his  body;  nnd 
nithoii'ih  it  was  decided  to  be  he,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colonel  killi-d  him. 
tliere  Wi»«  a  demur,  even  then.  But,  no  doubt,  many  were  willing  it  should 
80  )ia«»,  thinking  it  a  matter  of  not  much  consequence,  80  long  w  Tenimseh, 
their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain ;  and,  perhapH,  too,  so  near  the 
event,  many  felt  a  delicacy  in  dissenting  from  the  report  of  Colonel  Johnson^s 
friends;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such  jealousy,  those  came  out  frankly 
with  their  opinion,  ••  .a  hence  resulted  the  actual  truth  of  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  shoidd  have  dishonored  themselves,  after  their 
victory,  by  outraging  all  decency  by  acts  of  astonishing  ferocity  and  barbarity 
upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievous  to  mention,  and  cannot 
meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.  Pieces  of  his  skin  were  ta!;en  away  by 
some  of  them  as  mementoes !  •  He  is  said  to  have  borne  a  personal  enmity  to 
General  Harrison,  at  this  time,  for  having  just  liefore  (bstroyed  his  family. 
The  celebrated  speech,  said  to  have  been  delivered  by  the  great  "Shawanese 
warrior"  to  (Jeneral  Proctor,  i)efoie  the  Imttle  of  the  Thaiiies,  is  believed  by 
many  not  to  l)e  genuine.  It  may  l»e  seen  in  every  historv  of  the  war,  anil 
every  periodical  of  that  day,  and  not  a  few  since,  even  to  this.  Therefore  wo 
omit  it  here.  The  speech  of  Logan,  perhaps,  has  not  circulated  wider. 
Another,  in  our  opinion,  more  worthy  the  niightv  mitid  tA'  Ttcvmseh,  piililished 
in  a  work  sjjid  to  be  written  by  one  who  heard  it,t  is  now  generally  (on  the 
authority  of  a  public  journal  ^)  discarded  as  a  fiction. 

Among  the  skirmishes  between  the  belligerents,  liefore  General  Htdl  sur- 
rendered the  north-western  army,  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  acted  a  con- 
S))ieuoiis  part 

Maiden,  situated  at  the  junction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Erie,  was 
considered  the  Gibraltar  of  Canada,  and  it  wfs.j  expected  that  General  HuWs 
first  object  woidd  be  to  possess  himself  of  ;*,  In  a  movement  that  way, 
Cfdonel  .WJirthur  came  very  near  being  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Indians  ;d  by 
Tenimsth,  About  4  miles  from  Maiden,  he  foimd  a  bridge  in  possession  of  n 
body  of  the  enemy ;  an<l  although  the  bridge  was  carried  by  a  force  under 
('olonel  Crt.M,§  in  effecting  whicn,  11  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  yet  it  seems, 
that  in  a  "few  days  afterwards "  they  were  in  possession  of  it  again,  and 
again  the  Americans  stood  ready  to  repeat  the  attack.  It  was  in  an  attempt 
to  reconnoitre,  that  Colonel  M^Jirthur  "advanced  somewhat  too  near  the 
enemy,  and  narrowly  escaped  l)eing  cut  off  from  his  men"||  by  several 
Indians  who  had  nearly  prevented  his  retreat. 

Major  Vanhom  was  detached  on  the  4  August  from  Aux  Canarrls,  with  200 
men,  to  convoy  150  Ohio  militia  and  some  provisions  from  the  River  Raisin. 
In  his  second  dav's  march,  near  Brownstow;n,  he  fell  into  an  ambush  of  70 
Indians  under  Tecumseh,  who,  firing  upon  him,  killed  20  men ;  among  whom 
were  Cn|)taiiis  M^Culloch,%  Bostler,  Gilcreaae,**  and  Ubry:  9  more  were 
wounded.    The  rest  made  a  precipitate  retreat. 

Major  Vanhom  having  failed  in  his  attempt,  Colonel  .Wller  was  sent  on 
the  8th  of  August,  with  OOL'  men  to  protect  the  same  iirovisions  and  trans- 
j)orts.  The  next  day,  August  nth,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  van- 
guard, commanded  by  Captain  Snelling,  was  fired  upon  by  an  extensive  line 
of  British  and  Indians,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  village  of  Magaugo,  14  miles 
from  Detroit.  The  main  body  was  half  a  nule  in  the  rear  when  the  attack 
began.  Captain  Snellinsc  maintained  his  position  in  a  most  gallant  manner, 
nnder  a  heavy  fire,  until  the  line  was  formed  and  advanced  to  his  relief. 
The  force  against  which  the  Americans  were  now  contending  was  made  uf 

*  Wc  have  oflen  heard  it  said,  hut  wheilicr  in  truth  we  do  not  aver,  that  there  are  those 
who  still  nwn  raznr  straps  made  of  it. 

t  John  Dunn  Hunter.  J  North  American  Revievv. 

j  Siiire  povernorof  Mirhip^nn,  and  now  secretary  of  war. 

P  l5riirk(Miri<l(fe,  Hist.  War,  3l. 

T[  III  lliis  nlVicer's  pnrket,  it  is  sai<l,  was  found  a  Icllpr  wrillcn  for  his  wife,  giving  aa 
Brcount  of  his  having  killed  an  Indian,  from  whose  head  he  tore  the  scalp  with  his  teeth. 

•*  Oilchriat,  commonly  written. 


\ ; 


622 


TECUMssF.H. 


inooK  V. 


i 


'i 


r 


»ii 


r  i 


of  a  biMly  of  500  liidiiuis  iiiuler  Terumaeh,  Wcdk-in-tht-waier,  Marpot,  and  the 
f  iiice  luiiioiis  Blaik-luiwk,  and  u  coiisUIerahlc  iiiiinber  of  wliites  under  Major 
Muir.  They  were  formed  behind  a  breastwork  of  felled  trees.  WJien 
Colonel  Miller  had  brought  his  men  into  line,  the  enemy  sprang  from  their 
hiding-places,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  a  fierce  and  appalling  strife 
ensued.  The  British  and  Indian  force  was  one  third  greater  than  the  Ameri- 
can, but  nothing  could  withstand  them,  whttn  led  on  by  such  officers  as 
Miller  and  Sndling,  and  the  {ground  was  disputed  inch  by  inch  for  near 
two  miles,  to  the  village  of  Brownstown.  Here  tlie  British  took  to  their 
boats,  and  the  Indians  to  the  woods,  and  thus  the  battle  closed.  It  was  owing 
to  a  disobedience  of  orders  on  tlie  part  of  the  cavalry,  that  the  British 
escaped  entire  destruction ;  for  Colonel  Miller  ordered  them  to  rush  upon 
them  and  cut  them  up  when  their  gunb  were  unloaded,  and  their  ranks  were 
in  confusion,  but  they  would  not,  although  Captain  Snelling  offered  to  lead 
them  in  person.  In  this  affair  the  Indians  and  British  lost  100  killed  and 
200  wounded,  and  the  Aniericans  had  18  killed  and  58  wounded.* 

A  British  writer  upon  the  lute  war,  \  atler  having  related  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  in  which  Tecumaeh  fell,  says:  "It  seems  extraordinary  that  Genend 
Harrison  should  have  omitted  to  mention,  in  his  letter,  the  deatlr  of  a  chief, 
whose  fall  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down  the  Indian  spirit,  and  to  give 
peace  and  security  to  the  whole  north-western  froniier  of  the  U.  States. 
Tecumseh,  although  he  had  received  a  musket-ball  in  the  lefl  arm,  was  still 
seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,"  when  he  received  the  mortal  wound  in  the 
head,  of  which  he  in  a  few  moments  expired.  The  error,  which  for  some 
time  prevailed,  of  his  being  shot  by  Colonel  Johnson,  is  copied  into  this  author's 
work.  The  following  descriptions,  tliough  in  some  respects  erroneous,  are 
of  sufficient  value  to  be  preserved. 

Tecumseh  was  endowed  "  with  more  than  the  usual  stoutness,  possessed  all 
the  agility  and  perseverance,  of  the  Indian  character.  His  carriage  was 
dignined  ;  his  eye  penetrating ;  his  countenance,  which,  even  in  death,  be- 
trayed the  indications  of  a  lofly  spirit,  rather  of  the  sterner  cast  Had  he  not 
possessed  a  certain  austerity  of  manners,  he  could  never  have  controlled  the 
wayward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  battle.  He  was  of  a  silent 
habit ;  but,  when  his  eloquence  became  roused  into  action  by  the  reiterated 
encroachments  of  the  Americans,^  his  strong  intellect  could  supply  him  with 
a  flow  of  oratory,  that  enabled  him,  as  he  governed  in  the  field,  so  to  pre- 
scribe in  the  council.  Those  who  consider  that,  in  all  territorial  questions, 
the  ablest  diplomatists  of  the  U.  States  are  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians, 
will  readily  aj)i)reciate  the  loss  sustained  by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their 
champion.  The  Indians,  in  general,  are  full  as  fond  as  other  savages  of  the 
gaudy  decoration  of  their  persons ;  but  Tecumseh  was  an  exception.  Clothes 
and  other  valuable  articles  of  spoil  had  often  been  his ;  yet  he  invariably 
wore  a  deerskin  coat  and  pantaloons.  He  had  frequently  levied  subsidies  to, 
comparatively,  a  large  amount;  yet  he  preserved  little  or  nothing  for  himself. 
It  was  not  wealth,  but  glory,  that  was  Tccumsch's  ruling  passion.  Fatal  day ! 
when  the  'Christian  people'  first  penetrated  the  forests,  to  teach  the  ar;s  of 
'  civilization '  to  the  poor  Indian.  Till  then  water  "^''d  been  his  only  beverage, 
and  himself  and  his  race  jjossessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  his  lips  to  the  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwam,  while  he 
lias  a  rag  ol  clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum ;  and  he  and 
his  squaw  and  his  children  wallow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  drunkenness. 
Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  with  a  head  to  plan,  and  an  arm  to  execute, 
vengeance  upon  the  oppressors  of  his  country,  we  behold  the  puny,  besotted 
wretch,  squatting  on  Ins  hams,  ready  to  barter  his  country,  his  children,  or 
himseifi  for  a  few  gulps  of  that  deleterious  compound,  which,  «ar  more  than 
tlie  arms  of  tlie  United  States,  [Great  Britain  and  France,]  is  hastenuig  to 
extinguish  all  traces  of  his  name  and  character.  Tecumseh,  himself,  in  early 
life,  hud  been  addicted  to  intemperance ;  but  no  sooner  did  his  judgment 


•  l^ketclifs  of  the  War,  \.  22.  \  Jo'iu-i,  i.  237,  &c 

i  A«  tlwugli  llie  Eiiglisli  of  Canada  liad  never  been  guil'.y  of  ciicroacliniciiis  1 


P     < 


Chap.  VV.] 


TECUMSEH. 


<»3 


dpcide  againHt,  than  his  resolution  ennl)lod  him  to  quit,  so  vile  a  liubit. 
lievnnd  one  or  two  glasses  of  wine,  he  never  aAerwards  indulged." 

ft  WIS  said  not  to  be  from  good  will  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would  not 
permit  his  warriors  to  exercise  any  cruelty  upon  them,  when  fallen  into  their 
power,  but  from  principle  alone.  When  Detroit  was  taken  by  the  llritisli 
and  Indians,  Teeumseh  was  in  the  action  at  the  head  of  the  latter.  Aller  the 
surrender,  General  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow  his  Indians  to  ilUtrvat 
the  prisoners;  to  which  he  replied,  "JVb/  /  despise  them  too  much  to  mxddlt 
unlh  them." 

Some  of  the  English  have  said  that  there  were  few  officers  in  the  U. 
States'  service  so  able  to  command  in  the  tield  as  Ttcuniaeh.  This  it  will  not 
us  Lehove  to  question;  but  it  would  better  have  become  such  speech- 
makers,  if  the^  had  added,  "  in  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare."  That  he 
was  a  more  wdy  chief  than  Mishikinakioa,  may  be  doubted ;  that  cither  had 
natural  abilities  inferior  to  those  of  General  tVayne,  or  Gi-neral  Brock,  we 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  this  is  no  argument  that  they  could  practise 
European  warfare  as  well  as  those  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his  inter- 
course with  the  whites,  that  Tecumjieh  njust  have  been  better  skilled  in  their 
military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  countrymen,  whether  predecessors 
or  contemporaries. 

A  rnilitary  man,*  as  we  apprehend,  says,  "  He  \TecumseK\  was  an  excellent 
judge  of  position,  and  not  only  knew,  but  could  point  out  the  localities  ot 
the  whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed."  "  His  facility  of  commu- 
nicating the  information  he  had  acquired,  was  thus  dis[ilaycd  before  a  con- 
course of  8|)ectators.  Previously  to  General  BrocKs  crossing  over  to  Detroit, 
he  asked  Tecumaeh  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should  have  to  pass  through  in 
case  of  his  proceeding  farther.  Ttcumaehy  taking  a  roll  of  eltn-liark,  and  ex- 
tending it  on  the  ground  by  means  of  four  stones,  drew  forth  his  scalping- 
knile,  and  with  the  point  presently  etched  upon  the  bark  a  plan  of  the  coun- 
try, its  hills,  woods,  rivers,  morasses,  and  roads ;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as  neat, 
was,  for  the  puq)ose  required,  fully  as  intelligible  as  if  Jirrowsmiih  himself 
had  prepared  it  Pleased  with  this  unexjiected  talent  in  Teeumseh,  also  with 
his  having,  by  his  characteristic  boldness,  induced  the  Indians,  not  of  his  im- 
mediate party,  to  cross  the  Detroit,  prior  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars 
and  militia.  General  Brock,  as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  publicly  took  olf 
his  sash,  and  p'nced  it  ^ound  the  body  of  the  chief.  Teeumseh  received  the 
honor  with  e\.  t  gratification,  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his 
Nish.  Creneral  Brock,  fetu-ing  something  had  displeased  the  Indian,  sent  his 
interpreter  for  an  explanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  account 
that  Teeumseh,  not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  of  distinction,  when  an 
older,  and,  as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  hiiiisclf  was  present,  had  transferred 
the  sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief  Round-head." 

Tlie  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth  was  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Scioto  liiv  jr,  near  what  is  now  Cliillicothe.  His  father's  name  was  Pukeeshtno, 
which  means,  I  light  from  Jlying.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Kanhawa,  in 
1774.  His  mother's  name  was  Meetheetashe,  which  signifies,  a  turtle  la^ng 
her  eggs  in  Uw^nd.  She  died  among  the  Cherokees.  She  had,  at  one  birth, 
three  sons: — hlllskioalawa,  which  signifies,  a  door  opened,  was  called  the 
Prophet ;  Teeumseh,  which  is,  a  tiger  crouching  for  his  prey ;  and  Kumskaka,  a 
tiger  thai  flies  in  the  air.  f 

We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  Shawanee  lan- 
guage, in  the  Lord's  Prayer. 

Coe-thin-a,  »p\m-i-key  uea-taw-yan-oe,  o-wes-sn-ycg  yey-seif-tho-ynn-ae :  Day' 
pale-i-tum-any-pay-itch  tha-key,  yea-issi-tay-hay-yon-ae  isst-nock-i-key,  yoe-ma 
assis-key-kie  pi-sey  spim-i-key.  Me-li-na-key  oe  imo-ki  cos-si-kie  ta-toa-il-thin  ot 
yra-wnpa-ki  tuck-whan-a ; puck-i-tum-i-ioa-loo  kne-toon-ot-i-they-waii.  Yea-se' 
puck-i  tiim-a  ma-chil-i-tote-e-ta  thick-i  ma-chaw-ki  tus-sy-neigh-puck-sin-a  iot- 
vun-ai-loo  toau  po  toon-ot-i-they  yn  key-la  tay  pale-i-tum  any  way  wis-sa  kit 
was-ai-cui-i-ive-way  thay-pay-we'ioay.\ 


fj 


5( 


*  Mr  James,  ut  supra.  t  Schookrafl.  X  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  310,  (for  1739.) 


I 


H' 


p.] 

;  .1 

If*,.,: 
''i 


!■!  V 


-,,■?■ 


634 


ELLSKWATAWA,  THE  PROPHET. 


[Book  V, 


In  189G,  the  only  sun'iving  son  of  Tecumeh,  whose  name  is  Puchdheu 
which  s\gi\itiv»  croiuhing  or  icatchinr  his  prey,  It'fi  tlie  Oliio  to  settle  beyond 
the  Miss'iKsippi.*  Tliis  son,  wlien  his  tUtlier  was  shiin,  was  fighting  by  ]ii>) 
side.  "The  prince  n^gent,"  says  Mr.  James,  »iu  1814,  out  of  n-spect  to  the 
memory  to  tlie  old,  sent  out  as  a  prcsitnt  to  the  young  Teeumseh  u  handsome 
sword ; "  and  then  closes  this  |>aragmph  with  this  most  savage  lamentation : 
"  Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  Indian  cause  and  country,  faint  are  the 
prospects  that  Teeumseh  tlie  son  will  ever  equal,  in  wisdum  or  prowess, 
Teeumseh  the  lather."  f 

ELLS?KWATAWA.  Although  we  have  given  pome  important  facts  in 
the  life  of  this  impostor,  there  are  some  circnm^tanccs  which  claim  to  be 
related.  Arter  the  termination  of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a  pension 
from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  1820,  he 
was  prevailtid  upon  to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  be- 
yond the  Mississippi.  At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  sou  of 
Teeumseh, 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  Prophet ;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a  well- 
written  article  in  a  foreign  periodical,^  it  is  i^aid  that,  during*  the  first  50  years 
of  his  life,  he  was  remarKable  for  nothing  except  bis  stupidity  and  intox.«.a- 
tion.  In  Ills  50th  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  bis  pipe,  be  fell  back  in 
his  cabin,  upon  his  bed ;  and,  continuing  for  some  time  lifeless,  to  all  apiKsar- 
ances,  preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ;  and  it  was  not  until  the 
tribe  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and  they  were  in  the  act  of 
removing  him,  that  he  revived.  His  first  words  were,  "  DonH  he  alarmed.  1 
have  seen  heaven.  Call  the  nation  together,  that  I  may  tell  them  what  luis  ippeared 
to  mx."  Wiicn  they  were  assembled,  he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young 
men  had  l)een  sent  Irom  heaven  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  bim : 
— The  Great  Spirit  is  angry  with  you,  and  will  destroy  all  the  red  men :  unless 
you  refrain  from  drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  bim, 
you  shall  never  enter  the  beautiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you."  He 
was  then  conducted  to  the  gates  of  heaven,  from  whence  he  could  behold 
ull  its  beauties,  but  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  Affer  undergoing  several 
liours'  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  pai-ticipating  in  its  indescribable 
joys  and  pleasures,  he  was  dismissed.  His  conductors  told  him  to  tell  all 
the  Indians  what  be  bad  seen ;  to  repent  of  their  ways,  and  they  woidd  visit 
him  again.  My  authority  says,  t'lat,  on  the  Prophet's  visiting  the  neighboring 
nations,  his  mis-ion  bad  a  good  effect  on  their  morals,  &c.  But  this  part  of 
his  story,  at  least,  is  at  variance  with  facts ;  for  none  would  bear  to  him,  ex- 
cept the  most  abandoned  young  warriors  of  those  tribes  he  visited,  and  their 
miserable  condition  in  colonizing  themselves  upon  the  Wabash,  in  1811,  is 
well  known.  § 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Creek  country, 
in  December,  1811.  j]  The  Prophet  visited  the  Creeks  in  the  previous  August, 
and  "  pronounced  in  the  public  square,  tliat  shortly  a  lamp  would  appear  in 
the  west,  to  aid  him  in  his  hostile  attack  upon  tlie  whites,  and,  if  they  would 
not  be  influenced  by  his  persuasion,  the  earth  would  ere  long  tremble  to  its 
centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a  powerful  effect  on  the  minds  of  these 
Indians,  and  would  certainly  have  led  them,  generally,  to  have  united  with  the 
northern  coalition,  had  it  not  lieen  for  the  intcqrasition  of  travellers."  Tliis 
statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  Francis  AFHenry,  in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to 
contradict  that  ever  any  such  earthquake  did  take  place,  and  by  which  we 

•  Johnson's  Ind.  Nar.  217.  f  Military  Occurrences,  i.  293. 

t  The  New  Monthly  Magazine. 

^  This  famous  vision  of  ihe  Prophet  will  compare  in  s(raii||;encss  with  that  of  Keposh, 
head  chief  of  the  Pelaware  nation,  related  by  Losktil,  (ii.  114.)  He  lay  to  all  appearance 
dead  for  three  dayj.  bi  his  swnnn,  he  saw  a  man  in  while  robes,  who  exhibited  a  catalogue 
of  the  people's  sins,  and  warned  him  to  repent.  In  1719,  hn  was  about  80  years  of  age,  and 
was  baptized  by  the  name  of  f<olotnon.  We  have  related  in  Hook  Hi.  an  account  of 
Srinaniio's  vision  •,  and  others  might  be  mentioned. 

Jl  "The  earth(|imkns,  which,  in  1811,  almost  destroyed  the  town  of  New  Madrid  of  tb« 
Mississippi,  were  verv  sensibly  felt  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  Missouri  country,  and  occa 
sioued  much  superstitious  dread  amongst  tlie  Indiaut."    Long's  Expedition,  i.  272. 


Cha?.  VII  ] 


ROUXD-HE.VD 


Gij 


' 


piirri  tlint  tlmt  part  of  the  superstitious  world  really  bclicvod  timt  it  linil,  niui 
t!iat  placi  8  Imd  liecn  actually  sunk.  The  same  cunimuiiicnnt  snys,  "I  Imvo 
«»nly  to  stnto  that  I  have  conifortahly  reposed  in  houses  where  iiewspa|iers 
have  announced  eveir  disappearance  of  earth."  He  states  also,  upon  the 
iiiithority  of  "a  ^Ir.  Chadbury,  an  English  genilcman,  from  QuelMic,"  tlmt, 
'■  at  the  age  of  15,  this  Indian  <li8ap|>eared  from  his  relatives,  and  was  con- 
Mfji-n-d  as  finally  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Quebec,  and  from  thence  to 
Alontre.il,  where,  taken  as  a  pilot  to  Halifax,  he  remained  several  years  ■  and 
ill  tills  space  received  an  education  qualifving  him  to  act  the  part  already 
kiiowM."  The  comet  of  1811  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  country, 
iis  u  harbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  set-ming  ad^'antage  that  tlie 
Prophet  *  seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  schemes,  f 

lie  was  said  to  have  been  killed  on  the  18  November,  1812,  when  the  Missi.«- 
ciiiaway  towns  were  destroyed  on  tl>e  Wabash  by  a  detachment  under  Colonel 
Campbell;  but  this  was  only  a  rumor  of  the  day. 

ROUND-HEAD  was  a  Wyandot,  and  fought  against  tlie  Americans  in 
the  last  war.  He  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  battle  at  Frenchtown  upon 
tlie  River  Raisin.  The  Indian  force  in  this  affair  wns  alxiut  lOOO.J  GLiicral 
If'inchester'a  quarters  were  at  1  or  200  yards  from  the  main  ormy  when 
the  fight  commenced,  and,  in  an  endeavor  to  render  it  assistance,  w(;s 
fiillen  upon  by  the  Wyandots,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Round-head  seized  upon  General  Ifhtchester  with  his  own  bands.  It  was  a 
severe  cold  morning,  '22  January,  1813,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
snow. 

Our  chief,  in  a  manner  truly  characteristic,  obliged  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  coat  and  all  his  unitbrm.  With  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  Iroi  the  cohl,  Round-head  conducted  him  to  a  fire,  but  not 
until  he  had  got  on  the  general's  cocked  hat,  uniform  coat,  vest,  &c.  It  was 
in  this  condition,  that  Colonel  Proctor  found  him ;  and  it  was  not  without 
much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relinquished  his  important  captive ; 
and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the  uniform,  in  which 
lie  had  so  short  a  time  to  strut  about  and  show  himself  to  his  countrym(Mi.§ 

This  was  a  most  disastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans:  538  were  ca|)- 
tur'id,  according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially  from 
the  American ;  ||  and  300  killed  in  the  battle,  and  massacred  by  the  Indians 
immediately  aflcr. 

In  Colonel  Proctor's  official  accoimt  of  this  afHiir,  he  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  chiefs  and  warriors.  His  words  are :  "  The 
zeal  and  courage  of  the  Indian  department  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Indian  warriors  fought  witti  their  usual 
bravery." 

Colonel  Proctor  has  been  much  censured  for  his  conduct  at  the  River  Rai- 
sin. It  was  said  that  he  agreed  to  the  terms  asked  for  by  General  Winchester, 
and  then  paid  no  attention  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenanced  the 
Indians  in  their  barbarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  the  Americans  with 
dread,  that  they  might  be  deterred  from  entering  the  service  in  future.  Hut 
the  British  historians  say  that  "  the  whole  of  the  left  division  surrendered  at 
discretion,"  and  not  "  on  condition  of  their  being  protected  from  the  savage.i, 
being  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property,  and  having  their  side-arm* 
returned  to  them,"  as  stated  by  General  H'inchester:  for,  Mr.  James  adds, "  had 
this  been  the  understanding,  one  may  suppose  that  some  writing  would  have 
been  drawn  up ;  but,  indeed.  Gen.  fVinchester  was  not  in  a  condition  to  dictate 
terms.     Stripped  to  his  shiit  and  trowscrs,  and  suffering  exceedingly  from 

•  Lambert,  who  publislied  three  volumes  of  travels  in  America  in  1810,  (London,)  in  speak- 
in;j  of  the  Propliel,  says,  "  Thus  we  find,  that  prophets  are  not  confined  to  our  own  happy 
i.iiand  :  hut  I  make  no  doubt,  that  many  of  our  sealed  countrymen  and  counlrywoincn,  wno 
are  running  aAer  Joanna  Southcolt  from  one  end  of  the  kiiij^dom  to  the  other,  will  (if  they 
should  ever  read  this  speech)  turn  up  their  nose  at  the  Indian,  and  quote  a  text  from  Kevela* 
'.ions  to  prove  that  he  is  a  false  prophet."     Lamliert,  i.  ;5W. 

t  Halc"on  Luminary,  i.  2(15,  &,c.  New  York,  (June,)  1812. 

{  Perkins's  Late  War,  100.  ij  James,  Milit.  Occurrences,  1. 188. 

U  Thomson  has  522.     Hist.  Sketches,  104. 

53  2P 


626 


WALK-IN-THE-WATER. 


[IViiiii  V 


It-  ■ 


Is"! 
1^  '. 


I'   I 


.'^^ 


the  cold,  the  Amcricnn  general  was  found  by  Col.  Proctor,  near  to  one  of  the 
Indian  fires,  in  possedsion  of  the  Wyandot  chiof  Round-head.^ 

So,  aceordiiig  to  tlie  judgment  of  thiH  historian,  Coionel  Proctor  was  nndn 
no  obligation  to  keep  his  word,  because  there  was  "no  writing"  with  hi.x 
name  to  it.  The  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a  defence  for  treachery  maj 
calculate  with  certainty  u\mn  the  value  posterity  will  set  U|>on  his  work 
We  want  no  other  than  Colonel  Proctor's  own  account  from  which  to  com 
demn  him  of,  at  least,  great  want  of  humanjty.  We  do  not  pretend  that  the 
Americans  were  always  free  from  the  same  charges ;  but  we  would  as  soon 
scorn  their  extenuation  as  that  of  their  enemies. 

Roundrhtad  was  present  with  General  Brock  and  Teeunuth  when  tlioy  took 
possession  of  Detroit,  on  the  15  August,  1812.  When  about  to  cross  the 
river  to  lay  sie^e  to  Detroit,  Gentnd  Brock  present'd  Tecumseh  with  his  r*-*! 
sosh.  Thifl  chief  had  too  much  good  sense  to  wear  it,  well  knowing  it  would 
create  jealousy  among  the  o»her  chiefs,  who  considered  themselves  equal 
with  him ;  he  therefore  presented  it  to  Round-head,  as  has  been  mentioned  in 
the  life  of  Tecumseh. 

Whether  this  chief  were  more  wise  than  Tecumseh^  in  the  lart  ofTair  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged,  we  arc  uwable  to  say ;  but  it  appears  highly 
probable  that  the  conduct  of  General  Proctor  was  the  cause  of  his  bt-ifg 
abandoned  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  [irevious  to  the  battle  of  trie 
Thames.*  As  Round-head  was  their  chief,  to  him  will  be  attributcil  the  cai'se 
of  their  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  wriiten  afler  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (ivo  con- 
clude,) is  worthy  of  a  place  here. 

"  The  Huivns,  and  the  other  tribes  of  Indians,  assembled  at  the  Miami  Rapids, 
to  the  inhab^'tatUs  of  the  River  Raisin. — Friends,  listen !  You  have  always  told  ua 
you  icould  f^ve  us  any  assistance  in  your  power.  We,  therefore,  as  the  enemy  is  ap- 
proaching us,  tmthin  25  miles,  ceUl  upon  you  ail  to  rise  up  and  come  here  immediately, 
orinf^nfT  your  arms  along  mlhyoiL  Should  you  fau  at  this  time,  toe  will  not 
conswler  you  in  future  as  friends,  and  the  consequences  may  be  isry  tmpleasant. 
We  are  uxU  convinced  you  have  no  writing  forbidding  you  to  assist  us.  We  are 
your  friends  at  present.  ' 

Round-head  ^  his  mark. 
Walk-in-the-waler  ®  his  mark,  f  " 

WALK-IN-TIIE- WATER  also  signalized  himself  in  these  events.  His 
native  name  is  Myeerah.  He  is  a  Huron,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Wyandots,  and, 
in  1817,  resided  on  a  reservation  in  Michigan,  at  a  village  called  Maguaga, 
near  Brownstown.  Mr.  Broum,  in  his  valuable  Western  Gazetteer,  justly 
styles  this  famous  chief  one  of  "nature's  nobles."  The  unfortunate  General 
HuU  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  principal  "among  the  vast  niiriber  of  chiefs 
who  led  the  hostile  bands"  of  the  '?esi  when  the  war  of  1812  commenced. 
The  Kaskaskias  Wyandots,  in  1814,  were  nearly  equally  divided  between  a 
chief  called  Tarhe,  which  signifies  the  Crane,  and  Myeerah.  The  former  was 
called  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  resided  at  Sandusky.  He  was  a 
very  venerable  and  intelligent  chief.  In  1812,  Myeerah  told  some  American 
officers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians  to  secur-e  their  favor,  that  the  American 
government  was  acting  very  wroi.g  to  send  on  army  into  their  country,  which 
would  cut  off  their  communication  with  Canada.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were 
their  own  masters,  and  would  trade  where  they  pleased ;  that  the  aflair  of  the 
Wabash  was  the  fault  of  General  Harrison  entirely.  He  commanded  the 
Indian  army  with  Round-head  at  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin. 

Afler  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which  also  Walk-in-the-waler  was  a  con- 
spicuous commander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to  ask  it  of 
General  Harrison.  In  crossing  from  Sandwich  with  a  white  flag,  ninny  were 
attracted  to  the  shore  to  see  him,  where  also  were  drawn  up  the  Kentucky 
volunteers.    All  were  struck  with  admiration  at  his  noble  aspect  and  fearless 


•  General  Harrison's  oflirial  letter,  among   Brannan's  Official  Doc.  p.  237. 

*  English  liarbaiities,  132. 


liivr.  V    .] 


TEYONIMIOKERAWEN. 


627 


rnir'i^re,  as  he  oiu^ondccl  tlie  Imnk  and  passed  through  the  ranks  of  the  sol* 
dii'rx.  The  gn'iitnst  firinn*>HS  attended  liis  steps,  mid  tlie  most  dij^nifiuil  non- 
clytlnnee  was  upon  liis  cniiiit);ti(inco,  notwithstuiiding  his  condition  wnn  now 
calculated  to  disrovnr  hiuniliation  and  deep  depressinn.  Only  n  few  dnvs 
licfoie,  III!  had  tonight  '-<i)id  to  hand  with  thcHC  same  vohiMtecrs,  who.se  ranks 
he  now  passed  tliroii^i,. 

We  have  not  hoard  of  tlie  death  of  the  ?ieroic  and  truly  great  chief  Mi/ee- 
rah  ;  hut,  whether  alive  or  dead,  our  venen.tion  is  the  same.  It  wus  said  of 
his  coiiti'inporary,  Tecumaek,  that  in  the  field  he  was  an  JlchiUai,  and  in  the 
couiirij  ail  .Isaftumtioti.  At  lr>ast,  we  think,  as  much  may  in  truth  he  snid  of 
Mf/eenih.  The  serpiel  of  the  life  of  TVtrAe  will  be  found  in  a  former  chapter, 
where  he  fijfures  uiuler  the  name  of  KingCVrtn^  In  180V,  a  treaty  was  made 
at  Detroi:  between  the  Chippeways,  Ottowas,  Pottowattomies  and  Wyandots 
and  tiie  Unitu.l  States.  Two  chiefs  Itesides  Mytrrah  signed  on  l)ehulf  of  the 
last-named  tribe,  liis  name  to  that  treaty  is  written  Mitre.  The  next  yeor, 
1808,  nnother  treaty  was  made  at  Brownstowu  with  the  same  tribes,  with  thu 
achlition  of  two  lielefrates  from  the  &.mwunees.  Three  besides  Mijeerak 
signed  at  this  time.  He  was  also,  we  believe,  a  parly  to  the  treaty  made  at 
Fort  Industry  in  1805,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Luke. 

Less  is  known  of  the  liistory  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall  say 
somethini;,  than  of  many  otiiors  less  distinguished. 

TEYONINHOKERA VVKN  was  a  Mohrwk  chief,  who  is  generally  known 
under  the  appellation  of  John  Norton.  "  This  int  resting  Indian,  al)out  two 
years  ago,  [1804  or  3,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposition  and  a  vigorous  intellect  produced  the  most  pleasing  impressions 
on  all  who  were  introduced  to  him.  A  proof  of  his  possessing,  in  n 
high  degree,  the  qualities  of  a  good  temper  and  great  mental  quickness,  occur- 
red at  the  upper  rooms,  at  Butli,  whore  he  appeared  in  the  dress  of  his  country. 
A  young  Englishman,  who  had  l)ecn  in  America,  accosted  the  chief  with 
several  abrupt  questions  respecting  his  place  of  abode,  situation,  and  the 
like.  To  these  JVorton  returned  answers  at  oncb  pertinent  and  modest.  The 
inquirer,  however,  expressed  himself  dissatisiied  with  them,  and  hinted,  in 
almost  plain  terms,  that  he  believed  him  to  be  on  impostor.  Still  the  Amer- 
ican suppressed  his  resentmiiiit,  and  endeavored  to  convince  the  eentknutn 
that  this  account  of  himself  might  be  depended  upon.  '  Well,  butj'^returntil 
the  other,  •  if  you  really  -re  what  you  pretend  to  be,  how  will  you  relish  re- 
turning to  the  savages  of  your  own  country  ? '  '  Sir^  replied  Norton,  with  a 
glance  of  intelligence, '  /  shall  not  experience  so  great  a  cluinge  in  my  society  as 
you  imagine,  for  I  find  there  are  savages  in  this  countnf  also.*  Animated  with 
the  spirit  of  gemiine  patriotism,  this  generous  chieftain  was  unweariedly 
occupi  d,  during  the  mtervals  of  his  public  business,  in  acquiring  every 
species  of  useful  knowled™,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  it  to  his  own 
country,  for  the  benefit  of  liis  people;  and  what  the  friends  to  the  Imppines^s 
of  men  will  hear  with  still  greater  admiration  and  pleasure,  he  was  olso  en- 
gaged, under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  ffilberforce  and  Mr.  TTwmton,  in  the  labori- 
ous employment  of  translating  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  into  his  native 
tongue."*  Whether  that  published  by  the  American  Bible  Society  lie  the 
same  translation,  I  am  not  positive,  but  believe  it  is.  The  following  is  the  3d 
veree  of  Chiip.  i.  Yorishwugwegon  ne  rode  weyenbkden,  ok  tsi  nikon  ne  kaghson 
yagh  oghnahhoten  teyndon  ne  ne  yagh  raotihnh  te  hayhdare. 

From  tlie  London  Monthly  Re  nository  it  appears,  that  JVoj-ton  was  educated 
"  at  one  of  the  American  universities.  There  is  an  excellent  portrait  of  him 
presented  by  the  respoctalile  Robert  Barclay,  hung  up  in  the  Bath  Agricul- 
tural Society's  fj'eat  room;  for  he  was  made  an  honorary  meniher  while 
here."  And  the  same  writer  adds: — "I  have  a  pamphlet  published  by  him 
while  in  England,  e.itilled  '  An  address  to  the  Six  Nations,'  recommending 
the  Go8|»el  of  St.  John,  one  side  in  English,  the  other  in  Mohawk  language, 
in  which  are  discovered  sentences  very  similar  to  the  Welsh  ;  for  instance, 


.!  t 


Janson's  Stranger  in  America,  278,  4to,  Lonlon,  1S07. 


628 


LOGAN,  Tin:  SHAWANEE. 


IBooK  V. 


-^ 


m 


IvmA.v.     O  \ivf>li  iDjrh.sa  orcii  (cMhi'twiglin  no  iwi^^rariaiio  wnii.ini. 
VV'k^sii.     O  NIiiiw  mulling  crotri  ily  tluviHiiuiil  ffn'ici*  nin  wlialinni. 
l';>ui.;'H,     O  (ioil,  tukc  not  froiii  uh  thy  gruce,lieeaiitfe  wc  hav<;errc<l  fVom 
tliy  wnyH."  • 

Some  of  x\n'  words  which  seom  to  ho  corrcujMUKling  nntl  nnalngmis  to  t!in 
«;yi%  hi  the  two  fiiHt  luiigiiagns,  arn  not  so  in  riioaiiiiig ;  in  fact  there  i.i  no 
analogy  wiiatcvi^r  iKstvvucn  tht!  VVcIhIi  and  Indian  langiiageH. 

In  ItJOS,  tliid  fliiof  wan  llie  l)oar»'r  of  a  long  and  exceedingly  excHli'nt  talk 
from  the  SenocaH  west  of  the  OIro,  to  the  Indians  of  the  interior  of  (!atiada, 
ahont  100  luilcH  from  Niagara  FallH.     It  was  i'rom  a  Prophet  named  Hka.nva- 

ItARIO.f 

Wc  learn  also  from  Mr.  Jansen  that  when  Teiimiinhokermctn  was  in  Eng- 
land, he  "appcanMl  to  he  aliout  45  years  of  age  ;  tall,  muscniar,  and  well  pro- 
)>ortioned,  poHscssing  a  fine  and  intelligent  countenance.  His  mother  uas  a 
Scotch  woman,  ami  he  had  siKJnt  two  years  in  Edinburgh,  in  his  vouth, 
namely,  from  his  Kitli  to  his  15tn  year,  read  and  spoke  English  and  F^rench 
well.  He  was  marrit'd  to  a  female  of  his  own  trihe,  by  whom  he  had  two 
children.  He  served  in  the  last  war  with  the  English,  as  will  presently  Iw 
rel.ited. 

liccansc  this  chief  spent  a  few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some  his- 
torians I  have  asserted  that  ho  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a  Scotchman ;  and  a 
writer  §  of  a  sketch  of  tho  late  Canada  war  says  ho  was  related  to  the 
French.  Of  this  we  have  no  doubt,  as  it  is  not  uncommon  for  many  of  tho.ie 
who  pass  for  Indians  to  Iiave  white  fathers.  We  should  think,  therefore, 
that,  instead  of  his  mother's  being  a  Scotch  woman,  his  father  might  have  been 
a  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Ol"  JVorton's  orTeyoninhnkerawen^s  exploits  in  the  last  war,  there  were  not 
many,  we  prcsnmo,  as  tliere  are  not  many  reconled.  When  Cot.  Murray  sur- 
prised Fort  Niagara,  on  tho  19  Dec.  181:5,  J^orton  entered  the  fort  with  him, 
at  the  head  of  a  force  of  about  400  men.  ||  Fort  Niagara  was  garrisoned  by 
alK)ut  :)00  Americans,  of  whom  but  120  escaped.  All  who  resistiMl,  and  some 
who  did  not,  were  run  though  with  the  bayonet.  We  only  know  that.VoWoM 
was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  G  June,  1814,  General  Vincent  ond  JVorton,  with  a  considerable 
force,1I  attacked  an  American  camp  ten  miles  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a  place 
called  F'idy  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  was  madebi;(bre  day  on  a  Snnday  morn- 
ing. The  invaders  seized  upon  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  turned  them 
ujton  their  enemies.  The  night  was  veiy  dark,  and  the  confusion  was  vri7 
great.  TI  c  American  Genends  Chandler  and  Winder,  one  major,  five  cap- 
tains, one  lieutenant,  and  116  men,  were  taken  prisoners.  Nevertheless  the 
Americans  fought  with  such  resolution  that  the  attacking  party  were  obliged 
to  alumdon  their  advantage,  leaving  1.50  of  their  number  behind  them.  The\. 
however,  carried  off  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some  horses. 

LOGAN  was  a  great  Shawanee  chief,  who  was  more  brave  than  fortunate. 
He  was  no  connection  of  Lo^an  of  1774,  but  was  equally  great,  and,  in  the 
hands  of  a  Jefferson,  would  have  been  emially  celebrated.  Shortly  after  Gen- 
eral Tuppcr's  expedition  to  the  Miami  Rapids,  Captain  James  Los^an,  as  ho 
was  called  by  the  English,  was  sent  by  General  Harrison  in  the  direction  of 
thosp  rapids,  with  a  small  party  of  his  tribe,  to  reconnoitre.  He  met  with  n 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  near  that  place,  by  which  ho  was  so  closely  pur- 
sued that  his  men  were  obliged  to  break  and  nee  for  safety  in  the  true  tndian 
manner.  iMgan,  Mffth  two  of  his  companions,  Captain  John  and  Bright- 
HORN,  anived  safe  at  General  fVim:}iesUrs  camp.  When  he  gave  an  account 
liero  of  what  had  hap})cncd,  accusers  in  the  army  stood  ready  to  charge  him 
with  treacherj',  and  a  design  of  aiiVmg  the  enemy.    He  felt  the  false  charge 

•  Monlhlv  Reposilnrtj,  iii.  715,  London,  1809.  t  /'"V-  709. 

t  Jiiines,  "MWhary  Occiirrenrcs,  ii.  1C.  {  Mr.  M-  Smith,  who  lived  llicn  in  Canada. 

II  Some  American  historians  say,  "British  and  Indians;"  but  Mr.  James  (ii.  TG.)  sajt 
••here  was  but  one  "Indian,"  and  he  was  a  Sootrhman  ! 
H  The  number  of  nuik  and  (ile  was  704,  of  the  Americans  ahoul  3000. 


pi] 


i 


Cukf.  VTI]  8IC3NAL  nXPLOIT  OF  CAPTAIN   LOGAN. 


<B9 


with  nittinf;  severity,  but  without  niiy  inclination  for  rovcngo.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  (h>t<;rMiincil  to  prove  by  huiiic  une(iuivocul  uiniouucoincrit  that  he 
wofl  not  thiiH  to  Ih!  tiiken  oh  n  spy. 

Acconlinj^ly,  on  22  Novemhi-r,  with  the  two  men  alrave  named,  he  sot  ont, 
resolved  either  to  liririg  in  n  prisoner  or  a  8cal|t,  or  to  hazard  hit*  life  in  the 
attempt  When  he  had  proceedcul  down  the  Miami  nlmut  10  miles,  on  the 
north  side,  he  met  with  Captain  AV//o(,  (sonof  himof  infamoiiH  memory,  hetitre 
mentioned  in  this  liool:  of  our  hiatory,)  accompai  ied  hy  five  Indians.  Ad 
this  party  was  too  strong  for  Lofi-an  and  his  two  brave  companions,  four  of 
them  being  on  horseback,  he  therefore  determined  to  pass  them,  pretentl- 
ing  to  be  of  the  British  party,  and  advanced  with  confident  boldness  and  a 
friendly  deportment.  But  it  unfoilunately  hap|M;ned,  that  the  noted  IViniu- 
nytk^  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  the  life  of  Tecumatk,  and  who  had 
fought  at  the  head  of  the  Pottowattomics  in  tlie  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  knew 
him  and  denounced  him  iis  a  spy.  Logan^  however,  i)er8isted  that  he  wns 
the  friend  of  the  British,  and  was  then  on  his  way  to  tlie  Rapids  to  give  in- 
forinn:ion  of  the  situation  of  tlio  Americans.  Atler  conversing  a  while,  ho 
proceeded  on  his  way,  and  fVinnemnk,  with  his  companions,  turned  and  fol- 
lowed with  liim.  Winnemnk  and  his  porty  closi'Iy  watclie«l  the  others,  and 
when  they  had  proceeded  about  eight  miles,  he  proposed  to  Captain  Elliot  to 
seize  and  tie  them ;  but  he  said  it  was  not  necessary,  for  if  they  attempted  to 
escape  they  could  l»o  sliot  down,  or  easily  run  down  with  their  horses.  Lu- 
grn,  overhearing  this,  comminiieated  it  to  his  companions, and  it  was  agreed 
to  make  an  attack  u[)on  them,  although  they  were  five  to  three.  Until  now, 
Lofcan  had  intended  to  go  or  -vith  them  till  niglit,  and  then  escape. 

No  sooner  was  the  resolutioii  taken  than  the  fight  l)egan.  When  they  had 
ail  fired  three  rounds  apiece,  the  advantage  was  in  favor  of  the  three  ;  having 
driven  their  adversaries  considendtle  distance,  and  cut  them  off  from  their 
horses.  Elliot  and  Winnemnk  had  both  fallen  mortally  wounded,  and  a  young 
Ottowa  chief  was  killed.  Towards  the  close  of  the  fight,  l)Oth  Logan  and 
Jin'glU-hom  were  badly  wounde«l.  As  soon  as  Logan  was  shot,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  and,  seizing  the  enemies'  horses,  they  effected  it  to  Winchester's  camp. 
Captain  John  esca|)ed  unhurt,  and  afler  taking  the  scalp  of  the  Ottowa  chiet| 
followed,  himself,  and  arrived  there  the  next  morning. 

Logan  had  now  indeed  established  his  reputation,  liut  he  lost  his  life !  His 
wounds  proved  mortal  two  days  afier.  In  General  Winchester's  letter  to  Gen- 
end  Harrison,  he  says,  "More  firnmess  and  consummate  bravery  have  sehiom 
a(  pi'areu  on  the  military  theatre."  "  He  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  due  to 
his  rank,  luui  with  sorrow  as  sincerely  and  generally  displayed  as  ever  1  wit- 
nessed."   Thus  wrote  Major  Hardin  to  GoviTuor  Shelby : — 

"  His  physiognomy  was  formed  on  the  l)est  model,  and  exhibited  the  strong- 
est marks  of  courage,  intelligence,  good-humor  and  sincerity.  He  had  been 
very  serviceable  to  our  cause,  by  acting  as  a  pilot  and  a  spy.  He  had  gone 
with  General  Hidl  to  Detroit,  ant)  with  the  first  Kentucky  troops  who  marched 
for  the  relief  of  Fort  Wayne." 

tf^nnemak,  while  in  conversation  with  Logan  before  the  fight,  declared  that 
he  commanded  all  the  Indians  in  that  quarter;  and  boasted  that  he  had 
caused  the  massacre  of  Wells  and  those  who  had  sin-rended  at  the  battle  of 
Chicago,  aAer  having  gone  with  Wells,  as  a  friend,  to  guard  the  garrison  of 
tiiat  place  to  F'ort  Wayne. 

In  1786,  Genend  Logan,  of  Kentucky,  took  Logan,  then  a  boy,  prisoner, 
and  kept  him  some  time.  Af\er  sending  him  to  school  till  he  had  acquired 
considerable  education,  he  gave  him  his  liberty  and  his  own  name.  He  was 
ever  afterwards  friendly  to  the  whites.  His  mother  was  own  sister  to  Teen.  - 
seh  and  the  Prophet.  He  said  that  in  the  sumtner  preceding  his  death,  he  ha  I 
talked  a  whole  night  with  Tecumseh,  trying  to  persuade  him  against  fighting 
against  the  States;  but  Tecumseh  urged  him  as  strongly  to  join  the  British. 
His  wife  (iirobably  before  she  was  known  to  Logan)  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Colonel  Hardin,  in  1789,  and  had  remained  in  his  family  until  the  treaty  of 
Greenville.  In  the  army  Logan  had  formed  an  attachment  to  Major  Hardin, 
son-in-law  of  General  Logan,  whom,  before  he  died,  he  requested  to  see  that 
vvliat  was  due  hini  for  his  services  should  be  faithfully  paid  over  to  his  family 
53* 


(m 


CLACK-niRD  CAPTUKKS  FORT  DHAnilOUN. 


[Hook   V. 


h'\ 


if 


wliirli  \vn»  riniin.  Ilia  fuiiiily  rcsidod  at  \Va|)oglioognata,  which  won  culled 
Lo<run'H  vilhif;)*.* 

DLACK-ltlKD  was  a  Pottownttoriiie  cWivS,  who  mode  himiwlf  nntnrioim  liy 
the  riiaNMcru  of  ilie  garriMon  of  Fort  Dearborn,  lietore  it  wuh  known  in  th'ti 
wisHttirn  region  of  the  upper  hikes,  that  war  hud  U-en  deciurcd  by  thi;  Unitrd 
Htutes,  Indian  and  Canadian  forces  wore  collected  at  st'vcnil  points  ready  for 
the  word  to  be  given.  That  act  seems  to  have  Ih^cu  aiixiouxiy  looked  for  by  the 
Jndians,  as  wtl)  as  some  of  their  adviHcrs,  who  seem  to  have  lieen  much 
iNMter  prepared  to  meet  the  emergency  of  war  than  thoHn  who  declared  it 

MucKanaw,  or  as  it  is  generally  written,  Alichillimakinuk,  avus  garriHoncd 
nt  tliis  time  with  only  58  eftective  men,  and  the  firHt  news  they  hud  of  the 
d(;claration  of  war  was  the  ap|>earance  of  500  Indians  and  aUjiit  the  sumo 
niunl>er  of  Canadians  ready  to  attack  them.  The  fort  was  therefore  surren- 
dered by  lieutenant  Hankt,  on  the  17  of  July,  1813. 

When  General  Hull  heard  of  the  fate  of  Michillimakinuk,  he  rightly  judged 
that  Fort  Dearborn,  now  Chicago,  would  be  the  next  object  of  attack.  Ac- 
ronlingly  he  despatched  onlers  to  Captain  Heald,  then  in  coiuniaiul  there,  to 
evacuate  the  |)lace  with  all  haste,  liut  before  this  niefsage  reached  him, 
Jilnrk-hird,  with  a  host  of  his  warriors,  was  prepareti  to  act  according  to  cir- 
ciunstatices.  A  large  number  of  the  neighlioring  IndianH,  who  had  ])re- 
ten(le<l  friendship,  hearing  that  die  place  was  to  bo  evuciiutcd,  came  there  to 
receive  what  could  not  be  carried  awuy. 

On  the  18  July,  Captain  }VelU,  of  Fort  Wayne,  arrived  at  Fort  Dearliorn, 
with  almiit  '-10  Miumies,  to  escort  Captain  Heald  to  Detroit.  They  marched 
from  the  fort  on  the  15  ^uly,  with  a  guard  of  Aliamies  in  front,  and  another 
in  the  rear,  under  Captain  nellt.  They  marched  upon  the  shore  of  the  lake, 
and  when  they  had  proceeue<l  about  one  mile,  they  discovered  Indians  pre- 
pared to  attack  them  from  behind  the  high  san<l-i>aiik  which  bounded  the 
beach  of  the  lake.  Captain  Healtl  then  ascended  the  bank  with  his  men,  and 
a  fight  was  immediately  begun  by  the  Indians.  The  Indians  l)eing  vuNtly 
numerous.  Captain  Hemd  saw  that  it  was  useless  to  contend,  and  immedintely 
retreated  to  a  small  eminence  in  tiie  adjacent  prairie,  and  not  being  followed 
by  the  Indians,  was  out  of  the  reach  of  their  shot.  Meantime  the  Lidians 
got  possession  of  all  their  horses  and  baggage. 

The  Indians,  after  a  short  consultation,  made  signs  for  Captain  Heald  to 
advance  and  meet  them.  He  did  so,  and  was  met  by  Black-bird,  who,  aflcr 
shaking  hands  with  him,  tohl  him,  if  he  would  surrender,  the  lives  of  the 
prisoners  should  be  B|Nired.  There  was  no  alternative,  and  after  all  their  arms 
were  surrendered,  the  party  was  marched  back  to  the  Indian  encampment, 
near  the  fort,  and  divided  among  the  different  tribes.  The  next  morning, 
they  burned  the  fort,  and  left  the  place,  taking  the  prisoners  with  them. 
Captain  Heald's  force  was  54  regulars  and  12  militia.  In  the  fight  on  the 
bank  of  the  lake,  26  of  regulars  and  all  of  the  militia  were  killed ;  besides 
two  women  and  12  children.  Eleven  women  and  children  were  among  the 
captives.  Captain  H'ells  and  many  other  officers  were  killed,  and  Captain 
Heald  and  bh  wife  were  both  badly  wounded,  and  were  taken  to  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Joseph's,  where  they  were  taken  into  the  family  of  an  Indian 
trader.  Soon  after.  Black-bird  set  out  with  his  warriors  for  the  capture  of 
Fort  Wayne,  and  Captain  Heald  hired  a  Frenchman  to  take  him  to  Mich- 
iilimakinak.  He  was  afterwards  exch>inged.  What  otlier  successes  this 
chief  had  during  the  war  is  unknown. 

Black-hawk,  in  speaking  of  the  capture  and  treatment  of  Captain  Heald 
and  his  men,  8ay8,t  it  was  owing  to  their  not  keeping  their  worrf  with  the  Indians. 
The  night  before  the  fort  was  abandoned  by  the  whites,  they  threw  all  the 
powder  they  could  not  carry  with  them  into  the  well,  which  tiiey  had  prom- 
ised to  give  them. 

The  next  chief  we  introduce  chiefly  to  illustrate  a  most  extraordinary  mode 
of  doing  penance  among  the  nations  of  the  west. 


*  Taken  principally  from  NiU^'t  Rf^ister,  and  Darmilt's  Narrntive. 
t  In  his  Life,  wriltcn  by  liimself,  p.  42. 


Ciup.  VII  ] 


WAWNAHTON  — nLACKTIIUNDER 


GDI 


WAWNAIITON,*  a  Iwld  and  fetirliRfl  chief,  of  tho  triJw  of  Yimkton,f 
(wifime  niiiiio,  traimlnted,  ih  *'ke  who  char/^ai  the  entm;/")  wus  coiiNiderulily 
noted  in  tliu  luMt  war  with  Canadiu  "  lie  had,"  miya  my  uiithor,  "  kilii-d  Miv*-n 
I'liemieM  in  htittle  with  hia  own  hand,  ns  the  aoven  wur-fin^ie  |iinini-ii  in  iiis 
hnir  teHtifitxl,  and  i^ceivud  nine  woinidii,  as  waa  ahown  hy  an  ei|ual  nninhcr 
of  little  Hticks  airanged  in  his  coaUblack  hair,  and  iiainted  in  a  manner  tiiat 
told  an  Indian  eye  whether  Uiey  were  inflicted  hy  a  hullot,  knife  or  tomahawk, 
and  hy  whom.  At  the  attack  on  Fort  Sanduaky,  in  tho  late  war,  he  received 
a  bidlct  and  three  buck  shot  in  hia  breast,  which  glanced  on  tho  hone,  and 
paxaing  round  under  the  skin,  came  out  at  hia  Iwirk."  This,  and  oilier  ex- 
traordinary  e8ca|ieH,  ho  made  use  of,  like  the  fainouH  Tiupiujuin,  two  n^feH 
Itetbre.  to  render  himself  of  sreater  importance  amon^  hia  nation.  At  tliiM 
time  he  waa  auppoard  to  l)e  aliout  30  ^enra  of  age,  of  a  noble  and  elegant 
apiKsarance,  and  w  still  believed  to  lie  hvinf^.  X 

Major  L'niff^B  company  considered  fynienahton  a  very  inti-rcHtitig  man, 
whoso  acquaintance  they  cultivated  with  su^cexa  in  tho  nei^diliorhond  of 
Lake  Traverse.  They  describe  him  an  upwards  of  six  feet  high,  and  pos- 
sessing a  countenance  that  would  be  considered  liandHome  in  any  country. 
He  prepared  a  feast  for  the  |)arty,  as  soon  as  ho  knew  they  were  coining  to 
his  village.  "  When  speaking  of  the  Dacotos,  we  purposely  post|)oned  men- 
tioning the  frecpient  vows  which  they  make,  and  their  Htriet  adhfrence  to 
them,  bccau!«e  one  of  the  best  evidences  which  we  have  collrctiul  on  this 

ftoiut  connects  itself  with  the  character  of  Wanolan,  and  may  give  a  favora- 
>le  idea  of  his  extreme  fortitude  in  enduring  pain.  In  the  ^ununer  of  18'i*2, 
he  u  idertook  u  journey,  from  which,  apprehending  mm-h  danger  on  the  part 
of  the  Chip|>ewas,  he  made  a  vow  to  the  sun,  that,  if  he  returned  Mtfe,  ho 
would  abstain  from  all  fooii  or  drink  for  the  space  of  four  succeNsivu  days 
and  niffhts,  and  that  he  would  distribute  among  his  people  all  the  property 
which  lie  possessed,  including  all  his  lodges,  horses,  dogs,  &c.  On  his  return, 
which  happened  without  accident,  he  celebrated  the  dance  of  the  sun  ;  this 
couBiHted  in  making  three  cuts  through  his  skin,  one  on  his  breaxt,  anil  ono 
on  each  of  his  arms.  The  skin  was  cut  in  the  manner  of  a  loop,  »o  as  to  per- 
mit a  rope  to  pass  l)etween  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  was  tliiis 
divided  from  the  body.  The  ropes  being  passed  through,  tlivir  ends  wero 
secured  to  a  tall  vertical  pole,  planted  at  about  40  yards  from  his  lodg(>.  He 
then  began  to  dance  round  this  pole,  at  the  commencement  of  this  tiist,  fre- 
quently swinging  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  be  supported  merely  by  the  cords 
which  were  secured  to  the  strips  of  skin  separated  from  his  arms  and  breast 
He  continued  this  exercise  with  few  intermissions  during  the  whole  of  his 
fust,  until  the  fourth  day  about  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  wh^n  the  strip  of  skin  from 
his  breast  gave  way ;  notwithstanding  which  he  interrupted  not  the  danei>, 
although  supported  merely  by  his  arms.  At  noon  the  strip  from  his  lell  arm 
snapped  ofl*:  his  uncle  then  thought  that  he  had  sufl'ered  enough,"  and  with  his 
knife  cut  tho  last  loop  of  skin,  and  Wanolan  fell  down  in  a  swoon,  where  he 
lay  the  rest  of  the  day,  exposed  to  the  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  Af^er  this  he 
gave  away  oil  hia  property,  and  with  his  two  squaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To 
such  monstrous  follies  does  superstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

In  Tanner's  Narrative,  there  is  an  interesting  account  of  an  ex)>nditinn  of 
an  uncle  of  Waumahion,  at  the  head  of  200  Sioux,  against  the  Ojibbewas.  H'ltw- 
nahion  was  himself  of  the  party,  but  he  had  not  then  Ijecome  so  (listinL'uirshid 
as  he  was  aflerwards.  They  fell  upon  a  small  band  of  Crees  and  Assinnc- 
boins,  and  after  a  flght  of  near  a  whole  day,  killed  all  the  Ojibbewas  but  one, 
the  IMtlt-dam,  two  women  and  one  child,  about  20  in  nninbcr.  This  hap- 
pened not  far  from  Pembina.  §  In  1822,  ho  very  much  alarmed  that  post,  by 
murdering  some  Assinneboins  in  its  neighborhood.  || 

BLACK-THUNDER,  or  MaekkatananamaJeee,  was  styled  the  celebrated 
patriarch  of  the  Fox  tribe.    He  made  himself  remembered  by  many  from  an 

•    Wit'intan,  in  Lome's  Fxpe  I.  In  St.  Pelera,  i.  448. 

f   Yan'ctnitn,  ( Lon;,  ib.  40*,)  whirh  signitips  descended  from  the  fern  learet, 
I  Fans  puMished  hy  IV-  J.  Siielling,  E»(j.     It  is    said  by  Ktaling,  in  Long's  Exped  L 
%ii,  ih:it  liu  wa4  about  "IR  v  ar>  of  ago.    This  was  iii  I8'23. 
\  Tanner's  Nanouvo,  138.  il  West's  Red  River  Colony,  84. 


i532 


BLACK-THUNDER —ONGPATONGA. 


[Book  V 


excellent  speech  wliich  he  made  to  the  American  commissioners,  who  had 
usscnbled  many  chicfp  at  a  place  called  the  Portage,  July,  1815,  to  hold  a 
talk  with  them  upon  the  state  of  their  affairs ;  particulai'ly  as  it  was  iielieveJ 
by  tlie  Americans  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostilities.  An  American  com- 
missioner opened  the  talk,  and  unl)ecomiugly  accused  the  Indians  ot'  breach 
of*  fortner  treaties.  The  first  chief  that  answered,  spoke  with  a  tremulous 
voice,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  or  perhaps  fear.  5fot  so  with  the  upright 
chief  Black-ihwider.  He  felt  equally  indignant  at  the  charge  of  the  while 
man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  the  chief  who  had  just  spoken.  He 
begun : — 

"  My  father,  restrain  your  feelings,  and  hear  calmly  what  I  shall  say.  I 
Bhall  say  it  plaiidy.  I  shall  not  speak  with  four  and  trembling.  I  have  riever 
injured  you,  and  innocence  can  feel  no  fear.  I  turn  to  you  all,  rcd-i<kins  and 
white-skins — where  is  the  man  who  will  appear  as  my  accuser?  Father,  I 
understand  not  clearly  how  thuigs  are  working.  I  have  just  been  set  at 
liberty.  Am  I  again  to  be  plunged  into  bondage  ?  Frowns  are  all  around 
iiic  ;  but  I  am  incapable  of  change.  You,  perhaps,  may  be  ignorant  of  what 
I  tell  you ;  but  it  is  a  truth,  which  I  call  heaven  n!!d  earth  to  witnesti.  It  is  a 
fact  which  can  easily  l-e  proved,  that  I  linvc  been  assailed  in  almost  every 
possible  way  that  pride,  fear,  feelinjnj,  or  interest,  could  touch  me — that  I  have 
lieon  pushed  to  the  last  to  raise  th--  tomahawk  against  you  ;  but  all  in  vain.  I 
never  could  be  made  to  feel  that  you  were  my  enemy.  If  this  be  the  conduct 
of  an  enemy,  ^  shall  nevei-  be  your  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with  my  re- 
moval above  Prairie  des  Chierib.*  I  went,  and  formed  a  settlement,  and  called 
my  warriors  around  me.  We  took  counsel,  and  from  that  counsel  we  never 
have  departed.  We  snioked,  and  resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
U.  States.  I  sent  you  the  ])ipe — it  resembled  this — and  I  sent  it  by  the  Mis- 
souri, that  the  Indians  of  the  Mississippi  might  not  know  what  we  were  doing. 
You  received  it  I  then  told  you  that  your  friends  should  be  my  friends — 
that  your  enemies  should  be  my  enemies — and  that  I  only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.  If  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  enemif,  I  shall  never  be  yourfrieiid. — 
Why  do  I  tell  you  this  ?  Because  it  is  a  truth,  and  a  melancholy  truth,  that 
the  good  things  which  men  do  are  oflen  Inn-ied  in  the  ground,  while  their  evil 
deeds  are  strijiped  naked,  and  exposed  to  the  world,  f — When  I  came  here,  I 
came  to  you  in  friendship.  I  little  thought  I  should  have  had  to  defend  my- 
self. I  have  no  defence  to  make.  If  I  were  guilty,  I  should  have  come  pre- 
pared ;  but  I  have  ever  held  you  by  the  hand,  and  I  am  come  without  ex- 
v-uses.  If  I  had  fought  against  you,  I  would  have  told  you  so :  but  I  have  noth- 
ing now  to  say  here  in  your  councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I  said  before  to 
my  great  father,  the  president  of  your  nation.  You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt 
lemcmbcr  it.  It  was  simply  this.  My  lands  can  never  r  surrendered;  I 
was  cheated,  and  basely  cheated,  in  the  contract;  I  will  *.  t  surrender  my 
country  but  with  my  life.  Again  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  whness,  and  I 
smoke  this  pijjc  in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.  If  you  are  sincere,  you  will 
receive  it  from  me.  My  only  desire  is,  that  we  shoidd  smoke  it  together — 
that  I  should  grasp  your  sacred  hand,  and  I  claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe 
th(3  protection  of  your  country.  When  this  pipe  touches  your  lip,  may  it 
operate  as  a  blessing  upon  all  my  tribe. — May  the  smoke  rise  like  a  cloud,  and 
earn/  away  tcith  it  all  the  a:Jinosities  tchich  have  aiisen  between  iis."  | 

Tlie  issue  of  this  council  was  amicable,  and,  on  the  14  Sept.  following. 
Black-thunder  met  connnissioners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

OHGPATONGA,  §  or,  as  he  was  usually  railed,  Bif^-elk,  was  chief  of  the 
MaKun,  or  Omawliaws,  whose  residence,  in  1811,  was  upon  tlie  Missouri.  ||  Mr. 


*  Ttie  ii|>T)pr  mililnry  post  upon  tlie  ?ilisaissippi,  in  1H18. 
t  ''  I'lin  |iii>5age  forcibly  remiii<ls  us  of  (lint  in  S'uikcspMre :" 
'  Tlio  evil  lliiil  men  do  lives  after  ihom  ; 
The  good  is  often  in(crrc<l  willi  their  bones." 
}  Philadelphia  I, it.  Gaz'-lle. 

SOfitrne-pori-tre,  in  Iroquois,  was  "  men  snrpassin"  all  others."     Ilixt.  Firr  Xationt. 
"The  O'Mahus,  in  munber  'i'2.J0,  not  long  ag;n,  abandoned  Uieir  old  villiigc  on  the  south 


'/ 


/■ 


7 


./, 


</  /  f  /.I 


■/■' 


K; 


(ton 


-.t.*,. 


\'in  i;,  nud  tni.li-':,',    i  ■ 

cU'n-f  fJlack-lh. 

Ili.lll,    !illl|    '' 


J  ..-»; 


i,\ 


V.I-    li-fii 

I  have  )i. 


,...i    i:ii  ^i"  orff.  Work:!!}:. 
U»  ;»lr'.iiii!  into  lK>ii«|iij:e?    Fniwiis  aro  all  i'- 

>.it>fe.     Vou,  [htIimi):-!.  niiiy  W  ifftioron!  iH  "1;,- 
•   II  (  1  nil  I  ••avi-n  miil  I'n'-tfi  to  wiit'«  ■•'*.     Ii  >^ 
■  (    1(1  «ii     ■-  ■    I 


I  ly  ' vuiT'ocM  aroinui  me.     A\  •-•  l**"'' 

..•Hi      ll'JMirlCMl.       \\  (.'  siMokt'd.  atiil 

!  .  MjiIeH       I   iil:l\i  \nn  tin'  iii|M' 

h<i;iii,  ili.'il  tli«>  l.nli.iMH  rtfrlH"  >1<- 
You   n-ceivL'it  iJ.     1  HK-r  '  •'■'  x 
thai  your  I'lii-tiu*— 

t(»  IT'lkf  WHf        f' 

V\  l.>  tki  I  h-l. 

tli<-  L'<"-'!  I'  '  '  '■■• 

'Iti.'f'-  art" 


t<« 


:  'l>tV 


♦«!•:    i 

|i(U'"l  ;  Uat   I  li.m'  1  uT  i^4'Ul   y 
.  tisfs.   If  I  lm<!  fou-riit  .•••«'i.'-« ' 
itii,'  now  to  j><iy  Urn  v 
iiiy  j.'i<!iL  !.jfh''r.  \'wj  ('•■ 
)'^'iiieiii!"'r   il.     It  Mist 
wuj.  <-lnJdt«'l    •    ■'   '    • 
.  •'■:  .h  .  but  V 


OHt'. 


■!,  Rndfjom  tliiit  roiitisfil  wn  ni'> 
■  ■  '•        tiisiHin  ciiiise   with  tin-, 


^jld  liuv> 


«!v    ! 


\h 


"        -r,  t\s  hfl  WA*  ti^ually  mllfii,  /.. 
vlium  r'sjd'  111*' .  i"  \>^\  I,  wn«  np' 


•  r 


■iri"ii  the  MiMi»:';['i' 

IV'MlllillH    Ult    1. 1     t(l..l    111    !*>'' 

'"        1 .!  lh:U   rnril  <!o  li"e»  Ki"' 
■  •!  is  i.fioii  iuirrrc-l  ..''i 


'  lliu  O'Miiluts,  in  mmibor  2-")0,  not  loiiy 'iigo,  iiliiunliiiiicl  ilioir  uld  villiiye  on  llif  south 


/„ 


/" 


/ 


ffA.:>    :  ///         /f///      f//r 


'//, 


!    ^\ 


ClIAf.  VII.l 


PETALESHAROO. 


63;i 


Brachenridgt  visited  Ins  town  on  the  19  May  of  that  year,  in  his  voyage  up 
that  river.  His  "  village  is  situated  ahout  three  miles  from  the  river,  and  con- 
ttins  al)OUt  3000  souls,  and  is  830  miles  from  its  mouth."*  We  shall  give 
here,  as  an  introduction  to  him,  the  oration  he  made  over  the  grave  of  Black 
buffalo,  a  Sioux  chief  of  tlie  Teton  triho,  who  died  on  the  night  of  the  14 
July,  1811,  at  "  Portage  des  Sioux,"  and  of  whom  Mr.  Brachenridge  remarks:  f 
"  The  Black-buffalo  was  the  Sioux  chief  with  whom  we  liad  the  conference  at 
the  great  bend ;  and,  from  liis  a|)pcaranee  and  mild  deportment,  I  was  induced 
to  form  a  high  opinion  of  hinu"  After  being  interred  with  honors  of  war, 
Ongpatonga  spoke  to  those  assembled  as  follows : — "  Do  not  grieve.  Misfor- 
tunes will  happen  to  the  wisest  and  best  men.  Death  will  come,  and  always 
comes  out  of  season.  It  is  tiie  command  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  all  nations 
and  people  must  obey.  What  is  passed,  and  cannot  be  prevented,  should  not 
be  grieved  for.  Be  not  discouraged  or  displeased  then,  that  in  visiting  your 
father  t  here,  [the  American  comnussioner,]  you  have  lost  your  chief.  A  mis- 
fortune of  this  kind  may  never  again  befall  you,  but  this  would  have  attended 
you  perhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I  visited  this  land,  and 
never  returned  with  sorrow  or  pain.  Misfortunes  do  not  flourish  particularly 
in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a  misfortune  for  me,  that  I 
coidd  not  have  died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that  lies  before  us.  The 
trifling  loss  my  nation  would  have  sustained  in  my  death,  would  have  been 
doubly  paid  for  by  the  honors  of  my  burial.  They  would  h»ve  wiped  off 
evei-y  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being  covered  with  a  cloud  of  sorrow,  my 
warriors  would  have  felt  the  sunshine  of  joy  in  their  hearts.  To  me  it  would 
have  been  a  most  glorious  occurrence.  Hereafter,  when  I  die  at  home,  instead 
of  a  noble  grave  and  a  grand  procession,  the  rolling  music  and  the  thundering 
cannon,  with  a  flag  waving  ct  my  head,  I  shall  be  wrapped  in  a  robe,  (an  old 
robe  perhaps,)  and  hoisted  on  a  slender  scaffold  to  the  whistling  winds,§  soou 
to  be  blown  down  to  the  earth  ;  ||  my  flesh  to  be  devoured  by  the  wolves,  and 
my  bones  rattled  on  the  pip  in  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  soldiers,  [ad- 
dressing' Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  have  not  been  in  vain.  Your  attention  shall 
not  be  forgotten.  My  nation  shall  know  the  respect  that  is  paid  over  the 
dead.     When  I  return,  I  will  echo  the  sound  of  your  gims." 

Dr.  Morse  saw  Ongpatonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and  dis- 
coursed with  him  and  Ishkatappa,  chief  of  the  republican  Paunees,  "  on  the 
subject  of  their  civilization,  and  sending  instructors  among  them  for  that 
pur|)Ose."  The  doctor  has  printed  the  conversation,  and  we  are  sorry  to 
acknowledge  that,  on  reading  it,  Big-elk  suffers  in  our  estimation ;  but  his 
age  must  he  his  excuse.  When  he  was  asked  who  made  the  red  and  white 
people,  he  answered,  "The  same  Being  who  made  the  white  people,  made 
the  red  peojile  ;  but  tke  white  are  betl"*han  the  red  people."  This  acknowledg- 
ment is  too  degrading,  and  does  not  C(  »nport  with  the  general  character  of  the 
American  Indians.  It  is  not,  however,  very  surprising  that  such  an  expression 
should  escape  an  individual  surrounded,  as  was  Ongpaionga,  by  magnificence, 
luxury,  and  attention  from  the  great. 

Big-dk  was  a  party  to  several  treaties  made  between  his  nation  and  the 
Unitid  States,  previous  to  his  visit  to  Washington  in  1821. 

PETALESHAROO  was  not  a  chief,  but  a  brave  of  the  tribe  of  the  Pau- 
nees. (A  brave  is  a  warrior  who  has  distinguished  himself  in  battle,  and  is 
next  in  importance  to  a  chief  IT)  He  was  the  son  of  Letelesha,  a  famous  chief, 
commonly  called  the  Knife-chief,  or  Old-knife.  When  Major  Long  and  his 
company  travelled  across  the  continent,  in  1819  and  "20,  they  became  f 
quainted  with  Petalesharoo.    From  several  persona  who  were  in  Long's 


side  of  the  Missouri,  and  now  dwell  on  the  Elk-horn  River,  due  west  Ti.'n  their  old  village, 
BO  miles  west-north-west  from  Council  Bluffs."     Morse's  Indian  Report,  Sio I. 

•  Brackenridge,  ut  sup.  91.  f  Jour,  up  the  Missouri,  210. 

J  Governor  Edteards  or  Colonel  Miller. 

\  It  is  a  custom  to  expose  the  dead  upon  a  scaflbld  among  some  of  the  tribes  cf  the  wesl 
See  Brackenriiljre,  Jour.,  186. ;  Pike's  Expedition  ;  Long's  do. 

IThc  engravintr  at  the  commencement  of  Book  II.  illustrates  this  pa.<<SBge. 
Long's  Expedition,  i.  356  j  and  Dr.  Morse's  Indian  Report,  2i7. 


634 


PETALESHAROO. 


[Bocx  V 


0 


|( 


m 
If  i 

■At 


company,  Dr.  Morse  collected  the  particular  of  him  which  he  gives  in  Ms 
INDIAN  IIefort  us  an  anecdote. 

In  the  winter  of  1821,  Pttnlsaharoo  visited  Washington,  being  one  of  a 
deputation  from  his  nation  to  the  American  government,  on  a  business 
matter. 

Tliis  brave  was  of  elegant  form  and  countenance,  and  was  attired,  in  his 
visit  to  Washington,  as  represented  in  '•«  engraving.  In  1821,  lie  was 
about  25  years  of  age.  At  the  age  of  31,  ne  was  so  distinguished  by  his 
abilities  and  prowess,  that  he  was  culled  the  ^bravest  of  the  braves."  But  fu^v 
years  previous  to  1821,  it  was  a  custom,  not  only  with  his  nation,  but  those 
adjacent,  to  torture  and  burn  captives  as  sacrifices  to  ths  great  Star.  In  un 
expeditioa  performed  l)y  some  of  liis  countrymen  against  the  Iteaus,  a  female 
was  taken,  who,  on  their  return,  >vas  doomed  to  suffer  according  to  their 
usages.  She  was  fastened  to  the  stake,  and  a  vast  crowd  assembled  upon 
the  adjoining  j>lain  to  witness  the  scene.  This  Lrave,  unobserved,  had  sta- 
tioned two  neet  horses  at  a  small  distance,  and  was  seated  among  the  crowd, 
as  a  silent  spectator.  All  were  anxiously  waiting  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of 
the  fii'st  contact  of  the  flames  with  their  victim ;  when,  to  their  astonishment, 
a  brave  was  seen  rending  asunder  the  cords  which  bound  her,  and,  with  the 
Bwiflness  of  thought,  bearing  her  in  his  arms  beyond  the  amazed  multitude ; 
where  placing  her  upon  one  horse,  and  mounting  hi.nsclf  upon  the  other, 
he  bore  her  off  safe  to  her  friends  and  country.  This  act  would  have  endan- 
gered the  life  of  an  ordinary  chief;  but  such  was  bis  sway  in  the  tribe,  that 
110  one  presumed  to  censure  the  daring  act. 

This  transaction  was  the  more  extraordinary,  as  its  performer  was  as 
much  a  son  of  nature,  and  had  had  no  more  of  the  advantages  of  education 
than  the  multitude  whom  he  astonished  by  the  n  j»nane  act  just  recorded. 

This  account  being  circulated  at  Washington,  upruig  the  young  chief's 
stay  there,  the  young  ladies  of  Miss  Whitens  seminary  in  that  place  resolved 
to  give  him  a  demonstration  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they  held  him  on 
account  of  his  humane  conduct ;  they  therefore  presented  him  an  elegant 
silver  medal,  appropriately  inscribed,  accompanied  by  the  following  short  but 
affectionate  address:  "Brother,  accept  this  token  of  our  esteem — always 
wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  you  have  the  power  to  save  a  poor 
woman  from  death  and  torture,  think  of  this,  and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her 
relief  and  her  rescue."  The  brake's  rejdy : — "  This  [taking  hold  of  the 
medal  which  he  had  just  suspended  from  his  neck]  will  give  me  more  ease  than 
J  ever  had,  and  I  will  listen  more  than  I  ever  did  to  white  men.  I  am  glad  thai 
wwy  brothers  and  sisters  have  heard  of  the  good  ad  I  have  done.  My  brothers  and 
ststers  think  that  f  did  it  in  ignorance,  but  I  now  know  what  I  have  done.  1 
did  it  in  ignorance,  and  did  not  know  that  I  did  good ;  but  by  giving  me  this 
medal  I  know  it." 

Some  time  afler  the  attempt  to  sacrifice  the  Itean  woman,  one  of  the 
warriors  of  Letelesha  brought  to  the  nation  a  Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
taken.  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
was  appointed.  Letelesha  had  a  long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the  custom, 
and  now  consulted  Petaleshcroo  upon  the  course  to  be  pursued.  The  young 
brave  said,  "I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a  warrior  should,  by  force."  His  fatlier 
was  unwilling  that  he  should  expose  his  life  a  second  time,  and  used  great 
exertions  to  raise  a  sufficient  quantity  of  merchandise  for  the  purchase  of  the 
captive.  All  that  were  able  contributed,  and  a  pile  was  made  of  it  at  the 
lodge  of  the  Knife-chief,  who  then  summoned  the  warrior  before  him.  When 
he  had  arrived,  the  chief  commanded  him  to  take  tiie  inerciiandise,  and 
delivfr  the  boy  to  him.  The  warrior  refused,  Jjtteksha  then  waved  his 
wnr-cliih  in  tlie  air,  bade  the  warrior  obey  or  prepare  for  instant  dentli. 
'^Strike,"  >iaid  Pcf'.isharoo,  "  I  ivill  mctt  the  vengeance  of  his  friends,"  But  the 
prudent  and  excellent  lictelrsha  resolved  to  use  one  more  endeavor  before 
committing  such  an  act.  He  therefore  increased  the  amount  of  property, 
which  had  the  d(>sired  effect.  The  boy  was  surrendered,  and  the  valuable 
collection  of  goods  sacrifif  ed  in  his  stead.*    This,  it  is  thought,  will  be  the 


I,oii{f,  nt  supra,  3o-78. 


I 


Chap.  V!I.]       METEA'S  SPEECH  AGAINST  SELM.NO   LAND. 


635 


Inst  time  tlie  iiilininnn  cii.stoni  will  Iw  nttemptrd  in  tlie  trilic.  "Tlio  origin 
cil' tills  tjuiigniiiary  saci'itict!  is  iiiikiiov, ii;  proliahiy  it  existed  previously  to 
tlifir  iiiteiroiirse  with  the  wiiite  trailers."*  They  believed  that  the  siicn'S!* 
of  tiieir  enti'r|)ri.ses,  and  all  inidi'rta'cir.jfs,  depended  upon  their  ibithfnily 
adhering  to  the  due  perCorniance  of  these  rite.<i. 

In  his  way  o  Wasiiington,  he  staid  some  days  in  Philadelfihin,  where 
Mr.  .Vert^/e  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  taking  his  portniit,  which  he  performed 
with  wonderful  success.  It  was  copied  ff)r  Dr.  Godman'a  Natural  History, 
and  adorns  the  seconti  volume  of  that  valuable  work. 

METEA,  ciiicf  of  the  Pottowattomies,  is  brotight  to  our  notice  on  account 
of  the  opposition  he  made  to  the  sale  of  a  large  tract  of  his  country.  In 
1821,  he  resided  upon  the  Wabash.  To  numerous  treaties,  from  1814  to 
1321,  we  find  his  name,  and  generally  at  the  head  of  those  of  his  tribe. 
At  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  hi  the  year  last  mentioned,  he  delivered  the  follow- 
ing speech,  after  Governor  Cass  had  informed  him  of  the  objects  of  his  mission. 

"RIy  father, — We  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said.  We  shall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  consult  upon  it.  You  will  hear  nothing  more  from 
us  at  present.  [This  is  a  uniform  custom  of  all  the  Indians.  When  the 
council  was  again  convened,  Melea  coiitiimed.]  We  meet  you  here  to-day, 
because  we  had  promised  it,  to  teil  you  our  mind.a,  and  what  we  have  agreed 
upon  among  ourselves.  You  will  listen  to  us  with  a  good  mind,  and  believe 
what  we  say.  You  know  that  we  first  came  to  this  country,  a  long  time  ago, 
and  when  we  sat  ourselves  down  upon  it,  we  met  with  a  great  many  hard- 
ships and  difliculties.  Our  country  was  then  very  loi'ge ;  but  it  has  dwindled 
away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  |uirchase  that !  This  has  caused  us  to 
reflect  much  upon  whot  you  have  tohl  us;  and  we  have,  therefore,  brought 
all  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  and  the  young  men  and  women  and  children  of 
o>  -  tribe,  that  one  part  may  not  do  what  the  others  object  to,  and  that  all 
iinjy  be  witness  of  what  is  going  forward.  You  know  your  children.  Since 
you  first  came  among  them,  tliey  have  listened  to  your  words  with  an  at- 
tentive ear,  and  have  always  hearkened  to  your  counsels.  Whenevtir  you 
have  had  a  proposal  to  make  to  us,  whenever  you  have  had  a  fiivor  to  ask  of 
us,  we  have  always  lent  a  favorable  ear,  and  our  invariable  answer  has  been 
'yes.'  This  you  know!  A  long  time  has  passed  since  we  first  cnnie  u|)on 
our  lands,  and  our  old  people  have  all  sunk  into  their  graves.  They  had 
sense.  We  are  all  young  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  thing  that 
they  would  not  approve,  were  they  living.  We  are  fearful  we  shall  offend 
their  spirits,  if  we  sell  our  lands;  and  we  are  fi'arful  we  shall  ofl!end  you,  if 
we  do  not  sell  them.  This  has  caused  us  great  perplexity  of  thought,  becau.se 
we  have  counselled  among  ourselves,  and  do  not  know  how  we  can  part  with 
the  land.  Our  country  was  given  to  ns  by  the  Great  Si»irit,  who  gave  it  to  ns 
to  limit  ujjon,  to  make  our  cornfields  upon,  to  live  upon,  and  to  make  down 
our  beds  ujion  when  we  die.  And  he  would  never  forgive  ns,  should  we 
bargain  it  away.  When  you  first  spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  St.  Mary's,  we  said 
we  hud  a  little,  and  agreed  to  sell  you  a  piece  of  it ;  but  we  told  you  we 
could  spare  no  more.  Now  you  ask  us  again.  You  are  never  satisfied ! 
We  have  sold  you  a  great  tract  of  land,  already ;  but  it  is  not  enough !  We 
sold  it  to  you  for  the  benefi;  of  your  children,  to  farm  and  to  live  upon. 
We  have  now  but  little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  for  ourselves.  We  know 
not  how  long  we  may  live,  and  we  wish  to  have  some  lands  for  our  children 
to  hunt  upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  our  hunting-grounds.  Your 
cliildren  are  driving  us  before  them.  We  are  growing  uneasy.  What  lands 
you  have,  you  may  retain  forever;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more.  You  thijik, 
iirrhaps,  that  I  s|)eak  in  [mssion ;  but  my  heriri  is  good  towards  you.  I  speak 
like  one  of  your  own  children.  I  am  an  Indian,  a  red-skin,  and  live  by 
hunting  and  fishing,  but  my  countiy  is  already  too  small ;  and  I  do  not  know 
how  to  bring  up  my  children,  if  I  give  it  all  away.  We  sold  you  a  fine  tract 
of  land  at  St.  Mary's.  We  said  to  you  then  it' was  enough  to  satisfy  your 
ciiildren,  and  the  last  we  should  sell:  and  we  thought  it  would  be  the 
.ast  you  would  ask  for.    We  have  now  told  you  wiiat  we  had  to  say.    It  ia 


I 


*  Loiij;,  id  supra,  3J7-i>. 


63G 


KEEWAGOUSIIKUM.— AN  HISTORICAL  SPEECH.         [Book  V, 


In;  1 


what  wofl  d(>terminfcd  on,  in  a  council  among  ourselvei ;  and  what  I  have 
B|H)kon,  is  the  voice  of  my  ration.  On  this  aceoimt,  all  our  people  have 
come  here  to  listen  lo  me;  hut  do  not  think  we  hjive  a  had  opinion  of 
y«)U.  Where  stiould  we  get  a  had  opinion  of  you  ?  We  speck  to  you 
with  a  good  heiirt,  and  tha  feelings  of  u  frieiid.  You  are  acrjuainted  with 
this  jjiece  of  hind— the  coimtry  we  live  in.  Shall  we  give  it  up  ?  Take 
notice,  it  is  a  sriiull  piece  of  land,  and  if  we  give  it  away,  what  will  hecorne 
of  us  ?  The  Great  Spirit,  who  has  provided  it  for  cur  use,  allows  us  to  keep 
it,  to  hring  up  our  young  men  and  support  our  families.  We  shoidd  incur  his 
anger,  if  we  luirtered  it  away.  If  we  had  more  land,  you  should  get  more, 
hut  our  land  has  heen  wasting  away  ever  since  the  white  people  became  our 
tieighhors,  and  we  have  now  hardly  enough  left  to  cover  the  bones  of  our 
ti-ihe.  You  are  in  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in 
money,  we  wish,  and  will  receive  at  this  place ;  and  we  want  nothing  more. 
We  all  shake  hands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  chil- 
dren.   Take  pity  on  us  and  on  our  words." 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  by  Metea  in  this  speech,  against 
selling  land,  yet  his  name  is  to  the  treaty  of  sale.  And  in  another  speech  of 
about  cfpial  length,  delivered  shortly  after,  upon  the  same  subject,  the  same 
determination  is  manifest  throughout. 

At  this  time  be  appeared  lo  be  about  ibrty  years  of  age,  and  of  a  nohlo 
and  dignified  appearance.  He  is  allowed  to  he  the  most  eloquent  chief  of 
his  nation.  In  rlie  last  war,  he  fought  against  the  Americans,  and,  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Wayne,  was  severely  wounded ;  on  which  account  he  draws  a 
pension  from  the  IJritish  governenent* 

At  the  lime  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
poverid  other  chiefs,  besides  Metea,  or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
Mettcua,  were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a  remembrance.  Among  thenj 
may  be  particularly  named 

kEEWAGOUSHKUM,a  chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  nation. 
We  sliall  give  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
very  valuable,  as  well  on  account  of  the  history  it  contains,  as  for  its  uerita 
ii.  other  res|)ects.  Indian  HiSTonr  by  an  Indian,  nmst  be  tlie  most  valuable 
part  of  any  work  about  them.    Keewagoushkum  began  : — 

"Aly  father,  listen  to  me  I  The  first  white  people  seen  by  ns  were  the 
French.  When  they  first  ventured  into  these  lakes,  they  hailed  us  as  children ; 
they  caine  with  presents  and  promises  of  peace,  and  we  took  them  by  the 
hand.  We  gave  them  what  they  wanted,  and  initiated  them  into  our  mode 
of  life,  which  they  readily  fell  into.  After  some  time,  during  which  we  had 
become  ^vell  acquainted,  we  embraced  their  father,  (the  king  of  France,)  as 
our  father.  Shortly  after,  these  people  that  wear  red  coats,  (the  English,) 
came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  French;  and  they  extended  their 
hand  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  the  French  were  overthrown,  the  British 
told  us,  'We  will  clotiie  you  in  the  same  manner  the  French  did.  We  will 
supply  you  with  all  you  want,  and  will  purchase  all  your  peltries,  as  they  did ' 
Sure  enough !  after  the  British  took  possession  of  the  country,  they  fulfilled 
all  their  promises.  When  they  told  us  we  shotdd  have  any  thing,  we  were 
sure  to  get  it ;  and  we  got  from  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  after  the 
British  had  been  in  possession  of  the  countiy,  it  was  reported  that  another 

1)eople,  who  wore  white  clothes,  had  arisen  and  driven  the  British  out  of  the 
and.  These  people  we  first  met  at  Greenville,  [in  1795,  to  treat  with  General 
IFayne,]  and  took  them  by  the  hand. — When  the  Indians  first  met  th.e  Aineri- 
can  chief,  [ff^ayne,]  in  council,  there  were  but  few  Ottowas  present;  hut  he 
said  to  them,  'Wlien  I  sit  myself  down  at  Detroit,  you  will  all  see  me.' 
Shortly  after,  he  arrived  at  Detroit.  Proclamation  was  then  made  for  all  the 
Indians  to  come  in. — We  were  told,  [hy  the  general,]  'The  reason  I  do  not 
push  those  British  farther  is,  tliat  we  may  not  forget  their  example  in  giving 
you  presents  of  cloth,  arms,  ammunition,  and  whatever  else  you  may  require.' 
Sure  enough !  The  fii"st  time,  we  were  clothed  with  great  liberality.  You 
gave  us  strouds,  guns,  anununition,  and  many  other  things  wo  stood  in  need 

•  Schoolcraft's  Travels. 


i.s* 


"J> 


CUAP.    VIII.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


637 


of,  and  snid, '  Tliis  is  the  way  yon  may  always  cxjiept  to  !»  u.«c(l.'  It  wm 
also  said,  tliat  whenever  wo  were  in  great  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — 
^V'^en  the  Indians  on  the  Mauinee  were  first  about  to  sell  their  lands,  we 
tieard  it  with  both  ears,  but  wo  never  received  a  dollar.-  The  Chippowaa, 
the  Potlovvattoniios,  and  the  Ottowas  were,  origintdbf,  hxd  one  nalion.  We 
separated  from  each  other  near  Michilimackinac.  We  were  related  by  the 
ties  of  blood,  language  and  interest ;  but  in  the  course  of  a  long  time,  these 
things  have  been  forgotten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  their  lands,  without 
consuMing  us." — "  Our  brothers,  the  Chippewas,  have  also  sold  you  a  large 
tract  of  land  at  Saganaw.  People  are  constantly  pas.sing  ihrough  the  country, 
but  we  received  neither  invitation  nor  money.  It  is  surprising  that  the  Pot- 
towoitnmics,  Ottowas,  and  Chip|H<waR,  who  are  all  one  niitiun,  should  sell 
their  lands  without  giving  each  other  notice.  Have  we  tlien  degenerated  so 
much  that  Wrt  can  no  longer  trust  one  another? — Perhaus  the  Pottowattomies 
may  think  I  have  come  here  on  a  begging  journey,  tliat  I  wisli  to  claim  a 
share  of  lands  to  w'  ich  my  people  are  not  entitled.  I  tell  them  it  is  not  so. 
We  have  never  bt^^^jed,  and  shall  not  now  conunenee.  When  I  went  to 
Detroit  last  fall.  Governor  Cass  told  me  to  come  to  this  place,  at  this  time, 
and  listen  to  what  he  had  to  say  in  council.  As  we  live  a  great  way  in  tlio 
woods,  and  never  see  white  people  except  in  the  fall,  when  the  traders  come 
among  us,  we  have  not  so  many  opportunities  to  profit  by  this  intercourse  as 
our  neighi)ors,  and  to  get  what  necessaries  we  recpiire  ;  but  we  make  out  to 
live  independently,  and  trade  upon  our  own  land.s.  We  have,  heretofore, 
receive<l  nothing  less  than  justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  we  expect,  in 
the  present  treaty,  is  a  full  pro|)ortion  of  the  money  and  goods." 

"A  series  of  misfortunes,"  says  Mr.  Scboolcrqp,  "has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensible  chief.  On  returmng  from  the  treaty  of  ^'  icago, 
while  off  tiie  mouth  of  Grand  River,  in  Lake  Micliigan,  his  canue  was  ntruck 
by  a  flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  After  making  every  exertion,  he  saw  his  wife 
and  all  liis  children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his  son  he  reached  the 
shore ;  but,  as  if  to  crown  his  misfortunes,  this  only  surviving  child  has  since 
been  poisoned  for  the  part  he  took  in  the  treaty." 

The  result  of  this  tieaty  was  the  relinquishment,  by  the  Ottowas,  Chip- 
pewas, and  Pottowattomies,  of  a  tract  of  country  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5,000,000  acres,  and  for  which 
they  received  c''*'.e  United  States,  in  goods,  35,000  dollars ;  and  several  other 
Bums  were  awarded  to  the  separate  tribes,  to  some  yearly  forever,  and  to 
others  for  a  limited  term  of  years.  Some  of  the  chiefs  who  attended  to  the 
treaty  were  opposed  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the  reason  that  Keewagquahkum^t 
eon  was  poisoned. 


a 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Black-hawk's  tear — Historical  account  of  the  tribes  engaged  in  it — Treaty  betieeen 

them Murders  among  the  Sioux  and  Chippewas — Red-bird — Taken  for  murder 

— Dies  in  prison — Trial  and  execution  of  Indians — Black-hawk — The  Sacs  murder 
28  Menominies — Indians  insulted — Their  country  sold  without  the  consent  of  a  large 

party This  occasions  the  war — Ordered  to  leave  tlieir  country — General  Gaines 

drives  them  beyond  the  Mississippi — Conclude  a  Treaty — Treaty  broken — Sacs  re- 
turn again  to  their  village — Drterniine  on  toar — General  Atkinson  marches  against 
them— They  retreat  up  Itock  River. 

It  will  be  necessary,  in  ...is  chapter,  to  give  some  account  of  such  tribes  of 
Indians  as  will  often  be  mentioned  as  we  proceed.  W^e  shall,  however,  cf>n- 
fine  ourselves  to  such  tribes  as  took  part  in  the  late  war  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Lakes  Michigan  and  Sunerior,  more  especially  ;  and  firstly,  of  the  Win- 
nebagos.  This  tribe  inhabit  the  country  upon  the  Ouis^consin,  a  river  that 
rises  between  the.  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and  which  disembogues 
itself  into  the  Mississippi,  near  the  S.  W.  angle  of  the  N.  W.  territory.  They 
were  found  seated  here  when  the  country  was  first  visited  by  whites,  about 
54 


638 


I!I,A(KIIA\VK. 


[Book   v. 


Ill  1820,  tliry  wern  mippoBcd  to 


.'r>0  women,  and  7UU  cliildn  ii, 


150  years  ngo,  nnd  inn;  llicy  still  r       <\n. 
nuiiiber  155U  hoiiIm,  of  wiiom  500  v.         mui 

and  livetl  in  ten  towim  or  villages.*  ly  of  Winiiclmgo  wuriiors  was  in 

tlio  ftght  at  Tippecanoe,  iiiiiicr  llio  ...  «tor  Etlakwatawa.  Sanamnlihonsra, 
cuUimI  Stone-eater,  and  Hapdinangwn,  or  iVIiite-loon,  were  leudors  of  the  NViii- 
iKibugo  warriora.  The  latter  waH  cue  that  opjioscd  General  Wmjne  in  17!)4, 
Imu  was  reconciled  to  the  Americune  in  171t5,  by  the  treaty  of  Greciivillo. 
He  aJHO  treated  with  Oeiiorai  Harrison,  in  1609,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  aj,'ain  at 
Greenville  hi  1814  ;  hut  he  was  active  in  the  war  of  181'^  and  on  the  Mritisli 
side.  Winnebago  Luke,  which  discharges  its  waters  into  Green  Bay,  was 
probably  named  from  this  trilie  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  quite  as  probable,  they 
received  their  name  from  the  lake. 

Secondly,  the  Mcnoiniiiies.  This  tribe  inhabits  a  river  bearing  their  namn, 
and  is  situated  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Winnebagos,  from  whom  they 
ore  st^parated  by  a  range  of  mountains.  They  numbered  in  18'iO,  accordinu; 
to  some,  about  355  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100  were  fighters  ;  but 
this  estimate  could  apply  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the  most  populous  trilie. 

Thirdly,  the  Pottowuttomiea,  or  Pouteoiiutamis.  This  nation  was  early 
known  to  the  French.  In  the  year  1(J<j8,  300  of  them  visited  Father  Jlllouez, 
at  a  place  which  the  French  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an  island  in 
Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  tliis  time  an  old  man  100  years 
old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wonderful  things ;  among  others,  that  he 
could  go  without  food  30  days,  and  that  he  often  saw  the  Great  Spuit.  Hu 
was  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a  few  days  after.f 

The  country  of  the  Pottowattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  1820  their  numbers  were  set  down 
at  3400.  At  that  time  the  United  States  paid  them  yearly  5700  dollars.  Of 
this,  350  dollars  remained  a  permanent  annuity  until  the  late  war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together,  and 
are  now  really  but  one  nation.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them  about 
1GG8,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies,  generally 
between  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  in  the  state  of  Illinois.  I'he  chief 
of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  for  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokuk.  Of  him  we 
shall  particularly  speak  in  due  course.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  supposed 
to  amount,  in  1830,  to  about  3000  persons  in  all ;  one  fiilh  of  whom  may  be 
accounted  warriors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a  view  of  the  most  Important  points  in  the  history  of 
the  tribes  which  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Black-hawk,  and 
are,  therefore,  prepared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events  of  that  war. 
It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as  early  as  1823 ;  at 
which  period  a  chief  of  the  Winnebagos,  called  Red-bird,  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous. This  year,  the  United  States'  agents  held  a  treaty  at  Prairie  du 
Chien,  with  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  Winnebagos,  Chippeways,  Sioux,  &c.,  for  the 
purpose,  among  other  things,  of  bringing  about  a  peace  between  the  first- 
named  tribe  and  the  otliers,  who  were  carrying  on  bloody  wars  among  them- 
selves; the  treaty  8ti|)ulated  that  each  tribe  should  confine  itself  to  certain 
boundaries,  which  were  designated  ;  and  as  parties  from  them  all  were  con- 
stantly visiting  the  United  States'  forts,  upon  business,  or  various  other  occa- 
sions, it  was  agreed  that  any  jiarty  should  be  protected  from  insult  or  injury 
from  any  other  Indians  while  upon  such  visits.  It  would  not  seem,  however, 
that  the  makers  of  the  treaty  could  have  supposed  that  any  such  agreement 
would  avail  much,  where  deep  hatred  existed  between  any  of  tiie  parties ; 
for  t''o  very  circumstance  of  protection  being  offered,  would  lead  directly  to 
difficulty,  by  placing  one  party  in  a  situation  exactly  to  acconuiiodate  another, 
in  their  peculiar  method  of  surprise ;  nor  could  any  one  have  supposed  that 
any  fear  of  punishment  from  the  whites  would  have  been  equal  to  the 
gratification  of  revenge.  Yet  the  motives  of  the  whites  were  good,  however 
little  was  effected  by  them. 

As  was  expected,  frequent  murders  happened  among  the  Indians ;  and  it  was 

*  Dr.  Morse  ratpd  tliem  nt  5f)00.     Tiirl.  Report,  Ap.  3G2 
t  C.tarlecoir,  Hist,  de  la  Nouv.  Franco,  i.  'SJo. 


Chap.  VIII.J 


TRIAI,  OF  snVEN   INDIANS. 


639 


not  often  that  those  guilty  of  thcin  coiilil  he  round  or  rccojfniz<d.  At  longth, 
in  tlie  MiniiUH-r  of  IH'J?,  u  pnrty  of  '24  C'hippewiiB,  on  a  tour  to  Fort  Snelhn^, 
weri' sur|)ris4>(t  hy  a  hanii  of  Sionx,  who  killed  und  wounded  eif,'ht  of  thcrii. 
Tiie  coiiimiindaiit  of  Fort  Snollinf^  raptured  four  of  them,  whom  he  delivered 
into  the  hando  of  the  Chippewas,  who  immediately  hIioI  them,  acrording  tn 
the  dirertioim  of  the  couunamlant  A  Sioux  chief,  named  Kf.d-bird,  resented 
the  |>roceeding8  of  the  commandant,  and  reHolvi-d  upon  a  further  setaliation 
upon  the  Chippewaa.  Accordingly,  he  led  a  war  party  against  them  soon 
alter,  but  wiiH  defeated;  and  upon  his  return  home  from  the  expedition,  hid 
neighbors  derided  him,  as  being  no  hrave. 

What  were  the  grounds  of  Hed-bird'a  enmity  in  the  first  place  is  now  un- 
known, nor  is  it  important  to  be  inquired  into  in  our  present  business;  but 
certain  it  is,  ho  had,  or  conceived  that  he  had,  just  cause  for  his  attack  upon 
the  Chi|)pewas;  his  last  and  unsuccessful  expedition  against  them,  however, 
was  to  revenge  the  execution  of  those  at  Fort  Snclliiig,  who,  he  had  been 
told,  were  executed  for  the  murder  of  a  family  of  seven  persons,  named 
Methode,  near  Prairie  des  Cliicns.  This,  however,  was  not  very  likely  llio 
case. 

As  he  could  not  get  revenge  of  the  Chippewas,  Red-bird  resolved  on  seek- 
ing it  among  the  whites,  their  abettors ;  therefore,  with  two  or  three  other 
desperadoes,  like  himself,  of  whom  Black-hawk  was  probably  one,  he  repaired 
to  Prairie  des  Chiens,  where,  on  the  24  July,  18'-i7,  they  killed  two  persona 
ond  woimded  a  third.  We  hear  of  no  plunder  taken,  but  with  a  keg  of  whisky, 
which  they  bought  of  a  trader,  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  Kad-axe  River. 
Six  days  after,  July  30,  with  his  company  augmented,  Rfd-bird  waylaid  two 
keel-boats  that  had  been  conveying  commissary  stores  to  F'ort  Snelling.  One 
came  into  the  ambush  in  the  day  time,  and,  after  a  fight  of  four  hours,  es- 
caped with  the  loss  of  two  killed  und  four  wounded.  It  was  midnight  before 
the  other  fell  into  the  snore,  and,  owing  to  the  darkness,  escaped  without 
much  injury. 

Notice  has  probably  been  taken  by  Black-hawk,  in  his  narrative,  of  these 
events  ;  but  as  he  relates  every  thing  without  any  regard  to  dates,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  assign  some  of  his  incidents  to  their  proper  places  in  history. 

Not  long  after  these  events,  in  September,  1827,  C-^neral  Mkinson  marched 
into  the  Winnebago  country,  with  a  brigade  of  troop,  egulars  and  tnilitia,  and 
succeeded  in  making  prisoners  of  Red-bird,  and  six  other  Winnebagos,  who 
were  held  in  confinement  at  Prairie  du  Chien  until  a  (rial  could  be  had  on  them. 
On  the  25  October,  1828,  at  a  special  term  of  the  United  States' Circuit  Court, 
they  were  tried,  all  except  Red-bird,  who  had  died  in  prison.  IFaniga  or  the 
Sun,  and  Chik-hong-sie,  the  Little-hull,  were  each  tried  on  two  indictments ;  one 
for  the  murder  of  Registre  Gagnitr,  as  accomplices  of  Red-bird,  in  the  nuirder 
of  which  mention  has  already  been  made.  On  the  second  indictment,  Chik- 
hong-sic  was  tried  for  the  murder  of  Solomon  hipcap ;  and  Waniga  on  the 
same,  as  his  accomplice.  On  the  third  indictment,  Waniga  was  tried  for 
scalping  Louisa  Gaenier  with  intent  to  kill.  On  the  first  indictment,  both 
were  brought  in  guilty.  On  the  second,  Chik-hong-sic  was  brought  in  guilty, 
and  Waniga  was  acquitted.  On  the  third,  Wamga  was  found  guilty,  and 
Chik-hong-aie  was  acquitted.  They  were  sentenced  to  be  executed  on  the  26 
of  the  following  Deceinbir. 

The  two  charged  with  th(  murder  of  Mr.  Methode  and  family  were  acquit- 
ted by  a  nolle  prosequi.  Bl xk-hawk,  or  Kara-zhonsept-hah,  as  his  name  was 
then  written,  and  Kanonehth,  the  Youngest  of  the  Thunders,  were  among  the 
prisonere  charged  with  the  attack  on  the  boats  the  preceding  year ;  but  the 
charge  not  being  sustained  for  want  of  evidence,  they  were  discharged,  as 
was  also  a  sou  of  Red-bird. 

Thus  it  appears  a  year  had  passed  since  these  Indians  were  captured,  before 
thoy  were  orought  to  trial.  Such  a  delay  of  justice  was  to  the  friends  of  the 
imprisoned  Indians  ten  times  as  insufferable,  if  possible,  as  any  punishment 
could  have  been,  inflicted  in  any  reasonable  time  alter  a  crime  had  been  com- 
mitted. They  cannot  understand  why,  if  one  be  guilty,  he  should  not 
at  once  be  punished,  as  it  seldom  happens,  with  Indians,  that  they  deny  on 
oct  when  guilty:  the  most  of  them  scorn  to  doit    Hence,  the  white  people's 


G40 


MURDER  OF  THE  MKNOMLME.S. 


[Book  V. 


i 


m 

If. 'I 


11 


k«'«!|tih^  thciri  ini[>riM>no<l,  they  tliink  nn  net  of  p-eat  cownnlirc  ;  prrBiirning 
tliry  dun-  not  piiiiiMh  tliu  c-iilprit,  It  Iiiih  BonietiriicH  liii|.|)eiicd,  that  alter  uii 
Inilian  hiul  Im-iii  iiiiprifluncd  for  a  long  time,  nnii  been  ilittcliargid  tor  wuntol* 
evi(luiu;t>,  ultlioiigh  iit  thctitiioof  hiscupturu  then;  were  no  donhts  ot'hin  guilt, 
oven  ii|)on  his  own  cont'cHNion,  ho  hni*  licen  sliot  by  sonie  Hknikiiig  witito  lK)r- 
dcrer  on  liis  way  to  hin  home.  TiiiH,  to  the  f'ricndf)  of  bucIi  Indian,  irt  tiio 
most  ahoniinaltiu  crimu  ;  and  these  things  had  all  liaijpcncd  in  Illinois  belbro 
tiie  end  of  1H-,»K 

Klack-iia  WK,  ns  we  have  jnst  seen,  was  captured  and  hehl  some  time  in  du- 
rance for  attacking  the  i)oatH,  which,  it  seiinH,  conhl  not  l)e  proved  against  iiim, 
as  lie  was  cfischarged;  but  if  there  were  doubts  of  his  guilt  before,  there  can 
be  none  now,  according  to  his  own  confession,  wbicli,  it  would  seem,  he  hud 
too  nnu-li  cratl  to  acknowledge  Itefore  his  trial. 

Matters  contiune<l  in  a  ruffled  state  for  about  three  years,  though  nets  of 
violence  seem  nototlen  to  have  occurred.  In  18.'{1,  it  was  the  general  opinion 
on  the  frontiers,  that  the  Indians  intended  to  Ibrbtar  no  longer;  and  it  waa 
rightly  judged  by  General  Atkinson,  that  eftbus  hud  been,  or  were  being  muile 
In'  some  of  them  to  unite  all  the  Indians  from  Kock  Kiver  to  Ah^xico  in  a  war. 
Tliat  this  was  the  truth  of  the  case  we  will  hear  Black-hawk  in  evidence. 
lie  says,  "Rnmiers  were  sent  to  tlie  Arkansas,  Ued-Iliver  and  Texas — not  on 
the  subject  of  our  lands,  but  a  secret  mission,  which  I  am  not,  at  present,  per- 
mitted to  expluin." 

The  difference  between  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  Menominies  and  Siou.t, 
was  one  great  cause  of  the  troubles  previous  to  the  war  of  1832.  The  whites 
used  their  endeavors  to  bring  about  a  peace  between  tlieni,  and  finally  effected 
it,  although  at  the  very  time  murders  were  committed  by  one  party  upon  the 
other,  while  on  their  way  to  attend  a  tn'aty  for  their  own  benefit.  Hut  such 
is  their  thirst  for  revenge,  that  thiy  will  take  it  at  the  hazard  of  themselves 
and  all  their  connections.  Black-hawk  liiinself  relutes,  that  on  a  certain  time, 
which,  I  liL'lieve,  was  in  the  suriuner  of  1H30,  the  chiefs  of  the  F'oxes  were 
invited  to  attend  a  treaty  at  Pruirie  du  Chieu  lor  the  settlement  of  their  <lif- 
ferences  with  tiie  Sioux.  Nine  of  the  bend  men  of  the  Foxes,  witii  one 
woman  in  their  company,  set  out  to  attend  the  treaty,  who,  on  their  way,  were 
met  by  a  compuny  of  Sioux,  near  the  Ouiscousin,  uiid  all  of  them,  except  one 
man,  were  killed. 

Tliis  murder  went  nnrevenged  until  the  next  year,  when  a  band  of  Pioux 
and  Menominies,  who  were  encamped  within  a  mile  of  the  fort  at  Prairie  du 
Chien,  were  attacked  by  some  Foxes  from  Black-haicKs  party,  and  28  of  them 
were  killed.  The  wliites  now  demanded  the  murderers,  but  Black-hawk  said 
they  had  no  right  to  make  such  a  demand,  for  it  was  an  affair  between  the 
Indian  nations,  over  whom  they  had  no  authority ;  and  besides,  he  said,  when 
the  Menominies  had  murdered  the  Fox  chiefs,  the  year  before,  they  made  no 
Buch  demand  for  the  murderers. 

According  to  the  treaty  of  the  15th  of  July,  1830,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  their  countiy  to  the  United  States,  and  the  Sioux,  Oina- 
halis,  loways,  Ottoes,  and  several  other  tribes  and  bands,  participated  in  the 
sale ;  but  Black-hawk  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Keokuk,  or  the  Watchful-fox, 
at  this  time  headed  the  party  of  Sacs  that  made  the  treaty ;  when  Black-hawk 
knew  what  was  done,  it  very  much  agitated  and  displeased  him ;  but  Keokuk 
had  pleased  tiie  whites,  and  sold  his  country,  as  the  ill-advised  Mcintosh  had 
done.  The  next  summer,  1831,  Black-hawk  says,  that  while  on  a  visit  to  the 
Indian  agent  at  Rock  Island,  he  heard,  for  the  first  time,  "  talk  of  our  having 
to  leave  my  village.  The  trader  (he  says)  explained  to  me  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  that  bad  been  made,  and  said  we  would  be  obliged  to  leave  tiie  Illinois 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  advised  us  to  select  a  good  place  for  our  village, 
and  remove  to  it  in  the  spring."  This  trader  was  the  adopted  brother  of  the 
principal  Fox  chief,  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  leave  his  village  and  build 
another  on  tiie  west  side  of  the  Mississi|>|)i.  Keokuk  had  consented  to  go, 
and  was  using  all  liis  influence  to  induce  others  to  go  with  hini. 

A  party  now  began  to  organize  itself  in  opposition  to  that  of  Keokuk, 
They  called  upon  Black-hawk  lor  his  opinion  about  it ;  and,  says  the  old  chief, 
"I  gave  it  freely — and  afler  questioning  Quash-quii-me  about  tlie  sale  of  the 


1^.  1 


Chap.  VIII )        RELUCTANCE  TO  LEAVE  THEIR  COUNTRY. 


641 


larxls,  lie  nnsiirnd  me  tlint  he  never  iind  cotiflniited  to  the  Hale  of  our  villn^^p.* 
I  now  iironii.Hcd  thin  party  to  l>e  their  leader,  and  nii.'tvd  tin;  Htandnrd  of 
opiiOHition  to  Keokuk,  with  a  lull  determination  not  to  have  my  village.'' 

The  riac  villa'^M  was  on  the  point  of  land  formed  by  Kock  Kivir  and  ths 
MiH!ti!<!4ippi.  The  tribe  had  here  usually  alHiut  7()U  acren  of  planting  land, 
which  extended  aliout  two  and  n  half  iniies  up  the  ^U.^sisHippi.  Acrordiiig 
to  the  tradition  of  the  Indians,  a  village  had  stood  In-re  about  L'>U  yearn. 
The  wliiiiti  extent  of  the  Sac  countrv  on  the  Minninsippi,  wan  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Ouisconsin  to  the  Portage  ues  Sioux,  alino^tt  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Mii^Houri,  in  len<;tli  near  700  milen. 

About  the  tinx;  of  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  l)een  npeaking,  some  out- 
rages were  committed  upon  the  Indians  by  the  whites  in  kind  like  the  follow- 
ii)i(: — One  of  Black-hawk's  men  having  found  a  hive  of  Im-ch  in  the  woods,  in 
a  hollow  tree,  took  it  to  his  wigwam.  Some  whites,  having  learned  the  cir- 
cumstance, repaired  to  the  Indian's  wigwam  and  demanded  the  honey  as 
theirs,  and  he  g'lvt^  it  up  to  thom.  They  not  oidy  took  the  honey,  but  made 
plunder  of  all  the  skins  he  had  got  during  his  winter's  hunt,  and  carried  tlieni 
otY  also.  The  case  nf  tiie  Indian  was  exceeding  hard,  for  lie  owed  the  ^kin.i 
to  his  trader.  Thereibro  he  could  not  pay  him,  nor  could  he  get  necessaries 
for  his  tiiinily,  in  consequence  of  his  inability  to  meet  liis  former  contract. 

Almut  this  time  Black-hawk  met  with  gross  ill  treatment  from  some  whites 
who  met  him  in  the  woods  a-hunting.  They  fell  upon  him,  and  beat  him  so 
severely  that  he  was  lame  for  some  time  al\er  it.  The  whites  pretended  he 
had  done  them  an  injury.  Such  outrages,  added  to  those  of  a  public  nature, 
had  driven  the  Indians  to  de8|)eratiun,  and  finally  determined  Black-liawk  to 
act  on  the  offensive,  tint  he  was  sadly  deceived  in  his  real  strength  when 
he  came  to  trial;  for  ho  had  been  assured  that  the  Chi])|nwas,  Ottowas, 
Winnebagos  and  Pottowattnmies  all  stood  ready  to  help  and  second  him. 
.Wapope,  who  had  been  among  some  of  them,  was  either  deceived  hirnsell^ 
or  he  intentionally  deceived  his  chief.  Hut  the  Prmhd,  Wahokieahiek,  wax 
doubtless  the  greatest  deceiver.  He  sent  word  to  Black-hawk  that  he  had 
received  wampum  from  the  nations  just  mentioned,  and  ho  was  sure  of  their 
coiipcration.  Besides  this  strong  encouragement,  it  was  al.so  told  to  the 
principal  Sac  chiefs,  that  their  British  father  at  Maiden  stood  ready  to  help 
them,  in  case  of  wrong  being  ofTered  them  by  the  whites;  but  this  was, 
without  doubt,  a  stratagem  of  the  Prophet,  or  JVeapope,  the  bearer  of  the 
intelligence.  The  chiefs  of  the  whites  at  Maiden  and  other  places,  had  been 
visiteJby  Black-hawk  or  his  head  men,  and,  on  being  told  their  situation  in 
respect  to  being  obliged  to  leave  their  country,  these  friends  of  the  Indians 
honestly  told  them  that,  if  they  had  not  sold  their  country,  it  could  not  be 
taken  from  them. 

When  the  old  chief,  Black-hawk,  found  that  Keokuk  had  sold  the  Sac 
village,  with  the  rest  of  their  country  on  tlu  east  side  of  the  Mississipiii,  ho 
saw  and  conversed  with  him  about  it,  and  Keokuk  was  so  well  convinced  that 
he  had  done  what  he  had  no  right  to  do,  that  he  promised  to  go  to  the  whites, 
and  use  all  his  endeavors  to  get  it  back  again  by  giving  any  other  part  of  tlie 
country  for  it:  Black-hawk  said  he  would  give  up  even  the  lead-mines,  if 
they  could  only  be  allowtjd  to  enjoy  their  old  village,  and  the  little  point  of 
land  on  which  were  the  l^eautiful  cornfields  which  thi;ir  wives  had  cultivated, 
for  years,  imdisturbcd,  and  the  adjacent  burying-grounds  of  their  honorerl  dcaij. 

With  strong  hopes  that  something  would  be  effected  (or  them,  the  Sacs 
set  cut  upon  their  usual  winter's  hunt,  in  the  fall  of  1830,  and  meanwhile 
the  whites  came  on  and  possessed  their  beloved  village !  When  the  Indian;* 
returned,  they  saw  families  of  intruders  in  their  own  wigwams  and  lodges, 
that  they  had  lefl  the  fall  previous — the  wives  and  children  of  the  poor 
Indians  were  now  upon  the  baiik.s  of  their  own  Mississippi,  but  witiioiit  a 
home  or  lodge  to  cover  them !  This  was  insufferable  to  Black-hawk — where 
is  the  white  man  that  could  endure  ^uch  things  ?  There  are  none  that  could, 
even  the  most  servile  slave. 

The  Sacs  were  encamjted  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Missi.ssippi,  having  re- 
turned from  their  hunting-grounds  earlier  than  usual,  on  account  of  infor- 
mutiou  of  the  state  of  things  in  their  village.    The  ice  had  not  lefl  the  Mis- 
54*  2Q 


642 


THEIR  VILLAGE  POSSESSED  BY  THE  WHITES.  [Book  V. 


Hi 


sissippi ;  but  before  it  was  time  to  plant  corn,  the  firm  resolution  of  the  chiefs 
was  taken,  that  their  village  they  would  again  possess.  They  acted  in  accord- 
ance with  their  resolution,  and  went  on  and  took  possession.  The  whites  were 
alarmed,  and  doubting  of  their  al)ility  to  drive  off  the  Indians  then,  said  they 
would  live  and  plant  together;  but  took  care  to  seize  upon  all  the  best  planting 
land.  Tiie  Lidians  were  determined  not  to  be  the  first  to  commit  any  hostile  act, 
and  submitted  to  great  insults;  some  of  their  women  being  shamefully  beaten 
by  their  white  neighbors  for  the  most  trifling  offence,  to  which  their  new 
situation  had  unavoidably  subjected  them,  and  one  young  man  was  actually 
beaten  to  death,  or  so  that  he  soon  afler  died ;  levertheless,  to  the  sliame  of 
those  whites  be  it  told,  there  is  no  account  whicii  has  ever  come  to  me  that 
tlie  Indians  attempted  to  retaliate. 

Other  evils  were  experienced  while  the  poor  Sacs  endeavored  to  live  with 
the  whites  in  their  own  village.  Ardent  spirits  were  brought  in,  and  used  to 
chc  ..t  the  Indians  out  of  their  personal  property,  their  guns,  and  articles 
with  which  they  hunted. 

In  the  fidi  of  1830,  the  Indians  had  been  told  that  they  must  not  come 
again  to  tlie  east  side  of  the  river.  Meantime  the  lands  of  the  Sac  village 
had  been  sold,  or  a  part  of  them,  and  all  the  Indians  were  ordered  to  leave 
them.  Black-hawk  and  his  band,  however,  would  not  ohey,  and  some  of 
them  remained  on  the  unsold  lands,  while  the  others  were  on  their  hunting 
expeditions.  And  early  in  the  spring  of  1831,  after  having  used  every  means 
for  a  reconciliation,  without  giving  up  their  village,  the  Sacs  in  a  body  re- 
c/ossed  the  river  to  their  old  cornfields,  and  in  a  menacing  manner  took 
pos&ossion ;  but  if  we  can  believe  Black-hawk,  he  did  not  mean  to  ba  pro- 
voked into  a  war  by  any  thing  less  than  the  life-blood  of  some  of  his  people; 
which  he  said  the  whites  dare  not  take,  at  least  so  long  as  he  remained  on  the 
government's  land ;  for  by  an  article  of  the  treaty  which  had  caused  these 
troubles,  the  Indians  were  not  obliged  to  leave  the  lands  so  long  as  tliey  re- 
mained unsold.  But  the  settlers  cried  out  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
Indians  upon  them,  which  soon  became  so  loud  and  clamorous  that  Governor 
Reynolds  forthwith  taking  the  responsibility,  declared  the  state  of  Illinois  in- 
vaded by  hostile  Indians,  although  it  does  not  a])pear  that  any  of  them  were 
upon  other  lands  than  those  owned  by  the  United  States. 

Accordingly,  on  the  28  Maj',  1831,  Governor  Reynolds  wrote  from  Belleville, 
the  capital  of  the  state  of  Ulinois,  to  General  Gaines,  the  military  commander 
of  the  western  department,  that  he  had  received  undoubted  inibrmation  that 
the  section  of  the  state  near  Kock  Island  was  at  that  time  invaded  by  a  hos- 
tile band  of  the  Sac  Indians,  beaded  by  Black-haivk;  and  that  in  order  to  re- 
}>el  said  invasion,  and  to  protect  the  citizens  of  the  state,  he  had  called  on 
00  of  the  militia  of  the  said  state,  to  be  mounted  and  ready  for  that  service. 
He  therefore,  "as  executive  of  the  state  of  Illinois,"  respectfully  solicited  his 
cooperation.  General  Gaiius  said  in  answer,  the  next  day,  that  he  had  ordered 
six  conii»anies  of  regular  troops  to  proceed  fiom  Jefferson  Barracks  the 
day  following.  May  30,  for  the  Sac  village,  and  if  necessary  he  would  add 
two  companies  more  from  Prairie  du  Chien.  This  force  he  considered  suf- 
ficient to  put  down  the  "hostile  Sacs;"  but,  iie  said,  if  the  Indian  force  had 
been  augmented  by  other  Indians,  then  he  would  correspond  with  his  excel- 
lency by  express,  and  avail  himself  of  his  offer  of  the  700  mounted  volunteers. 

Governor  Reynolds  had  just  before  (2G  May)  written  to  General  Clark,  the 
superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  at  St.  Louis,  and  among  other  things  said,  he 
had  considered  it  necessary  to  order  out  troops  "to  protect  the  citizens"  of 
the  state  "  near  Rock  If  land  /ram  i7ivasion  and  depredation  ; "  but  from  his 
lette;  to  Gaines,  dated  oidy  two  days  aflrr,  the  state  was  acrnaljy  invaded. 
Hence  itai)pears,  that  in  something  less  than  two  days,  by  thinking  the  mat- 
ter over,  the  governor  had,  in  his  mind,  changed  the  fear  of  invasion 
into  actual  invasion.  In  the  same  letter  he  goes  on  :  Tiie  object  of  tiie 
government  of  the  state  is  to  protect  those  citizens  by  removing  siiid  Indians, 
"  peaceably  if  they  can,  but  forcibly  if  tlu»y  must."  "I  consider  it  my  duty  tu 
inform  vou  of  the  above  call  on  the  militia,  and  that  in  or  abnut  l.")(|iiys,a  suf- 
ficient force  will  ajipear  l»el()re  these  Indians  to  reinov(!  \ho\\\,  diad  or  alive, 
over  the  west  side  of  the  Mi.ssissij)pi."     Whether  his  exeellcDcy  did   not 


Chap.  VllI  | 


GENERAL  GAINES'S  EXPEDITION. 


643 


mean  to  stop  with  his  Indians  short  of  the  Western  Ocean,  I  cannot  say,  hut 
certainly  lie  says  notliing  of  leaving  them  any  where  on  lamia  on  llie  wcstsulo 
of  tile  Missi8sii>j)i ;  he,  liowever,  humanely  adds,  "  But  to  save  all  this  disagree- 
ahle  business,  perha|)s  a  request  from  you  to  them,  lor  them  to  remove  to  the 
west  side  of  the  river,  would  effect  the  object  of  procuring  peace  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  state."  General  Clark  replied,  two  days  after,  that  every  effort 
on  his  part  "  had  been  made  to  effect  the  removal  liom  Illinois  of  all  the  tribes 
who  had  ceded  tlieir  lands." 

Hence  no  alternative  now  remained  but  to  proceed  on  with  an  army  to 
drive  off  the  Indians.  Accordingly  General  Gaines  proceeded  to  the  country 
in  dispute,  and  by  liis  prudent  management  succeeded  iu  settling  tiie  diffi- 
culty, which,  as  matters  immediately  aflerwards  turni:'!  out,  siems  to  have 
amounted  to  but  little ;  and  as  General  Gaines's  account  of  his  expedition 
agrees  very  well  with  what  black-hawk  lias  since  said  about  it,  we  lay  it  before 
the  reader.    It  is  contained  in  a  letter  dated  Rock  Island,  20  June,  1831. 

"I  have  visited  the  Rock  River  villages,  witli  a  view  to  ascertain  the  locali- 
ties, and,  as  fiir  as  possible,  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.  They  confirm  me 
in  tlie  opinion  I  had  previously  formed,  that,  whatever  may  be  their  feelings 
of  hostility,  they  are  resolved  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  their  tomahawks  and 
fire-arms  except  in  self-defence.  But  few  of  their  wai-riors  were  to  be  seen — 
their  women  and  children,  and  their  old  men  api)eared  anxious,  and  at  first 
somewhat  confused,  but  none  attempted  to  run  off.  Ilavuig  previously  noti- 
fied their  chiefs  that  I  would  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  them,  unless  they 
should  desire  to  inform  me  of  their  intention  to  move  forthwith,  as  I  had  di- 
rected them,  I  did  not  speak  to  them,  though  witliin  50  yards  of  many  of 
them.  I  had  with  me  on  board  the  steam-boat  soine  artillery,  and  two  com- 
panies of  infantry.  Their  village  is  immediately  on  Rock  River,  and  so  situ- 
ated that  I  could  from  the  steam-boat  destroy  all  their  baik  houses  (the  only 
kind  of  houses  they  have)  iu  a  few  minutes,  with  the  force  now  with  me, 
probably  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  But  I  am  resolved  to  abstain  from  firing 
a  sliot  without  some  bloodshed,  or  some  manifest  attenii)t  to  shed  blood,  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  I  have  already  induced  nearly  one  third  of  them  to 
cross  the  Mississippi  to  their  own  land.  The  residue,  however,  say,  as  the 
friendly  chiefs  report,  that  they  never  will  mov  .  and  what  is  very  uncommon, 
their  women  urge  their  hostile  husbands  to  figiu  rather  than  to  move  and  thus 
to  abandon  their  homes." 

Tlius  stood  mattei-s  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Illinois  militia;  neitlier 
party  wishing  to  do  any  thing  to  bring  on  hostilities.  On  the  7th  June, 
Black-liawk  met  General  Gaines  iu  council,  and  plainly  told  him  he  would 
not  remove,  and  to  let  him  know  he  was  not  afraid  of  his  forces,  went  to  the 
council-house  at  the  head  of  his  band,  armed  and  jiainted  as  though  they  ex- 
pected to  be  attacked ;  the  consequence  was,  nothing  was  effected  thus  far. 
But  the  general  was  satisfied  that  the  reports  of  otiier  tribes  having  engaged 
to  assist  them  were  entitled  to  little  credit  That  the  general  well  understood 
the  affairs  of  the  Sacs  at  this  time,  no  doubt  will  be  entertaiued,  on  conqihr- 
ing  his  account  with  the  statement  of  Black-hawk  in  his  life.  "Several  other 
tribes,"  observes  the  general,  "such  as  the  VVinncbagos,  Pottowattomies,  and 
Kikapoos,  have  been  invited  by  these  Sa^s  to  assist  them ;  but  I  cannot  positively 
ascertain  that  more  than  200  have  actually  joined,  and  it  is  very  doubttid 
whether  these  will  remain  true  to  their  offending  allies." 

As  General  Gat»ie«  found  he  could  not  effect  a  compliance  with  his  demands, 
he  concluded  to  wait  for  the  militia,  who,  on  the  25  June,  prom|)tly  arrived. 
These  the  Indians  thought  it  not  proper  to  oppose,  knowing  well  that  border 
militia  would  submit  to  no  restraint  from  their  officers ;  they  therelbie  fled 
across  the  Mississip|>i  to  avoid  being  massacred  ;  and  on  the  Ibllowing  day, 
Juno  20,  the  army  took  possession  of  the  Sac  village,  without  the  firiiiif  of  a 
gun  on  either  side.  On  the  27th,  Black-hitwk  caused  a  white  flag  to  be  dis- 
played to  show  his  disposition  to  have  a  parley,  which  soon  afiiir  ensued,  and 
this  ended  in  a  treaty. 

Li  his  despatch  to  the  secretary  of  war.  General  Gaines  snid  he  was  of 
opinion  that  "these  Indians  were  as  completely  hunibl(!d,  as  ii'tluiy  had  been 
cluusiisod  ill  buttle,  and  less  disposed  to  disturb  the  frontier  inhabitants ;" 


1 

! 

t 

^ 

Bi!      ,1 


644 


BLACK-HAWK  RETIRES  UP  ROCK  RIVER. 


[Book  V. 


nnd  tlmt  Governor  Reynolds  w&a  of  the  same  opinion.  But  in  this  they  were 
hotli  niisUiken,  although  when  tlie  treaty  waa  made,  Black-hauk  without 
doubt  intended  strictly  to  observe  it;  yet  he  could  not  foresee  what  would 
happen.  He  had  been  promised  corn  to  supply  the  wants  of  his  peojjle,  in- 
stead of  tiiat  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  uhandun ;  but  wliat  they 
received  was  far  from  suflicient,  and  they  began  to  leel  the  encroachment  of 
fiiminc".  In  thip  state  of  things,  a  party  of  Sacs,  as  the  old  chief  says,  went 
over  the  river  to  steal  cornjrom  their  own  fields !  and  thus  began  a  new  series 
oi"  troubles  which  ended  in  bloodshed. 

Black-hawk,  with  his  chief  men,  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  it  .vas  broken 
the  same  year  by  both  j)urties.  Jt  was  dated  on  the  30  June,  1831,  five  days 
afler  the  "  flight,"  and  among  the  signers  we  recognize,  besides  Mucata-Mu- 
iii-EATAK  (Black-hawk),  as  his  name  was  then  written,  Pashepaho  [Stabbing- 
chief),  Weesheat  (Sturgeon-head),  Kakf.kamah  (Jlll-jish),  and  several  others. 
It  was  in  the  course  of  the  same  summer,  that  the  party  Irom  Black-hawk's 
band  killed  the  28  Menomonies,  of  which  we  have  beibre  given  an  account, 
and  although  the  whites  considered  it  their  concern,  seem  not  to  have  under- 
taken to  revenge  it  until  the  spring  of  1832 ;  and  the  probability  is,  they 
would  hardly  then  have  undertaken  it,  had  not  some  of  the  Sacs  intruded 
themselves  again  into  their  old  village,  by  which  a  new  cry  was  raised 
against  them.  Be  this  as  it  may,  General  Atkinson  set  out  for  the  Upper  Mis- 
sissippi, about  the  first  of  April,  at  the  head  of  the  sixth  regiment  of  United 
States  iufiuitry,  at  whose  approach  Black-hmck  and  his  party  abandoned  their 
camp  on  the  Missis8ij)pi,  where  Fort  Madison  had  been  built,  and  ascended 
Rock  River.  It  was  in  this  direction  he  expected  to  be  reinfbrcerl  by  the 
Pottowattomies,  Winnebagos,  and  Kikapoos,  but  who  in  the  end  declined  the 
luizardous  and  unequal  conflict. 

As  Black-hawk  moved  leismely  up  Rock  River,  he  received  several  ex- 
presses fiom  General  Atkinson, ordering  him  in  a  peremptory  manner  to  leave 
the  country ;  but  he  constantly  said  he  would  not,  and  said  he  was  going  to 
the  ProphcCs  village  to  make  corn,  to  which  he  had  been  invited,  and  the 
whites  might  attack  him  if  they  dared ;  that  they  might  come  on  if  they 
chose,  but  they  would  not  find  him  unprepared ;  yot  he  would  not  begin  with 
them. 

Meanwhile  General  ^</:inson,  not  judging  it  expedient  to  pursue  the  Indians 
up  Rock-River,  made  a  stand  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  and  waited  for  a  rein- 
Ibrcement. 


Hi§e 


CHAPTER  IX. 

March  of  Major  Stillman — Kills  some  of  Black-hawk's  men — Stillman'a  defeat — 
TtiJlc  with  the  Winnebagos — Menomonies  join  the  trhites — Settlement  on  Indian 
Creek  destroyed — Captivity  of  two  young  women — Murders — Plum  Biter  settle- 
vient  broken  up — Congress  orders  out  troops — Murders  near  Galena — Indians  cut 
of  by  General  Dodge — Snider's  defeat — Stevenson's  defeat — Mack  on  the  fort  at 
Buffalo  GrvtJe — On  that  at  Apple  Rivtr — Defeat  of  Major  Dement — Murder  at 
Cincinawa  Mound — Ravages  of  the  cholera  among  the  regular  troops — Battle  of 
the  Ouisconsin — Action  with  the  steam-boat  Warrior — Battle  of  the  xd  of  August, 
and  end  of  the  war. 

Before  the  arrival  of  General  Atkinson  at  Ogee's  or  Dixon's  Ferry,  (Jenef 
Jfldtesides  had  proceeded  there  with  a  considerable  body  of  mounted  mi 
and  a  march  of  discovery  was  resolved  upon.  Accordingly,  about  the  13ia 
of  May,  a  company  of  270  men  proceeded  on  towards  Sycamore  Creek,  under 
Major  Stillman.  B^  vck-hawk  being  apprized  of  the  march  of  this  detach- 
ment, sent  out  three  young  warriors  with  a  white  flag  to  meet  them,  and  in- 
vite tiiem  to  his  camp;  but  the  whites,  paying  no  regard  to  the  flag,  took  the 
bearers  of  it  prisoners.  Five  others  had  been  sent  alter  the  first,  to  see  what 
entiued,  and  to  report  what  might  take  place.  These  five  were  discovered 
and  pursued  by  a  small  party  of  the  whites,  and,  IviJig  overtaken,  two  of 


'.    I 


Chap.  U.] 


STILLMAN'S  DEFEAT. 


64a 


tliem  were  killed,  and  the  rest  escaped.  It  was  now  near  night,  on  the  I4th 
of  May.  The  party  that  had  killed  the  two  Lidians  returned  to  the  main 
body,  which,  it  seems,  was  preparing  to  encamp  Cor  tlie  night  when  this  cir- 
cumstance took  place ;  all  immediately  mounted  their  horses  and  rushed 
forward  in  confusion.  It  does  not  appear  that  Black-luuok  had  any  thoughts 
that  the  whites  would  attack  him,  for  he  had  not  but  about  40  of  his  men 
with  him  at  this  time,  the  others  being  out  upon  a  hunting  excursion ;  but 
when  his  spies  returned,  and  reported  that  two  of  their  number  had  bten 
barbarously  murdered,  the  war-whoop  was  sounded,  and  the  best  prepaia- 
tions  were  made,  that  the  time  would  allow  to  meet  tlie  invaders. 

When  they  approached  Sycamore  Creek,  the  whites  proceeded  to  srops  it 
in  the  same  disorderly  manner  they  came  to  it,  although  the  country  was  very 
favorable  for  ambushes.  The  Indians  stood  firm,  and  were  doubtless  sure  of 
a  victory,  seeing  the  enemy  pass  the  creek  man  by  man  as  they  arrived ; 
and  when  a  sufficient  number  had  crossed,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them 
with  their  usual  fury  of  attack.  The  whites  say  the  Indians  "  showed  them- 
(selves  on  every  quailer,  mounted  and  armed.  They  commenced  the  attack 
with  guns,"  and  continued  it  with  knives  and  tomahawks.  Their  sit'iation 
became  in  a  moment  desperate,  and  Major  Stillman,  who  was  in  the  rear, 
learning  the  situation  of  the  advance  column,  immediately  ordered  a  retreat, 
but  none  was  effected — it  was  a  most  disorderly  and  wretched  flight !  scarce 
two  fiying  together ;  and  it  was  owing  to  the  smallness  of  Black-fiawk's  force 
tiiat  any  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape. 

Thus  Black-luiwk  with  about  40  men  had  put  270  to  flight,  and  dispersed 
them  in  such  a  manner,  that  it  was  reported  at  first  by  themselves,  that  GO 
or  70  had  been  killed ;  but,  as  it  proved  afterwards,  it  was  their  great  fear  of 
the  Indians,  that  had  driven  them  so  far  from  their  companions,  that  they 
did  not  all  arrive  at  Dixon's  Fern/  for  several  days  after  the  fight,  although 
the  battle-ground  was  only  30  milr«  from  that  place.  They  generally  came 
in,  one  at  a  time,  as  they  had  crossed  Sycamore  Creek  on  the  evening  of  the 
14tli ;  and  in  the  end,  all  but  12  were  accounted  for,  and  11  of  these  were 

A  letter  from  that 
mangled  in  a  most 
shocking  and  indecent  manner ;  their  hearts  cut  out,  heads  off,  and  every 
species  of  indignity  practised  upon  their  persons.  One  alone  escaped  this 
treatment :  he  was  found  dead,  with  his  head  nearly  cut  ofij  embraced  by 
the  arms  of  an  Indian  who  had  been  shot  through  the  body,  but  yet  had 
strength  enough  remaining  to  tomahawk  the  man  who  had  shot  him,  and 
partly  to  cut  off  his  head,  dying  izi  the  very  act — his  last  convulsive  struggle 
being  an  embrace  of  liis  enemy  even  in  death."  From  Black-hawk's  o'vn 
account,  it  appears  he  lost  but  three  men  in  the  whole  transaction,  and  tl'at 
these  were  killed  who  were  sent  out  to  meet  the  whites  in  their  approach  t(» 
Sycamore  Creek. 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  whites  were  guilty  of  the  first  blood  shed  in  this  war. 

The  affair  of  Sycamore  Creek  caused  a  dire  alarm  to  be  sounded  through- 
out the  western  region.  Black-hawk's  40  warrioi-s  were  magnified  uito  I.'jOO, 
and  only  the  next  day  after  Stillman's  defeat.  Governor  Reynolds  issued  a  proc- 
lamation calling  on  the  militia  to  assemble  at  Hennepin,  on  Illinois  River,  by 
the  \(j  of  June,  to  the  number  of  2000  men ;  which  number,  he  said,  he  "con- 
sidered necessary  to  subdue  those  Indians,  and  drive  them  out  of  tlie  state." 

Although  the  news  of  Major  Slillmari's  disastir  flew  over  the  country 
among  the  whites  witli  great  rajtidity,  yet  it  is  mentioned  as  a  circumstance 
well  worthy  of  remark,  that  messengers  from  the  ho'^tije  Sacs,  bearing  to  the 
Missouri  Indians  the  news  of  their  victoiy,  arrived  at  the  Des  Moines  Uapid.s 
24  hours  before  the  express  sent  by  Governor  Remolds  at  the  same  place. 

About  the  time  the  proclamation  of  the  15th  of  May  was  issued,  calling  for 
2000  militia,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  whites  to  secure  or  draw  off'  the 
Winnebagos,  and  prevent  their  joining  the  war  party.  On  the  26  May, 
Mr.  Gratoil,  a  sub-Indian  agent,  held  a  council  at  the  head  of  the  Four  Lakes 
with  a  number  of  the  Winnebago  chiefs,  and  they  all  signified  their  desire 
oi  emaining  at  peace  with  the  white  peo|)le.  At  this  council,  the  chiefj 
called  the  Liltle-bluk,  made  a  speech,  and  among  other  things  said, 


found  afterwards  on  the  battle-ground  and  interred, 
country  says,  "  The  dead  that  were  found  were  cut  and 


64G 


MURDERS  ON  INDIAN  CREEK. 


[Book  V. 


"Fatli<<r,  wlint  you  have  heard  of  us  is  from  forked  tongues,  and  what  you 
have  heard  ol' Man-eater  is  false.  Man-eater  is  sick;  but  he  has  sent  iiis  sister 
und  daughter  Ivre  to  speak  for  liiin.  Father,  since  I  knew  you,  I  have  al- 
vays  Ijeard  your  counsel,  nnd  did  what  you  told  me.  My  father,  the  Great 
Spirit,  has  sent  you  both  here.  You  have  taken  me  by  the  hand,  and  you 
have  held  it  fast  in  yours.  We  hope,  in  the  name  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
all  our  women  and  children,  that  you  will  hold  it  fust,  and  we  will  hold  on  to 
you  so  hard  that  you  cannot  shake  us  off'.  My  father,  I  ask  nothing  but  a 
clear  sky  over  our  heads,  which  have  been  hanging  down  lately,  and  the  sky 
has  been  dark,  and  the  wind  has  been  blowing  continually,  and  trjing  to  blow 
lies  i'  our  ears,  but  we  turn  our  ears  from  it ;  but  when  we  look  towui-ds  you, 
the  weather  is  clear,  and  the  wind  does  not  blow.  My  father,  our  young 
men  do  not  travel  much,  for  they  are  afraid  of  the  Sacs,  and  afraid  they  will 
be  taken  for  Sacs  by  the  troops.  My  father,  we  wish  you  to  give  us  a  paper 
like  the  one  General  Jitkinson  gave  us,  that  we  may  show  it  to  the  viiites 
wiiom  we  meet,  that  tiiey  may  know  we  are  friends  and  for  peace." 

As  soon  as  the  troubles  began,  there  were  many  of  the  Alenomonies  and 
Sioux,  who,  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the  Sacs,  came  and  offered  themselves 
to  the  whites,  to  fight  lor  them,  but  their  services  were  refused  ;  now  they 
had  had  a  light,  and  being  beaten,  they  were  glad  to  call  ujjon  the  Indians 
for  assistance,  and  it  was  granted.  Yet  it  should  not  be  supposed  that  it  was 
from  any  love  they  bore  towards  the  whites  that  they  were  glad  to  fight  for 
th(!m,  but  Irom  their  natural  mclination  to  war,  and  to  seek  revenge  for  in- 
juries they  had  received  from  the  Sacs  during  their  former  troubles.  Con- 
sequently several  hundreds  of  them  were  soon  upon  the  mai'ch  in  various 
directions  to  surprise  those  belonging  to  the  war  pai-ty,  and  others  attached 
themselves  to  the  army. 

Blood  had  now  been  shed,  end  no  one  had  any  right  to  expect  but  that  the 
Indians  would  retaliate  upon  any  whites,  according  to  their  manner,  whether 
HI  arms  or  the  cradle.  There  was  a  small  settlement  upon  Indian  Creek, 
near  its  conffuence  with  Fox  River,  about  25  miles  from  the  town  of  Hennepin, 
the  rendezvous  of  the  army.  On  the  20th  *  of  May,  this  settlement  was 
fidlen  upon  by  a  small  band  of  warriors,  led  by  a  Pottowattomie,  who,  after 
killing  15  persons,  took  considerable  plunder,  and  proceeded  to  Black-hawk's 
camp. 

The  Indians  gave  as  a  reason  for  their  attack  upon  this  place,  that  not  long 
before,  a  man  who  lived  there  by  the  name  of  Hall,  had  severely  beaten  the 
Pottowattomie  who  led  the  paity  that  committed  the  murder.  Yet  the  family 
of  this  man,  if  not  the  man  himself,  had  been  toid  by  a  friendly  Indian,  that 
a  party  would  come  and  murder  them,  and  advised  them  to  fly  lor  their  lives. 
They  immediately  did  so,  but  as  vengeance  had  decreed,  they  appear  to  have 
nturned  again  very  soon,  as  they  were  tiiere  found  and  murdered,  as  before 
stated.  Two  daughters  of  Mr.  Hall  were  led  away  captive,  one  about  16,  and 
the  other  about  18  yerrs  of  age  ;  two  brothers  of  these  young  women,  who 
were  at  work  in  the  field  when  the  massacre  began,  mf^dc  iheir  escape  and 
arrived  safe  at  Dixon's  Ferry.  Black-hawk  said  the  young  women  would 
hdve  been  killed  by  the  Pottowattomies  when  they  were  taken,  but  were 
spared  at  the  intercession  of  two  of  his  men,  who  'vere  with  them.  The 
ibllowing  account  was  written  immediate'y  after  they  were  delivered  f  om 
captivity,  by  a  person  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  where  they  were  delivered,  and  is 
probably  correct. 

*'  Of  the  Misses  Halls,  whose  case  seems  to  interest  every  body,  (and  who 
are  now  at  Galena,)  it  may  Jiot  be  uninteresting  to  hear  the  following,  aS  the 
best  information  that  could  1«;  collectcul  from  the  Indians  who  succeeded  in 
procuring  their  liberation.  Affrr  the  bloody  scene  of  despatching  such  of  the 
lauiily  as  were  about  the  house,  (to  which  they  could  not  avoid  being  eye-wit- 
nesses,) those  young  women  were  each  placed  on  a  horse,  which  was  led  l)y 
B  man — other  men  walked  alongside,  to  guard  and  keep  them  from  falling  off 

"  The  editor  of  the  i4menca?j /l/i»««/  Rrs^'nter  is  midnr  a  great  mislake  in  placing  this 
Bffair  a  iiiDiilh  earlier.  It  changes  llio  whole  aspect  of  alVairs  ;  i  Kikiiig  the  Indians  the  firil 
murderers,  which  is  not  fact. 


Chap.  IX.] 


DODGE'S  FIGHT  NEAR  GALENA. 


647 


in  difficult  paa-ses. — At  night  a  lodge  was  set  apart,  and  blankets  spread  fot 
tlioni,  and  elderly  squaws  made  to  sleep  on  each  side,  by  whom  tliey  were 
taken  care  of.  Such  ibod  as  the  Indians  had,  was  offered  to  them ;  but  they 
cried  and  wept,  and  were  too  unwell  to  eat  or  be  comlbrtwl.  All  of  which 
the  young  women  say  is  true,  and  that  the  Indian  men  offered  no  insult  to 
them.  They  also  conffrm  what  is  stated  of  Black-hawKs  camp,  as  seen  in 
going  tlirough  a  narrow  passage,  where  their  horses  mired  in  the  mud: — 
more  of  the  camp,  it  is  supposed,  they  were  not  allowed  to  see.  It  seems 
there  was  more  difficulty  in  procuring  the  liberty  of  one  than  the  other:  a 
young  warrior  ciauned  her  as  his  prize,  and  was  very  unwilling  to  give  her 
up ;  but  arter  using  all  the  arguments  they  were  capablt;  of,  the  Winnebugos 
say  they  had  to  use  threats,  which,  together  with  an  addition  of  ten  horses  to 
the  offer,  obtained  his  consent.  Thr  young  warrior  cut  from  Miss  HalCs  head 
n  lock  of  her  hair;  which,  by  the  by,  has  no  affinity  to  a  similar  act  among 
wliites,  but  is  to  be  kept  as  a  trophy  of  his  warlike  exploits.  The  price  paid 
by  the  Winnebagos  is  stated  to  be  forty  horses,  wampum  and  trinkets, — iu 
all  to  the  amount  of  2000  dollars." 

Black-hawk  was  now  in  the  neigiiborhood  of  Four  Lakes,  at  the  head 
sources  of  Rock  Ri.er,  about  GO  miles  from  Fort  Wiimebago,  and  General 
Jltkinson  was  in  pursuit  of  him;  but  before  he  reached  his  place  of  retreat,  he 
had  retraced  his  steps,  and  was  next  discovered  on  the  Ouisconsin. 

About  this  time,  a  travelling  preacher  of  the  denomination  called  Dunkards 
was  killed  on  the  road  to  Chicago.  His  head  was  severed  from  his  body,  and 
carried  off"  as  a  trophy.  He  w«s  noted  for  his  odd  ai)|)earance ;  his  beard 
being  represented  as  near  a  yard  in  length.  He  had  been  informed  that  sus- 
picious Indians  were  in  the  neighl>oriiood,  and  a  family,  at  whose  house  he 
stopped,  retreated  towards  the  settlements  on  receiving  the  information ;  but 
the  Uunkard  preacher  tliought  proper  to  abide  in  the  deserted  house  over 
night,  and  was  killed. 

On  the  22  May,  a  party  of  spies  having  been  sent  out  by  General  Jllkin- 
son,  with  despatches  (or  Fort  Armstrong,  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and 
four  of  them  were  killed.  St.  Vrain,  an  Indian  agent,  was  among  the  num- 
ber. They  were  all  scalped,  and  their  scalp**^'*^  carried  to  Black-hawk^s 
camp.  St.  Vrain  had  been  odious  to  the  Sacs  Iroiu  the  part  he  took  concern- 
ing their  removal. 

About  this  time,  a  man  by  the  name  of  Smith  was  m;— dered  near  the  Blue 
Mounds  on  the  Galena  Irontier,  and  Mr.  ff inters,  a  mail  contractor  at  Galena, 
was  killed  near  Dixon's  Ferry.  The  body  of  another  man  was  (bund  near  the 
same  place,  but  it  was  so  distifi  red  that  it  was  not  known. 

On  the  6th  June,  a  small  settlement  at  the  month  of  Plum  River,  30  miles 
from  Galena,  was  pttacked,  and  the  people  retreated  to  a  block-house,  which 
they  had  wisely  taken  the  precaution  to  erect.  This  the  Indians  tried  to  take 
for  about  an  hour,  but  could  not  effect  their  oiyect,  and  drew  off'.  The  inhab- 
itants then  went  down  the  river  in  a  boat  to  Galena.  Whether  any  persona 
were  killed,  I  do  not  find. 

By  the  beginning  of  June,  there  were  so  many  troops  spread  over  the  Indian 
country,  that  Black-hawk's  party  found  but  few  opportunities  to  murder  the 
frontier  inhabitants.  And  although  there  were  about  3000  men  in  arms  to 
combat  500  Indians,  yet  congress  ordered  (JOO  mounted  rangei's  to  be  raised 
"for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers." 

On  the  14lh  of  June,  five  persons  were  killed  not  far  below  Hamilton's  Fort, 
near  Galena,  and  on  the  ICth  one  man  was  killed  witlun  a  mile  of  the  same 
place.  General  Dodge  being  iu  the  neighborhood,  marched  with  30  of  his 
mounted  men  immediately  in  pursuit.  When  about  three  miles  on  his  way,  he 
discovered  12  Indians,  whom  he  took  to  be  the  party  who  had  conunitted  the 
murders,  and  he  pursued  them  with  great  spirit.  Immediately  aller  c.ossirig 
East  Pichetoneka  Creek,  the  Indians  buried  themselves  in  a  thick  swamp. 
The  whites  dismounted,  and  affer  securing  their  horses,  and  {tlacinf;  u  small 
guard  to  watch  for  any  that  might  attempt  to  escape,  rushed  in  aller  the 
retreatmg  Indians.  They  presently  came  up  with  them,  and  began  an  indis- 
rnminate  slaughter.    No  resistance  v/as  made,  and  every  Indian  was  killed 


G48 


STEVENSON'S  DEFEAT.— FORTS  ATTACKED.    [Book  V. 


or  murdered  in  a  few  minutes.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  tore  off  the 
Bcalps  of  every  one,  and  bore  Jiern  off  in  triumph. 

On  the  same  day,  Captain  Snyder  met  with  and  defeated  a  small  Indian 
force  near  Keilog's  Grove.  Four  of  the  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  killed, 
and  one  of  the  whites  was  mortally  wounded.  Li  their  return  march,  they 
were  attacked  by  an  ambush  and  defeated,  having  three  of  thcu-  men  killed 
and  mortally  wounded.    The  whites  now  escaped  by  flight. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  as  Captain  Stevenson  with  a  small  force  was  scouting 
ii;ar  where  General  Dodge  cut  off  the  12  Indians,  he  was  met  by  a  force  under 
Black-hawk,  and  a  fierce  contest  ensued.  The  whites  fought  well,  but  they 
were  defeated.  At  one  time.  Captain  Stevenson  was  lell  almost  alone  by  his 
party,  and  was  severely  wounded;  but  tlicy  rallied  again,  and  effected  a 
retreat,  with  the  loss  of  three  only  of  their  number.  The  fight  was  close 
and  desperate  for  a  short  time,  in  which  bayonets,  knives  and  tomahawks 
were  chiefly  used. 

An  attempt  was  made  on  the  24  of  June,  by  a  considerable  body  of  war- 
riors, to  surprise  the  fort  at  Buffalo  Grove,  on  llock  River,  only  about  12  miles 
to  the  northward  of  Dixon's  Ferry.  It  was  guarded  by  1,50  militia,  who  were 
prepared  to  meet  them,  and  a  considerably  sharp  centes*  ensued.  Sixteen 
of  the  Indians  were  killed  before  they  retreated.  But  few  of  the  whites 
were  wounded.  The  garrison  was  in  great  fear  of  being  cut  off,  having  ex- 
pended all  their  ammunition  before  a  reinforcement  arrived,  which  had  b.  eti 
sent  for  while  the  attack  was  going  on. 

About  this  time,  as  Black-hawk  was  approaching  a  small  fort  on  Api)K; 
River,  about  12  miles  from  Galena,  he  fell  in  with  four  men  who  hud  been 
sent  express  to  this  place.  They  did  not  discover  the  Indians  until  fired 
upon,  when  they  fled  for  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  pursued  them ;  one  of  the 
men,  a  Mr.  fVelsh,  was  wounded  before  reaching  tl.e  fort,  and  another  miin 
was  killed  in  the  fort,  who  had  raised  his  head  aoove  the  pickets  to  make 
discovery.  The  Indians  contented  themselves  by  taking  away  a  considerable 
quantity  of  flour,  and  a  number  of  cattle  and  horses.  They  would  doubtless 
have  burnt  the  fort  and  buildings,  and  killed  all  the  people,  but  from  fear 
that  the  light  of  them  would  be  seen  by  some  large  body  of  white  soldiei-s, 
who  might  pursue  and  overtake  them. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  a  pretty  severe  fight  took  place  between  a  company  of 
spies  under  Major  Dement  and  a  band  of  Indians,  not  far  from  Keilog's 
Grove.  He  had  arrived  there  only  the  evening  before,  and  being  informed 
that  an  Indian  trail  was  discovered  in  the  neighborhood,  set  oft'  inmiediately 
with  30  mounted  men  to  attack  them.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the 
Indians  appeared,  and  confidently  attacked  him.  The  Indian  yell  so  fright- 
ened the  horses  that  they  were  thrown  into  confiision,  and  soon  beg;ui  a 
retreat.  The  Indians  pursued  them  a  considerable  distance,  and  lost  nine  of 
their  number,  two  of  whom  were  chiefs.  Five  of  the  whites  were  killed, 
and  they  lost  about  30  of  their  horses. 

On  the  29th  of  Jime,  three  men  were  attacked  in  a  field  at  the  Ciucinaway 
Mound,  about  10  miles  from  Galena,  and  two  of  them  were  killed.  Major 
Stevenson  marched  immediately  in  pursuit  of  the  murderers.  On  ar'iviiif;  at 
the  Mound  he  found  the  bodies  of  the  two  men,  John  Thompson  and  James 
Boxley,  both  shockingly  mirtilated.  The  heart  of  the  former  was  taken  out, 
and  both  were  scalped.  Having  left  a  i'ew  men  to  bury  the  dead,  Majnr 
Stevenson  followed  the  trail  of  the  i)arty  to  the  Mississippi,  where  he  found 
they  had  stolen  a  canoe  and  effected  their  escape  across  the  river. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  tiie  promj)!  action  of  congress  for  the  relief  of 
the  frontiers.  "General  Scott  was  ordered  from  the  sea-board  with  nine  com- 
panies of  artillery,  and  their  cannon  were  to  i)e  drawn  from  the  coast ;  nine  com- 
panies of  infantry  were  ordered  from  the  lakes,  and  two  com[)anies  from 
Baton  Rouge,  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  Such  was  the  promptness  with 
which  these  orders  were  executed,  that  five  out  of  the  six  companies  of 
artillery  ordered  from  Fort  Monroe  in  the  Chesapeake  arrived  in  18  days  at 
Chicago,  1800  miles  distant  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  Unibrtunately 
this  detachment  was  attacked  by  the  cholera  on  the  route,  and  the  whole 


Chap.  IX.] 


RAVAGES  OF  THE  CHOLERA. 


(M9 


were  rer  x'red  unfit  to  take  tlie  field  before  they  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action." 
Accordiiij,r|y  Geueral  Scott  informed  General  Atkinson  that  he  could  not 
cooperate  witli  iiiin  without  endangering  tiie  troops  already  in  the  field,  and 
therefore  directed  him  to  act  without  reference  to  his  forces. 

Tlie  scenes  of  horror  occasioned  by  this  most  singular  disease  will  doubt- 
less be  told  of  in  aller-timcs  with  an  eilect  which  has  not  been  surpassed  in 
that  of  the  histories  of  the  plagues  iu  ancient  days.  Several  of  the  com- 
panies before  mentioned  were  entirely  broken  up.  Of  a  corps  of  208  men 
under  Colonel  Tioiffgs,  but  nine  were  lell  alive.  Mr.  John  JSTorvell,  at  Detroit, 
wrote  on  the  1.  th  July,  to  tlie  editor  of  the  Pennsyivauia  Enquirer,  concern 
ing  its  ravages  in  that  region,  as  follows : — 

"  I  regret  to  add,  that  the  intelligence  from  the  regular  troops  is  disastrous. 
Of  the  three  comj)anies  of  artillery  under  Colonel  Ttoiggs,  and  two  or  three 
more  companies  of  infantry  with  them,  few  retnain.  These  troops,  you  will 
recollect,  landed  from  the  steam-boat  Henry  Clay  below  Fort  Gratiot.  .1  great 
number  of  them  have  been  swept  otf  by  the  disease.  Nearly  all  the  otiiera 
have  deserted.  Of  the  deserters,  scattered  all  over  the  country,  some  have 
died  in  the  woods,  and  their  bodies  been  devoured  by  the  wolves.  I  use  the 
language  of  a  gallant  young  officer.  Others  have  taken  their  flight  to  the 
world  of  spirits,  without  a  companion  to  close  their  eyes,  or  console  the  last 
moments  of  their  existence.  Their  straggling  survivors  are  occasionally  seen 
marching,  some  of  them  know  not  whither,  with  their  knapsacks  on  their 
backs,  shunned  by  the  terrified  inhabitants  as  the  source  of  a  mortal  pesti- 
lence. Colonel  Twiggs  himself,  and  Surgeon  Everett,  are  very  low.  They 
were  still  living  at  the  latest  accounts  from  Fort  Gratiot,  and  sanguine  hopes 
were  entertained  of  their  recovery.  No  other  officers  have  yet  been  assailed, 
except  Lieutenant  Clay. 

"  You  will  remember  that  the  troops  under  Colonel  Ciimmings,  several  of 
whom  died  here,  embarked  on  board  the  steam-boat  William  Feun,  on  Sunday 
last,  for  Chicago.  The  sickness  among  them  increased  as  they  proceeded  to 
Fort  Gratiot,  and  became  so  greaf  by  the  time  they  arrived  there,  that  they 
were  disembarked,  and  have  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  this  city,  and  en- 
camped at  Spriugwells,  about  three  miles  below  town.  Seventeen  or  eight- 
een of  them  liave  died,  and  some  still  remain  sick,  probably  never  to  recover. 
One  half  of  the  conmiand  of  General  Scott,  ordered  to  Chicago  by  the  lakes, 
will  ne\er  reach  him;  a  large  portion  of  them  dying;  a  still  larger  immber 
deserting  from  an  overwhelming  di'ead  of  the  disease,  and  the  residue  obliged 
to  march  back  again." 

In  [lursuing  the  thread  of  events  in  our  narrative,  we  left  General  Atkinson 
in  pursuit  of  Black-hawk,  whose  camp  was  said  to  be  at  the  Four  Lakes. 
General  Atkinson  had  got  this  information  from  a  Pottowaliotnie  Indian,  named 
Wapanseth,  whom,  with  several  odiers,  he  had  employed  for  the  purpose. 
He  said  the  old  chief's  camp  was  "  inaccessible  on  all  sides,  except  through  a 
narrow  pass,  which  was  muddy,  being  otherwise  surrounded  by  water  or 
swamps.  It  was  a  little  al»ove  the  junction  of  a  small  creek,  called  White- 
water, with  the  principal  stream  of  Uock  River,  and  between  the  two." 
But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  when  tlie  army  arrived  at  the  Four  Lakes, 
Black-hawk  had  gone  ;  imd  so  well  did  he  manage  his  retreat  that  the  whites 
were  deceived  as  to  the  direction  he  had  taken. 

"Gen.  Atkinson,  expecting,  when  he  inarched,  to  meet  tlie  enemy  in  a 
short  time,  had  taken  with  him  but  a  small  (piantity  of  provisions,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  was  obliged  to  halt  and  divide  his  forces  at  Lake  Cosh- 
ko-nong  (one  of  the  four)  above  named.  He  himself  with  the  regulars,  some 
650  strong,  remained  at  the  lake  ;  the  militia,  consisting  of  three  brigades, 
under  Generals  Posey,  Dodge  and  Henry,  about  2000  men,  were  ordered  to 
march  to  Fort  Winnebago,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  where  stores  were  hourly  ex- 
pected. It  was  the  intention  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  consolidate  liia 
forces,  and  renew  the  pursuit  as  soon  as  he  had  obtained  sufficient  stores." 

Instead  of  crossing  the  country  to  escape  beyond  the  Mississippi,  as  was 
expected.  Black-hawk  descended  the  Ouisconsin  to  escape  in  that  direction ; 
by  which  means  General  Dodge  came  upon  his  trail  and  comiiiencetl  a  vigor- 
ous pursuit.    The  old  chief  had  received  encouragement  that  in  the  country 
55 


1    ' 


060 


BAITLE  OF  THE  OUISCONSIN. 


[Rook  V 


to  which  lie  had  retreated,  he  should  not  only  rccoive  additional  forces  b_v 
wliich  lie  could  withstand  ail  tlie  An)ericau9'  could  bring  against  him,  hu. 
also  provisions  in  abundance.  He  fbi<i:d  too  late  that  lie  liad  been  deceived 
in  both  particulars ;  he  was  obliged  to  fly  ironi  MkinaorCs  army,  without  pro- 
visions, nor  had  lie  time  to  procure  any  upon  the  way.  Dodge  wii«  imme- 
diately upon  hit'  trail,  but  did  not  overtake  him  until  near  a  hundred  miles 
pursuit 

On  the  21  of  July,  General  Dodge,  with  about  900  men  besides  Lidians 
came  uj)  with  Black-hawk  on  the  Ouisconsiu,  40  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago, 
over  agiiinst  the  old  Sac  village,  and  it  was  only  by  the  superior  munugement 
of  the  old  warrior  chief,  that  himself  or  any  of  his  people  escaped  ci.pture.  A 
great  number  of  Indians  belonged  to  Dodge's  army,  who  contributed  much 
to  the  successful  result  of  the  aft'air.  The  whites  came  upon  the  Indians  as 
they  were  about  to  cross  the  river,  and  the  time  being  evening,  may  account 
for  their  not  being  all  cut  off;  for  immediately  after  the  attack  begun,  it  was 
80  dark  that  the  whites  could  not  continue  it  without  disadvantafrt;  to  them- 
Bclves.  A  letter  dated  at  Fort  Howard,  25  July,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  aft'air : — 

"  Last  evening  we  received  the  intelligence  of  a  battle  having  Iwen  fought  be- 
tween Gen,  Dodge  and  his  division,  and  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  in  which  the  former 
were  victoiious.  The  particulars,  as  stated  in  Capt  Pliinplon's  letter  to  Capt. 
Clark,  are  these :  Pamuett,  with  a  few  Wiimebagos,  lell  the  Portage  a  few 
days  since,  to  proceed  to  Gen.  Dodge's  army,  and  guide  them  to  the  Sac 
camp.  On  Saturday  morning  last,  21st  inst..  Gen.  Dod^e  sent  his  adjutant 
to  report  to  Gen.  Jltkinson  of  his  movements.  He  had  not  proceedttl  far 
before  he  came  upon  the  Sacs'  and  Foxes'  trail,  directing  their  course  to  the 
Ouisconsin  river.  He  immediately  returned  and  reported  the  circumstance 
to  Gen.  Dodge,  who  pursued  and  overtook  them  about  sundown  of  the  same 
day,  (Saturday)  on  the  lefl  bunk  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  about  40  miles  from 
Fort  Winnebago,  when  the  fight  ensued ;  the  Indians  at  the  same  time  re- 
treating. The  night  being  very  dark,  they  found  it  impossible  to  pursue 
them.  They  had  found,  when  Parqmil  lefl  them,  which  was  early  the  next 
morning,  l(i  Indians  killed,  and  but  one  white  man  killed,  and  four  wounded. 
ParquM  thinks  not  less  than  40  Indians  fell  in  the  engagement." 

We  have  the  official  account  of  the  battle  by  General  Dodge ;  but  as  it 
contains  no  additional  facts,  and  is  less  minute  than  this,  it  was^uot  thought 
worth  while  to  insert  it. 

The  truly  deplorable  condition  of  the  Indians  at  this  time  cannot  well  be 
conceived  of.  In  their  pursuit  of  them  before  the  battle,  the  whites  found 
numbers  dead  in  the  way — emaciated,  and  starved  to  death !  When  overtaken 
by  Gen.  Dodge,  they  were  not  estimated  to  be  but  about  300  men,  besides 
women  and  children,  and  although  the  affair  of  the  21st  is  called  a  battle,  it 
does  not  seem  that  it  can  scarcely  deserve  that  name,  for  if  there  had  been 
any  thing  more  than  a  show  of  resistance,  more  of  the  whites  would  have 
been  killed. 

The  Indians  report  that  they  were  attacked  about  a  mile  from  the  river : 
the  approach  of  the  army  was  discovered,  and  Black-hawk,  with  only  50  or 
60  men,  met  them,  to  give  the  remainder  time  to  cross  to  an  island.  N'eapope, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  march  in  the  rear  with  about  20  warriors,  to  give 
notice  when  the  whites  were  discovered,  had  been  passed  by  them  by  an  un- 
expected route,  and  Black-hawk  heard  no  more  from  him  until  after  the  war. 
He  found  there  was  no  chance  of  success  by  continuing  it,  deserted  his 
braves,  went  to  the  Winnebago  village,  and  soon  after  became  a  prisoner  to 
the  whites.  Meanwhile  General  Atkinson  had  marched  from  Coshconong, 
!iii(l  fiillowing  in  the  trail  of  Dodge,  had  arrived  within  two  days'  march  of 
the  i)laci;  where  the  fight  had  been  with  the  Indians,  and  was  immediately 
ready  to  cooperate  with  him.  After  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle,  he  marched 
to  the  Blue  Mounds  on  the  Ouisconsin,  opposite  to  where  the  fight  had  been. 

The  Indians  were  surprised  that  they  were  not  jiursued ;  but  for  want  of 
boats  or  canoes,  or  the  means  of  constnicting  rafts,  they  could  not  even  cross 
to  the  island  to  which  the  Indians  hud  escaped  for  two  days  after,  and  in  th« 
tuean  thne  they  escaped.    That  they  were  not  pressed  harder  on  the  night  of 


k     i 


Chap.  IX.]        AFFAIR  WITH  THE  STEA.M-BOAT  VVAIIIUOR. 


Gol 


tho  battle,  Gflneral  Dodge  urged  in  e.xciisc,  thut  liis  men  were  woin  down  will) 
futigue,  huviiig  tnaixlieu  40  miles  that  day. 

Among  tiie  prisoners  t^iketi  by  General  Dodge's  [mrty,  was  the  wile  of  tlir 
warrior  culled  the  liio-LAKE.  She  was  a  .^ister  of  Keokuk,  and  her  hii.-slmnd 
had  been  killed  in  tlie  fight.  Although  the  white.s  were  satisfied  iM-fure,  they 
were  now  intbrnied  by  this  squaw  of  Black-hawk'a  final  ruinohitiun  ;  whieh 
was,  for  such  of  his  men  as  had  good  horses  to  proceed  with  him  and  strike 
the  Missi!!si|)|>i  above  Prairie  du  Chien,  while  the  remainder  should  proceed 
by  the  Ouisconsin  ;  and  a  place  of  rendezvous  was  appointed  for  all  to  meet 
on  the  west  side  of  the  great  river.  Thi.s  squaw  also  stated  that  Ijefore  the 
battle  on  the  Ouisconsin,  in  which  she  was  taken,  200  of  Black-hawk'a  men 
had  been  killed. 

G(;neral  Dodge  having  recommended  a  cannon  to  Im)  placed  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  at  a  suitable  place  below  the  buttlc-groimd,  to  cut  oil'  such  na 
should  attenqU  an  escape  in  that  direction,  marched  with  his  army  on  the 
23d,  and  joined  General  Atkinson  at  the  ISlue  Mounds,  and  every  thing  wa^ 
immediately  put  in  readiness  to  pursue  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  undui 
Black-hawk. 

As  was  intended,  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites  as  they  descended 
the  Ouisconsin.  ^ome  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  wretciies  were 
overset,  and  many  of  those  in  them  were  drowned;  the  greater  number,  how- 
ever, fell  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies  in  their  ptussage.  Many  of  the 
children  were  found  to  be  in  such  a  famished  state  tiiat  they  could  not  be 
revived. 

Several  untoward  circumstances  now  transpired  to  prevent  the  escape  of 
the  main  body  under  Black-hawk.  The  first  was  his  falling  in  with  a  .steam- 
boat on  the  1st  of  August,  just  as  they  were  preparing  to  cross  the  M  irisissi|)])i,  by 
which  means  that  day  was  lost.  And  upon  the  next  day,  the  whole  army  of 
whites  under  Grcneral  Atkinson  came  upon  them,  which  completed  their 
destruction.  As  in  the  afiair  of  the  21  of  July  on  the  Ouisconsin,  Black-haitk 
did  not  wish  to  fight,  but  to  escape ;  and  when  the  steam-boat  fell  in  with 
him  he  used  every  means  to  give  the  captain  of  her  to  understand  that  lie 
desired  to  surrender.  He  displayed  two  white  flags,  and  about  1.10  of  his 
men  approached  the  river  without  arms,  and  made  signs  of  submission ;  bi-t 
whether,  as  was  said  by  the  whites,  the  interpreter  on  board  was  so  frightened 
that  he  could  not  convey  the  meaning  of  those  on  shore  to  the  ca[)tuin  ( '  ihe 
boat,  or  whether,  as  it  would  seem,  the  whites  were  determined  to  kill  Indians, 
we  will  not  take  upon  us  to  decide,  but  lay  before  the  reader  the  account  of 
the  affair  by  Captain  /.  Throcmorton,  of  the  boat,  which  is  as  follows : — 

"  Prairie  du  Chien,  3  Aug.  1832,  I  arrived  at  this  place  on  Monday  last, 
[30  July,]  and  was  despatched,  with  the  Warrior  alone,  to  Wapashaw's  village, 
120  miles  above,  to  inform  them  of  the  approach  of  the  Sacs,  and  to  order 
down  all  the  friendly  Indians  to  this  place.  On  our  way  down,  we  met  one 
of  the  Sioux  band,  who  informed  us  that  the  Indians  (our  enemies)  were  on 
Bad-a:?e  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  stopped  and  cut  some  wood,  and 
prepared  for  action.  About  4  o'clock  on  Wednesday  afternoon,  [1  Aug.] 
we  found  the  gentlemen  [Indians]  where  he  stated  he  had  left  tiiem.  As  we 
ueared  them,  they  raised  a  white  flag,  and  endeavored  to  decoy  us ;  but  we 
were  a  little  too  old  for  them  ;  for  instead  of  landing,  we  ordered  them  to  send 
a  boat  on  board,  which  they  declined.  After  about  15  minutes'  delay,  giving 
them  time  to  remove  a  few  of  their  women  and  children,  we  let  slip  a  six- 
pounder  loaded  with  canister,  followed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketry ;  and  if 
ever  you  saw  straight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  I  fought 
them  at  anchor  most  of  the  time,  and  we  were  nil  very  much  exposed.  I  have 
a  ball  which  came  in  close  by  where  I  was  standing,  and  passed  through  the 
bulk-head  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  them  for  about  an  hour  or  more, 
until  our  wood  began  to  fail,  and  night  coming  on,  we  left,  and  went  on  to  the 
Prairie.  This  little  fight  cost  them  23  killed,  and,  of  course,  a  great  mnny 
wounded.  We  never  lost  a  man,  and  had  but  one  man  wounded,  (shot  through 
the  leg.)  The  next  morning,  before  we  could  get  back  again,  on  account  of  a 
heavy  fog,  they  had  the  whole  [of  General  Atkinson's^  army  ii|)oii  tluni.  Wo 
foiui^  them  at  it,  walked  in,  and  took  a  hand  ourselves.    The  first  t-lioi  fro  u 


652 


DHFEAT  OF  DLACK-IIAVVK  ON  TFIE  MISSISSIPPI.       [B.mii  V. 


the  Warrior  laid  out  three,  I  can  hardly  tell  you  uiiy  thing  about  it,  for  I  am 
ill  L'rciit  liiiHtc,  (iH  I  am  now  on  my  way  to  the  fit-ld  agaui.  The  army  lost 
eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seventeen  wounded,  whom  we  brought  down.  One 
died  on  deck  last  night.  We  brought  down  Jf!  prisoners,  women  and  children. 
1  tell  you  what,  Sam,  there  is  no  I'un  in  fighting  Indians,  particularly  at  this 
season,  when  the  grass  is  so  very  bright.  Every  man,  and  even  my  cabin-l)oy, 
fought  well.  We  had  1(5  regulars,  5  riflemen,  and  '20  of  ourselves.  Mr.  //ojp, 
of  Platte,  Mr.  James  G.  SoularJ,  and  one  of  the  RoUttts,  were  with  us,  and 
fought  well." 

Lieutenant  Kinirsbun/,  an  officer  in  command  of  the  United  States'  troops  on 
Itoard  the  Wamor  ut  tl'ie  time  of  the  fight,  reported  that,  about  40  miles  above 
Prairie  dii  Chien,  a  great  number  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  seen,  who  hoisted 
a  white  flag,  but  would  not  send  a  canoe  on  board,  although  they  were  told 
that,  in  case  they  did  not,  they  should  lie  fired  upon,  which  was  inune- 
diately  done.  They  seetned  much  alarmed  when  the  six-pounder  was  dis- 
charged upon  them,  and  all  immediately  covered  themselves  with  trees  and 
whatever  offered.    Five  or  six  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  August  2,  the  whole  combined  army, 
amounting  to  KiOO  men,  came  up  with  the  Lidians;  and  the  following  are 
the  particular  details  of  that  whole  transaction,  as  published  at  Galena,  four 
days  aflcr  it  happened,  namely,  August  6. 

"  The  whole  ai-my  under  General  Atkinson,  embracing  tlie  brigades  com- 
manded by  Generals  Henrt/,  Posey,  and  Alexander,  and  squadron  under  com- 
mand of  General  Dodse,  all  crossed  over  to  the  north  side  of  the  Ouisconsin 
at  Helena,  on  the  28t7i  and  2Dth  ult.  They  took  up  a  line  of  march  in  a 
northerly  direction,  in  order  to  intersect  the  Indian  trail.  At  the  distance  of 
about  five  miles,  the  great  trail  was  discovered,  leading  in  a  direction  N.  of  W. 
towards  the  Mississip|)i,  and  sujtposed  to  be  about  tour  days  old.  General  ^H- 
kinson,  seeing  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  knew  well  that  it  would  require  all 
diligence  and  expedition  to  overtake  them  before  they  would  cross  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  hence  commenced  from  that  time  a  forced  march;  leaving  all 
baggage  wagons,  a>,\d  every  thing  else  which  was  calculated  to  retard  the 
pursuit. 

"  The  country  through  which  the  enemy's  trail  led  our  army  between  the 
Ouisconsin  Bluffs  and  the  Kickapoo  River  was  one  continued  series  of  moun- 

ins.  No  sooner  had  they  reached  the  summit  of  one  high  and  almost  per- 
pendicular hill,  than  they  had  to  descend  on  the  other  side  equally  steep  to 
the  base  of  another.  Nothing  but  a  deep  ravine,  with  muddy  banks,  separated 
these  mountains.  The  woods,  both  i^pon  the  top  of  the  highest  mountains, 
and  at  the  bottom  of  the  deepest  hollows,  was  of  tlie  heaviest  growth.  The 
under-bushes  were  chiefly  thorn  and  prickly  ash.  This  is  a  short  description 
of  the  route,  and  shows  tlie  difficulties  of  the  pursuit.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  our  army  gained  on  the  enemy  daily,  as  appeared  from  the  enemy's  en- 
campments. The  tedious  march  thus  continued  was  met  by  our  brave  troops 
without  a  murmur;  and  as  the  Indian  signs  appeared  more  recent,  the  officers 
and  men  appeared  more  anxious  to  push  on.  On  the  fourth  night  of  our 
march  from  Helena,  and  at  an  encam,)rnent  of  the  enemy,  was  discovered  an 
old  Sac  Indian,  by  our  spies,  who  informed  them  that  the  main  l)ody  of  the 
enemy  had,  on  that  day,  gone  to  the  Mississippi,  and  intended  to  cross  on  the 
next  morning,  Aug.  2d.  The  horses  being  nearly  broken  down,  and  the  men 
nearly  exhausted  from  fatigue.  General  Atkinson  ordered  a  halt  for  a  few 
hours,  (it  being  after  8  o'clock,)  with  a  determination  to  start  at  2  o'clock  for 
the  Mississippi,  about  ten  miles  aistant.  At  the  precise  hour  the  bugles  sound-  . 
ed,  and  in  a  short  time  all  were  ready  to  march. 

"  General  Dodgers  squadron  was  lionored  with  being  placed  in  front ;  the 
infantry  followed  next ;  General  Henry^s  brigade  next ;  General  Alexander's  next : 
and  General  Posey's  formed  the  rear-guard.  Gcsneral  Dodse  called  for,  and 
as  soon  received,  20  volunteer  spies  to  go  ahead  of  the  whole  army. 

"  Li  this  order  the  march  commenced.  They  had  not,  however,  gone  more 
tlian  five  miles,  before  one  of  our  spies  came  back,  announcing  their  having 
come  in  sight  of  the  enemy's  picket-guard.  He  went  bark,  and  the  intelli- 
gence was  quickly  conveyed  to  General  Atkinson,  then  to  all  the  comuuuideri 


;'  I 


Chap.  IX]     DEFEAT  OF  DLACK-HAWK  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 


G53 


of  the  brigades;  and  the  celerity  of  the  march  waA  instantly  increased.  In  a 
r(>w  minutes  more,  tlie  firing  commenced  atubout  500  yards  aliiiud  of  the  front 
of  the  army,  between  our  spies  and  the  Indian  picket  guard.  The  Indiiitia 
were  driven  by  our  spies  from  hill  to  hill,  iind  kept  up  a  tolerably  brisk  tiring 
from  every  situation  commanding  the  groi.  id  over  which  our  spies  hud  to 
march ;  but  being  charged  upon  and  routed  from  their  hiding-places,  they 
sought  safety  by  retreating  to  the  niidn  body  on  the  bunk  of  ihe  river,  and 
joinmg  in  one  general  eflort  to  defend  themstdves  there  or  die  on  thi;  grnimd. 

"Lest  some  might  escape  by  retreating  up  or  «lown  the  river,  General  ,lt- 
kiruon  very  Judiciously  ordered  Cieneral  Altxandtr  and  General  Posey  to  form 
the  right  wing  of  the  army,  and  rnarcli  down  to  the  river  above  the  Indian 
encampment  on  the  bank,  and  then  move  down.  Genend  Henri)  formed  the 
left  wing,  and  marched  in  the  tnuin  trail  of  the  enemy.  The  l/.  S.  inluntry, 
and  General  Dodge's  squadron  of  the  mining  troops,  marebetl  in  the  centre. 
With  this  order  our  whole  force  descended  the  almost  |)i  rpendiculur  blufl^ 
and  came  into  a  low  valley,  lieuvily  timbered  with  a  large  growth  of  under- 
brush, weeds  and  grass. — Sloughs,  deep  ravines,  old  logs,  &,c.  were  so  plenti- 
ful as  to  ufibrd  ev»;ry  facility  f<jr  the  enemy  to  m;ike  a  strong  defence.  Gen- 
eral Henri/  first  came  upon  and  commenced  a  hej'vy  fue,  which  was  njturned 
by  the  enemy.  The  enemy,  being  routed  from  their  first  hiding-places,  sought 
others.  Gcuieral  Dodge's  squadron  and  the  U.  S.  troops  soon  came  into  action, 
and,  with  General  Henrifs  men,  rushed  into  the  strong  defiles  of  the  enemy, 
and  kilh'd  all  in  their  way,  except  a  few  who  succeeded  in  swimming  a. slough 
of  the  Mississippi,  150  yards  wide.  During  this  time  tli-  brigades  of  Generals 
Alexander  and  Posey  were  marching  do.vn  the  river,  when  they  fell  in  with 
another  part  of  the  enemy's  army,  and  killed  and  routed  all  tliat  opposed 
them. 

"  The  battle  lasted  tipwards  of  three  hours.  About  50  of  the  enemy's  women 
and  children  were  taken  prisoners,  and  many,  by  accident  in  the  battle,  were 
killed.  When  the  Indians  were  driven  to  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  some 
buiidreds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  plunged  into  the  river,  and  hoped  by 
diving,  &c.  to  escape  the  bulleta  of  our  guns ;  very  few,  however,  escaped  our 
sharp-shooters. 

"  The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  never  can  be  exactly  ascertained,  but, 
according  to  the  best  computation,  they  must  have  lost  in  killed  upwards  of 
150.     Our  loss  in  killed  and  woimded  was  27. 

"  Sorne  hud  crossed  the  river  before  our  arrival ;  and  we  learn  by  a  prisoner, 
that  Black-hawk^  while  the  battle  waxed  wann,  had  stolen  oW,  and  gone  up 
the  river  on  this  side.  If  he  did,  he  took  nothing  with  him  ;  for  his  valuables, 
many  of  them,  together  with  certificates  of  good  character,  and  of  his  hav- 
ing fought  bravely  against  the  United  States  during  the  last  war,  &c.,  signed 
by  British  officers,  were  found  on  the  battle-ground. 

"  It  is  the  general  impression  in  the  army  and  at  this  place,  that  the  Sacs 
would  be  glad  to  conclude  a  peace  on  almost  any  tenns  we  might  propose. 
On  the  morning  of  the  4th  inst  a  party  of  Sioux  came  to  our  camp,  and  beg- 
ged preniission  to  go  on  the  back  trail  and  have  a  fight  with  them.  On  the 
same  day,  our  whole  lu-my  started  to  go  dowc  to  Prairie  du  Chien,  (about  40 
miles,)  and  wait  further  orders, 

"  General  Atkinson,  accompanied  by  Generals  Dodge  and  Posey,  with  tho 
U.  S.  inlimtry,  arrived  at  the  Prairie  on  the  evening  of  the  4th,  on  board  the 
S.  B.  Warrior,  and  will  remain  until  the  mounted  volunteers  arrive.  The 
Winnebagos,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  are  daily  bringing  in  Sac  prisoners  and 
scalps. 

"  On  the  same  day,  a  party  of  15  men  from  Cassville,  unner  command  of 
Captain  Price,  were  reconnoitring  tlie  country  betweeu  that  pkiee  and  tlie 
Ouisconsin,  and  fell  upon  a  fresh  Sac  trail  making  towards  tlie  Mississiiipi. 
They  ruslied  with  full  speed  of  horses,  and  soon  came  upon,  killed  and  took 
prisoners  to  the  number  of  12. 

"  General  Scott  and  staff  left  here  this  morning  for  Prairie  du  Chien,  in 
tho  steam-boat  Warrior,  to  join  General  Atkinson." 

TJiis  was  the  finisinng  stroke  to  the  war  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  although 
Black-hawk  himself  hud  made  his  escape.  General  Atkinson  immediately 
55* 


dTA 


NEAPOPE. 


inuoK  V 


;«> 


directed  Keokuk  to  smid  out  somn  of  liia  IiuIinnB  to  demand  a  niirrendi'r  of  all 
llie  warriors  tliat  liati  i'Hca|)(Mi,  and  if  |i088il)le  to  capture  Black-hawk,  uiid 
briii)j;  iiiiii  ill  eitlirr  alivu  or  doiul. 

Kt'spKctiii^  his  iuHt  liuttiu,  liluck-hnwk  lias  said,  that  when  tlie  whites  raine 
upon  hiri  |>eople,  tliey  trind  to  give  theiimelvcH  up,  and  made  no  hIiow  of  re- 
Histuiice  until  tiio  Holdiers  began  to  slaughter  them,  and  then  his  bravi.'s  deter- 
mined to  tight  until  they  were  all  killed.  With  a  siiimII  party  he  went  to  tho 
Winnebago  village  at  I'rairie  la  CroHs.  Here  he  told  the  chief  he  desired  to 
give  himself  up  to  tli<!  whiles,  and  let  them  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to  do  so. 
The  s(piuw8  at  this  filucc;  made  him  a  dress  of  white  deerskins,  prei)aratory 
to  his  dcpartur !  for  I'rairie  dii  Cliieti,  to  which  it  appears  he  went  voluntarily 
with  those  that  had  been  sent  out  al\er  him. 

The  Hioiix,  of  whom  we  have  made  mention,  that  had  permission  to  go  out 
after  the  flying  Sacs  on  the  'M  of  August,  were  about  100  in  number.  They 
soon  after  met  with  the  flying  '.laiid  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
indiseriiiiinately  miirdereci  about  V20  of  the  poor  half-starved  creatures  who 
had  esea|)eit  from  the  whites  through  so  many  perils. 

A  most  distressing  incident  is  related  as  having  taken  place  in  the  battle  of 
the  2  Allgll^'t,  which  it  may  not  he  improper  to  lay  before  the  reader,  tiiat  ex- 
amples of  tlij  horrors  of  war  may  not  be  wanting.  "  When  our  troops  charged 
the  enemy  in  their  d-;fi!cs  near  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  seen  mixed  together,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render  it  diflicult 
to  kill  one,  and  save  the  other.  A  ^oung  squaw  of  about  19  stood  in  the 
gross  at  a  short  distance  from  our  line,  holding  her  little  girl  in  her  arms, 
about  four  years  old.  While  thus  standing,  apparently  unconcerned,  <  ball 
struck  tho  right  arm  of  the  child  above  the  elbow,  and,  shattering  the  bone, 
passed  into  the  breast  of  its  poor  mother,  who  instontiy  lell  dead  to  the 
ground.  She  fell  upon  ^he  child,  and  confined  it  to  the  ground  also.  During 
the  whole  battle,  this  babe  was  heard  to  groan  and  (all  lor  relief,  but  none 
had  time  to  aflbrd  it.  When,  however,  the  Indians  had  retreated  from  that 
spot,  and  the  battle  had  nearly  subsided,  Lieutenant  Anderson,  of  the 
United  States'  army,  went  to  the  place  and  took  from  under  the  dead  motl.er 
her  wounded  daughter,  and  brought  it  to  a  phice  selected  for  surgical  aid.  It 
was  soon  ascertained  tliat  its  arm  must  come  off;  and  the  operation  was  per- 
formed upon  the  little  sufferer  without  drawing  from  it  a  tear  or  a  shriek." 
At  the  last  accounts  it  was  doing  well.  When  we  are  told  that  this  Indian 
child  was  sucking  a  piece  of  dry  biscuit  during  the  whole  time  of  the  ampu- 
tation, it  almost  causes  a  disbelief  of  the  whole  story ;  but  such  are  the 
facts  given. 

Although  no  further  depredations  could  be  feared  from  the  Sacs,  yet  on  the 
9  August,  six  Indians  approached  a  block-house  on  Cedar  Creek,  which  runs 
into  Henderson's  River,  about  10  miles  nortl  of  Warren  court-house,  and  shot, 
tomahawked  and  sculped  a  young  man  named  WUliam  Martin.  They 
left  behind  them  a  pair  of  leggins  and  a  loaded  gun,  and  fled,  as  was  sup- 
posed, over  the  Mississippi.  A  company  of  15  rangers  went  in  immediate 
pursuit,  nit  could  not  come  up  with  them.  It  wos  soon  after  discovered  that 
this  mure  er  was  committed  by  some  of  KeokuKs  band,  and  he  gave  up  his 
nephew  as  the  perpetrator  of  it. 


fiitt 


CHAPTER  X. 


Particulars  in  theltvcs  of  the  chief  men — Neapope — His  account  of  Itimsrf — Surren- 
der of  Bl,ACK-HAWK — Speeches  on  the  occasion — His  speech  on  ihi  siiniii — Purlieu- 
lars  in  his  early  history — \YABOKiEsuiEK,t/(fi  Prophet — Treaty  of  Si  plrinlx  r.  l,-^;l*J — 
— .iccouiU  of  Black-hawk's  companions — Jirrical  of  the  Indians  at  iVashlngton— 
Black-hawk's  interview  loith  the  President. 

Neapope  was  second  in  command  to  Black-hnwk,  and  in  all  the  expeditionn 
ftgt'.inst  the  whites;  he  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  fight  with  the  Sioux,  and  ai 


CUAP.  X.I 


SURKKNDRR  OF  IlLACK-IIAWK. 


6.U 


hin  oxniiiiiiMtion  nf^nrwnnlH  Ity  Gcnnrnl  Si:olt,  nhniit  the  miinlrrH  wliicii  hiul 
been  (■orririiiri(Ml  nii  tlin  wliitcH,  lio  ^iiw  this  iirconiit  of  liiiiiHt-ll': — 

"1  iilwiijH  iNiloiigiMl  lo  lilack-hawk^K  InwkI.  Limt  Hiiiiiiner  I  went  to  MiiMeii ; 
when  I  raine  hack,  I  found  that  hy  thi;  treaty  with  (lenural  Uttinra,  \\w  Hni-a 
had  moved  acroHH  the  MiMHit*Hi|>|ii.  I  reniahied  during  the  winter  with  tha 
l*ro|)li4-t,  on  Kock  llivcr,  35  miles  nhovc  tlie  mouth.  During  th<s  winter,  thu 
I'mphet  Ment  (lie  across  tlie  MisHiHai|)]>i,  to  lilack-hatck,  with  a  niesMigu,  to  tel. 
liim  and  his  l)and  to  cmsM  hack  to  liis  village  and  muk<!  corn ;  that  if  the 
AuicricanH  raino  and  told  them  to  move  again,  they  would  shake  hands  with 
them.  If  the  Americans  liad  como  and  told  us  to  move,  we  shuiiUl  liavo 
nhakeri  hands,  and  inunediutely  have  moved  peaccahly.  We  encam|ied  oti 
Symcuse  Creek.  We  met  some  Foltowaltomios,  and  1  made  a  feast  for  them. 
At  that  time  I  heard  th<-re  were  some  Americans  [under  Major  Stillinan] 
near  us.  I  prepared  a  white  flag  to  go  and  see  them,  and  sent  two  or  throe 
young  men  on  a  hill  to  see  what  they  were  doing.  Itefore  the  feast  was 
tinislied,  I  heard  my  ynimg  men  were  killed.  This  was  at  sunset.  Some  of  my 
young  meu  ran  out;  two  killed,  and  the  Americans  wen;  seen  rushing  on  to 
our  camp.  My  young  m(;n  fired  a  few  guns,  atid  the  Americans  run  off,  and 
my  young  men  chased  them  ahout  six  miles." 

JVeapojte  further  said,  that  the  Pottowuttoinies  of  the  village  immediately 
lefl  them,  and  that  no  Kikapoos  joined  them,  hut  those  who  were  originally 
witU  Bluck-h/twk;  hut  the  Winnehagos  did,  and  hroiiglit  in  scalps  tVei|uent- 
ly;  that,  at  last,  wlien  tiicy  found  the  Sacs  would  be  hiaten,  they  turned 
against  iliem.  It  was  also  given  in  hy  some  of  those  examined  at  this  titne, 
that  Blw.k-hawk  siiid,  when  the  steam-hoat  Warrior  approaclu^d  them,  that  he 
pitied  the  women  and  children,  and  hcgan  to  make  preparations  to  surrender 
to  the  whites,  and  for  that  [turpose  sent  out  a  white  Hag  to  meet  the  boat, 
which  immediately  fired  ufwn  them.  Then  said  he,  ^^IJired  loo."  The  truth 
of  this  will  not  be  questioned,  inasmuch  as  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain 
of  the  Warrior's  own  account  Hence  the  inference  is  clear,  that  much  blood 
might  have  been  saved,  but  for  the  precipitancy  of  those  who  only  sought  a 
fight  with  the  Indians. 

Parties  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  continually  on  the  alert,  that  it  seemed 
very  probable  the  principal  chiefs  would  soon  fiill  into  their  hands.  These 
expectations  were  soon  realized ;  for  at  11  o'clock,  27  August,  Black-hawk  and 
his  Prophet  were  delivered  to  General  Street  at  Prairie  du  Chien.  Tliey  were 
brought  hy  two  Winnebagoes,  Decorie  and  Chaetar,  and,  when  delivered,  were 
dressed  in  a  full  dress  of  white-tanned  deerskins.  Soon  ailer  they  were 
seated  in  the  presence  of  the  officer,  Decorie,  called  the  One-eyed,  rose  and 
spoke  thus  to  him : — 

"My  father,  I  now  stand  before  you.  When  we  parted,  I  told  you  I  would 
return  soon ;  but  I  could  not  como  ony  sooner.  We  have  hud  to  go  a  great 
distance,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  above  the  Portage.]  You  see  wo 
have  done  what  you  sent  us  to  do.  These  [pointing  to  the  prisoners]  are  the 
two  you  told  us  to  get  We  hare  done  what  you  told  us  to  do.  We  always 
do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  our  good.  Father,  you  told  us 
to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  cause  of  much  good  to  the  Winneba- 
gocB,  We  have  brnuglit  them,  but  it  has  been  very  hard  for  us  to  do  bq. 
That  one,  Mucaiamiskkakaekq,  [meaning  Black-hawk,]  was  a  great  way  off. 
You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  you  alive:  we  have  d'-ne  sa  If  yon  hud  told 
us  to  bring  their  heads  alone,  we  would  have  done  so,  and  it  would  have  been 
less  difficult  than  what  we  have  done. — Father,  we  deliver  these  men  into 
your  hands.  Wo  would  not  deliver  them  even  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the 
wan'iors,  but  to  you ;  because  we  know  you,  and  we  Iwlieve  you  are  our 
friend.  We  want  you  to  keep  tlicni  safe ;  if  they  are  to  he  huit,  we  do 
not  wish  to  see  it  Wait  until  we  are  gone  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many 
little  birds  have  been  flying  about  our  ears  of  late,  and  we  thought  they  whis- 
pered to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us;  but  now  we  hope  these  evil 
birds  will  let  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  are  our  friend,  l>ecause  you  take 
our  part,  and  that  is  the  reason  we  do  what  you  tell  us  to  do.  You  say  you 
love  your  red  childreu  :  we  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not  more  than  you 
love  us.     We  have  confidence  in  you,  and  you  may  rely  on  Ud.    We  liavo 


656 


BLiCK-HAWK. 


fBooK  V. 


ti'i 


been  promisrtl  a  gront  deal  if  we  would  take  these  men, — that  it  would  do 
iimcli  good  to  our  people.  We  now  hope  to  see  what  will  be  done  for  us. — 
We  have  come  in  haste ;  we  are  tired  and  hungry.  We  now  put  these  men 
into  your  hands.    We  have  done  all  that  you  told  us  to  do." 

General  Street  said,  in  answer : — 

"My  eiiildren,  you  have  done  well.  I  told  you  to  bring  these  men  to  mc, 
and  you  have  done  so.  I  am  pleased  at  what  you  have  done.  It  is  for  your 
good,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  pleased.  I  assured  the  great  chief  of  the 
warriors,  [(Jcneral  JItkinson,]  that  if  these  men  were  in  your  country,  you 
would  find  them,  and  bring  them  to  mo,  uud  now  I  can  say  much  for  your 

ffood.  I  will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  prisoners,  and  I  wish  you  who 
Kive  brought  these  men,  especially,  to  go  witli  me,  with  such  other  chiefs  and 
warriors  as  you  may  select.  My  children,  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors, 
when  he  lell  this  place,  directed  me  to  deliver  these,  and  all  other  prisoners, 
to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  at  this  place.  Colonel  Taylor,  who  is  here  by  me. 
— Some  of  the  Winnebagoes  south  of  the  Ouisconsin  have  befriended  the 
Saukies,  [Saes,]  and  some  of  the  Indians  of  my  agency  have  also  given  them 
aid.  This  displeaseth  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors  and  your  great  tiither 
the  i)resident,  and  was  calculated  to  do  much  harm. — Your  great  father,  the 
president  at  Washington,  has  sent  a  great  war-chief  from  the  Ijjr  east.  General 
Scott,  with  a  fresh  army  of  soldiers.  He  is  now  at  Rock  Island.  Your  great 
father,  the  president,  has  sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to 
hold  a  council  with  the  Indians.  He  has  sent  a  speech  to  you,  and  wishes 
the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Winnebagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  the 
council  on  the  tenth  of  next  month.  I  wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days, 
when  I  will  go  with  you. — I  am  well  jjleased  that  you  have  taken  the  Black- 
hawk,  the  Prophet,  and  others  prisoners.  This  will  enable  me  to  say  much 
for  you  to  the;  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  to  the  president,  your  great 
father.  My  children,  I  shall  now  deliver  the  two  men,  Black-hawk  and  the 
Prophet,  to  the  chief  of  the  warriore  here;  he  will  take  care  of  them  till  we 
Btart  to  Rock  Island." 

Colonel  Taylor,  having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custo<ly,  addressed  the 
chiefs  as  follows: — 

"The  great  chief  of  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisoners  when  you 
shall  bring  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I  will  take  them 
and  keep  them  safe,  but  I  will  use  them  well,  and  send  them  with  you  and 
General  Street,  \vlien  you  go  down  to  the  council,  which  will  be  in  a  few  days. 
Your  Iriend,  General  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go  down  soon,  and 
so  do  I.  I  tell  you  again  I  will  take  the  prisoners ;  I  will  keep  them  safe,  but 
I  will  do  them  no  harm.  I  will  deliver  them  to  the  great  chief  of  the  war- 
riors, and  he  will  do  with  them  and  use  them  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
ordered  by  your  great  father,  the  president" 

Chaetar,  the  other  Winnebago,  next  spoke,  and  said,  "My  father,  I  am 

{oung,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
ever  spoke  to  you  before  people. — I  am  no  chief;  I  am  no  orator;  but 
I  have  been  allowed  to  speak  to  you.  If  I  should  not  speak  as  well  as  others, 
Btill  you  must  listen  to  me.  Father,  when  you  made  the  speech  to  the  chiefs 
fVaugh  kon  Decorie  Carranmni,  the  One-eyed  Decorie,  and  others,  'tother  day, 
I  was  there.  I  heard  you.  I  thought  what  you  said  to  them,  you  also  said 
to  me.  You  said,  if  these  two  [pointing  to  Black-hawk  and  the  Prophet]  were 
Uiken  by  us  and  brought  to  you,  there  wouKI  never  more  a  black  cloud  hang 
over  your  Winnebagoes.  Your  wortls  entered  into  my  ear,  into  my  brains, 
ai:d  into  my  heart.  I  lell  here  that  same  night,  and  you  know  you  have  not 
seen  me  since  until  now.  I  have  been  a  great  way;  I  had  much  trouble; 
but  when  I  rcinendx-red  what  you  said,  I  knew  what  you  said  was  right. 
This  made  ine  continue  and  do  what  you  told  me  to  do.  Near  the  Dalle,  on 
the  Ouisconsin,  I  took  Black-hawk.  No  one  did  it  but  me.  I  say  this  in  the 
ears  of  all  itr<!sent,  and  they  know  it — and  I  now  appeal  to  the  (Jreat  Spirit, 
our  grundliithcr,  and  the  earth,  our  grandmother,  for  the  trutii  of  wliat  1  say. 
Father,  I  am  no  chief,  but  what  I  have  done  is  for  the  benefit  of  my  nation, 
and  I  hope  to  see  the  good  that  has  been  promised  to  us.  That  one  fVa-bo- 
kie-shkk,  [the  I'rophet,'\  is  my  relation — if  lie  is  to  be  hurt,  I  do  not  wish  to 


Chap.  X.J 


BLACK-n.VWK. 


657 


■ee  it.  Father,  soldiers  sometimes  stick  the  eiuls  of  their  guns  into  the  backs 
of  Indian  prisoners  when  tliey  ore  going  about  in  the  hands  of  the  guard. 
I  hope  this  will  not  be  dono  to  these  men." 

The  following  is  said  to  be  the  speech  which  Black-hawk  made  when  he 
surrendered  hiniself  to  the  agent  at  Pairie  du  Chien  : — 

"  You  have  taken  me  prisoner  with  all  my  warriors.  I  am  much  grieved, 
for  I  expected,  if  I  did  not  defeat  you,  to  hold  out  much  longer,  and  give  you 
more  trouble  betbre  I  surrendered.  I  tried  hard  to  bring  you  into  ambush, 
out  your  last  general  understands  Indian  fighting.  The  first  one  was  not  so 
wise.  When  I  saw  that  I  could  not  beat  yo^ ;  by  Indian  fighting,  I  determined 
to  rush  on  you,  and  fight  you  face  to  face,  i  I  -  giit  hard.  But  your  guns  were 
»vell  aimed.  The  bullets  flew  like  birds  in  tJio  air,  and  whizzed  by  our  enrs 
like  the  wind  through  the  trees  in  the  wintei'.  My  warriors  fell  around  me  ; 
it  began  to  look  dismal.  I  saw  my  evil  day  at  hand.  The  sun  rose  dim  on 
us  in  the  morning,  and  at  night  it  sunk  in  a  dark  cloud,  and  looked  like  a 
ball  of  fire.  That  was  the  lust  sun  that  shone  on  Black-hawk.  His  heart  is 
dead,  and  no  longer  beats  quick  in  his  bosom. — lie  is  now  a  prisoner  to  the 
white  men;  they  will  do  with  him  as  they  wish.  But  he  can  stand  torture, 
and  is  not  afraid  of  death.     He  is  no  coward.    Black-hawk  is  an  Indian. 

"  He  has  done  nothing  for  which  an  Indian  ought  to  be  ashamed.  He  has 
fought  for  his  countrymen,  the  squaws  and  papooses,  against  white  men,  who 
came,  year  after  year,  to  cheat  them  and  take  away  their  lands.  You  know 
the  cause  of  our  making  war.  It  is  known  to  all  white  men.  They  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  it.  The  white  men  despise  the  Indians,  and  drive  them 
fiom  their  homes.  But  the  Indians  are  not  deceitful.  The  white  men  speak 
bad  of  the  Indian,  and  look  at  him  spitefully.  But  the  Indian  does  not  tell 
lies ;  Indians  do  not  steal. 

"  An  Indian,  who  is  as  bad  as  the  white  men,  could  not  live  in  our  nation ;  he 
would  be  put  to  death,  and  eat  up  by  the  wolves.  The  white  men  ai*e  bad 
schooknasters ;  they  carry  false  looks,  and  deal  in  false  actions ;  they  smile 
in  the  face  of  the  poor  Indian  to  cheat  him ;  they  shake  them  by  the  hand  to 
gain  their  confidence,  to  make  them  drunk,  to  deceive  them,  and  ruin  our 
wives.  We  told  them  to  let  us  alone,  and  keep  away  from  us ;  but  they  fol- 
lowed on,  and  beset  our  paths,  and  they  coiled  themselves  among  us,  like  the 
snake.  They  poisoned  us  by  their  touch.  We  were  not  safe.  We  lived  in 
danger.  We  were  becoming  like  them,  hypocrites  and  lia,."s,  adulterers,  lazy 
drones,  all  talkers,  and  no  workers. 

"  We  looked  up  to  the  Great  Spirit.  We  went  to  our  great  father.  We  were 
encouraged.  His  great  council  gave  us  fair  words  and  big  promises;  but  we 
got  no  satisfaction.  Things  were  growing  worse.  There  were  no  deer  in 
the  forest.  The  opossum  and  beaver  were  fled;  the  springs  were  dijing  up, 
and  our  squaw?  and  papooses  without  victuals  to  keep  them  froni  starving; 
we  called  a  great  council,  and  built  a  large  fire.  The  spirit  of  our  fathers 
arose  and  spoke  to  us  to  avenge  our  wrongs  or  die.  We  all  spoke  before  the 
council  fire.  It  was  warm  and  pleasant.  We  set  up  the  war-wiioop,  and  dug 
up  the  tomahawk ;  our  knives  were  ready,  and  the  heart  of  Black-hawk  swelled 
high  in  his  bosom,  when  he  led  his  warriore  to  battle.  He  is  satisfied.  He 
will  go  to  the  world  of  spirits  contented.  He  has  done  his  duty.  His  fiithor 
will  meet  him  there,  and  commend  him. 

"  Black-haiok  is  a  true  Indian,  and  disdains  to  cry  like  a  woman.  Ho  feels 
for  his  wife,  his  children  and  fi-iends.  But  he  does  not  care  for  himsoll'.  Me 
cares  for  his  nation  and  the  Indians.  They  will  suffer.  He  laments  tiicir  fate. 
The  white  men  do  not  scalp  the  head ;  but  they  do  worse — tiioy  poison  the 
heart ;  it  is  not  pure  with  them. — His  countrymen  will  not  be  scalped,  but  they 
will,  in  a  few  years,  become  like  the  white  men,  so  that  you  can't  trust  them, 
and  there  must  bo,  as  in  the  white  settlements,  nearly  as  wnny  oflicere  as  men, 
to  take  care  of  them  and  keep  them  in  order. 

"  Farewell,  my  nation !  Black-hawk  tried  to  save  you,  niid  avenge  your 
wrongs.  He  drunk  the  blood  of  some  of  the  whites.  He  has  been  taken  pris- 
oner, and  his  plans  are  stopped.  He  can  do  no  mor<?.  He  is  near  his  end. 
His  sun  is  setting,  and  he  will  rise  no  more.    Farewell  to  Black-hawk." 

2R 


658 


BLACK-HAWK. 


iBooK  V. 


In 


M  " 


It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  old  chief  should  ever  have  been  takeu  alive, 
and  he  probably  never  would  have  "been  by  the  whites.  When  it  was  report- 
ed currently  that  he  had  sacrificed  himself  in  the  stand  that  he  made  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  end  of  July,  as  has  been  related,  Spenser's 
famous  lines  were  the  first  to  discover  themselves  to  our  mind,  upon  the  great 
event 

"  Unto  the  mighty  stream  him  to  betake, 
Where  he  an  eud  of  battle  and  of  life  did  make." 

Fairy  Q"ef,n. 

But  we  were  soon  glad  to  learn  that  the  report,  like  the  lines  of  Spenser,  was 
only  poetry. 

It  can  be  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty,  and 
the  offenders  were  ordered  again  to  be  sought  after. 

On  the  7  September,  the  Indian  prisoners  and  their  guards  went  on  board 
the  steam-boat  Winnebago,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to  Jefferson 
Barracks,  ten  miles  below  St.  Louis.  There  were,  besides  Black-haick  and 
the  prophet,  eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  together  with 
about  fifty  less  distinguished  warriors.  These  were  landed  just  above  the  lower 
rapids,  on  their  pledge  of  remaining  peaceable.  Two  days  before,  a  boat 
had  conveyed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  warriors,  among  whom  was  JVea- 
pope.    On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of  them  were  put  in  irons. 

Black-haivk  is  not  so  old  a  man  as  was  generally  supposed.  Some,  who 
knew  him  well,  said  he  was  not  above  48,  although  the  toils  of  wars  had  made 
hhn  appear  like  one  of  70.*  He  was  by  birth  a  Pottowattomie,  but  brought 
up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  about  six  feet.  As  to  his  physiognomy,  it  is  un- 
necessaiy  lor  us  to  add  concerning  it  here,  as  timt  may  be  better  had  from  an 
inspection  of  the  engraving  of  him,  as  our  likeness  is  said,  by  many  who  have 
seen  him,  to  be  excellent. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  many  ways  as  times  used  by 
different  writers.  At  a  treaty  which  he  made  with  the  United  States  in  1829,  at 
Prairie  du  Chien,  it  is  written  Hay-ray-tskoan-sharp,  In  a  description  of  him 
about  the  time  he  was  taken,  we  find  h'lm  Bye\t  Mus-cata-mish-ka-kaek ;  and 
several  others  might  be  added. 

The  Prophet,  or  Wabokieshiek,  (White-cloud,)  is  abovt  40  years  old,  and  nearly 
six  feet  high,  stout  and  athletic.  He  was  by  one  side  a  Winnebago,  and  the 
other  a  Sac  or  Saukie,  and  is  thus  described : — He  "  has  a  large,  broad  face, 
short,  blunt  nose,  large,  full  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  .vith  a  full  suit  of 
hair.  He  wore  a  white  cloth  head-dress,  which  rose  several  inches  above  the 
top  of  his  head ;  the  whole  man  exhibiting  a  deliberate  suvagencss ;  not  that 
he  would  seem  to  delight  in  honorable  wiu',  or  fight,  but  marking  him  as  the 
priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder.  He  had  in  one  hand  a  white  flag, 
while  the  other  hung  carelessly  by  his  side.  They  were  both  clothed  in  very 
white  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the  seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same." 
This  description,  though  written  long  before  any  j)ainting  was  made  of  him, 
will  be  found,  we  think,  to  correspond  very  well  with  the  engraving  of  him 
which  we  have  given. 

It  is  said  by  many,  and  is  evident  from  Black-hatnk^s  account,  that  Wahokits- 
hiek  was  the  prime  mover  of  this  war,  and  had  powwowed  up  a  belief  among 
his  people,  that  he  was  able  to  conjure  such  kind  of  events  as  he  desired; 
and  that  he  had  made  Black-hawk  believe  the  whites  were  but  few,  and  could 
not  fight,  and  therefore  might  easily  be  driven  from  the  disputed  lands.  It 
seems,  however,  rather  incredible  that  Black-hawk  should  have  believed  that 
the  Americans  were  few  and  could  not  fight,  when  it  is  known  tiiat  he  was 
opposed  to  them  in  the  lii^t  war,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  convincetl 
of  the  falsity  of  such  a  report  long  before  tiiis  war. 

In  September,  a  treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Winncba- 

•  In  thoacronnt  of  his  life,  published  by  Mr.  J.  li,  Patterson,  in  1831,  Illack-hawk  says  ho 
was  born  in  17C7,  on  Rock  River ;  iind  hi'nro,  in  13.32,  he  was  in  his  Cith  year.  His  f'aihpr's 
name  was  Pvksa.  His  tfrnal-grnndfaiher's  name  was  Na-na-ma-kkk,  or  Thuiiaer,  who 
was  born  in  the  vicinity  of  l\Iontreai,  "  where  the  Great  Spirit  first  placid  tlic  Sac  uatioii  " 


Chap.  X.] 


BLACK-IIA'VK. 


659 


gjcs,  and  another  with  the  Sjics  and  Foxes.  The  former  ceded  all  their  lands 
Houth  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  east  of  the  Mississippi,  amounting  to  4,000,000 
acres  of  valuable  lands.  The  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  was  on  the  21 
of  that  month,  and  6,000,000  acres  were  acquired  at  that  time,  «  of  a  quality 
not  inferior  to  any  between  the  same  parallels  of  latitude."  It  abounds  iu 
lead  ore,  and  the  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  the  United  States  agreed  to  make  the  following  considera 
tions: — "  To  pay  an  annuity  of  20,000  dollars  for  30  years ;  to  support  a  black 
smith  and  gunsmith  in  addition  to  those  then  employed  ;  to  pay  the  debts  of 
the  tribes  ;  to  supply  provisions;  and,  as  a  reward  for  the  fidelity  of  Keokvk 
and  the  friendly  band,  to  allow  a  reservation  to  be  made  for  them  of  400 
miles  square  *  on  the  loway  River,  to  include  Keokuk^ s^rmc\\)&\  village." 

By  tlie  same  treaty,  Black-hawk,  his  two  sous,  the  Prophet,  JVaopope,  and 
five  others,  principal  warriors  of  the  hostile  bands,  were  to  rcmam  in  the 
hands  of  the  whites,  as  hostages,  during  the  pleasure  of  the  president  of  tlio 
United  States.    The  other  prisoners  were  given  up  to  the  iiiendly  Indians. 

A  gentleman  who  visited  the  captive  Indians  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  Mis- 
souri, speaks  thus  concerning  them : — "  We  were  immediately  struck  with 
admiration  at  the  gigantic  and  symmetrical  figures  of  most  of  the  warriors, 
who  seemed,  as  they  reclined  in  native  ease  and  gracefulness,  with  their  half- 
naked  bodies  exposed  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  some  master-hand, 
than  like  beings  of  a  race  whom  we  had  heard  characterized  as  degenerate 
and  debased.  We  extended  our  hands,  which  they  rose  to  grasp,  and  to  our 
question, '  How  d'ye  do  ? '  they  responded  in  the  same  words,  accompanying 
them  with  a  hearty  shake."  "  They  were  clad  in  leggins  and  moccasins  of 
buckskin,  and  wore  blankets,  which  were  thrown  around  them  in  the  manner 
of  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave  their  right  arms  bare."  "  The  youngest 
among  them  were  painted  on  their  necks,  with  a  liright  vermilion  color,  and 
had  their  faces  transversely  streaked  with  alternate  red  and  black  stripes. 
From  their  bodies,  and  from  their  faces  and  eyebrows,  they  i)iuck  out  the 
hair  with  the  most  assiduous  care.  They  also  shave,  or  pull  it  out  from  their 
heads,  with  the  exception  of  a  tuft  of  about  three  fingers'  width,  extending 
from  between  the  forehead  and  crown  to  the  back  of  the  head  ;  this  they 
sometimes  plait  into  a  queue  on  the  crown,  and  cut  the  edges  of  it  down  to 
an  inch  in  length,  and  plaster  it  with  the  vermilion,  which  keeps  it  erect,  and 
gives  it  the  appearance  of  a  cock's-comb." 

The  same  author  says,  the  oldest  son  of  Black-hawk,  JVasinewiskuk,  called 
Jack,  but  for  want  of  "  that  peculiar  expression  whicii  emanates  fiom  a  culti- 
vated intellect,"  could  have  been  looked  upon  by  him  "as  the  living  personi- 
fication of  his  beau  ideal  of  maidy  beauty."  He  calls  Black-hawk  Mack-atama- 
sic-ac-ac,  and  states  his  height  at  about  five  feet  eight  inches,  and  that  he 
should  judge  his  age  to  be  50.  Those  who  have  known  him  for  years,  say  his 
disposition  is  very  amiable ;  that  he  is  endowed  with  great  kindness  of  heart, 
and  the  strictest  integrity ;  that,  like  Mishikinnkiva,  he  was  not  a  chief  by 
birth,  but  acquired  the  title  by  bravery  and  wisdom. 

JVaseuskuck,  or  the  Thundercloud,  is  the  second  son  of  Black-hawk,  and  accom- 
panied him  in  his  cdptivity.     He  is  said  not  to  he  very  handsome. 

Opeekceshieck,  or  fVabokieshiek,  the  Prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already  given 
some  particulars,  carries  with  him  a  huge  pipe,  a  yard  in  length,  witti  the 
stem  ornamented  with  the  neck  t(;atliers  of  a  duck,  and  beads  and  ribands 
of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attached  a  fan  of  feathers.  He  wears  hia 
hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

Nf.-a-vope,  JVaopope,JVaapope,&.c.,  or  BrofA,  of  whom  we  have  also  several 
times  spoken,  was  brother  to  the  Prophet,  and  "some  years  hisjnnior;"  and 
oiu"  informant  adds,  "he  resembles  hitn  in  height  and  figure,  though  lie  is  not 
so  robust,  and  his  face  is  more  sharp:  in  wickedness  of  ex|)ressi()n  they  are 
j)ar  nobile  fratrum."  "  When  Mr.  Catlin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking  tiie  por- 
trait of  .'Vart/7o;je,  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  were  fiistened  to  his  I'g, 
and  raising  them  on  high,  exclaimed,  witJi  a  look  of  scorn,  '  Make  me  so,  ana 


*  So  says  our  authority,  {Niles's  Ri's^sier,)  but  we  very  much  doul)t  lliis  enormous  spnce 
10  mill!'*  >fiuareffives  ItiOO  square  miles,  which  perhaps   mijfht  have  been  the  truth      l}ii'> 
kiiicii  IGO.IXXj  sijuare  miles  are  cousidereU,  all  probability  is  outraged. 


660 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V 


I*' ■ 

m 


show  me  to  tlie  great  father.'"  On  Mr.  Callings  refusing  to  paint  him  as  he 
wislied,  he  i<e|it  vtirying  his  countenance  with  grimaces,  to  prevent  him  from 
catching  a  hketiess. 

'■^  Powteshieck,  or  Straivbeny,  ia  the  only  Fox  among  them,  the  rest 
Iwing  ail  Sacs.  He  is  the  son  of  the  chief  Epancis:  his  parents  dying  while 
he  was  an  infant,  he  was  adopted  by  JVaapope.    He  ii  li)  years  of  age." 

"^Pomahoe,  or  Fasl-suiminivg-Jish,  is  a  short,  thick  set,  good-natured  old 
brave,  wiio  bears  his  mistbrtunes  with  a  philosophy  worthy  of  tne  ancients." 

The  following  act  of  congress  we  extract,  as  it  throws  light  upon  suhse- 
«|uent  details : — "  For  the  .xpensps  of  12  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Sac  and  Fox 
tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  be  held  as  hostages,  under  the  seventh 
article  of  the  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of  provisions  and 
clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of  removing  them  to  a 
place  of  safety,  where  they  may  be  kept  without  being  closely  confined,  the 
sum  of  2500."" 

On  the  22  April,  (1833,)  the  captive  Indians  arrived  at  Washington,  and  the 
next  day  Black-hawk  had  a  long  interview  with  President  Jackson.  The  first 
words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president  were,  "  I  AM  A  MAN, 
AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHER." 

The  [jresident,  afler  a  few  brief  observations,  directed  the  articles  of  dress 
j)rovided  lor  them  to  be  exhibited  to  them,  and  told  Black-hawk  that  the 
whole  would  be  delivered  to  him  to  be  distributed  as,  in  his  judgment,  he 
should  think  best.  He  then  told  them  they  must  depart  immediately  for  Fort 
Monroe,  and  remain  there  contented,  until  he  gave  them  permission  to  return 
to  their  country.  That  time,  he  said,  depended  upon  the  conduct  of  their 
people ;  that  they  would  not  be  set  at  liberty,  until  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  had  been  complied  with,  and  good  feelings  were  evinced  by  their 
countrymen.     The  Prophet  then  said  : — 

"  We  expected  to  return  immediately  to  our  people.  The  war  in  which 
we  have  been  involved,  was  occasioned  by  our  attempting  to  raise  provisions 
on  our  own  lands,  or  where  we  thought  we  had  a  right  so  to  do.  We  have 
lost  many  of  our  people,  as  well  as  the  whites.  Our  tribes  and  families  are 
now  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  the  Sioux  and  the  Menominies. 
We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  permitted  to  return  home  to  take  care  of  them." 

Black-hawk  spoke  some  time  to  the  president,  giving  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive history  of  the  rise  of  the  war,  and,  towards  the  close,  said : — 

"  We  did  not  expect  to  conquer  the  whites ;  no.  They  had  too  many 
Jiouses — too  many  men.  I  took  up  the  hatchet,  for  my  part,  to  revetige 
injuries  wliicn  my  people  could  no  longer  endure.  Had  I  borne  them  linger 
without  St  iking,  my  people  would  have  said,  Black-haivk  is  a  woman ;  he  is 
too  old  to  be  a  chief— he  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections  caused  me  to  raise  the 
war-whoop.  I  say  no  more  of  it ;  it  is  known  to  you.  Keokuk  once  was 
here ;  you  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  when  he  wished  to  return  to  his 
home,  you  were  willing.  Black-hawk  expects,  that,  like  Keokuk,  we  shall  be 
permitted  to  return  too." 

The  president  added,  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  circumstances 
w  liich  led  to  the  disastei-s  to  which  they  had  alluded.  It  was  unnecessary  to  look 
back  upon  them.  He  intended  now  to  secure  the  obsei-vance  of  j)eace. 
They  need  not  feel  any  uneasiness,  he  said,  about  their  own  women  and 
children.  They  should  not  suffer  from  the  Sioux  and  Menominies.  He 
would  com|)el  the  red  men  to  be  at  peace  with  one  ano'jier.  That  when  he 
was  satisfied  that  all  things  would  remain  quiet,  then  th'.y  would  be  permitted 
to  retiu'ii.     He  then  took  thrni  by  the  hand,  and  dismissed  them. 

It  is  said,  that,  while  in  Washington,  the  Indians  expressed  more  surprise 
and  i)lcasiire  at  the  portraits  of  the  Indian  chiefs  in  the  war  department  than 
any  thing  else  that  was  shown  them. 

On  Friday,  2G  April,  the  captives  were  conducted  from  Wasliington 
towards  Fort  Monroe,  which  is  upon  a  small  island,  at  Old  Point  Comibrt, 
on  the  west  S'de  of  the  Cln!sai)eake  Bay,  in  Virginia. 

IJefore  closing  the  present  chapter,  a  1<5W  otiier  interesting  matters  shall 
\)e  laid  before  our  readei-s.  We  have  just  given  the  description  of  the  Indians 
while  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  by  one  who  visited  them  there  not  long  alter 
tiieir  confinement.    We  now  intend  to   give  what  the  author  of  Knicker 


Chap.  XI] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


6C1 


bocker  says  of  them  soon  after.  Mr.  Irvin^a  account  is  contained  in  a  letter, 
dated  Washington,  18  Dec.  J832. — "From  SL  Louis  I  went  to  Fort  Ju<li;rson, 
ahout  d  miles  disumt,  to  see  Black-hawk,  tlie  Indian  warrior,  and  his  fellow- 
prisoners — a  forlorn  crew — emaciated  and  dejected — the  redouhtuhle  chieftain 
iiimself,  a  meagre  old  man  upwards  of  70.  He  has,  however,  a  fine  head,  a 
Koman  style  of  face,  and  a  prepossessing  countenance." 

Since  we  are  upon  descriptions,  the  Ibllowing  will  not  be  thought  out  of 
place,  perhaps,  although  we  had  reserved  it  for  our  next  chajjter.  It  is  fioin 
tiie  pen  of  the  editor  of  the  U.  States  Literary  Gazette,  Philadelphia.  "  We 
found  time,  yesterday,  to  visit  the  Black-hawk,  and  his  accompanying  Indian 
chiefs,  and  the  Prophet,  at  Congress  Hall  Hotel.  We  went  into  tlieir  cham- 
ber, and  found  most  of  them  sitting  or  lying  on  their  beds.  Black-hawk  was 
sitting  in  a  chair,  and  apparently  depressed  in  spirits.  He  is  about  65,  of 
middling  size,  with  a  head  that  would  excite  the  envy  of  a  phrenologi.st — 
one  of  the  finest  that  Heaven  ever  let  fall  on  the  shoulders  of  an  Indian.  The 
Prophet  has  a  coarser  figure,  with  less  of  int''".oi,  but  with  the  marks  of 
decision  and  firmness.  His  face  was  painted  with  red  and  white.  The  son 
of  Black-hawk  is  a  noble  specimen  of  physical  beauty — a  model  for  those  who 
would  embody  the  idea  of  strength.  He  was  painted,  and  his  hair  cut  and 
dressed  in  a  strange  fantasy.  The  other  chiefs  had  nothing  in  particular  in 
their  appearance  to  distinguish  them  from  other  natives  of  the  forest.  The 
whole  of  the  deputation  vijited  the  water  works  yesterday,  [June  11  or  12,]  and 
subsequently  were  taken  lo  th*)  Cherry-hill  Prison,  and  shown  the  manner  in 
which  white  men  pun: 'li.  The  exhibition  of  ai'ms  and  ships  at  the  navy-yard, 
led  the  Hawk  to  remark  that  he  auspeded  the  ^eat father  was  ^tttine  ready  for  war,^ 

It  was  remarked  by  some  in  Philadelphia  that  Blaac-ltaivKS  "  j)yramidal 
forehead  "  very  much  resembled  that  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  Others  observed  that 
his  countenance  strongly  reminded  them  of  their  late  worthy  benefactor, 
Stephen  Girard.  In  Norfolk  it  was  noticed  that  the  old  warrior  verj'  much 
resembled  the  late  President  Monroe. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

From  the  time  of  the  setting  out  of  Black-hawk  and  his  Jive*  companions  from  For- 
tress  Monroe,  5  June,  1833,  to  their  arrival  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  on  the  Jirst 
of  .August  following  ;  prefaced  by  some  reflections  upon  the  events  of  the  war. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  without  a  formal  commentary,  that  in  the  lato 
Indian  war,  much  blood  was  shed  which  might  have  been  avoided.  Twice 
had  the  despairing  Indians  displayed  the  white  flag,  to  give  notice  of  their 
willingness  to  surrender;  but,  like  the  wretched  Hallibees,  the  rifle  was  the 
only  answer  they  received.  When  Major  StUlman  was  on  his  march  to  Syca- 
more Creek,  a  few  Indians  were  sent  from  JVaopope's  camp  with  friendly  in- 
tentions, and  under  a  white  flag ;  but  such  was  the  carriage  of  the  whites, 
no  interview  could  be  had,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to  save  their  lives, 
which  all,  it  seems,  were  not  fortunate  enough  to  do.  This,  it  will  be  said, 
is  Indian  talk — it  is  even  so.  What  say  the  whites  ?  They  say,  the  Indians 
whom  they  first  discovered  were  only  a  decoy.  This  is  mere  assertion,  and 
(•roves  nothing  on  their  own  side,  neither  does  it  disprove  the  Inditin  account. 
Is  it  not  plain  that  Black-hawk  caused  a  white  flag  to  be  exhibited  before  he 
was  attacked  by  the  steam-boat  Warrior?  He  hud  resolved  to  fight  no  more, 
if  he  could  get  terms  of  peace ;  but  his  flag  was  at  once  fired  upon ;  then 
says  the  old  chief,  " /^rerf  <oo ;"  and  the  whites  expected  nothing  else,  and 
too  many  of  them,  it  would  seem,  desired  nothing  else.  But  we  reflect  no 
more  upon  this  matter. 

The  raader  has,  in  the  last  chapter,  been  conducted  through  the  principal, 


*  All  anonymous  Huthor,  of  whom  we  have  made  coiisii''.'ral)le  use  in  lliis  cliapler,  gives 
ns  iheir  names,  &c.  as  follows . — 

rainaho,  P,i'phel>:;  brother Fifh  Fin. 

I'o  we-zhick,  Prophei's  adopted  sun, . .  Stramhrrnj 


Msc-cut-l-mlsk-e-ca-cac, Black  hawk. 

Na-ahe-escui'k,  hinaon, lAiud  Thunder. 

U'a-be-ke-zllick,  the  Prophet Clear  Day. 

5<3 


Na{Kipe,  the  tcarriur, Strung  Snap 


663 


BLACK-HAWK— LEAVES  FORTRESS  MONROE. 


[Book  V 


and  all  the  important  events  of  the  war,  and  accompanied  the  chiefs  of  tha 
Indians  engaged  in  it  to  Fortress  Monroe,  in  Virginia.  We  are  now  to  ob- 
si'rve  wiiat  passed  in  their  travels  from  hence  through  several  of  our  gieat 
cities,  ai>d  tiience  to  their  wilderness  homes  in  the  distant  west. 

Having  been  conducted  to  Fort  Monroe,  the  captives  found  themselves  in  a 
kind  of  elegant  confinement ;  and  instead  of  balls  and  chains  to  their  ankles, 
were  kindly  treated,  and  saw  nobody  but  friends.  This  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, must  have  become,  in  a  short  time,  exceedingly  irksome ;  but  an  early 
order  for  their  liberation  prevented  such  result.  For,  on  the  4  June,  1833,  orders 
came  lor  their  l)eing  liberated ;  and  the  next  day.  Major  John  Garland  set 
off  with  them  in  a  steam-boat  lor  Baltimore,  1^  Norfolk,  Gosport,  Ports- 
mouth, &c. 

During  their  short  stay  at  Monroe,  the  Indians  became  much  attached  to 
Its  commander.  Colonel  Eitstis,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  that  the 
order  of  release  arrived.  Black-hawk  went  and  took  his  leave  of  him,  and  at 
parting  made  the  following  speech : — 

"  Brother,  I  have  come  on  my  own  part,  and  in  behalf  of  my  companions, 
to  bid  you  farewell.  Our  great  father  has  at  length  been  pleased  to  pernut 
us  to  return  to  our  hunting-grounds.  We  have  buried  the  tomahawk,  and 
the  sound  of  the  rifle  will  hereafter  only  bring  death  to  the  deer  and  the  buffa- 
lo. Brother,  you  have  treated  the  red  men  very  kindly.  Your  squaws  have 
made  them  presents,  and  you  hove  given  them  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The 
memory  of  your  friendship  will  remain  till  the  Great  Spirit  says  it  is  time 
for  Black-Hawk  to  sing  his  death-song. — Brother,  your  houses  are  as  numer- 
ous as  the  leaves  upon  the  trees,  and  your  young  warriors,  like  the  sands  upon 
the  shore  of  the  big  lake,  which  rolls  before  us.  The  red  man  has  but  few 
houses,  and  few  warriors,  but  the  red  man  has  a  heart  which  throbs  as  warm- 
ly as  the  heart  of  his  white  brother.  The  Great  Spirit  has  given  us  our  hunt- 
ing grounds,  ard  the  skin  of  the  deer  which  we  kill  there  is  his  favorite,  for 
its  color  is  white,  and  this  is  the  emblem  of  peace.  This  hunting-dress  and 
these  feathers  of  the  eagle  are  white.  Accept  them,  my  brother ;  I  have 
given  one  like  this  to  the  JVhite-otter.  Accept  of  it  as  a  memorial  of  Black- 
hawk.  When  he  is  far  away,  this  will  serve  to  remind  you  of  him.  May 
the  Great  Spirit  bless  you  and  your  children — farewell." 

Colonel  Eiistis,  in  his  reply,  said,  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  him  in  his 
hands,  and  as  it  was  not  the  practice  of  the  whites  to  attack  an  unarmed 
foe,  he  was  safe  ;  but  that  if  he  had  met  him  in  the  field  of  battle,  his  duty 
would  have  required  him  to  have  taken  his  life.  He  rejoiced,  he  said,  at 
his  prospect  of  speedily  returning  to  his  friends,  and  hoped  he  would 
never  again  trouble  his  white  neighbors.  To  which  Black-haivk  added, 
"  Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  punishes  those  who  deceive  us,  and  my  faith  is  notv 
pledged^ 

On  leaving  Fort  Monroe,  the  Indians  were  taken  to  Portsmouth  and  Gos- 
port, to  see  the  navy-yard,  the  dry-dock,  and  men-of-war.  At  Gosport,  they 
went  on  board  the  74  Delaware,  where  they  could  not  but  express  much 
astonishment  at  the  vastness  of  the  "  big  canoe,"  as  they  called  it,  and  its 
extraordinary  uncouth  furniture.  Black-hawk  seemed  the  most  to  admire 
the  ship,  and  wished  to  see  the  chief  who  commanded  it,  and  especially  the 
man  that  built  it ;  for  he  wished,  he  said,  "  to  take  him  by  the  hand."  When 
they  left  the  ship,  they  passed  around  under  her  bow,  which  terminates 
in  a  colossal  statue  of  an  Indian  warrior.  This  the  Indians  beheld  with 
considerable  emotions  of  surprise  and  evident  demonstrations  of  high 
gratification. 

At  Norfolk,  the  rush  to  see  the  Indians  was  very  great,  and  many  could 
not  be  gratified  even  with  a  sight  of  them.  This  great  curiosity  in  the  very 
vicinity  where  they  had  been  for  near  10  weeks,  will  not  be  thought  strange, 
when  it  is  considered,  that  no  one  expected  their  immediate  removal,  and 
therefore  few  had  been  to  see  them ;  thinking  they  could  do  so  when  some 
more  convenient  time  offered. 

Having  taken  lodgings  at  the  hotel  in  Norfolk,  the  Indians  were  aware 
of  the  great  curiosity  of  the  people,  and  therefore  they  exhibited  themselves 
upon  the  balcony,  from  whence  ff'abokieshitk^  the  Proi)het,  made  the  follow- 
ing address: — 


Chap.  XI] 


BLACK-IIAWK.— BALTIMORE. 


o63 


"The  Great  Spirit  sent  us  Iiere,  and  by  the  same  fiat  we  are  now  linppily 
about  to  return  to  our  own  Mississippi,  and  our  own  people.  It  alTords  ua 
much  happiness  to  rejoin  our  friends  and  kindred.  We  would  shai\e  hands 
with  all  our  white  friends  assembled,  and  offer  our  best  wishes  for  their  pros- 
perity. Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country  on  the  Mis3issip|)i,  we  would 
take  pleasure  in  requiting  the  many  kindnesses  we  have  received  from  their 
people  here.  We  will  go  home  with  peaceable  dispositions  towards  our 
white  brethren,  and  endeavor  to  make  our  conduct  hereafter  more  satis- 
factory to  them.  We  bid  you  all  farewell,  as  it  is  the  last  time  we  may 
see  each  other." 

Black-hawk  then  said  a  few  words,  expressing  the  same  sentiments ;  and 
one  o'clock  having  arrived,  they  departed.    This  was  5  June. 

Wlien  the  steam-boat  was  near  Itultimore,  it  was  discovered  that  there  had 
been  a  robbery  committed  on  board  ;  and  when  this  became  known  to  Black- 
hawk^  he  showed  considerable  concern,  fearing  some  of  his  party  should 
bo  suspected ;  and  when  the  boat  lay  to  at  considerable  distance  from  the 
wharf,  to  make  search  for  the  money,  he  said,  "  he  desired  that  himself  and 
company  should  be  searched,  for  he  would  let  the  whiles  know  that  the  Sacs  did 
not  steal." 

President  Jackson  had  arrived  in  Baltimore,  and  after  Black-hawk^s  arrival 
he  had  an  interview  with  him.  The  Indians  were  conveyed  in  the  steam- 
boat Columbus,  and  arrived  about  11  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  next 
day,  after  leaving  Norfolk,  namely,  G  June.  Among  the  crowds  who  visited 
them  were  many  ladies,  to  whom,  generally,  the  Indians  said,  "Prettij  squaws, 
pretty  squaws," 

The  Indians  and  the  president  attended  the  theatre  the  same  night,  and  it 
was  remarked,  that  the  attention  of  the  house  was  pretty  nearly  equally  divi 
ded  between  them.    On  the  next  day  occurred  the  interview  between  them, 
of  which  mention  has  just  been  made ;  at  which  time,  among  other  things, 
the  president  said  to  the  old  chief: — 

"When  I  saw  you  in  Washington,  I  told  you,  that  you  had  behaved  very 
badly,  in  raising  the  tomahawk  against  the  white  peojile."  lie  added,  that 
his  conduct  last  year  had  caused  him  to  send  out  his  warriors  against  him, 
and  that  he  and  those  with  him  had  been  surrendered  to  him  to  be  kept  dur- 
ing his  pleasure,  or  until  he  should  think  there  would  be  no  danger  from  let- 
ting him  go.  "I  told  you,"  he  continued,  "I  would  inquire  whether  your 
people  wished  you  should  return,  and  whether,  if  you  did  return,  there 
would  be  any  danger  to  the  frontier.  General  Clark  and  General  Atkinson, 
whom  you  know,  have  informed  me  that  Sheckak,  your  principal  chief,  and 
the  rest  of  your  people,  are  anxious  you  should  return,  and  Keokuk  has  asked 
me  to  send  you  back.  Your  chiefs  have  pledged  themselves  for  your  good 
conduct." — "  You  will  see  the  strength  of  the  white  people.  You  will  see 
tliat  our  young  men  are  as  numerous  as  the  leaves  in  the  woods.  What  can 
you  do  against  tis  ?  " — "  When  you  go  back,  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keokuk 
and  the  other  friendly  chiefs." 

To  this  the  Prophet  said  a  few  words,  as  follows : — 

"  Father,  my  ears  are  open  to  your  words ;  I  am  glad  to  hear  them ;  I  am 
glad  to  go  back  to  my  people.  1  want  to  see  my  family.  I  did  not  behave 
well  last  summer.  I  ought  not  to  have  taken  up  the  tomahawk.  But  my 
people  have  suffered  a  great  deal.  When  I  get  back,  I  will  remember  your 
words.  I  will  not  go  to  war  again.  I  will  live  in  peace.  I  will  hold  you  by 
the  hand." 

Black-hawk  intended  to  have  made  a  long  speech  at  this  time ;  but  the 

[)resident  was  unable  to  hear  him  out,  on  account  of  tlie  great  fatigues  ho 
lad  undergone,  and  the  old  chief  was,  therefore,  very  short.  He  said,  "My 
heart  is  big,  for  I  have  much  to  say  to  my  great  father,"  and  closed,  after  many 
exjiressiouB  of  affection  and  respect  for  him.  The  warmth  of  the  weather 
and  the  great  crowd  that  surrounded  the  hotel  in  which  the  Indians  were 
lodged,  caused  them  to  retire  to  Fort  M'Henry,  about  3  miles  below  the  city. 
The  landlord  said  the  crowd  was  so  great  about  his  house,  that  they  had 
carried  awav  his  banisters,  windows,  and  he  was  fearful,  if  they  remained 
longer,  that  his  whole  house  would  be  carried  away  also. 


U' 


G64 


BALTIMORE.— NEW  YORK. 


iBooK  V. 


St 


'-,1 


They  visited  the  Washington  monument,  among  other  places,  while  at 
Baltimore,  and  were  at  first  atraid  to  ascend  in  it,  upon  its  circular  steps ; 
Baying  it  was  the  Manitou  of  the  white  people.  At  length  JVaopope  said  he 
would  venture  up.  Black-hawk  observed,  that  then  they  would  all  go ;  for 
if  it  fell  down,  he  said  th«jy  would  not  be  safer  on  the  ground  at  its  base  than 
if  they  were  in  it. 

They  visited  the  circus  also,  wljile  here,  and  were  much  better  pleased 
with  the  performances  there,  than  at  the  theatre.  The  elegant  horses  pleased 
them  tar  more  than  the  stars  and  garters  of  the  mock  lords  and  ladies  of  the 
theatre,  and  it  was  very  natural  they  should.  To  see  a  lady  ride  upon  one 
foot,  while  the  horse  was  running  at  his  utmost  speed,  was  matter  of  fact  to 
them,  and  excited  the  greatest  admiration.  But  to  see  a  fellow  po|)ping  out 
from  behind  a  cintain,  strutting  about  the  stage,  uttering  to  himself  some 
unintelligible  nonsense,  could  not  interest  any  one  similarly  situated.  They 
said  they  believed  those  who  rode  in  the  circus  could  hunt  buffalo  even 
better  than  the  Sacs. 

Considerable  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  the  meeting  of  two 
such  conspicuous  characters  as  the  president  of  the  United  States  and 
Black-hawk,  at  the  same  time,  in  populous  places ;  and  it  was  announced 
in  a  Philadelphia  paper,  of  9  June,  that  Major  Garland  had  arrived  there, 
but  had  left  the  Lidians  in  Baltimore,  and  that  they  would  not  proceed  to 
N.  York  until  the  day  after  the  president.  Accordingly  they  did  not  arrive 
in  Philadelphia  until  10  June,  when  they  were  conducted  to  lodgmgs  in  Con- 
gress Hall.  The  next  day  there  was  a  great  military  display,  accompanied 
by  an  inmionse  procession,  and  the  whole  passed  up  Third  Street,  opposite 
Congress  Hall,  by  which  means  the  Indians  had  a  fine  opportunity  to  sec*  and 
contemplate  their  numbers.  Pointing  to  the  soldiera,  Black-hawk  asked  if 
they  were  the  same  that  were  in  his  countiy  last  summer. 

Having  visited  all  places  of  amusement  and  curiosity  in  Philadelphia,  the 
Indians  departed  for  N.  York,  where  they  arrived  in  a  steam-boat  of  the 
People's  Line,  about  5  o'clock,  14  June,  on  Fiiday.  The  arrival  o^ Lafaydte, 
in  1825,  could  not  have  attracted  a  greater  crowd  than  was  now  assembled 
at  and  in  the  vicuiity  of  Castle  Garden.  As  it  happened,  Mr.  Durant,  the 
aeronaut,  had  just  got  ready  to  ascend  in  his  balloon  from  the  garden.  The 
steam-boat,  therefore,  rounded  to,  that  the  passengers  might  witness  the 
ascension.  When  it  was  known  on  shore  that  the  Indians  were  on  board, 
the  cheering  and  clapping  became  tremendous ;  and  it  was  not  a  little  aug- 
mented from  those  on  board  the  numerous  craft  in  the  river.  Those  in  the 
boat  answered  as  well  as  their  numbers  would  admit.  The  Indians,  at  first, 
were  some  terrified,  supposing  they  had  at  last  come  to  an  enemy,  and  that 
the  noise  about  them  was  the  war-whoop  of  the  whites,  but  were  soon 
undeceived. 

Soon  after  the  balloon  had  cleared  the  walls  of  the  castle,  and  Mr.  Durant 
had  unfurled  his  flag.  Black-hawk  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  it.  To 
which  he  answered: — 

"  Tliat  man  is  a  great  brave.  /  ilonH  think  he'll  ever  get  back.  He  must  be  a 
Sac."  Another  suid,  "  If  he  is  a  Sac,  lieHl  get  none  of  his  brothers  to  follow  in 
his  trail.  JVbne  of  'em  will  ever  see  the  smoke  of  his  mgwam.  He  tmll  have  to 
live  alone — withovi  any  squaw." 

When  the  balloon  had  attained  a  vast  height,  and  almost  out  of  the  old 
chief's  sight,  (which  had  become  considerably  impaired,)  he  exclaimed, 
"  /  think  he  can  go  to  the  heavens ;  to  the  Great  Spirit."  Pomahoe  then  said, 
"  /  think  he  can  see  the  country  of  the  English"  The  Prophet,  or  fVabokieshiek, 
having  been  asked  what  he  thought  of  the  balloon,  said,  ^  I  can't  form  any 
idea,  but  think  he  can  go  up  to  the  clouds  if  he  will.  Should  thitik  he  could  see 
the  Great  Spirit  now." 

We  can  only  conjecture  what  might  have  been  passing  in  their  minds  at 
this  strange  sight.  They  were  struck  with  wonder,  and  no  doubt  were  ready 
to  exclaim,  "  Wnat  cannot  the  white  people  do?  Why  can  they  not  send  an 
army  in  that  way  to  hurl  do^vn  destruction  upon  their  enemies  ?  They  sure- 
ly will  do  it.  If  tlicy  can  ascend  to  the  Great  Spirit,  they  must  be  Great  Spirits 
too!" 


k      *  • 


Chap.  XI.] 


RLACK-H.VWK   IN   NEW   YORK. 


eft-, 


Oh  tlieir  landing,  snrh  was  the  density  of  tlie  crowd,  tliat  for  a  time  it 
seemed  impossible  to  effect  a  passage  lor  tiiiMn.  Atler  some  time,  liowever, 
hy  tiie  aid  of  the  police  otlicers,  tiiey  were  tuken  np  in  carriages,  and  carric(l 
to  their  Uxlghigs  at  the  Exchange  Hotel  in  Broud  Street  The  spacious 
square  and  street  adjacent  were  instantly  filled  by  the  people,  whose  eager 
nes9  to  see  tiie  strangers  was  so  great,  tliat  it  seemed  almost  impossibiw  to 
prevent  a  Ibrcible  entrance  into  the  house.  Whereupon  the  directors  of  the 
Indians  let  Black-hawk  show  himself  several  times  at  a  window;  and  imme- 
diately after,  the  multitude  quietly  dispersed,  without  carrying  away  banisters 
or  windows,  as  had  been  complained  of  in  Baltimore.    Thus  ended  Friday. 

On  Saturday  evening,  they  were  conducted  to  the  Bowery  Theatre,  ancl  o?i 
Monday,  the  papers  of  the  city  announced  tiiat  they  would  visit  Castle  Gar- 
den that  evening,  the  Park  Theatre  on  Tuesday,  Kiblo's  on  Wedn'isd.iy, 
Richmond  Hill  Theatre  on  Thursday,  Vauxhall  Garden  on  Friday,  and,  on 
Saturday,  leave  for  Albany.  Thus  were  the  doings  of  every  evening  of  their 
stay  allotted,  wliich,  we  believe,  came  to  pass  accordingly.  Of  the  manner 
iU  which  the  daytime  was  spent,  we  shall,  in  the  next  place,  proceed  to  give 
some  account 

On  Monday,  17  June,  the  Hon.  John  A.  Graham  met  the  Indians,  at  their 
quarters,  and  made  a  speech  to  them,  which  is  as  well  adapted  to  the  Indian 
manner,  as  any  thing  we  have  seen.     He  began : 

"  Brotliers,  open  your  ears.  You  are  brave  men.  You  have  fought  like 
tiirers,  but  in  a  bad  cause.  We  have  conquered  you.  We  were  sorry,  last 
\  <;ar,  that  you  raised  the  tomahawk  against  us ;  but  we  believe  you  did  not 
know  us  then  as  you  do  now.  We  think,  tiiat  in  time  to  come,  vou  will  bo 
wi.se,  and  that  we  shall  be  friends  forever.  You  see  that  we  are  a  great  peo- 
pi(! — numerous  as  the  flowers  of  the  field,  as  the  shells  on  the  sea-shore,  or 
tlie  fish  in  the  sea.  We  put  one  hand  on  the  eastern,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
tiic  other  on  the  western  ocean.  We  all  act  together.  If,  sometimes,  our 
great  men  Udk  loud  and  long  at  our  council  fires,  but  shed  one  drop  of  white 
men's  blood,  our  young  warriors,  as  thick  as  the  stars  of  the  night,  will  leap 
on  board  our  great  boats,  which  fly  on  the  waves,  and  over  the  lakes — swift 
as  tlie  eagle  in  the  air — then  penetrate  the  woods,  make  the  big  guns  thun- 
der, and  the  whole  heavens  red  with  tlie  flames  of  the  dwellings  of  their  en- 
emies. Brothers,  the  president  has  made  you  a  great  talk.  He  has  but  one 
mouth.  That  one  has  sounded  tlie  sentiments  of  all  the  people.  Listen  to 
what  he  has  said  to  you.  Write  it  on  your  inemories.  It  is  good,  very  good. 
Black-hawk,  take  these  jewels,  a  pair  of  topaz  ear-rings,  beautifully  set  in 
gold,  for  your  wife  or  daughter,  as  a  token  of  friendship,  keeping  always  in 
mind  that  women  and  children  arc  the  favorites  of  the  Great  Spirit  These 
jmvels  are  from  an  old  man,  whose  head  is  whitened  with  the  snows  of  70 
winters;  an  old  man,  who  has  thrown  down  his  bow,  put  oft"  hie  sword,  and 
now  stJUids  leaning  on  his  staflT,  waiting  the  commands  of  Km  Great  S[)irit 
Look  around  you,  see  all  this  mighty  people,  then  go  to  our  homes,  open 
your  arms  to  receive  your  families.  Tell  tliem  to  bury  the  i.atchet,  to  make 
briplit  the  chain  of  friendship,  to  love  the  wiiite  men,  and  to  live  in  peace 
with  them,  as  long  as  the  rivers  run  into  the  sea,  and  the  sun  rises  aid  sets. 
If  you  do  so,  you  will  be  happy.  You  will  then  insure  the  prosperity  of  un- 
boni  generations  of  your  tribes,  who  will  go  hand  and  hand  with  the  sons  of 
the  white  men,  and  all  shall  be  blessed  by  the  Great  Spirit  Peace  and  hap- 
piness, by  the  blessing  of  the  Great  Si)irit,  attend  you.    Farewell." 

When  this  was  ended,  Black-hawk  said,  "Brother,  we  like  your  talk,  ffe 
will  be  frit.tds.  We  like  the  white  people.  They  are  very  kind  to  us.  We  shall 
not  forget  it.  Your  counsel  is  good.  We  shall  attend  to  it.  Your  valuable 
present  shall  go  to  my  squaw.  It  pleases  nie  very  much.  We  shall  always  be 
friends." 

The  following  circumstance  is  said  to  have  occuiTed,  while  the  Indians  were 
in  New  York:  One  day,  after  dinner,  a  gentleman  got  admittance  to  tiieir  room, 
whose  object  was  to  communicate  to  them  some  religious  instruction.  Ho 
began  with  Black-haivk's  son  ;  but  when  tlie  young  fellow  understood  by  tlie 
interpreter  what  his  object  was,  he  said,  "/  lazee,"  and,  covering  his  face  with 
uis  blaidcet  sti-etched  himself  out  uj  in  a  sola,  and  went  to  sleep. 
56* 


i\ 


K 

■i 

f, 

■J 


i; '      ;  r. 


!    :  V. 


r)()() 


BLACK-IIAVVK-NFW  YOUK.-ARSENAL. 


fDooB  V. 


M: 


TJie  Clierokec  Plionnix  was  shown  to  lilnck-htnvk,  in  Now  York,  bv  a  gen- 
tlcnmii,  wlio  guvc  tlio  cliit-f  lo  nndorstiiiicl  timt  it  wiis  the  first  and  onfv  news- 
paper printecl  in  Iiuiiun.  Alicr  cxijiaininj,'  the  f,'reat  ns<'  ot|iaj)ern  to  fiini,  tJio 
chief  was  well  pleased,  wiid  lie  kn»;w  tlie  Clierokeu  tribe  well,  but  (hd  not 
know  they  had  nnch  a  thing  among  them  «h  a  ncwMpaj)cr.  He  recjueKted  tiie 
gentiemun  to  make  the  name  of  Blnck-hawk  on  it,  whi<li  he  <li(i,  and  gave  it 
to  liim  ;  when  tlie  old  eliief  c.\refully  fbUh-d  it  nj*  and  laid  it  away,  staying  he 
noiiid  show  it  to  his  people  when  he  got  lionie. 

On  TlinrHday,  ^0  Jnne,  thi;  Indians  were  shown  the  fninons  arsenal  in 
White  Street.  The  great  cannon,  mortars  and  shells,  on  the  first  floor,  filled 
them  with  astonishment  and  awe,  in  sjiitc  of  their  philosophical  indifllrence. 
On  visiting  the  second  floor,  their  countenances  were  seen  to  enliven.  The 
night  of  10,000  stand  of  small  arms,  all  as  bright  as  jmlishing  conld  make 
them,  with  all  the  bayonets  fixed,  was  evidently  more  agreeable  to  them  than 
the  great,  imwieldy  cannon  below.  Tlieir  admiration  was  greatly  heiglitene<l 
on  being  shown  the  operation  of  Mr.  Uiddon's  imw  i)atent  artillery  lock.  It 
had  been  fitted  for  the  occasion,  on  the  beautiful  brass  !}  pounder,  which  Gov 
Tompkins  gave  the  state  in  1814.  This  gun  being  placed  in  the  yard,  and 
charged  with  a  blank  cartri<lge,  Gen.  .^mdariits,  of  the  arsenal,  drew  the 
string  attached  to  the  lock,  and  the  discliarge  was  instantaneous.  Here 
again  they  could  not  conceal  their  astonishment,  which  was  much  raised  by 
the  mysterious  oi)eration  of  the  lock.  The  cannon  being  again  charged, 
Jilack-hxiwk  was  invited  to  |)ull  tlie  string  and  discharge  it ;  but  he  declined 
from  timidity,  and  all  the  rest  followed  his  examiile.  At  length  the  Prophet 
Btejipcd  forward,  with  a  great  air  of  resolution,  and  dis«:lmrged  it.  The  re- 
port startled  him  a  little ;  but  the  moment  after,  finding  himself  unharmed, 
lie  laughed  heartily.  Then  all  the  rest  ventured  to  discharge  it.  AN'licn  Rlr. 
Hiddon  showed  them  the  fulminating  wafer,  n]Hin  which  his  lock  acts,  "  the 
vacant  seriousness  and  gravity,"  says  one  present,  "with  which  they  rcturi.ca 
it,  as  a  matter  quite  too  profound  ibr  their  comprehension,  was  irresistibly 
comic." 

Several  of  the  captives  had  been  attacked  with  nn  inflammation  in  their 
eyes,  accoin[)anied  with  some  fever,  sujtposed  to  have  been  brought  on  by 
the  fiitigues  they  had  experienced  during  their  journey.  But  while  they 
remained  in  New  York,  they  had  nearly  recovered. 

When  it  was  announced  in  the  papers,  that  the  Indians  would  not  proceed 
any  farther  north,  great  disa])pointnient  was  felt  here  ;  but  we  heard  no  one 
complaH.  All  seemed  sensible  that  to  show  them  about  from  place  to  jilace, 
was  inflicting  a  punishment  upon  them  which  could  in  no  wise  benefit  tis. 
There  might  be  one  exception,  for  we  were  informed  that  a  gentleman  had 
made  large  arrangements  here  for  Avi-iting  Black-hawk^s  life.  But  whether  it 
were  the  old  chief's  good  or  bad  fortune  that  prevented  hiin  from  falling  into 
the  ambush  of  that  biographer,  we  do  not  undertake  to  say ;  but  there  may 
lie  those  cold-hearted  beings,  who  are  glad  that  both  Black-hawk  and  tlie  pub- 
lic have  escaped. 

On  Saturday,  22  June,  they  lefl  New  York  for  Albany,  where  they  arrived 
the  next  day  at  evening.  Here,  as  we  should  exjiect,  the  crowd  was  far 
more  savage  than  had  been  witnessed  any  where  in  the  journey,  and  it  was 
near  three  hours  before  a  landing  for  them  could  be  effected ;  and  even  then 
only  by  disguising  them.  Black-hawk  was  not  recognized  until  he  had  got 
almost  to  the  tavern  where  he  and  his  pai'ty  were  to  lodge.  One  observes, 
that  Albany,  at  this  time,  was  more  like  an  Indian  camp,  than  the  residence 
of  civilized  beings.  Some  urged,  that  if  Black-hawk  had  been  permitted  to 
have  shown  himself  to  the  multitude,  and  addressed  them,  they  would  at 
onci!  have  ceased  their  boisterous  clamors.  It  is  said  he  was  about  to  do  so, 
but  his  son  would  not  consent  to  it. 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  populace  was  such,  af^er  they  were  in  their 
quarters,  as  to  cause  alarm  for  their  safety,  is  not  mentioned;  but  certain  it 
is,  they  set  off  from  Albany  in  the  night,  24  June,  and  jtroceeded  west  upon 
the  railroad. 

When  they  had  got  upon  the  grand  canal,  and  scon  how  they  were  trans- 
ported by  means  of  locks,  some  of  the  party  said  it  must  be  the  work  of  a 


Chap.  Xl] 


1113  VISIT  TO  THE  SENECAS. 


607 


Mawitou,  for  U  was  the  first  river  then  ever  saw  go  over  hilla  ana  across  other 
rivers. 

'I'lie  iiitorvicw  of  our  travellers,  the  f*nna  niul  Foxph,  witli  their  coiintry- 
ini'ii,  the  St'iiiTiis,  cunnot  ttiil  to  lie  iiitcri»<(iiiir  to  all  our  rt'iuliTH.  Iliivin^ 
arrivfd  at  linffUlo  on  Friday,  '28  June,  timy  retnaiiied  there  iMitil  Sunday 
Mioiiiinfr.  The  next  morning  nller  their  arrivd,  they  rode  over  to  IJIack 
Rock,  where  they  viewed  the  union  of  the  gruno  canal  witli  the  lake  at  that 
place.  From  this  place  they  had  u  full  view  ol  the  Canada  shore,  und  Ulark- 
hawk  irnmediutejy  pointed  out  Fort  Erie,  and  seemed  well  ucnnainted  with 
the  adjacent  country;  he  having  been  there  in  the  time  of  the  Inst  war  with 
England,  in  the  British  service,  and  at  the  time  *' tvhen  the  Jlmericans  walked 
into  Fort  Erie"  as  he  expressed  the  capture  of  it.  After  the  battle  of  Luke 
Erie,  he  said,  he  was  obliged  to  return  with  his  lumd  to  his  own  country.  In 
the  atlcMiioon  of  the  same  day,  the  party  visited  the  Senecas,  who  had  col- 
lected at  the  council  house,  on  their  reservation,  to  n-ceive  them.  They  were 
addressed  by  the  chief,  Cajit.  Pollanl,  or  Karlundawana,  of  whom  we  have 
already  spoken,  an  old  and  very  respectable  man.  After  expressing  the 
pleasure  which  it  give  him  and  his  people  to  meet  the  chiefs  of  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  and  after  all  iding  to  the  present  state  of  the  alM)rigines,  he  counselled 
his  visitors  to  return  home  with  a  peaceable  mind ;  to  cultivate  the  earth,  and 
no  more  to  fight  against  so  powerful  a  people  as  the  whites.  Black-hawk 
replied  as  follovfs :  — 

"  Our  nfred  brother  of  the  Senecas,  who  has  npoken  to  us,  has  spoken  the  words 
of  a  good  and  wise  man.  fVi,  are  strangers  to  each  other,  though  we  have  the 
Slime  color,  and  the  same  Great  Spirit  matle  us  all,  and  gave  %is  this  country  to- 
gethe,:  Brothers,  we  have  seen  how  great  a  people  tlie  ivhiles  are.  Thuj  are  very 
rich,  and  very  strong,  li  i^  folly  tor  us  to  fght  with  thvm.  He  slutU  go  home 
with  murh  knowledge.  For  myself,  I  shall  advise  my  people  to  be  quiet,  and  live 
like  good  men.  The  advice  which  you  gave  us,  broth  r,  is  vry  good,  and  toe  tell 
you  now  we  mean  to  walk  the  straight  path  in  future,  and  to  content  ourselves 
with  ichat  we  have,  and  with  aUtivating  our  lands. 

The  Prophet  added  a  few  sentences,  but  nothinir  worthy  of  notice,  except 
be  said  he  wished  all  the  tribes  of  Indians  could  be  collected  u])on  one  spot, 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 

From  Ituffalo  the  Indians  were  conveyed  by  water  to  Detroit,  where  they 
arrived  Jidy.  Here  a  curiosity  was  evinced  by  the  inhabitants  to  see  them  ; 
not  exiictly  such  as  had  been  shown  in  the  Atlantic  cities,  but  with  that  cohl 
indifference,  their  near  vicinity  to  the  late  scenes  of  blood  was  calculated  to 
call  forth.  A  writer  has  remarked,  that  they  were  soon  seen  walking  the 
streets  "unknowing  and  unknown,"  and  newspapers  from  that  region  say 
they  wore  burnt  in  effigy.  Black-fiawk  had  often  been  there  in  times  past; 
and  when  he  visited  the  forme  v  residence  of  Gov.  Cass,  he  said,  "  This  is  the 
old  council  ground.  I  have  hearu  much  good  counsel  hi-re ;  but  my  trail  led  to  the 
opposite  slutre,  and  my  ears  were  closed." 

From  Green  Bay  they  were  to  pass  through  the  country  of  the  Menominies 
and  VVinnebagoes*  to  Chicago.  As  these  tribes  are  bitter  enemies  to  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes,  troops  were  detached  from  that  place  to  attend  them. 

Having  left  Chicago,  as-  they  passed  up  Fox  River  and  down  the  Ouis- 
consin,  Black-luiiok  would  j)oint  out  the  spots,  where,  once,  he  said,  lind  stood 
tlio  fine  villages  of  the  Sacs.  His  depression  at  the  sight  was  evident,  and 
Jio  seemed  much  to  regret  their  emigration  l)eyond  the  Mississippi. 

It  was  about  the  first  of  August,  1833,  that  the  captives  arrived  at  Fort 
Armstrong,  on  the  Uf>per  Mississippi,  where  we  are  presently  to  take  oiii 
leave  of  them.    The  Prophet  had  been  set  at  liberty  a  little  before  at  Prairie 

*  This  tribe  is  divided  into  live  families — the  Dccorie,  Black-leg^,  i!tc.  One-ei/eil  Decon'p, 
iK-fore  mentioned,  is  one  nf  llieir  most  conspicuous  cliiefs.  He  appeared  al>out  50  years  old 
in  1S26.  Mr.  IK.  J.  Suelling  saw  liim  at  llio  Portage  in  llial  year,  accompanied  bv  a  wiCe 
of  15. 

The  name  Wimiehnsro  is  supposed  lo  he  that  of  a  kind  of  duck,  found  on  llie  like  of  the 
same  name,  in  great  abundance. 


!i« 


l:    lii- 

r     ■ ' 

f  if 


il 


GC8 


HIS  LIBERATION. 


[BooE  V 


du  Cliien ;  lie  liaving  declurnd  his  conviction  of  the  power  of  the  Anioricnnii, 
and  tiiat  now  iin  would  roturn  and  )iv«  in  prnce.  "His  return,"  says  our 
int<)rinunt,  "is  ntt(;n<li'<l  with  as  nmnv  unpleasant  associations  as  that  of  tiny 
of  till-  party.  Th«  villa^^e  over  wliicli  lie  once  presided  has  heen  broken  up ; 
liis  wi^'wain  has  U-en  burnt  to  the  ffround;  his  family  without  a  protector, 
and  he  must  find  a  home  in  the  village  of  some  neigldioring  chielbiin." 

The  Indians  wore  at  firet  gloomy  and  taciturn,  on  etitering  their  own 
forests,  but  in  a  short  time  tliey  l)egan  to  be  more  conununicative,  and  at 
length  would  laugh  and  talk  about  the  jokes  and  odd  inauocuvres  they  had 
seen  among  the  whites. 

Jieing  now  at  Ilock  Island,  where  it  was  concluded  to  dismiss  the  party, 
they  were  considerably  disappointed  in  not  meeting  with  some  of  their 
friends,  from  whom  they  might  gain  intelligence  of  their  families.  Mean- 
while they  examined  their  bundles  and  packages,  containing  the  presents 
they  had  received  during  their  journt^y.  These  were  by  no  means  iticon- 
eiderable,  and  were  said,  by  those  who  saw  them,  to  be  in  value  of  at  least 
1,000  dollars;  which,  when  their  friends  arrived,  were  liberally  distributed 
among  them.  They  had  not  been  long  in  suspense  when  this  hap|)ened.  A 
band  of  Foxes  arrived  the  next  day  afler  them,  who  gave  the  desired  intelli- 
geiicc.  To  an  oliserver  of  nature,  their  meeting  must  have  l)een  exceedingly 
interesting.  Notwithstanding  their  long  separation,  their  first  interviews  were 
nearly  the  same  as  though  it  had  heen  but  of  a  day's  continu.uice.  Ihit  they 
very  soon  discovered  to  the  spectators,  that  they  had  met  with  tliose  who 
were  capable  of  enjoying  again  their  society ;  and  tlie  freedom  of  early  litis 
began  gradually  to  show  itselK 

"  Fort  Armstrong,  Rock  Island,  Illinois,  was  selected  as  the  most  appro- 
priate place  for  the  liberation  of  Blitck-hnwk  aiul  his  party.  It  being  the 
most  central  point  from  the  surroimding  villages,  a  greater  number  of  Indians 
could  be  there  assembled  at  a  short  notice,  than  at  any  other  point  on  the 
Mississippi.  With  most  of  the  party,  their  return  was  the  return  of  happy 
days,  and  of  those  maimers  and  customs  which  they  had  looked  forward  to 
with  much  anxiety,  during  their  long  and  arduous  journey.  But  with  Black- 
hawk  it  was  the  revival  of  those  scenes  associated  with  his  former  greatness 
and  power — when  no  white  man  crossed  his  trail,  or  encroached  upon  his 
hunting  grounds.  He  is  now  hailed  not  as  a  chieftain,  nor  as  a  warrior,  but 
as  a  Sac,  divested  of  his  lionors,  an  humble  suppliant  for  the  sympathies  and 
hospitalities  of  his  tribe. 

"It  was  understood,  on  their  arrival,  that  Keocuck^  the  princifial  chief  of 
the  tribe,  was  absent  with  most  of  his  band,  upon  a  buflldo  hunt,  and  it  was 
doubtful  whether  he  had  yet  returned.  A  courier,  however,  was  despatched 
to  his  village,  with  instructions,  if  returned,  to  request  his  immediate  attend- 
ance, with  as  many  of  his  tribe  as  could  conveniently  accompany  him.  The 
messenger  returned  the  same  night,  saying  that  Keocuck  was  encamped  about 
20  miles  below,  with  a  large  nundwr  of  his  tribe,  and  would  arrive  during 
the  day.  About  noon,  the  dull  monotony  of  the  Indian  drum,  accompanied 
with  occasional  shouts,  was  heard,  which  annoimced  his  approacli.  He  led 
the  van,  with  two  large  canoes,  hished  side  by  side,  with  a  large  canopy 
extended  over  him  and  his  three  wives,  where  he  eat  in  all  his  dignity,  with 
the  American  flag  waving  over  the  bow.  About  20  canoes  followed  in  his 
train,  each  containing  from  4  to  8  of  his  companions,  who  made  the  'welkin 
ring'  with  their  wild  and  savage  songs.  They  proceeded  up  the  river  at  a 
moderate  rate,  and  encamped  on  the  opposite  side  from  Bluck-hmcVs  camp. 
Afler  remaining  about  two  hours  to  arrange  their  toilets,  they  again  com- 
menced their  songs,  making  their  waj'  directly  across  the  river.  Keocvck  was 
the  first  to  land,  decorated,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  party,  witii  all  their 
medals,  and  in  all  the  paraphernalia  which  distinguishes  the  braves  from  the 
common  Indinns.  Afler  tlie  party  had  landed,  he  turned  to  them  and  said, 
'  The  Great  Spirit  has  sent  our  brother  hack.  Let  its  shake  hands  in  friendship.'' 
He  then  proceeded  towards  Black  hawk,  who  was  seated  with  his  party,  iu 
front  of  their  tent,  leaning  upon  his  cane,  apparently  lost  in  deep  niflection. 
He  extetuled  his  hand,  which  the  old  msin  seemed  to  shake  with  some  cor- 
diality.   Havinj;  saluted  the  rest  of  the  party,  he  took  his  seat  in  their  imtne- 


(I 


Crap.  XI J 


BLACK-HAWK'S   RETURN. 


660 


diate  vicinity.  His  companionn  followeil  tlin  (<xnm|il<>,  nnd  n  nttprod  theni- 
Belves  ii|K)n  the  ground.  Not  a  ninriiiiir  \vm  hi-ard  ninorijr  tliti  crowd.  Nc 
oiiB  prcHiitiicd  to  hn-iik  tiio  HJii'iice,  until  tlic  cliicthiin  had  npokfu.  Filh-cn 
niinutp.s  cInpHcd  JM'loro  ii  word  wns  uttered  i>y  any  one,  wiien  Keoctirk  anl<ed 
lilack-hawk  jiow  lonj,'  lio  had  Iwen  upon  the  road  ?  '  Thai  he  had  been  f.r/>ff/i»ig 
him,  and  wns  cotniuf^  up  in  the  erpedation  of  mtftms^  hlm^  Pip<!H  weie  Hoon 
introduced,  nnd  iias.-'ed  ninonf^  hotii  parties,  n.s  an  intorchnn^'c  of  good  ll;el- 
ing.  >*'*  smoking  nnd  talking,  alternately,  tlir  almut  an  hour,  u  general 
move  wns  mudc  for  their  departure.  Keocnck  arose,  shook  haiid-s  with  all  tlit) 
party,  Baying,  Uo-inorrow  lie  should  refiirn.''"  They  now  cro.-j.sed  the  river  in 
silence,  and  the  night  wns  spent  in  Kongs  and  dances.  On  the  next  dny,  by 
appointment,  was  to  he  opene<l  the  grand  council. 

"A  conniiodious  room  in  the  garrison  wad  pre|»ared  for  the  reception  of 
Imth  parties.  About  10  o'clock,  Keonirk  was  aiuiounceil  by  the  incoherent 
and  guttural  strains  of  more  than  lUU  .Havag«-s.  When  tiiey  arrived  at  the 
garrison,  they  (bllowed  silently  in,  preceded  by  their  chiefi  who  was  shown 
to  the  room,  where  he  was  to  be  elevated  upon  the  ruins  of  an  indis4-reet  old 
man,  with  whom  he  had  lu-en  struggling  many  years  lor  supremacy.  Ho  . 
took  his  sent  with  Pnrshepnrho,  (the  stabbing  chief,)  chief  of  the  Hacs,  upon 
one  side,  nnd  Wapella,  (the  little  prince,)  chief  of  the  Foxes,  upon  the  other 
He  told  Ids  young  braves  to  .«it  irmnedintely  lM>liind  him;  nnd  all  maintained 
the  most  proibund  silenc  during  the  interview.  A'cocucA:,  they  «iid,  would 
sjteak  for  all  of  them. 

"  Black-hfiwk.  nnd  his  jtarty  soon  made  their  apytennmce.  As  they  entered 
the  room,  the  chiefs  arose  and  shook  hands  with  them.  'J'hey  ])assed  round, 
and  took  their  seats  immediateiy  oi)|)osite.  JiUick-hnwk  nnd  his  son  appearecl 
quite  dejected.  They  manifested  some  reluctance  to  the  proposed  council, 
the  day  previous  ;  and  that  morning,  as  it  would  have  too  much  importunce 
attached  to  it,  tl  son  felt  ketudy  his  situation.  It  was  as  humiliating  to  him 
as  it  was  to  liis  fiither.  Maj.  Garland  was  the  first  to  break  the  silence  in 
roimcil.  He  told  them  that  ho  was  grntefid  to  find  so  iTUich  gootl  feeling  ex- 
isting in  the  tribe  towards  Black-hawk  nnd  his  party.  He  felt  confident,  from 
what  he  had  witnessed  since  his  arrival,  that  they  would  herealler  live  in 
peace.  He  had  but  little  to  say,  as  the  president's  speech  to  Black-hawk  and 
party,  nt  Baltimore,  said  all,  which  should  lie  read  to  them.  It  was  inter- 
preted to  thein  by  an  able  interyireter,  to  which  the  whole  company  respond- 
ed, at  the  termination  of  each  sentence." 

Keocuck  then  arose,  shook  hands  with  the  most  important  personages  pres- 
ent, and  commenced : — 

"I  have  listened  to  the  talk  of  our  great  father.  It  is  true  we  pledged  our 
honors,  with  those  of  our  young  braves,  for  their  lilwrntion.  We  thought 
much  of  it;  our  councils  were  long;  their  wives  and  children  were  in  our 
thoughts.  When  we  talked  of  them,  our  hearts  were  full.  Their  wives  and 
children  came  to  us,  which  made  us  feel  like  women ;  but  we  were  men. 
The  words  which  we  sent  to  our  great  father  was  one  word,  the  word  of  alL 
The  heart  of  our  groat  father  was  good ;  he  spoke  like  the  father  of  children. 
The  Great  Spirit  made  his  heart  big  in  council.  We  receive  our  brothers  in 
friendship ;  our  hearts  are  good  towards  them.  They  once  listened  to  bad 
counsel ;  now  their  ears  are  closed.  I  give  my  hand  to  them ;  when  they 
shake  it,  they  shake  the  hands  of  all.  1  will  shalte  hands  with  them,  and  then 
I  am  done." 

Maj.  Garland  then  told  them,  that  he  wished  it  distinctly  understood  by  all 
present,  that  the  president  considered,  and  should  in  futiu-e  acknowledge 
Keocuck  as  the  principal  chief  of  the  nation ;  that  he  wished  and  e.\|>ected 
Black-hawk  to  listen  and  conform  to  his  counsels;  ami  tluit  if  any  di.«.cordaiit 
feeling  now  existed,  it  must  be  bin-ied  here ;  that  tlie  two  bands  that  had 
heretofore  existed  in  the  tribe  must  be  broken  up.  From  the  misa]i|)lication 
of  some  word  on  the  part  of  the  interpreter.  Black-hawk  understood  him,  that 
he  must  conform  to  the  counsels  of  Keocuck.  The  old  man  became  com- 
pletely  infuriated.  The  spirit  and  vigor  of  his  youth  broke  forth  like  a  vol- 
cano ;  he  rose  to  speak,  but  was  so  much  excited,  he  could  scsu'cely  articidate. 
He  said : — 


670 


ELACK-KAWK   DRPOSED.— HIS   DISAPPOINTMENT.       [Book  V 


"  I  am  n  man — an  old  man — I  will  not  conform  to  the  counsels  of  any  one. 
1  will  act  lor  mysel)^ — no  one  slu-.il  govern  me — 1  am  oltl — my  hair  is  pray — 
I  once  gave  counsels  to  my  young  men — am  I  to  conform  to  others  ?  1  shall 
soon  go  to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  I  shall  rest.  What  I  said  to  our  great 
father  in  Washington,  I  say  again — I  will  always  listen  to  him.    I  am  done." 

The  feeling  which  he  evinced,  caused  a  momentary  excitement  among  all 
present ;  it  was  his  last  expiring  struggle.  'J'he  nature  of  the  remark  was 
explained  to  him — '''at  the  president  requested  him  to  listen  to  Keonick,  He 
)nade  no  reply ;  he  .sat  completely  ahsorhrd  in  his  own  feelings,  when  Keo- 
cuck,  in  a  suppressed  tone,  saitl  to  him,  "  JVhy  do  you  speak  so  before  the  while 
men  ?  /  mil  speak  for  you  ;  yoxi  trembLd;  you  did  not  inean  it,"  He  consented 
when  Keonick  arose  and  said  : — 

"Our  brother,  who  has  again  come  to  us,  has  spoken;  hut  he  spoke  in 
wratii — his  tongue  was  forked — he  sjmke  not  like  a  man,  a  Sac.  He  knew 
his  words  were  bad;  he  trt;nbled  like  the  oak,  whose  roots  have  been  washed 
hy  many  rains.  He  is  old  ;  what  he  said,  let  us  tisrget.  He  says  he  did  not 
mean  it ;  he  wishes  it  forgotten.  I  have  sjwken  for  him.  What  I  have  said 
is  his  own  words — not  mine.  Let  us  say  he  spoke  iu  council  to-day — that 
his  words  were  good.     I  have  spoken." 

Col.  Davenjpori,  '-ho  couunands  at  Rook  Island,  then  told  Black-hawk  that 
he  was  gratified  f  meet  him — that  once  he  was  iiis  enemy,  but  now  he  met 
him  as  a  frierid — that  he  was  here  by  ilie  commands  of  his  great  father,  and 
should  alv.  r ;  «  be  glad  to  see  him.  If  he  wished  for  advice  at  any  time,  he 
shoidd  be  always  ready  to  give  it  to  him;  he  had  had,  during  his  absence, 
frequent  talks  with  his  trifie,  who  avi  if  anxious  for  his  return;  and  could 
assure  him,  that  his  nation  entertained  for  him  and  his  party  the  most  liiendly 
feeling. 

M.ij.  Garland  told  him,  that  he  was  now  at  liberty  to  go  where  he  pleased ; 
that  lie,  and  all  the  Americans,  were  pleased  with  his  and  his  i)arty's  uniform 
good  conduct  while  among  them  ;  that  they  were  convinced  that  their  hearts 
were  good,  but  they  had  listened  to  bad  counsels.  They  had  seen  the  j)ower 
of  the  white  lUen,  and  had  taken  their  great  father  by  the  hand,  who  had  re- 
stored them  to  iheir  (tunilies,  upon  his  and  his  tribe's  faithful  assurances  of 
peace  and  frien«i.--l»ii . 

Black-hawk,  after  reflcctinjr  upon  what  he  had  said,  requested  that  if  his 
remarks  were  i)ut  uooii  ]>aper,  a  line  might  be  drawn  over  it — he  did  not 
mean  it. 

Wapella,  chief  of  the  Foxes,  said  he  had  nothing  to  say.  "I  am  not,"  said 
he,  "  m  the  habit  of  talking — I  think — I  have  been  thinking  all  day — Keocuck 
has  spoken — I  am  glad  to  see  my  brothers — I  will  shake  hands  with  them. 
I  am  done."  A  general  shaking  of  hands  Avas  commenced  by  the  chief, 
which  was  an  indication  that  the  council  was  adjoui.  ^d  sine  die. 

The  impetuosity  of  Black-lutwk^s  speech  was  undoubtedly  influenced  hy 
the  presence  of  his  son,  who  evidently  governed  his  speech  jind  actions  dur- 
ing their  tour  through  the  United  States.  He  appeared  anxious  that  his  father 
should  maintain  his  fbrmer  stand,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  and  no  doubt 
gave  instructions  to  that  effect.  The  old  man's  pride  was  deeply  wounded  ; 
vet  he  would  have  submitteci  to  any  degradation,  rather  than  to  have  been 
committed  in  the  presence  of  so  large  a  mjmber  of  the  most  consi)icuous  men 
of  the  nation.  He  felt  convinced  that  he  had  erred,  and  endeavored  to  atone 
for  it,  during  the  day,  by  saying,  "/le  did  not  know  aJuit  he  said" 

That  evening,  3Iaj.  Garland  ''ivited  the  ])rincipal  chiefs,  together  with 
Black-hawk,  to  his  quarters,  as  it  would  afford  a  good  opj)ortunity  to  a.«certain, 
explicitly,  the  feeling  which  existed  among  them  towards  their  fidlen  fiic. 
About  seven  o'clock  they  arrived.     They  took  their  seats  in  silence,  passed 

in  return  quaffed  a  glass  of  champagne, 
relish.    Parsheparho  shook  hands  \\\\\\  all 


the  pipe  lor  all  to  take  a  whitl",  and 
A\hich  seemed  to  have  a  peculiar 
present,  and  commenced  : — 

"We  met  this  morning:   I  am 
pood ;   I  never  drank  any  before. 


glad  to  meet  again.    That  wine  is  very 
I  have  thought  much  of  our  meeting  to- 


day; it  was  one  that  told  us  we  were  brothers, — that  we  were  Sacs.    \\v  had 
ji"«t  returned  from  a  buniil(i-l..ait ;   we  thought  it  was  time  for  our  brothers 


M 


ii 


Chap.  XI.] 


BLACK-IIAWK.— SPEECHES. 


671 


to  be  here,  as  our  fathers  at  St.  Louis  told  lis  tliis  was  the  moon.  We  started 
belbre  the  ri.siiig  sua  to  meet  you  ;  we  liavu  iiu.'t,  and  taken  our  hrotliers  by 
tlie  hand  in  tViendsiiip.  Tliey  always  nii.stru.sted  our  counsels,  and  went  from 
the  trail  of  the  red  men,  where  there  was  no  huntiiig  grounds,  nor  friends  re- 
turned, and  tbuiid  the  do"s  howling  around  tlieir  wigwams,  and  wives  look- 
ing for  the;  nusbands  and  children.  They  said  we  counselled  likewoinen; 
but  they  have  found  our  counsels  were  good.  They  have  been  through  the 
country  of  our  great  father.  They  have  been  to  the  wigwams  of  the  white 
men ;  they  received  them  in  kindness,  and  made  glad  their  hearts.  We 
thanked  them ;  say  to  them  that  Keocuck  and  Parsheparho  thank  them.  Our 
brother  has  promised  to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keocuck.  What  he  said  in 
council  to-day,  was  like  the  Missij>sippi  fog — the  sun  has  shone,  and  the  day 
is  clear — let  us  forget  it;  he  did  not  mean  it.  His  heart  is  good,  but  his  ears 
liave  been  open  to  bad  counsels.  He  has  taken  our  great  hither  by  the  hand, 
whose  words  are  good.  He  listened  to  them,  and  has  closed  his  ears  to  the 
voice  which  came  across  the  great  waters.  lie  now  knows  that  he  ought  to 
listen  to  Keocuck.  He  counselled  with  us,  and  our  young  braves,  who  listened 
to  his  talk.  We  told  our  great  father  that  all  would  be  i)eace.  He  opened 
his  dark  prison,  and  let  him  see  the  rising  sun  once  more,  gave  him  to  his 
wives  and  children,  who  were  without  a  lodge.  Our  great  lather  made 
straight  his  path  to  his  home.  I  once  took  the  great  chief  of  the  Osages 
prisoner.  I  heard  the  cries  of  his  women  and  children  ;  I  took  him  out  by 
the  rising  sun,  and  put  him  upon  the  trail  to  his  village  ;  '  There,'  said  I, '  is  the 
trail  to  your  village ;  go,  and  tell  your  village,  that  I,  Parsheparho,  the  chief  of 
the  Sacs,  sent  you.'  VVe  thank  our  great  father;  say  to  him  that  1  wish  to  see 
liiin;  I  reach  out  my  right  hand;  he  is  a  great  way  off,  but  I  now  shake  him 
by  the  hand;  our  hearts  are  good  towards  him;  1  will  see  him  belbre  I  lie 
down  in  peace ;  may  the  Great  Spirit  be  in  his  councils ;  what  our  brother 
said  to-dav.  let  us  Ibrget.    I  am  done." 

Keocuck,  Siiler  going  through  the  usual  ceremonies,  said,  "We  feel  proud 
that  you  have  invited  us  hei'e  this  evening  to  drink  a  glass  with  you ;  the 
wine  which  we  have  drank,  we  never  tasted  boibre  ;  it  is  the  wine  whicli  the 
white  men  make,  who  know  how  to  make  anything;  I  will  take  another 
glass,  as  I  have  much  to  say ;  we  feel  proud  that  we  can  drink  such  wine; 
to-day  we  shook  hands  with  our  brothers,  whom  you  brought  to  us  ;  we  were 
glad  to  see  them ;  we  have  often  thought  of  our  brothers  ;  many  of  our  nation 
said  they  would  never  return ;  tlieir  wives  and  children  ollen  came  to  our 
wigwams,  which  made  us  feel  sad  ;  what  Parslwparho  has  said,  is  true ;  1 
tiilked  to  our  young  men,  who  had  the  hearts  of  men;  I  told  them  that  the 
Great  Spirit  was  in  oiir  councils ;  they  promised  to  live  in  peace  ;  those  who 
listened  to  bad  counsels,  and  followed  our  brothers,  have  sfid  their  ears  ire 
closed,  they  will  live  in  peace;  I  sent  their  words  to  our  gnat  father,  wlnse 
ears  were  open,  whose  heart  was  made  sad  by  the  conduct  of  our  brothers; 
he  has  sent  to  their  wigwams;  we  thank  him;  say  to  him  that  AcoracA  thanks 
him  ;  our  brothers  have  seen  the  great  villages  of  the  white  men  ;  they  trav- 
elled a  long  road,  and  found  the  Americans  like  the  grass;  I  will  tell  our 
young  men  to  listen  to  what  they  shall  tell  them.  Many  years  ago  I  went 
"through  the  villages  of  our  great  father;  he  had  many,  that  were  like  the 
great  prairies;  but  he  has  gone,  another  is  our  father,  he  is  a  great  war  chief, 
1  want  to  see  him,  I  shall  be  proud  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  1  have  hearcl 
much  of  him,  his  head  is  gray,  I  must  sec  him;  tell  him  that  as  soon  as  the 
snow  is  off  of  the  prairie,  I  shall  come.  What  I  have  said,  I  wish  sjtoken  to 
hiin,  belbre  it's  put  upon  paper,  so  that  he  shall  hear  it  as  I  have  said  it ;  tell 
him  that  KcQcuck  spoke  it;  wliat  our  brother  said  in  council  to-diiy,  kt  us 
Ibrget ;  he  told  me  to  speaJi ;  I  spoke  his  words.    I  have  siioken." 

Rlack-hnwk  then  said,  in  a  veiy  calm  and  dejected  manner,  "I  feel  that  1 
nm  an  old  man;  once  I  could  speak,  but  now  I  have  but  little  to  say;  to-day 
we  met  many  of  our  brothers,  we  were  glad  to  see  them  ;  I  have  listened  to 
what  my  brothers  have  said,  their  hearts  are  good ;  they  have  been  like  Sacs 
since  1  left  them;  they  have  taken  care  of  my  wife  and  children,  who  lad  no 
wigwam;  1  thanked  tliem  for  it;  the  Great  Spirit  knows  that  I  thank  them; 


672 


BLACK-IIAWK. 


[Book  V. 


m 


before  the  sun  pets  behind  the  liills  to-morrow  1  shall  see  them,  I  want  to  see 
thorn ;  when  I  left  them,  I  expected  soon  to  return ;  1  told  our  great  father, 
when  in  Washington,  that  I  would  listen  to  his  counsels;  I  say  so  to  yon,  I 
will  listen  to  tiie  counsels  of  Keocuck ;  1  shall  soon  he  far  away,  I  shall'  have 
no  village,  no  band,  1  shall  live  alone.  What  I  said  in  council  to-day  I  wish 
forgotten.  If  it  has  been  put  U])on  paper,  I  wish  a  mark  to  be  drawn  over 
it.  I  did  not  mean  it.  Now  we  are  alone,  let  ns  say  we  will  forget  it.  Pay 
to  our  great  tiither  and  Gov.  Cass,  that  I  will  listen  to  them.  Many  years 
ago  I  met  Gov.  Cass  in  coimcils,  far  across  the  prairies,  to  the  rising  sun. 
His  counsels  were  good.  My  ears  were  closed  ;  I  listened  to  the  great  ftither 
across  the  great  waters.  My  fiither  listened  to  him  whose  band  was  large. 
My  band  was  once  large.  Now  I  have  no  band.  I  and  my  son,  and  all  the 
party,  thank  our  great  father  for  what  he  has  done.  He  is  old,  I  am  old ;  we 
siiall  soon  go  to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  we  shall  rest.  He  sent  tis  through 
his  great  villages.  We  saw  many  of  the  white  men,  who  treated  ns  with 
kindness.  We  thank  them ;  say  to  them  we  thank  them.  We  thank  you  and 
Mr.  Spragiie  for  coming  with  us;  your  road  was  long,  and  crooked.  We 
never  saw  so  many  white  men  before.  When  you  was  with  us,  we  felt  as 
though  we  had  some  friends  among  them.  We  flit  safe ;  you  knew  them  all. 
When  you  come  upon  the  Mississippi  again,  you  shall  come  to  my  wigwam. 
1  have  none  now.  On  your  road  home,  you  i)ass  where  my  village  once  was. 
No  one  lives  there  now ;  all  are  gone.  I  give  you  my  hand ;  we  may  never 
meet  again ;  I  shall  long  remember  you.  The  Great  Spirit  will  be  with  you, 
and  your  wives  and  children.  Before  the  sun  rises  I  shall  go  to  my  family. 
My  son  will  be  here  to  see  you,  before  we  go.  I  will  shake  hands  with  my 
brf)thers  here,  then  1  am  done." 

The  party  separated  with  a  most  perfect  tuiderstanding  among  themselves, 
and  in  fellowshij)  and  good  feeling;  but  Blnck-haivk  was  cast  down,  his  pride 
was  wounded,  and  he  dejiarted  in  silence. 


Hife 


CHAPTER  XIL 


From  the  time  Black-haiek  rcas  set  at  liberty  in  his  own  country,  in  1833,  to  his  death, 
on  October  3rf,  1838,  with  other  important  matters  connected  with  the  Indians  in  the 
west. 

"  In  pnin  iiml  pnril,  when  thy  years  were  few, 
And  (Ic'iilli'rt  (lurk  slmdow  on  thy  pathway  fell, 
Thon  to  the  -irealness  of  ihy  trial  prew, 
Itude  fortune,  friends,  and  blighted  hope  farewell,"— @.  L.  Fairfield. 

For  about  three  years  after  the  liberation  of  Black-hawk,  few  incidents  of 
importance  seem  to  have  trans[)ired.  The  first  we  shall  notice  is  tin;  denth 
of  a  great  Winnebago  chiefj  some  of  whose  family  have  passed  under  our 
notice  in  a  former  chapter,  ft  Jtn  the  conspicuous  part  he  acted  in  the  capture 
of  Black-hawk.  His  name  was  Schachipkaka,  or  Decorie.  He  died  in 
Wisconsin,  on  the  20th  of  April,  1836,  in  his  90th  year.  Died  also,  at  the 
Si  neca  reservation,  Major  Berry,  aged  74.  He  fought  with  the  Aniericatis 
in  the  war  of  1819,  and  died  a  pensioner.  His  place  of  residence  was  known 
as  Jack  IJerry's  town.  He  was  a  distinguished  chief.  And  on  the  SiUh  of 
the  same  month  died  that  celebrated  i)!oneer  of  the  west,  Simon  Ke.nto.n, 
aged  83.  lie,  it  will  he  recollected,  it  was  who  was  engaged  as  a  pilot  to  the 
army  of  Lord  Dimmore,  in  1774,  being  then  about  nineteen  years  of  ajre. 
He  afterwards  spent  many  years  in  a  most  wretched  cui)ti\  ity  among  the 
Miami  Indians,  and  finally  made  some  escapes,  which,  it  seems  to  us,  that 
nothing  short  of  niiracidoiis  interf<?rence  could  liave  brought  about. 

On  the  24tli  of  May,  I8:?(!,  a  treaty  of  cession  was  made  at  Washington, 
between  a  delegation  of  chiefs  and  otiiers  of  the  Ghippewas,  and  the  United 


Chap.  XH.] 


JIOUX  WAR.— \VAUC03HAUSHE. 


673 


B 


States,  by  which  all  the  reservations  heretofore  held  by  them  in  the  state  of 
Michigan  is  relinquished. 

A  report  was  current  among  usi  in  the  summer  of  this  year,  that  a  san- 
guinary battle  had  been  fought  on  Ui'j  20th  of  June,  at  a  noted  place  on  tlie 
Red  River,  called  the  Cross  Tirnhers,  between  25  Shawanees  and  350  Camnn- 
ches;  that  the  battle  lasted  a  whole,  day,  and  eventuated  in  the  defeat  of  the 
iatter,  who  lost  77  of  their  number. 

On  the  19th  of  November,  183G,  a  large  ^ar  party  of  Sioux  surprised  five 
lodges  of  Foxes,  on  the  low  er  Jjway,  15  or  20  miles  from  where  the  line  of 
the  "  Black-hawk  purchase  "  crosses  it,  and  killed  about  20  of  them.  One 
of  the  Foxes,  a  young  man,  though  severely  wounded  in  the  neck,  made  hia 
escape,  and  carried  the  news  to  Poweeshieck's  village. 

In  May,  1837,  died  at  the  Huron  villuge,  Lorette,  or  Grand  Louis,  whose 
Indian  name  is  Tandarelion,  aged  74.  He  had  been  a  great  hunter  and  an 
upright  man,  though  at  times  inteu'pcrate.  A  man  who  had  a  grudge  against 
anotiier,  endeavored  to  hire  birn  to  shoot  his  enemy,  but  Lorette  replied, 
"  Je  ne  suis  pas  en  guerre  avec  lui,"  "  I  have  no  causi;  of  war  with  that  man," 
and  turned  scornfully  from  him.  And  on  the  13tli  of  the  following  June, 
another  respected  chief  pfiid  the  debt  of  mortality. 

Capt.  George,  principal  chief  of  the  ancient  and  once  famous  tribe  of  the 
Onondagas,  died,  aged  70.  He  was  one  of  the  most  able  orators  of  the  Six 
Nations,  not  only  possessing  the  confidence  of  his  own,  but  all  the  confederate 
tribes,  and  was  greatly  esteemed  by  the  white  people. 

In  the  order  of  time,  the  next  event  of  importance  was  a  severe  battle 
between  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  Sioux.  And  what  makes  it  to  be  the  more 
lamented  is,  in  consequence  of  the  criminal  negligence  of  our  government. 
When  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  us  the  best  portions  of  Illinois,  Missouri,  and 
Wisconsin,  amounting  to  26,500,000  acres,  which  included  all  the  lead  mines, 
for  the  sum  of  THREE  CENTS  PER  ACRE,  certain  provisions  were  to 
be  made  them ;  certain  grounds  were  to  be  put  in  cultivation,  certain  amounts 
of  money  paid  at  certain  times,  and,  especially,  they  were  promised  protection 
from  their  bloody  enemies,  the  Sioux,  when  hunting  upon  certain  grounds 
allowed  to  them.  But  none  of  the  promises  made  them  had  been  performed, 
and  famine  forced  them,  when  they  could  wait  for  us  no  longer,  to  go  unpro- 
tected into  tlie  wilderness  to  hunt  for  game. 

The  battle,  of  which  we  are  to  give  an  account,  happened  about  the  2d  of 
August,  1837,  and  the  history  we  have  of  it  is  derived  from  the  chief  of  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes,  who  was  mortally  wounded  in  it.  He  had  been  to  St.  Louis 
to  see  what  could  be  done  for  his  people,  and  he  says,  "when  I  returned,  I 
found  our  people  starving  at  the  village.  I  divided  all  the  provisions  I  had 
received  fiom  our  trader  among  them,  and  powder  and  lead  to  enable  us  to 
make  a  hunt  to  supply  our  families  until  our  corn  was  ripe,  or  that  our  great 
father  had  paid  our  money  to  enable  our  traders  to  furnish  us."  Having 
divided  his  tribe  into  two  parties,  that  they  might  hunt  to  better  advantage, 
one  was  to  proceed  along  the  dividing  country  between  the  loway  and  Red 
Cedar  Rivers,  and  the  other  to  advance  up  the  right  bank  of  Cedar  River. 
At  the  head  of  the  latter  division  was  the  chief  of  whom  mention  has  been 
made,  whose  name  was  Wau-cosh-au-she.  He  had  in  his  company  aliout 
170  people,  of  whom  but  40  were  men,  the  rest  women  and  children.  They 
found  no  game  for  many  days,  and,  says  the  old  chief,  "  we  had  to  depend  on 
fish,  which  we  caught  from  the  Cedar,  to  keep  our  people  from  dying  with 
hunger."  He  was  in  great  expectation,  that,  if  he  could  reach  a  belt  of 
wooded  country,  between  the  Wapesepineca  and  Cedar,  to  lind  plenty  of 
game.  Accordingly  he  sent  out  some  of  his  young  men  in  advance,  and 
followed  as  well  as  he  was  able  with  the  rest,  but  his  pioneers  soon  returned, 
and  informed  him  that  the  Winnebagoes  were  hunting  there.  "This  was  bad 
news,"  says  Waucoshaushe,  "in  our  starving  condition,  and  we  could  not 
return,  for  we  hod  nothing  to  return  to,"  and  their  nearest  ho|)e  was  about 
the  mouth  of  Otter  River.    He  therefore  bent  his  course  thither. 

On  arriving  on  the  confines  of  that  country,  he  encamped,  and  sent  out 
some  hunters,  but,  as  before,  they  soon  returned,  and  reported  that  tlieir 
ground  was  in  possession  of  the  Sioux;  and,  he  asks,  "  What  was  now  to  be 
57  2S 


674 


SIOUX  AND  SAC  AND  FOX  WAR.-BATTI.E. 


[Book  V, 


done?  My  number  of  fiffhting  men  was  small ;  but  to  retreat  was  impossible ; 
for  we  must  have  been  discovered  by  the  Sioux,  and  followed ;  and  whenever 
you  turn  your  back  on  an  enemy,  you  are  sure  of"  defeat.  My  braves  agreed 
with  me,  that  we  should  immediately  start  on  the  trail,  leave  our  women  and 
childi-en  at  the  camp,  and  go  and  ascertain  their  strength ;  that  if  we  found 
them  not  too  strong,  to  di-ive  them  out  of  our  hunting-grounds.  We  followed 
their  trail  across  Otter  River,  and  then  it  took  a  direction  into  the  prairie,  to- 
wai'df  where  the  sun  sets.  About  midnight,  we  thought  v\e  discovered  the 
S'  ^A  lodges.  We  raised  the  war-ci^,  and  rushed  upon  them ;  but  found  no 
Sioux  there,  only  sand-hills  instead  of  lodges.  They  were  encamped  in  a 
hollow ;  and  by  this  mistake  we  were  discovered.  We  might  now  have  re- 
treated ;  but,  reflecting  on  our  condition, — our  families  starving,  our  hunting- 
grounds  possessed  by  our  enemies,  and  the  remembrance  >  oiu-  friends  they 
liad  murdered  last  winter  on  the  loway, — determined  u.<  <  follow  them  as 
far  as  the  line. 

"  We  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  the  Sioux  fii'ed  on  us.  J,  with  my  party, 
rushed  into  their  cami)s,  and,  after  fighting  desperately  lor  some  time,  Ibund 
they  were  in  too  strong  a  force  for  us,  AH  that  could,  retreated  out  of  the 
camps,  and,  taking  a  position  back  of  a  small  rise,  within  gunshot  of  their 
camps,  fired  upon  them  until  our  ammunition  was  exhausted.  We  then  re- 
treated to  our  camp, — where  we  had  left  our  women  and  children, — bringing 
thirteen  w„unded  with  us,  and  leaving  eleven  killed  on  the  field." 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  battle,  by  an  actor  in  it.  As  soon  as  he  could, 
Waucoshaiishe  sent  two  of  his  braves  with  this  account,  to  the  agency,  at 
Rock  Island,  where  they  aiTived  on  the  8  of  August.  The  chief  closed  his 
talk  in  the  Ibllowing  words:  "My  father,  I  am  one  of  the  wounded,  and  ex- 
pect never  to  sa  you  again.  I  have  followed  your  advice,  and  done  the  best  I 
could  for  my  nation,  and  /  do  not  fear  to  die.  We  have  with  tiie  greatest  dif- 
ficulty reached  our  village,  and  fear  that  many  of  our  people  will  die  of  hun- 
ger.    Father,  I  have  no  more  to  say." 

What  was  done  for  these  poor,  distressed  Indians,  I  have  no  account,  but 
doubt  not  it  might  be  quickly  told !  However,  a  delegation  of  Sacs  and  Foxes, 
and  another  of  Sioux  and  loways,  visited  Washington  in  the  end  of  the  follow- 
ing September ;  but  we  hear  nothing  of  any  redress  for  the  former ;  yet  the 
government  l<o:ight  of  the  Sioux  5,000,000  of  acres  of  their  land,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  at  twenty  cents  an  acre.  These  same  Indians  were 
induced  to  travel  through  our  great  cities  by  advice  of  the  president,  who 
wished  to  make  them  .icquainted  with  our  power  and  consequence ;  ajid 
they  accordingly  arrived  in  Boston,  the  extent  of  their  journey  on  the  coast, 
on  the  27  October,  1837.  They  consisted  of  both  deimtations, — in  all,  35. 
Among  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  the  well-known  and  celebrated  old  ex-chief, 
BL/CK-HAWK,  his  son  Nasheeskuk,  (Loud  Thunder,)  Keokuk,  and  Wa- 
PELLA.  On  Saturday  morning,  the  whole  party  had  an  audience  of  the 
mayor,  Mr.  S.  A.  Eliot,  the  aldermen,  and  common  council  of  the  city,  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes  arrived  first,  in  carriages,  and  were  seated 
on  the  right  of  the  elevated  platform ;  and  the  Sioux,  arriving  immediately 
after,  were  seated  on  the  left.  As  each  party  entered,  a  band  of  music,  sta- 
tioned for  the  occasion,  played  martial  airs.  The  mayor  then  welcomed 
them  in  a  short  speecli,  through  their  interpreters.  Gov.  Everett  was  pres- 
ent, and,  being  introduced  to  them,  invited  them  to  an  audience  in  the  State- 
House,  on  Monday ;  for  which  civility  Keokuk  presented  him  with  a  bow  and 
arrows.  'Yhny  were  then  sliown  the  armories  in  the  upper  hall  of  the  same 
building,  where  they  expressed  high  gratification  at  seeing  so  many  bright 
guns  fit  for  use.    They  then  returned  to  their  lodgings  in  Concert  Hall. 

On  Sunday  morning,  a  part  of  the  Sac  and  Fox  delegation  visited  the  navj'- 
yard,  and  in  the  afternoon  the  Sioux  and  loways  were  there.  They  were 
presented  by  Capt.  Percival  to  Com.  Downcs,  who  conducted  tiioin  over  the 
yard,  much  to  their  entertainment.  The  ships  of  war  most  astonished  them, 
and  we  are  not  sure  they  understood  the  use  of  that  grand  ufliiir,  the  dry 
dock ;  they  ai)proached  and  looked  down  its  sides  with  evident  feelings  of 
awe.  To  a  handsome  address  from  Com.  Downes,  tliev  made  an  appropriate 
reply,  and  retui-ned  to  their  quarters.    In  tlie  evening,  some  attended  the 


m 


if  ^ 


Chap.  XIl.J 


BLACK-HAWK   IN  BOSTON-SPEECHES. 


675 


Bratorios  at  Boylston  Hall  and  the  Masonic  Temple.  On  Monday,  they  held 
a  Jevee  at  Faneuil  Hall,  under  the  direction  of  the  city  marshal,  for  the  especial 
accommodation  of  the  ladies,  which  was  closed  at  eleven  o'clock,  when  pre- 
parations were  made  for  meeting  the  governor  at  the  State-House,  agreeably 
to  previous  arrangements. 

As  but  a  veiy  small  portion  of  the  community  could  be  admitted  to  the 
"Lidian  council"  in  the  representatives'  chamber,  notice  was  given  in  the 
news|)apers  to  such  as  might  expect  admission,  that  "passes"  had  been  pro- 
vided for  them,  and  were  to  be  had  between  9  and  11,  A.  M.,  at  the  offices  of 
the  adjutant  general  and  city  auditor.  Those  "passes"  were  cards,  on  which 
was  printed,  "Pass  to  the  Representatives'  Chamber,  30th  October, 
1837." 

Meanwhile,  the  Sioux  left  the  city,  and  proceeded  on  their  journey  west. 
It  was  evidently  unpleasant  to  both  parties  to  meet  at  the  same  time  and 
p  ace,  as  the  war  between  them,  of  which  we  have  taken  notice,  had  not 
ceased,  and,  for  aught  they  knew  to  the  contrary,  the  friends  of  each  were 
falling  by  the  hand  of  the  other,  in  the  country  from  which  they  were  thus 
temporarily  absent. 

The  hour  having  arrived  for  the  Indians  to  make  their  appearance  in  the 
hn)|  of  the  State-House,  it  was  crowded  to  overflowing,  as  was  every  avenue 
It.,  ,/ig  to  it.  The  governor  occupied  the  speaker's  chair,  with  his  aids  and 
council  around  him,  when  the  chiefs  came  in  and  took  seats  m  the  adjacent 
area.  The  governor  then  arose,  and,  in  explanation,  stated  the  object  of  their 
visit.  "  They  are,"  said  he,  "  a  most  respectab'e  deputation  from  the  Sac  and 
Fox  tribes,  which  are  in  amity  with  our  government.  The  object  of  their 
mission  to  Washington,  was  to  form  a  treaty  explanatory  of  the  great  treaty 
made  in  1836,  defining  the  boundaries  between  their  territory  and  that  of  the 
United  States.  Their  lands  are  situated  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missou- 
ri. The  uuK^d  tribes  comprise  about  5000,  of  whom  about  1400  are  braves. 
They  are  the  descendants  of  the  Algonquins,  or  Lennape,  and  speak  the  same 
language  as  that  anciently  spoken  by  the  Indians  of  this  region."  Some  per- 
sons in  the  galleries  showing  a  disposition  to  manifest  their  ridiculous  con- 
ceptions, when  the  Indians  came  in,  the  governor  observed  to  the  audience, 
that  any  such  demonstrations  by  laughing,  however  seemingly  ludicrous  any 
appearance  might  be,  would  be  highly  improper,  and  the  Indians  might  con- 
strue such  exhibition  of  mirth  into  disrespect 

The  interpreter  was  then  requested  to  inform  them  that  the  governor  bade 
them  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  hall  of  council  of  their  white  brethren.  "  VVe 
have,"  said  he,  "  before  heard  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  by  our  travellers ;  and 
we  have  been  to,  d  the  names  of  their  great  men  and  chief ij ;  and  now  we  are 
glad  to  see  them  with  our  eyes.  We  are  called  the  people  of  Massachusetts ; 
it  is  the  name  of  he  red  people  who  once  lived  here.  In  former  times,  the 
red  man's  wigwai  i  stood  on  our  very  fields,  and  his  council-fire  was  kindled 
on  this  spot  Wi  len  our  forefathers  came  to  this  country,  they  were  but  a 
small  band.  The  red  man  stood  on  the  rock  on  the  sea-side,  and  looked  at 
them.  He  might  have  pushed  them  off,  and  drowned  them ;  but  he  took 
them  by  the  hand,  and  said, '  Welcome.'  Our  forefathers  were  hungry,  and 
the  red  man  gave  them  corn  and  venison.  They  were  cold,  and  the  red  man 
spread  his  blanket  over  them,  and  made  them  warm.  We  are  now  grown 
great  and  powerful ;  yet  we  remember  the  kindness  of  the  red  man  to  our 
forefathers. 

"Brotiiers!  our  faces  are  white,  and  yours  are  red;  but  our  hearts  are 
alike.  You  dwell  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri ;  they  are  mighty 
streams.  One  stretches  out  to  the  east,  and  the  other  away  to  the  west,  even 
to  the  Rocky  Mountains;  but  still  they  make  but  one  river,  and  thoy  riui  to- 
gether to  the  sea.  Krotliers!  we  dwell  in  the  east,  and  you  live  in  the  fiir 
west ;  hut  we  are  one  fumiiy.  Rrothers !  as  you  passed  through  the  hall  be- 
low, you  stopped  to  look  upon  tiie  image  of  our  great  father,  Washington ;  it 
is  a  cold  stone,  and  cannot  speak ;  but  our  great  fiither  loved  the  red  man, 
and  he  commanded  us  to  love  yon.  He  is  dead  ;  but  his  voice  made  a  deep 
print  in  our  hearts,  like  tlie  fboisteps  of  the  great  hufliilo  in  tlie  cluy  of  the 
prairie." 


I'    i! 


676 


BLACK-IIAWK  IN  BOSTON.— KEOKUK. 


[Be  OK  V. 


Keokuk  had  his  son  with  him,  about  14  years  old.  The  governor  alluded 
to  him,  wlien  he  sjiid,  "May  the  Great  Spirit  preserve  the  life  of  your  son. 
May  he  grow  up  by  your  side,  like  the  tender  sajiling  by  the  side  of  the 
iiiife'hty  ouk.  May  you  long  tiouriah  together;  and  when  the  tnightv  oak  is 
iaiien  in  the  forest,  may  tlie  yo>ing  tree  take  its  place,  and  spreacf  out  its 
brnnchcs  over  his  people.  Brothers !  I  have  made  you  a  short  talk,  and  once 
more  bid  you  welcome  to  our  council  hall." 

Keokuk  said  in  reply,  "  I  am  very  much  gratified  at  the  pleasure  of  shak- 
ing hands  with  the  great  chief  of  the  country,  and  others  about  him.  The 
Great  Spirit,  as  you  have  said,  made  us  the  same ;  we  only  speak  different 
languages.  Brother!  I  am  very  happy  to  be  able  to  say,  belbre  I  die,  that  I 
have  seen  the  house  where  your  fiithers  Uiied  to  speak  with  ours,  as  we  now 
do  with  you,  and  hope  the  Great  Spirit  is  pleased  at  tlie  sight  I  hope  he 
will  long  keep  peace  between  the  white  and  red  men." 

Wapella  next  spoke.  He  said,  "  I  am  very  happy  to  meet  my  friends  m 
the  land  of  our  forefiithers.  I  recollect,  when  a  little  boy,  of  hearing  my  fbre- 
fiithers  say,  that  at  this  place  the  red  miin  first  took  the  white  man  by  the 
hand.  I  am  very  happy  that  this  island  can  support  so  many  white  men  as 
have  come  on  to  it ;  1  am  glad  they  can  find  a  living,  and  happy  they  can  be 
contented  with  living  on  it.  1  am  glad  to  hear  the  white  men  call  us  their 
Drothers ;  it  is  true  they  are  the  oldest ;  but  where  I  live  my  tribe  is  the 
oldest  among  the  red  men.  I  shall  go  home  and  tell  my  brethren  that  I  have 
been  to  this  great  place,  and  it  shall  not  be  forgotten  by  me  nor  my  children." 

Waacashaashee  then  came  forward,  and  said,  "I  have  just  listened  to  the 
words  spoken  by  you  and  my  chiefs  about  our  forefathers.  1  have  long 
wished  to  see  the  shores  where  my  ftithers  took  the  white  men  by  the  hand, 
and  I  shall  not  forget  it." 

PowEESHiECK  ncxt  spokc  as  follows:  "You  have  heard  what  my  chiefs 
have  to  say.  They  are  much  gratified  with  their  visit  to  this  town.  This  is 
tiie  place  where  our  tribe  once  lived.  1  have  often  heard  my  father  and 
grandfather  say  that  they  once  lived  by  the  sea  coast,  where  the  white  mim 
fij'st  came.  I  wish  I  had  a  book,*  and  could  read  in  it  all  these  things.  1 
have  been  told  that  this  is  the  way  you  get  all  your  knowledge.  J  think  the 
Americans  are  among  the  greatest  of  the  white  people,  that  very  few  can 
overpower  them.  It  is  so  with  the  Sacs,  though  I  say  itf  They  call  me  a 
gi-eat  man  where  I  live,  and  I  am  very  happy  that  twc  such  great  men  as  you 
and  I  should  meet  and  shake  hands  together." 

Next  came  the  Indian  who  wore  a  bufialo  skin  all  over  him,  its  head  on  his 
OAvn,  with  horns  erect.  His  name  we  could  not  get  hold  of;  but  he  said,  "  I 
am  much  pleased  with  the  conversation  our  chiefs  have  had  with  you.  I  am 
glad  you  noticed  Mausanwovt,  Keokuk's  son.  He  will  succeed  his  father,  and 
1)6  a  chief.  The  chiefs  who  have  spoken  to  you  are  all  village  chiefs ;  for 
my  part,  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  villages ;  but  I  go  to  war,  and  fight  for 
the  women  and  children." 

Appanoseokemar  next  spoke :  "I  am  very  happy  to  shake  hands  with  you. 
I  do  it  with  all  my  heart.  Although  we  have  no  paper  to  put  down  words 
on,  we  shall  not  forget  this  good  council.  I  am  a  brave,  and  have  my  arms 
in  my  hands.  They  are  all  my  defence ;  but  I  wish  to  leave  them  in  this 
house  lor  the  white  man  to  remember  the  red  man  of  the  far  west.  My 
])resent9  may  not  be  agreeable,  but  they  are  given  with  a  good  heart."  And, 
divesting  himself  of  all  his  clothes,  wampum  belt,  moccasins,  &C.,  except  a 
blanket,  he  gave  them  and  his  arms  to  the  governor. 

Black-hawk's  turn  now  came.  His  voice  was  very  shrill,  and  he  was  the 
only  one  among  them  with  any  of  the  costume  of  the  whites  about  him.  He 
bi'irnn,  "  I  like  vei-y  well  to  hear  you  talk  of  the  Great  Spirit  He  made  us 
both  of  one  heart,  though  our  skins  arc  of  different  complexions.  The  first 
white  men  tiiat  came  to  this  island  were  French.    They  were  our  brothers  as 

*  Tlipy  proliably  knew  no  diircrencc  in  books,  and  supposed  that  any  book  would  read  as 
might  be  desired,  'i'liey  look  upon  ihein  as  a  kind  of  oracle,  and  ;iip|>ose  one  as  good  as  a 
thousand,  haviiii''  no  idea  of  iheir  dilTereiil  conienls.  One  might  gel  such  an  idea  from  t 
certain  hymn  of"  Dr.  Walts,  but  it  is  original  with  the  Indians. 

t  This  caused  a  pleasing  sensation  in  the  house. 


II 


Chap.  XIl.J 


GREAT  MORTALITY. 


677 


you  are.  When  at  the  president's  village,  your  people  put  medals  abput  our 
necks.  The  French  used  to  do  so  by  our  Juthcrs.  The  ureat  Spirit  is  pleased 
at  our  talking  together.  I  am  a  man.  You  are  a  man.  None  of  us  are  any 
thing  more.  1  live  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri.  I  have  now  got 
to  be  an  old  man.  It  is  surprising  to  me  how  so  many  people  can  live  in  so 
small  a  place  as  this  village  is.  I  cannot  see  where  they  get  venison  and  corn 
enough  to  live  upon  ;  but  if  they  like  it,  I  am  sjitisfied.*  I  cannot  shake  hands 
with  all  my  friends,  but  by  shaking  hands  with  you,  I  mean  it  lor  all." 

Keokuk  then  presented  his  son  to  the  governor,  who  caused  his  own  son 
to  shake  the  hand  of  that  of  the  chief  apparent.  Then  came  forward  a  brave, 
who  said  his  father  was  a  Frenchman ;  he  presented  the  governor  with  a 
pipe.  His  excellency  then  informed  the  Indians  that  some  presents  had  been 
prepared  for  them,  in  the  balcony  in  front  of  the  hall,  and  that  they  should 
pro'^<;ed  there  and  receive  them,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The  presents 
consisted  of  guns,  swords,  trinkets,  and  clothes  for  their  women  and  chil- 
dren, &c.  To  the  son  of  Keokuk  the  governor  gave  '  i  elegant  little  rifle, 
and  observed  that  he  hoped  lie  would  soon  be  able  to  shoot  buffaloes  with  it. 

All  these  affairs  took  up  much  time,  especially  the  speeches,  as  the  iuter- 

Ereters  had  to  repeat  them  sentence  by  sentence,  as  they  were  delivered,  to 
oth  parties  of  Indians.  At  the  end  of  each  sentence  delivered  to  the  Indians, 
they  would  simultaneously  utter  assent  to  it  in  an  inexpressible  soimd,  some- 
thing like  what  might  be  derived  from  a  peculiar  pronunciation  of  the  letters 
a-vgh-yah,  which  must  be  done  in  the  same  breath,  and  a  gradual  raising  of 
the  voice.  And  there  was  such  a  dissimilarity  in  language  between  one  y)or- 
tion  of  the  chiefs  and  the  others,  that  two  interpreters  were  necessarily  em- 
ployed. 

Agreeably  to  notice  given,  the  Indians  withdrew  from  the  balcony  of  the 
State-House  to  the  senate  chamber,  where  they  partook  of  a  collutioUj  and 
then  ap[)eared  on  the  common,  where  they  peribrmed  a  mock  war  dance,  to 
the  great  amusement  of  the  immense  multitude.  In  the  evening,  they  visited 
the  Tremont  Theatre,  where  Forrest  took  a  benefit  in  the  "  Banker  of  Bogota." 
The  Sioux  had  before  attended  the  National  Theatre.  On  Tuesday,  the  31st, 
tliey  left  the  city,  taking  their  journey  west 

Indian  deputations  were  things  new  to  this  generation,  in  Boston,  and  when 
some  began  to  think  they  were  satisfied  with  seeing  one,  another  was  an- 
nounced ;  and,  on  the  20  November,  there  arrived  in  the  Providence  cars  26 
ci'.iefs,  from  a  country  far  beyond  that  from  whence  came  the  preceding  ones. 
They  were  said  to  represent  the  Grand  Pawnees,  Pawnee  Loupes,  and  Re- 
publican Pawnees,  Otoes,  and  Omahas.  The  name  of  the  principal  chief  is 
Odderussin,  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  Mohawks.  They  were  lodged  at 
Concert  Hall  also,  and  the  next  day  visited  the  navy-yard,  theatre  in  the  even- 
ing, and  on  Wednesday  left  the  city.  They  were  dressed  entirely  in  the  far 
forest  costume,  and  fantastically  painted ;  and  some  of  them  were  of  immense 
stature,  and  apjjcared  as  though  they  had  endured  the  frosts  of  countless 
winters. 

Scenes  of  wretchedness  have  been  recorded  in  our  early  pages,  occasioned 
by  malignant  diseases,  among  Indians  of  our  own  land.  We  are  now  to  re- 
late the  doings  of  death  on  a  broader  scale,  in  the  regions  of  the  Upper  3Iis- 
souri.  In  October  last,  (1837,)  the  small-pox  was  still  raging  over  that  vast 
country.  Up  to  the  first  of  ihat  month,  the  IMandans  were  reduced  from  1,600 
to  31  souls;  the  Minetarees  from  1,000  to  500,  and  they  were  still  dying  fast. 
The  Ricarees,  who  had  recently  joined  them,  were  hunting  by  themselves, 
when  the  disease  was  raging  among  their  friends,  and  were  not  seized  by  the 
horrid  malady  until  a  month  after.  They  numbered  3,000,  and  half  of  them 
were  in  a  few  days  swept  away,  and  hundreds  of  the  survivors  were  killing 
themselves  in  despair;  some  with  their  own  spears  and  other  instruments  of 
war,  and  some  by  casting  themselves  down  the  high  precipices  along  the 
Missouri.  The  great  nation  of  Assinnaboines,  10,000  strong;  tiie  Crees, 
3,000,  ai-e  neai-ly  all  destroyed    The  Black  Feet  had  known  no  sucii  foe  be- 


*  None  of  llie  reporters  did  jiislice  to  tlie  old  chiefs  speech;  bul  my  ears  did  not  deceiv* 
me.     These  last  two  sentences  were  omitted  bv  all. 

57* 


678 


DEATH  OF  BLACK-HAWK. 


[Boo«  V 


fore  ;  it  had  reached  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  swept  away  the  people  in  a 
thousand  lodges.  They  were  reckoned  at  G0,000  strong.  It  is  impossible  to 
be  accurate  in  these  details,  but  such  are  the  accounts  from  the  west ;  and 
they  ai'e  to  this  day,  1841,  uncontradicted.  Here  is  a  commentary  upon  our 
policy  of  settling  the  border  Indians  among  the  wild  tribes  in  the  west !  of 
which  we  have  expressed  our  opinion  in  an  eai-lier  part  of  this  work. 

Proceeding  in  the  order  of  events,  we  next  find  Black-hawk,  his  noted 
eon  JVashevskvk,  and  his  wile,  a  handsome  sqtiaw  of  the  Sac  tribe,  attending  a 
ball,  by  invitation,  at  F'ort  Madison,  in  Wisconsin,  in  honor  of  VVashinjiton's 
birthday,  22  February,  1838.  On  the  4th  of  the  July  Ibllowing,  Black-hnwk 
♦vas  again  present  at  the  same  place,  where  a  celebration  was  enacted.  At 
the  table,  Mr.  J.  G.  Edwards  honored  him  by  the  (bUowing  sentiment :  "  Our 
illii^rioxia  guest.  Mm/  his  declining  years  be  as  calm  as  his  previous  life  has  been 
boisterous  from  warlike  events.  His  present  friendship  to  the  whites  fully  eiJitles 
him  to  a  seat  at  our  board,"  To  Avhich  Black-hawk  made  the  fbllowmg  vei-y 
sensible  reply:  "  It  has  pleased  the  Great  Spirit  that  I  am  here  to-day.  The 
earth  is  our  mother,  and  we  are  now  permitted  to  be  upon  it  A  lew  snows 
ago,  I  was  fighting  against  the  white  people — perhaps  I  was  wrong — but  that 
is  past,  it  is  buried ;  let  it  be  forgotten.  I  love  my  towns  and  cornfields  on 
the  Rock  River, — it  was  a  beautiful  country.  I  fought  for  it,  but  now  it  is 
yours.  Keep  it  as  the  Sacs  did.  I  was  once  a  warrior,  but  I  am  now  poor. 
Keokuk  has  been  the  cause  of  what  1  om — do  not  blame  him.  I  love  to  look 
upon  the  Mississippi ;  I  have  looked  upon  it  from  a  child.  I  love  that  beau- 
tiful river ;  my  home  has  always  been  upon  its  banks.  I  thank  you  for  your 
friendship.    I  will  say  no  more." 

Now  we  have  approached  the  closing  scene  of  the  celebrated  Black- 
hawk.  How  long  he  had  had  his  camp  on  the  Des  Moines,  we  are  not  in- 
formed ;  but  about  this  time  we  find  him  there,  and  there  he  died,  on  the  3 
of  October,  1838,  aged  73.  When  it  was  known  that  the  spirit  of  the  old 
chief  had  departed,  many,  whites  as  well  as  Indians,  assembled  at  his  lodge, 
and  performed  his  last  request,  which  was,  that  he  might  be  buried  as  all  Sac 
chiefs  anciently  were,  and  it  was  in  accordance  done.  No  grave  was  made ; 
but  his  body  Avas  placed  upon  the  groimd  in  a  sitting  position,  with  his  cane 
between  his  knees,  and  grasped  in  his  hands ;  slabs  or  rails  were  then  piled 
up  about  him.  Such  was  the  end  of  Black-hawk.  Here,  however,  his  bones 
did  not  long  rest  in  peace,  but  they  were  stolen  from  their  place  of  deposit 
some  time  in  the  following  winter ;  but,  about  a  year  after,  it  was  discovered 
that  they  were  in  possession  of  a  surgeon,  of  Qumcy,  Illinois,  to  whom  some 
pei-son  had  sent  them  to  be  wired  together.  When  Gov.  Lucas,  of  loway, 
became  acquainted  with  the  facts,  they  were,  by  his  requisition,  restored  to 
bis  friends. 

"  What  fiend  could  thus  disturb  the  peaceful  dead .' 
Remembrance  pointing  lo  what  last  he  said  : — 

'  Prepare  the  hollow  tomb,  and  place  me  low, 
Mv  trusty  bow  and  arrows  by  my  side ; 
For  longr  the  journey  is  that  I  nmst  go, 
Without  a  paitncr  and  without  a  guide.' " — Freneao. 


iiiies- 


i 


CHAPTER  XDL 

Monakattooatha,  or  ScARovAnA,  fit  lirnddock's  defeat — His  son  killed  there — His 
coolness  in  battle — His  gnat  concern  for  the  frontier  settlements  after  the  defeat — 
Visits  Philadelphia — Spcch  to  the  Governor  and  JlssemUy — His  counsel  neglected 
— His  friendship  continues — Incidents  of  the  war  in  Pennsylvania — Murdered 
people  carried  to  Philadelphia — John  Churchman.— Thv^aty  of  Fort  Staswix. 

Having  in  a  for  tier  chajyter  given  but  a  passing  notice  of  a  very  prominent 
chief,  we  shall  in  tl-is  place  proceed  with  his  biograpliy.  Mowakattoocha, 
or,  according  to  Peter  Williunison,  who  knew  him,  Monokatoathy,  was  also 


Ch4p.  XIII] 


TROUDLES  IN  PENN.— flCAROYADA. 


679 


called  ScARROOTDA,  and  Scaroyada.  We  believe  liini  to  liavc  been  a  Wyan- 
dot, ns  he,  uiid  ulso  a  son  of  liis,  were  often  employed  upon  incssuges  between 
tliat  nation  and  the  government  of  PeniiHyivunia;  yet  the  anonymous  author 
of  "A  Brief  View  of  the  Conduct  of  Pennsylvania  lor  the  year  1755,"  saya 
he  was  an  Jroipiois,  and  had  lor  a  long  time  lived  among  "our  friendly 
Indians  about  Shaniokin,  and  other  |)laces  on  the  Susquehannnh."  Ho  waa 
one  of  the  lew  warriors  who  escaped  the  perils  of  Braddock's  bloody  field; 
having  fought  on  the  side  of  the  English,  he  was  among  those  who  stood  by 
that  unfortunate  general  m  the  last.  Ilis  son,  a  bold  and  intre])i<l  warrior,  whom 
we  have  just  mentioned,  lost  his  life  there,  though  not  by  the  enemy,  it  ia 
believed,  but  by  his  own  friends,  in  their  random  discharges  amongst  them- 
selves in  their  amazed  condition.  Scaroyada  sincerely  lamented  him,  espe- 
cially as  he  had  been  killed  by  his  own  people,  whom  lie  was  faithfully  endeav- 
oring to  serve.  When  no  more  could  be  done,  and  a  retreat  was  ordered, 
finding  he  had  fired  away  all  his  annnunition,  he  coolly  lighted  his  pipe,  and 
seating  himself  under  the  branches  of  a  tree,  began  smoking  as  thougli  the 
day  had  gone  the  other  way. 

When  the  border  war  broke  out  anew  in  October,  about  three  montha 
after  Braddock's  defeat,  it  excited  great  alarm  throughout  Pennsylvania,  and 
although  there  was  a  continual  domestic  warfare  between  the  general  assem- 
bly and  their  governor,  R.  H.  Morris,  yet  Scaroyada  was  not  fbigotten  by  the 
latter,  who  recotnmended  that  he  and  Jlndrew  Montour,  an  inter]>reter,  should 
be  rewarded  to  their  satisfaction  for  their  trouble  and  great  service. 

The  friendly  Indians  were  situated  between  the  English  and  hostile  party, 
and  they  applied  to  the  governor  tor  liberty  to  leave  their  coimtry  and  go  out 
of  the  way  of  the  war  parties.  Scaroyada,  Montour,  and  Col.  Conrad  Weiser 
were  employed  to  persuade  them  to  join  the  English  in  the  war.  How  the 
chief  viewed  the  crisis  of  this  period,  may  better  be  learned  from  his  own 
account  than  from  any  other  source.  Several  ftimilies  having  been  murdered 
in  the  most  revolting  manner,  Scaroyada  proceeded  to  Philadelj)hia  with  Col. 
Weiser  and  two  other  chiefk  "A  mixture  of  griefj  indignation,  and  concern 
sat  upon  their  countenances."  Scaroyada  immediately  demanded  an  audience 
of  the  gcvernor  and  ail  the  members  of  the  assembly,  to  whom,  when  assem- 
bled, he  thus  addressed  hi.T!self : — 

"  Bretnren,  we  are  once  more;  come  among  you,  and  sincerely  condole  with 
you  on  account  of  the  late  bloodshed,  and  the  awful  clouds  that  hang  over 
you  and  over  us.  Brethren,  you  may  be  assured  that  these  horrid  actiona 
were  committed  by  none  of  those  nations  that  have  any  fellowship  with  us; 
but  by  certain  fidse-hearted  and  treacherous  brethren.  It  grieves  ns  more 
than  all  our  other  misfortunes,  that  any  of  our  good  friends  the  English 
should  suspect  us  of  having  fiilse  hearts. 

"Brethren,  if  you  were  not  an  infatuated  people,  we  are  yet  about  300 
warriors  firm  to  your  interest;  and  if  you  are  so  unjust  to  us,  as  to  retain 
any  doubts  of  our  sincerity,  we  offer  to  put  our  wives,  our  children,  and  all 
we  have,  into  your  hands,  to  deal  with  them  as  seemeth  good  to  you,  if  we 
are  found  in  the  least  to  swerve  from  you.  But,  brethren,  you  must  support 
and  assist  us,  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight  alone  against  the  powerful  nationa 
who  are  coming  against  you ;  and  you  must  this  moment  resolve,  and  give  ua 
an  explicit  answer  what  you  will  do;  for  those  nations  have  sent  to  desire 
us,  as  old  friends,  either  to  join  them,  or  to  go  out  of  their  way  and  shift  for 
ourselves.  Alas!  brethren,  we  are  sorry  to  leave  you!  We  remember  the 
many  tokens  of  your  friendship  to  us — but  what  shall  we  do?  We  cannot 
stand  alone,  and  you  will  not  stand  with  us. 

"  Brethren,  the  time  is  precious.  While  we  are  here  consulting  with  you, 
we  know  not  what  may  be  the  fiite  of  our  brethren  at  home.  We  do,  there- 
fore, once  more  invite  and  request  you  to  act  like  men,  and  be  no  longer  aa 
women,  pursuing  weak  measures,  that  render  your  names  despicable.  If  you 
w  ill  i)ut  the  hatchet  into  our  hands,  and  send  out  a  number  of  your  young 
men  in  conjunction  with  our  warriors,  and  provide  the  necessary  arms,  am- 
munition, and  provisions,  and  likewise  build  some  strong  houses  for  the  pro- 
tection of  our  old  men,  women,  and  children,  while  we  are  absent  in  war 
we  shall  soon  wipe  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and  make  these  false-hearted 
biethren  repent  their  tieachery  and  base.^ess  tcv.urds  you  and  ua 


H^-, 


680 


SCAROYADA.-SHOCKING  MURDERS. 


[Rook  V, 


"  JJnt  we  must  at  the  Hamc  time  solemnly  aflcn.,,  'on,  that  if  you  delay  any 
(oilier  to  act  lieartily  in  ecinjiiiictiun  .vith  ns,  or  :  :  .k  ?o  put  U8  otY,  as  iihukI. 
with  uncertain  hopes,  you  will  fee  our  fiices  uiHi  liiis  roof  no  more.  W» 
must  shifl  lor  our  own  Hafety,  and  leave  you  to  tn,  jnercy  of  your  enemies, 
as  an  infiituated  ])eo|ile,  u|)on  wiiom  we  can  have  dependence  no  lon^^er." 

Tears  were  standing  in  the  old  chief's  eyes  whttn  he  finished  his  speech; 
hut  he  was  doomed  to  sutler  yet  greater  perplexity,  from  the  delay  of  ilie 
assemhiy  to  act  ujion  the  matter.  This  a|)peal  of  the  chiefs  was  made  on  a 
Saturday,  and  an  adjourmrient  was  immeiliately  moved  and  carried,  and  no 
action  could  he  had  at  that  time.  On  the  Ibllowing  Tuesday  the  assend)ly 
met  again,  hut  several  days  passed  and  nothing  was  done.  The  Friends  ha  I 
a  majority  of  inemhers  in  that  hody,  an«l  they  would  not  helieve  that  war  on 
any  conditions  was  to  he  tolerated ;  and  thus  tiie  good  intentions  of  Scaroyada 
were  thrown  away,  and  the  war  was  carried  on  with  success  hy  the  enemy. 

Notwithstanding  the  neglect  shown  him  on  this  occasion,  we  find  hini 
hiisily  engaged  in  Novemher  following  in  his  humane  ))urpose  of  warding  off 
the  calamities  from  the  frontier  families.  Atone  time  he  learned  that  a  jmriy 
of  Delaware  8  and  Sliawanees  were  preparing  to  strike  a  hlovv  on  the  Engli.4i 
liorder,  and  he  forthwith  repaired  to  Harris's  Ferry,  and  gave  the  inti)rniation 
in  time  to  prevent  the  intended  mischief.  VVe  hear  no  more  of  Scaroyada 
until  1757,  in  which  year  he  raised  a  company  of  Mohawks,  and  in  IMay 
marched  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Augustus.  In  17-Vi  mention  is  made  of  a  chief 
named  Skanarady,  >vlio  was  acting  a  conspic  lous  part  among  the  Cayugas. 
He  may  he  the  same  person,  hut  of  that  we  .lave  no  other  evidentre  than  the 
api)roximation  in  the  spelling  of  the  name?.  It  may  be  mentioned  that  one 
of  the  chiefs,  CAYENQUiLOiiUOAS,  who  went  to  Philadelphia  with  Scaroyada 
in  1755,  had  two  sons  in  an  academy  in  that  city,  where  they  had  been  placed 
the  year  before  to  be  educated.     They  were  supported  hy  the  province. 

We  will  in  this  place  recur  again  to  an  incident  in  the  war  of  175.5,  as  it 
was  a  fulfilment  of  the  prediction  of  Scaroyada,  which  probably  gave  Penn- 
sylvania more  alarm,  and  caused  her  greater  consternation  than  any  other  in 
her  whole  history;  not  even  excepting  the  war  of  the  revolution,  or  the 
"Western  Insurrection." 

The  author  of  the  view  of  that  province  in  175.5,  closes  his  work  with  this 
"POSTSCRIPT.  I  send  you,"  he  writes,  "the  following  postscrii)t  to  niv 
long  letter.  The  scalping  continues!  Yesterday  [December  14th]  tlie  Dutcn 
brought  down  for  upwards  of  (JO  miles,  in  a  wagon,  the  bodies  of  some  of 
their  countrymen  who  hud  been  just  scal|)ed  by  the  Indians,  and  threw  them 
at  the  State-House  door,  cursing  the  (Quakers'  principles,  and  bidding  the  com- 
mittee of  assembly  behold  the  fruits  of  their  obstinacy,  and  confess  that  their  pre- 
tended sanctity  tvoidd  not  save  the  province  wiUwut  the  use  of  means,  at  the  same 
time  threatening,  that  if  thev  should  come  down  on  a  like  errand  again,  and  find 
nothing  done  for  their  protection,  tlie  consequences  should  be  fatal,  A  Dutch  mob 
is  a  terrible  thing ;  but  methods  are  taking  to  pacify  them,  and  prevent  it." 

The  manner  in  which  this  serious  afliur  is  spoken  of  by  honest  John 
Churchman,  in  his  life  and  travels,  deserves  to  be  noticed,  as  well  for  its 
addition  to  the  stock  of  historical  fiicts,  a; .  showing  how  it  was  viewed  by  one 
of  the  strictest  of  the  Friends'  party.  "The  Indians,"  he  says,  "  having  burnt 
several  houses  on  the  frontiers  of  this  province,  also  at  Gnadeidmtten,  in 
Northampton  county,  and  murdered  and  scalped  some  of  the  inhabitants, 
two  or  three  of  the' dead  bodies  were  brought  to  Philadelphia  in  a  wagon, 
with  an  intent,  us  was  supposed,  to  animate  the  people  to  imite  in  prejmra- 
tions  for  war,  to  take  vengeance  on  the  Indians,  ant^  destroy  them.  They 
were  carried  along  several  of  the  streets,  many  ])eoi)le  following,  cursing  the 
Indians,  also  the  Quakers  because  they  would  not  join  in  war  lor  destruction 
of  the  Indians.  The  sight  of  the  dead  bodies  and  the  outcry  of  the  peo|)le 
were  very  afflictive  and  shocking  to  me :  standing  at  the  door  of  a  friend's 
house,  as  they  passed  along,  my  mind  was  much  humbled,  and  tinned  nuich 
inv*ard,  when  I  was  made  secretly  to  cry.  What  ivill  become  of  Pennsylvania  ?" 
The  good  man  also  said  to  himself,  that  the  snis  of  drunkemK  ss,  jiride,  pro- 
faneness,  and  other  wickedness,  had  not  only  pr'ihitcd  the  borders  where  the 
nmrders  were  committed,  but  PhiladeiphiaViiKcvvise,  and  that  in  the  day  ol 
reti'ibution  blood  would  be  re(iuired  here  also. 


fl 


> 


Chap.  XIV  ] 


ESTILF/S  DEFKAT. 


681 


Scvpre  reflections  were  inrliilfrod  in  relative  to  the  cnnrlnct  of  some  of  the 
UiiuiierH.  Kntluiniel  Grubh,  nionihcr  of  tlio  iisseinbly,  niid  n  nromiiient  clmr- 
acter  amoiif,'  tlicin,  was  Hent  into  the  interior  to  learn  tlie  truth  nspeetiiig  the 
ravages  coniphiined  of;  lie  is  reported  to  iiave  said  that  "  tiiose  killed  by  tlio 
Indians  were  only  some  Scotch- 1  risk,  who  eoiild  well  enough  Ik;  spared ;"  nnd 
Buch,  it  was  further  reported,  was  "the  common  lanj^uage  of  many  of  tlmt 
Beet."    But  these  charges  are  to  be  taken  with  large  allowances. 


fifge 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Early  western  liistnry — Incidents  of  buttles — Estii.i.'s  nF.rr.AT — Simon  Girtij—Siegt 
of  Bryant's  sill  I  ion — Damki.  Boone — Battle  ok  tiik  Blue  Licks — Its  disastrouM 
issue — Miissacre  of  Miijnr  Douirhtij  s  men — Hiinner's  Cam/iiii/pi — Col.  Haruim — 
JJ is  first  ilrfi'ut — jYarrow  escapes  of  inilividiinls — Majou  VVvllys — Secinul  itefeiU 
— Majors  Fontaine  anil  IVi/llys  hilled — Battle  near  Fort  Recovery — Cliiifs  Under- 
wood   AND    SaLLAD — McMaHON'.S    DEFEAT    AND    DEATH — (JlllliUlt  OCtioH  of  LieUt 

Drake — Capt.  Hartskornc  killed — Fate  of  the  chief  Sallad — Pio.mi.voo. 

•'  Of  nil  men,  saving  Sj'lla  tlio  mnn-nlaycr. 

Who  im^seii  for  in  life  nicMt  Imky 
Uf  the  t'rout  niunes,  which  in  nur  I'.icea  stare, 

Tlio  General  linon,  huckwDoliniiin  of  Kentucky, 
Was  hapjiicHt  iiiiMiti:;  mortiiN  nnywhcre  ; 

The  pri  sent  caio  in  [Miint  I 

Cite  is,  that  Buun  lived  hunting  up  to  ninety, 

'Ti<  trni'  ho  shrank  from  men,  even  of  his  nation, 

Whi'n  th>'y  huilt  U[>  into  his  il.irliri:^  tre(?4, — 
H>>  niiivi'd  some  linndnd  miles  oil',  for  ii  station 

Where  there  were  fewer  houaea  and  more  eaae." — BYhotr. 

As  the  tide  of  emif»ration  rolled  westward,  farther  and  farther  was  carried 
from  ttie  Atlantic  shores  the  van  billow,  which  broke  in  blood  as  it  rolled  on- 
ward, and  which  will  not  cease  until  it  has  met  its  kindred  wave,  projrressing 
from  the  western  ocean,  and  both  shall  have  swept  down  and  buried  in  their 
course  those  forms  of  humanity,  in  whose  name  there  will  remain  a  charm 
forever ;  and  which  will  strike  tlie  imagination  stronger  and  stronger,  as  the 
times  in  which  they  were  are  seen  through  the  dim  distance  of  ages.  We 
can  yet  view  upon  the  hills  of  the  west,  as  the  sun  sinks  beyond  them,  the 
figure  of  one  of  the  race,  with  his  bow  in  his  hand,  and  its  production  by  hia 
side,  in  his  way  to  his  humble  wigwam  in  the  glen  to  which  its  smoke  above 
the  tops  of  the  lofly  trees  directs  him.  Is  there  a  land.scapo  in  nature  like 
this?  Who  that  has  even  read  of  the  Indian  can  efface  it  from  his  memory? 
But  it  is  our  ruling  maxim  not  to  indulge  in  descriptions  merely  to  delight 
the  imagination,  but  to  give  our  space  entirely  to  facts  which  should  be 
remembered,  leaving  poetry  to  those  writers  better  skilled  in  it. 

We  shall  here  proceed  to  the  detail  of  the  events  of  one  of  the  most  san- 
guinary battles,  considering  the  numbers  engaged,  ever  fought  in  the  west 

On  the  23  March,  1782,  a  company  of  25  Wyandots  attacked  Estill's  station, 
in  Kentucky,  killed  one  man  and  took  a  negro  prisoner.  The  owner  of  the 
station,  Capt.  James  Estii.l,*  a  bold  pioneer,  was  at  the  time  al)seiit  engaged 
in  scouting  in  defence  of  his  neighbors,  and  having  received  intelligence  of 
the  attack  upon  his  own  house,  hastened  in  pursuit  of  the  party  which  had 
made  it  Their  trail  led  across  Kentucky  River,  thence  towards  the  Ohio, 
which  Ca])t  Estill  followed  with  ardor;  and  when  he  came  within  about  two 
miles  of  Little  Mountain,  now  the  village  of  Mount  Sterling,  the  hidians  were 
discovered  on  the  right  bank  of  Ilinkston's  branch  of  Licking  River.  They 
immediately  threw  themselves  into  a  position  of  defence,  and  Capt  Estill 
whose  men  numbered  the  same  as  those  of  the  Indian  chief,  drew  up  his  in 

•  In  all  llie  editiotis  of  Boone's  Narrative  it  is  Ashton,  but  it  is  an  error.    A  county  per 
petuates  the  name  of  (he  brs.'.e  Estill. 


^^!r*' 


682 


SIEGE  OF  HRYANTVS  STATION. 


[Book  V 


front  of  them  on  the  o|>po8ito  sitlo.  All  now  depended  o.i  the  greatest  exer- 
ewe  of  »>kill ;  lor  neither  could  claim  to  [)e  iM-tter  markMmen  than  the  other 
if  the  whiteH  were  gooti,  so  were  the  VVyandots.  They  waited  for  the  Ken- 
tuckiaiiH  to  l)cgin  the  Imttlc,  which  they  immediately  did,  and  on  the  first  tire 
the  chief  of  the  Indiaiij^  was  severely  wounded.  This  so  disconcerted  his 
uien  that  many  of  them  were  for  making  a  rapid  retreat;  hut  his  voice  rallied 
them  to  their  jiosts,  and  the  strite  was  now  urged  with  tlic  utmost  determina- 
tion on  both  sides.  Eatdi  was  contident  in  his  own  superiority  in  skill  over 
his  adversary,  and  for  some  time  hut  few  fell,  owing  to  the  covered  positions 
both  parties  held. 

At  length  it  was  apjiarent  to  the  chiefs  that  it  would  require  a  long  time  to 
decide  the  contest  by  that  mode  of  action,  and  each  waited  impatiently  liir  the 
other  to  make  some  advances  by  which  advantage  might  be  gained.  It  is  un- 
natural for  a  white  man  to  lie  by  n  deer's  path  all  day,  waiting  t()r  it  to  pass, 
at  the  end  t)f  which  he  is  (piite  as  uncertain  whether  it  will  come  in  the  course 
of  another,  or,  perhaps,  not  till  the  end  of  ten  days.  It  may  Imj  as  unnatural 
for  the  Indian ;  but  he  will  wait  day  in  and  day  out  without  half  the  uneasi- 
ness which  tt  white  man  feels.  Thus,  at  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Little 
Mountain,  the  whites  would  not  wait  for  a  change  of  position  by  th<!  Indians, 
and  thereibre  resolved  to  make  one  themselves.  Experienced  tacticians  sel- 
dom divide  their  forces.  The  Indian  chief  kept  his  imbodied  ;  but  the  Ken- 
tuckian  divided  his,  and  it  proved  tiis  ruin. 

Capt,  Estill  despatched  Lieut.  Miller,  with  six  men,  with  orders  to  cross  the 
river,  and  come  upon  the  backs  of  the  Indians,  while  he  would  occii|)y  them 
in  front.  Accordingly,  Miller  marched  out  on  this  design ;  and,  to  deceive 
the  Lidians,  the  captam  extended  his  line  in  front,  with  the  view  of  closing  in 
on  the  flanks  of  the  Lidians  the  moment  Lieut.  Miller  should  divert  them  in 
his  direction.  Unhappily  for  the  whites,  that  time  never  came;  Miller  was 
easily  defeated  ;  or,  as  some  *  say,  came  no  more  into  action.  Yet  Estill  was 
enabled  to  continue  the  fight  for  more  than  an  hour ;  meanwhile,  his  centre 
became  weak,  and  being  furiously  charged  by  the  Indians,  his  men  broke  and 
dispersed.  Each  man  shifted  for  himself  as  well  as  he  could  ;  Capt.  Estill, 
and  his  second  lieutenant.  South,  both  escaped  fiom  the  field  of  buttle  ;  but 
they  fell  by  the  tomahawk  in  their  fiight.  Eour  oidy  escaped  from  that  san- 
giiii;ary  strife, — excepting  those  under  Miller, — and  those  lour  were  all 
wounded. 

The  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  lost  half  their  number ;  but  they  were 
imboldened  by  this  success,  and  other  depredations  followed. 

In  the  following  August,  that  noted  fiend  and  miscreant,  Simon  Girty,  now 
twice  a  savage  in  disposition,  came  down  upon  Kentucky  at  the  head  of 
above  500  Indians,  from  the  tribes  of  the  Wyandots,  Mianiies,  Pottowattoinies, 
Shawaiiees,  and  Cherokees.  Their  object  was  the  destruction  of  Bryant's 
station,  on  the  Elk  Horn,  which  fortunately  had  news  of  then*  ajiproach  in 
flme  to  prepare  for  them.  Nevertheless,  6irty,  relying  on  his  numbers,  de- 
termined to  reduce  it.  A  spring  near  the  fort,  which  supplied  it  with  water, 
was  unprotected,  and  he  stationed  a  considerable  body  neor  it,  in  conceal- 
ment, to  cut  off  such  as  should  venture  to  it  during  the  siege.  Another  party 
was  ordered  to  post  themselves  in  full  view  in  front  of  the  garrison,  by  which 
feint  it  was  expected  the  main  strength  of  it  would  he  drawn  out ;  in  which 
event  a  third  party  was  to  storm  a  certain  gate,  and,  if  possible,  force  it,  and 
thereby  gain  possession. 

The  attack  commenced  in  front ;  but  Girty's  design  was  fathomed  by  the 
shrewd  backwoodsmen.  They  at  once  saw  that  but  a  small  party  began  the 
onset,  and  rightly  judged  a  much  greater  one  lay  concealed  in  their  rear. 
Tlicy  now  determined  to  attempt  a  stratagem  on  Girty's  camp,  and  witn  what 
siiciVss  we  shall  next  proceed  to  state.  Thirteen  young  men  were  sent  out 
to  attack  the  Indians  in  front,  while  the  remainder  of  the  garrison  (about  30) 
were  prejiared  to  receive  the  party  in  the  rear.  Girty  was  comi)letely  de- 
ceived by  the  manceuvre,  for  supposing  the  main  body  had  gone  in  pursuit 


*    Gov.  MoREHKAll 

of  Kenlucky. 


ill  Ills  admirable  address  in  Commemoration  of  ihe  First  SeUiemenl 


m 


Chip.  XIV.] 


SIEGK  OF  imVANTS  STATION. 


663 


of  the  Htnall  party  in  front,  lio  nmhcd  up  with  prcnt  fury  to  pxf  nite  tliis  part 
of  iiJH  plan.  At  tiio  sanie  iiioinciit  tiie  pirrLsou  opttiicd  upon  iiiui  a  most 
deadly  tiro.  This  was  entirely  unexpected,  and  "iho  whole  Indian  army" 
Hed  with  the  utmost  precipitation,  leavinjf  the  IH  hravo  men,  who  had  made 
the  Hortie,  at  lil)erty  to  rejoin  their  friends.  Hut  the  siejfe  was  not  to  termi- 
nate here ;  the  fugitives  returned  in  a  short  time,  under  cover  of  logs  and 
fences,  and  lor  several  hours  kept  u|>  a  contiruial  tiring  u|>on  the  garrison. 

M'anwhile,  word  had  been  receive«l  at  Lexington,  that  liryant's  liirt  was  in 
innnnent  diuiger,  and  a  party  of  about  50  men,  horse  and  loot,  set  off  to  re- 
lieve it.  The  besieging  Indians,  l)eing  aware  of  tlitir  march,  andtuslied  the 
road  near  the  garrison,  and  were  exulting  in  the  prospect  of  cutting  otf  the 
whole  party ;  but  such  was  the  dexterity  of  that  company  of  men,  that  they 
succeeded  °  <  dashing  through  the  whole  body  of  Indians,  with  the  loss  only 
of  six  of  tlicir  mimber ;  and  even  those  were  lost,  as  it  were,  by  accident. 
The  company  approached  the  garrison  in  two  divisions  at  the  same  time,  and 
the  party  first  attacked  did  not  lose  a  man,  while  the  other,  instead  of  pro- 
ceeding directly  to  the  fort,  tacked  and  marclKul  for  the  relief  of  their  friends, 
and  thereby  came  directly  into  the  hands  of  tlie  Indians,  who  had  now  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  turn  their  arms  upon  Miem.  In  this  affair  Girty  was  knocked 
down  by  the  force  of  a  ball  which  lodged  in  his  shot-pouch,  without  doing 
him  any  injury. 

Girty,  being  now  well  aware  that  a  further  waste  of  time  and  ammunition 
would  Ih)  of  no  avail,  resolved,  as  a  last  resort,  to  try  tiie  efi'ect  of  a  gascon- 
ade. Accordingly,  crawling  up  as  near  the  fort  as  he  could  find  a  covert, 
he  hailed  those  within,  and  demanded  a  surrender ;  said  they  now  had  an 
opportunity  to  save  their  lives ;  but  if  they  held  out  longer,  he  coidd  not  bo 
accountable  fbr  their  safety.  And,  besides,  he  said,  he  hourly  expected  two 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  a  thousand  more  Indians,  who,  when  arrived,  would 
nuke  deplorable  havoc  of  every  man,  woman,  and  child ;  tiiat  now  was  their 
oidy  chance  of  escaping  that  sa^ne  of  blood.  And,  after  extolling  their  bra- 
very and  courage,  he  closed  with  the  announcement  of  the  name  of  Simon 
GiRTT,  and  that  what  had  been  promised  was  tipon  his  honor;  and  demanded 
whether  the  gan'ison  knew  him. 

A  young  nian,  named  Reynolds,  was  appointed  to  reply  to  him,  which  he 
did  in  a  style  of  taunt  whicii  will  long  be  remembered  in  Kentucky  story. 
"  Know  you  ?"  said  Reynolds ;  "Ay,  that  we  do.  I  have  a  good-for-nothing 
dog  named  Simon  Girty.    Bring  up  your  reenforcements  and  artillery,  and  be 

d d  to  you ;  we  will  not  fight  you  with  guns,  but  have  prepared  switches 

with  which  to  drive  you  out  of  the  fort  if  you  should  get  in,  with  much  more 
in  like  kind.  If  Girty  was  not  s^Uisfied  before,  he  became  so  now ;  and,  on 
the  following  morning,  the  whole  army  marched  ofi" towards  their  own  coun- 
try. Thus  ended  the  celebrated  siege  of  Bryant's  station,  August  17th,  after 
about  36  hours'  duration. 

The  country  had  become  alarmed  over  a  wide  extent,  and,  on  the  next  day 
afler  the  termination  of  the  siege,  a  large  nurn'oer  of  men  had  assembled  on 
the  ground,  eager  to  pursue  the  Indians.  Among  them  were  several  officers 
of  known  valor,  the  chief  of  whom  were  Col.  John  Todd  of  Lexington,  Lieut. 
Col.  Triog  of  Harrodsburgh,  Lieut.  Col.  Boone  of  Boonesborough,  and  Majs. 
Harlan,  McGary,  and  Levi  Todd.  Col.  Loj^an  had  been  notified,  and  was 
believed  to  be  on  his  march  to  join  them  ;  but  such  was  the  ardor  of  the  men 
now  assembled,  though  no  more  than  18^,  to  have  a  fight  with  those  Indians, 
whom  they  believed  GOO  strong,  tliat  they  would  not  be  restrained,  and  they 
marched  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  on  their  trail.    This  irrational  iin- 

Eetuosity,  it  should  be  remembered,  did  not  extend  to  such  men  as  Daniel 
loone,*  who  coolly  gave  it  as  his  oi)inion,  that  it  was  not  prudent  to  pursue 
until  a  reenfbrcenient  should  arrive ;  but  tiiis  sage  counsel  was  scouted  by 
some,  while  others  attributed  it  to  cowardice.    Like  Little  Turtle,  before  the 


*  The  writer  of  the  life  of  "Boon,"  ill  ilie  "  Ameriran  Portrait  Gallery,'' has  not  nolired 
the  distinguished  oart  he  acte<l  in  the  hnttle  of  tiie  JJlue  l-ioks.  This  juslly-c-lebrnled  man 
died  in  the  house  of  his  son,  Maj.  i^}.  lioone,  of  Alontgoinery  county,  SK  September,  IffJO,  in 
bis  8dth  year. 


684 


DISASTER  AT  THE  BLUE  LICKS. 


fCooK  V. 


hottle  of  Miami,  Boone  bore  the  insult  in  silence,  but  did  his  duty  in  the  bat. 
tie  wliich  ensued. 

As  this  devoted  band  marched  along,  it  was  apparent  to  every  man  of  ex- 
perience which  coinjioKod  it,  that  the  enemy  expected  puri'uit,  lor  they  had, 
in  many  ways,  left  traces  of  their  mai'ch,  which  an  enemy  not  courting  i)ur 
suit  would  never  have  made.  Boone,  and  others  of  his  mind,  who  hud  doubt- 
ed the  propriety  of  the  ])roceeding,  hoped  iImi  ilie  impetuoup  party  would 
come  to  their  reason  as  they  approached  the  scene  of  danger,  which  doubtless 
would  have  been  the  case,  but  for  the  mad  act  of  one  man,  and  that  was  a 
Maj.  McGary. 

After  a  march  of  about  40  miles,  they  came  to  Licking  River,  at  the  since 
well-known  |)oint  called  the  Bltte  Licks ;  and  as  the  hill  opened  to  their  view 
on  the  op|)osite  side,  a  few  Lidians  were  discovered  slowly  ascending  it,  and 
leisurely  disapi»eured  on  the  other  side.  Here  a  council  of  war  was  called, 
and  CoL  Todd,  the  comniander-in-chiefj  called  on  Col.  Boone  for  his  advice. 
It  was  given  with  candor,  and  caution  was  stronglj'  recommended,  us  it  had 
been  betbre  leaving  Bryant's,  on  the  preceding  day.  This  course  of  the  com- 
mander ought  to  have  silenced  all  clamors,  especially  as  noiiC  could  but  ac- 
knowledge the  wisdom  of  Col.  Boone.  He  well  understood  t)ie  natiue  of  the 
adjacent  country ;  he  had  made  salt  at  the  lick ;  hunted  in  its  vicinity;  and  it 
was  there  he  tell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  in  1778,  and  suft(;red  a  long 
captivity.  These  considerations  availed  little.  Spies  v,  ere  sent  out ;  but  they 
returned  without  making  any  discovery.  Boone  described  a  ravine,  ir  v/hich 
he  did  not  doubt  the  Indians  lay  concealed,  and  proposed  two  measur  ;s ;  one 
of  which  he  thought  should  be  adopted.  The  tirst  was  to  wait  lor  a  rei-n- 
forcement ;  but  if  they  woidd  not  consent  to  that,  he  advised  thn'  .  ',)art  of 
their  Ibrce  should  be  detached  up  the  river,  to  cross  it  and  sur])ri  .,  the  In- 
dians; while  the  remainder  should  make  a  feint  in  front  of  thc'r  j)osition. 
Here  all  deliberations  were  suspended  by  the  war-'  hooj),  not  from  the  In- 
dians, but  McGaiy,  who,  s])urring  his  horse  into  tlu  I'iver,  in  defiance  of  all 
subonlination,  called  out  for  all  that  were  not  cowards  to  follow  him — he  would 
show  tlvem  the  Indians.  The  miserable  "example  was  contagious  among  the 
fiery  spirits;"  and  though  a  part  remained  with  Todd  and  Boone  for  a  short 
time,  all  were  soon  over  the  river,  and,  says  Boone,*  "we  discovered  the 
enemy  lying  in  wait  for  us.  On  this  discovery,  we  formed  our  colnnms  into 
one  single  line,  and  marched  up  in  their  front  within  about  40  yards,  before 
there  was  a  gun  fired.  Col.  Trigg  commanded  on  the  right,  myself  on 
the  left,  iVIaj.  McGary  in  the  centre,  and  Maj.  Harlan  the  advance  party  in 
front  From  the  manner  in  which  we  had  formed,  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  bring 
on  the  u'tack.  This  was  done  with  a  very  heavy  fire  on  both  sides,  and  ex- 
tended ba(  k  of  the  line  to  Col.  Trigg,  where  die  enemy  Avas  so  strong  that 
they  rushed  up  and  broke  the  right  wing  at  the  first  fire.  Thus  the  enemy 
got  into  our  rear,  and  we  wore  compelled  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  77  of  our 
men,f  and  12  wounded."  Such  is  the  sunmiaiy  account  of  that  sanguinary 
battle  by  Col.  Boone  himseltj  a  most  conspicuous  actor  in  it 

The  right  wing  was  dreadfully  cut  to  pieces.  Col.  Trigg  was  killed,  with 
most  of  his  n.tn,  while  Boone  sustained  liimself  manfully  in  his  position. 
Maj.  Harlan,  whom  no  danger  could  daunt,  maintained  his  ground  until  but 
Uirce  of  his  men  were  left,  when  he  fell  mortally  wounded.  The  tomahawk 
«vas  now  resorted  to  by  the  savages,  and  the  remainder  of  the  little  army  gave 
way,  one  wing  after  another,  and  a  dismal  rout  ensued.  Some  regained  their 
horses,  while  others  fled  on  foot  They  were  a  mile  frtm  the  lick  where  they 
had  crossed  the  river;  and  when  they  arrived  there,  the  Indians  in  great  num- 
bers wore  upon  tl'.em.  No  pen  can  describe  the  scene  now  begun.  Col. 
Todd  was  here  numbered  with  die  slain.  Boone  very  narrowly  escaped, 
conveying  n"  ••  Iiis  *on  by  a  secret  padi,  who,  to  his  lasting  sorrow,  he  soon 
found  was  mortally  wounded,  and  he  was  obliged  to  leave  him  in  the  way. 


•  III  a  Ictlcr  to  (lie  Rovcnior  of  Virginia,  tlalcd  on  tlie  30  August  following  tlie  baUlc,  ap- 
ppildr-cl  to  (iov.  Morohisul's  discour^o. 

t  Till!  In'liaiis  wer(!  si\i<l  to  Imve  lost  the  aamo  niimlier-,  but  it  is  improbable.  Tlicy  burn! 
at  Jie  stake  several  of  the  whiles  wlio  fell  olive  into  tiieir  liaiids. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


MASSACRE  OF  MAJ.  DOUGIITY'S  MEN. 


685 


The  flying  party  met  Col.  Logan  with  the  expected  reenforcement,  l)etbre 
the\  arrived  at  Bryant's  station.  That  veteran  officer  slied  tears  wlien  lie 
heard  of  the  blind  fate  of  so  many  valuable  men.  With  Col.  Boone,  and  such 
others  as  would  join  him,  he  marched  for  the  battle-ground  of  the  lyth,  and 
arrived  there  on  tlie  21st ;  from  whence,  alter  burying  the  dead,  he  returned 
to  the  settlements.  "  The  news  of  this  grievous  disaster  went  like  u  dagger 
to  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  Kentucky."  But  its  strength  was  to  be  exerted 
under  more  favorable  auspices  in  future.  Gen.  Clark  destroyed  the  IndiaQ 
town  of  Chillicothe,  and  several  other  villages  on  the  Miami,  immediately 
after,  which  terminated  the  war  in  Kentucky,  in  this  expedition,  too,  Boone 
was  conspicuous. 

Passing  over  minor  events  of  border  waifare,  we  come  next  to  the  detail 
of  Harmer*s  campaign,  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  incidents  in  western 
history.  With  the  war  of  the  revolution  that  with  the  Indians  closed,  only 
to  be  revived  according  to  circutnstances  on  their  part,  or  wlion  it  suited  their 
convenience.  Vai'ious  acts  of  hostility  were  kept  up,  growing  out  of  what 
the  Indians  with  truth  were  made  to  believe  were  inli-ingcnients  upon  their 
rights  and  privileges.  That  both  parties  had  cause  of  complaint  will  not  be 
denied;  but  that  botli  had  an  equal  chance  for  redress,  is  a  quc^liin  no  one 
will  seriously  propound.  The  Indians  were  by  no  means  on  equal  looting  in 
this  respect ;  and  hence  the  cause  of  their  frequently  attempting  redress  by 
retaliation.  In  tiict,  few  of  them  knew  any  other  remedy.  The  complaints 
from  the  western  irontiers  had  become  so  loud  in  17i)0,  that  congress  re- 
quested the  secretary  of  war,  Gfen.  Knox,  to  collect  what  information  he 
could,  relative  to  depredations  by  the  Indians  upon  the  iidiubitants  of  that 
region.  An  able  report  was  the  result  of  the  investigation,  in  which  it  was 
stated  that  within  two  years  past,  upwards  of  1,500  persons  had  been  killed 
or  carried  into  captivity,  and  a  great  amount  of  property  destroyed.  Among 
other  mischiels,  was  an  attack  upon  a  company  of  government  so'diers,  under 
the  following  circumstances: — 

In  the  month  of  April,  1790,  Maj.  John  Doughty  and  Ensign  Sedam  went, 
with  15  men,  in  boats,  upon  some  public  business  to  the  friendly  Cliikasaws. 
Having  performed  their  mission,  and,  as  they  were  ascending  the  Tennessee 
River,  40  Indians  approached  them  in  canoes,  under  a  white  flag.  They  were 
admitted  on  board ;  and  nothing  but  a  friendly  disposition  being  manili^sted, 
presents  were  distributed  to  them,  and  they  left  in  seeming  good  faith ;  but 
uo  sooner  had  they  put  off  from  their  friends,  than  they  poured  in  upon  them 
a  destructive  fire.  The  Americans  were  almost  entirely  unprepared  lor  such 
a  salutation ;  but  they  returned  it  as  soon  as  their  circumstances  would  al- 
low, and  '.lie  fight  contimied  for  some  time  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  great 
inequality  of  numbers,  finally  succeeded  in  beating  off  the  Lidians,  though 
not  imtil  they  had  killed  all  but  four  of  the  company.  Such  are  the  incidents 
of  the  massacre  of  Maj.  Douglity's  men.  This,  with  other  events  of  a  less 
atrocious  character,  caused  the  appointment  of  Gen.  Josiah  llarmer,  then 
commanding  at  Fort  Wasiiingtoii,  to  be  jjlaced  at  the  head  of  a  force,  to  be 
led  against  the  Indians  on  the  Miami ;  an  account  of  which,  in  the  next  place, 
we  shall  proceed  to  give  in  detail. 

Gen.  llarmer  was  considered  an  able  tactician,  and  was  an  officer  of  the 
late  revolutionary  army  ;  and  it  was  expected  that  he  would  find  little  diffi- 
culty in  breaking  up  the  haunts  of  the  Indians,  and  subiliiing  them,  if  they 
attempted  to  meet  him  in  a  general  battle.  lie  had  ',iW  re;inlar  troops  put 
under  him,  with  orders  to  call  upon  Kentucky  and  Pennsylvania  )i)r  (piotas 
of  militia  to  increase  his  Ibn-e  to  1,500  men.  About  the  close  of  Se|»teini)er, 
the  re(iuisite  numb<>r  of  men  iifiving  arrived,  the  army  marched  fi'om  Fort 
Washington  for  the  Indian  country,  ('ol.  Hardin  was  (hstaclu d,  with  (JOO 
men,  with  orlers  to  proceed  in  advance  of  tlus  initin  body  ;  and,  after  a 
march  of  17  days,  he  arrived  at  the  Great  Miami  village,  October  1(J.  He 
found  it  deserted  and  in  flames.  It  was  situ.itcd  at  the  conHuence  of  tlie 
yt.  Jos(!ph's  and  St.  Mary's  Rivers — a  site  now  incliidfd  in  Allen  county, 
Indiana.  About  5  acres  were  enclosed  l)y))icket^,  within  which  the  army 
encamped.  In  the  burning  buildings,  great  (pianlilies  of  grain  were  discov- 
ered ;  and,  on  further  search,  abundance  more  was  found  hi  holes  in  tiia 
5 


ml 


686 


DEFEAT  OF  HARMER'S  ARMY. 


[Book  V. 


gi-onnd.  At  the  same  time,  a  detachment  of  300  men,  under  Col.  Trotter 
and  Maj.  Rliea,  marched  out  upon  discovery.  They  found  5  villages,  all 
burnt,  and  saw  about  30  Indians.  Thinking  these  a  decoy,  they  did  not  at- 
tack thein.  The  next  day,  which  was  the  17  October,  Maj.  Fontaine,  aid-de- 
camp to  Gen.  Harmer,  with  a  party  of  200  loot  and  about  50  horsemen,  pro- 
ceeded to  find  Lidiuns.  Numerous  signs  were  discovered ;  and,  at  somp  ,] 
or  7  miles  from  camp,  he  fell  in  with  a  party,  and  was  defeated  with  a  loss 
of  70  men.  Others  state  that  there  were  but  170  men  in  all,  30  of  wlion' 
were  regulars  under  Lieut  Armstrong  and  Ensign  Hartshorn  ;  that  23  of  the 
latter  were  killed  or  taken,  and  seven  escajied  by  flight.  Lieut.  Armstrong 
saved  himself  by  plunging  into  a  slough,  and  remaining  most  of  the  night  up 
to  his  neck  in  mud  and  water.  Ensign  Hartshorn  made  an  equally  narrow 
escape.  In  his  flight  he  stumbled  over  a  log,  which,  as  he  fell,  he  observed 
contained  a  cavity  of  suttieient  magnitude  to  admit  liis  body.  He  crawled 
into  it,  and  eventually  escaped  unobserved.  While  h  3  lay  in  the  hollow  tree, 
he  witnessed  from  a  knot-hole  the  burning  and  dreadful  torture  of  several  of  his 
comrades  on  the  same  ground  wliere  they  had  been  defeated.  Ensign  Harts- 
horn is  believed  to  be  the  same  who  lell  afterwards  in  the  battle  at  Fort  lle- 
covcry. 

Never  did  Indians  gain  a  more  complete  victory,  and  never  was  a  jdan 
better  laid  to  insure  it  They  drew  the  ariny  after  them  by  their  trail ;  then, 
dividing  themselves  into  two  partios,  marched  back,  on  each  side  of  it,  to  a 
heath  or  plain,  and  there  lay  concealed  in  the  bushes,  while  their  pursuers 
came  directly  into  the  snare.  "The  militia,"  Gen.  Harmer  said,  "shamefully 
and  cowardly  tlu-ew  away  their  arms  and  ran,  without  scarcely  firing  a  gun ;" 
and  thus  the  regulars  were  left  to  fight  the  whole  force  of  the  Indians,  which 
could  not  have  been  less  than  a  tliousand  wai-riors ;  and  it  is  matter  of  sur- 
prise how  even  seven  of  the  whites  should  have  escaped. 

This  defeat  was  on  the  17  October ;  and  the  next  day  Harmer  arrived  with 
the  main  body  at  the  Great  Miami  village,  having  lost  several  of  his  scouting 
parties  on  his  march.  Among  these  was  Sergeant  Johonnct,  who  published 
a  narrative  of  his  captivity,  after  his  escaj)e,  which  is  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing of  the  kind. 

We  are  at  great  loss  to  account  for  the  movements  the  general  next  made. 
Why  he  began  a  retreat  without  any  further  operations,  it  is  diflicult  to  see. 
Perhaps  he  had  decided  in  his  own  mind  that  any  further  eftbrts  would  be 
useless,  and,  without  holding  a  coimcil  of  his  officers,  had  determined  to  re- 
turn home.  If  such  was  his  resolution,  and  had  he  kept  it,  he  would  have 
saved  many  valuable  lives,  if  he  had  lost  his  reputation ;  yet,  as  the  case 
turned,  he  not  only  lost  his  reputation,  but  what  was  of  far  greater  moment 
to  the  country,  many  valuable  lives  with  it 

Whether  conscious  tliat  he  was  grossly  reprehensible  for  what  he  had 
done,  or  not,  we  can  only  infer  the  fiict  from  the  circumstances;  for  he  gives 
us  no  journal  of  his  marches  from  place  to  j)lace,  and  we  next  find  him  about 
8  miles^  on  his  way  home,  on  the  evening  of  21  October.  Here  he  made  a 
stand,  and  again  detached  Col.  Hardin,  with  about  400  men,  of  whom  (iO  only 
were  regulars,  with  orders  to  return  to  the  Great  Miami  village,  which,  it 
seemed,  the  general  had  already  beon  informed,  was  in  possession  of  the 
Indians,  and  to  bring  on  an  engagement  with  them.  Under  Col.  Harden 
went,  at  this  time,  Maj.  Wyllys  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Fontaine,  Maj.  McMul- 
ien,  and  Col.  Hall.  They  marched  in  the  course  of  the  same  night,  and 
about  day,  on  the  22d,  came  to  the  village  in  four  divisions,  to  each  of  which 
was  assigned  a  different  jxiiut  of  attack.  They  did  not  find  tlie  Indians  un» 
prepared ;  bi  were  met  by  them  with  a  bravery  and  valor  not  to  be  over- 
come. IJy  one  account,  it  is  said  the  fight  lasted  three  hours ;  that,  diiruig  it, 
Maj.  McMullen  drove  a  jiarty  of  the  Indians  into  the  Miami.  Maj.  Wyllys, 
with  about  GO  men,  was  cut  off  by  a  band  of  warriors,  who  came  upon  him 
in  the  rear,  under  cover  of  a  field  of  think  hazels.  Maj.  Fontaine,  having 
order'id  his  men  to  retreat,  himself,  "in  a  frenzy  of  courage,"  rode  directly 
back  into  the  thickest  of  the  eneuiy,  "cutting  and  slashing,"  till  he  was 
wounded,  and  carried  off  by  two  of  his  men  ;  but  he  was  overtaken,  killed, 
and  scalped.  Maj.  Wyllys  was  left  mortally  wounded.  He  requested  to  be 
liclped  upon  his  horse,  "  that  he  might  give  them  another  charge ;  but,  in  the 


I 


I 


Chap.  XIV] 


ACTION    NEAR  FOIIT  RECOVERY. 


697 


hurry  of  tlie  retreat,  it  could  not  be  done;"  and  Lieut  Frotliingliani,  of  iiis 
coinmuiul,  was  left  among  the  slain. 

A  retreat  was  tnaile  in  tolerable  order ;  and  because  the  whites  were  not 

[)ursucd,  llariner  pretended  to  claim  a  victory !    But  Indians  will   never 
eave  plunder  to  pursue  a  flying  foe,  who  has  left  all  behind  him. 

There  fell  in  this  miserably  conducted  expedition,  214  men,  of  whom  183 
were  killed  in  battle,  and  31  wounded ;  several  of  these  died  of  their  wounds. 
The  proiwrtion  of  officers  was  very  great;  besides  those  alreadj'  named,  there 
were  lost,  Capis.  Tharp,  Scott,  and  McMutrey ;  Lieuts.  Sanders  \V^orley, 
Clark,  and  Ro^jers;  Ensigns  Sweet,  Bridges,  Arnold,  lliggins,  and  Threl- 
keld. 

On  reviewing  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Harmer  in  this  aflTuir,  it  would  seem 
that  he  was  either  crazy,  or  utterly  devoid  of  judgment.  It  must  have  been 
apparent  to  every  subaltern  of  his  command,  that  the  first  battle  with  the 
Indians  had  not  only  increased  their  boldness,  but  their  numbers  also.  Then, 
at  tilt  very  time,  the  troops  are  marched  oft'  the  ground,  leaving  them  in  full 
triumph  ;  and  when  at  a  safe  distance  from  danger,  a  fifth  part  is  sent  back 
into  the  very  jaws  of  destruction.  With  these  glaring  facts  in  full  view,  it  is 
ditfi(Hilt  to  comprehend  on  what  ground  a  court  martial  could  honorably  ex- 
onerate Gen.  Harmer  of  all  blame ;  nor  is  it  any  easier  to  discover  how  he 
could  have  been  acquitted  of  unofficerlike  conduct  with  honor. 

In  the  battles  with  the  Indians  during  this  expedition,  many  of  them  fought 
on  horseback,  having  their  horses  ecpiipped  with  a  bunch  of  bells  hanging 
down  the  left  side  of  their  heads,  and  two  narrow  stri|)s  of  red  and  white 
cloth  as  a  sort  of  pendants.  The  Indians  themselves  were  painted  red  and 
black,  in  a  manner  "to  represent  infernal  spirits."  Their  most  hideous  and 
terrific  appearance,  added  to  the  noise  of  the  bells  and  the  flapping  of  the 
pendent  strii)s  of  cloth,  rendered  them  so  Ibrmidable  to  the  horses  of  the 
militia,  that  they  shrunk  back  in  dismay,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty they  could  be  brought  to  the  charge. 

The  accounts  of  Harmer's  campaign  are  of  the  most  conflicting  character, 
no  two  agreeing  in  its  important  details.  His  official  account  of  it  is  one  of 
ti»e  most  meagre  documents  of  the  kind  to  be  fo\nid  any  where.  The  most 
we  can  learn  from  it  is,  that  he  had  been  somewhere  to  fight  Indians,  and 
had  got  back  again  to  Fort  Washington,  and  had  lost  183  men.  But  where, 
or  when,  or  how  it  was  done,  he  has  left  us  to  conjecture.  Judge  JMarshall 
has  unaccountably  placed  it  under  1791,  and  Shallus,  who  is  generally  to  be 
relied  on,  places  his  march  from  F'ort  VVashington,  and  all  his  battles  (which, 
by  the  way,  he  never  fought  any)  under  the  date  of  30  September. 

I  am  aware  that  this  account  of  Harmer's  campaign  differs  considerably 
from  those  before  printed,  but  the  main  facts  were  long  since  obtained  from 
persons  engaged  in  it,  and  may  be  received  as  substantially  correct. 

The  next  prominent  event  in  western  history  occurred  during  the  cam- 
paign of  Gen.  Wayne,  and  has  been  referred  to  as  the  action  near  Fort 
Recovery. 

Fort  Recovery  was  so  named  because  it  was  built  on  the  ground  where 
Gen.  St.  Clair  had  been  defeated  ;  and  hence  that  ground  was  recovered  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  savages.  This  fort  became  inunediately  very  noted  in 
history,  from  a  bloody  battle  fought  in  its  vicinity,  on  the  30th  of  June,  17il4. 

Fort  Recovery  wiis  one  of  those  advanced  posts  u|)on  which  Gen.  Wayne 
depended,  in  the  event  of  his  being  obliged  to  retreat  out  of  the  Indian 
country,  upon  any  unforeseen  disaster.  It  was  on  a  small  branch  of  the 
Wabash,  (mistalren  by  Gen.  St.  Clair  for  the  St.  Mar}''s,)  about  2.3  miles  from 
Greenville,  and  about  80  or  J>0  from  Fort  AV'^ushington,  (Cincinnati,)  and  ia 
upon  the  southern  border  of  Mercer  county,  Ohio,  not  3  miles  fiom  the  Hue 
dividing  Ohio  from  Indiana.  It  had  been  built  in  tne  winter  of  17! '3,  and  in 
June,  171)4,  the  general  ordered  a  quantity  of  provisions  to  ho  dejiosited  there, 
as  a  link  in  the  chain  of  his  supplies.  It  was  not  imtil  the  2itth  of  this  month 
that  a  convoy  was  ready  to  ])roc(!ed  thither  fiom  Fort  Greenvil'c. 

Meanwhile  two  distinguished  Indian  chiefs,  with  a  fi;w  liillowcrs,  liad 
marched  lor  Fort  Recovery,  to  learn  what  they  could,  in  the  way,  of  the 
ricinity  of  the  enemy.    These  two  chiefs  were  named  Capt.  U-NDERWoeo, 


:.. 


688 


ACTION  NEAR  FORT  RECOVLKY. 


[BooE  V. 


and  Capt.  Bobb  Salimd  ;  the  former  a  Chiknsaw,  and  tin  latter  a  Choctaw 
Tiiey  perfornied  their  service  Itiithf'iilly,  and  arrived  at  Recoveiy  the  same 
evening  that  tlie  convoy  did,  but  whether  before  or  ailer,  is  not  mentioned ; 
yet  the  value  of  their  service  upon  this  occasion  was  lost  liom  want  of  a 
proper  anangement;  for  on  hailing  the  fort,  they  were  taken  lor  the  enemy, 
and  speaking  a  different  language  from  the  western  Indians,  could  make  no 
communication  to  those  within,  and  hence  were  obliged  to  retire  with  morti- 
fication. They  were  prepared  to  communicate  the  important  intelligence, 
that  "a  large  army"  of  Lidians  was  hovering  about  the  Ibrt,  and  were  to  be 
expected  inunediately  to  attack  it.  It  was  discovered  aller^vards,  tliat  the 
Indians  had  learned  the  weakness  of  the  garrison,  and  determined  on  carrj- 
injj  it  by  storm,  thus  proving  the  value  of  the  information  which  was  lost ; 
the  important  post,  Recovery,  being  then  deiended  by  Init  about  100  men, 
under  Capt.  Gibson.  Of  these,  30  were  infantry,  under  the  innnediate  com- 
mand of  Lieut.  Drake,  who,  in  the  battle  which  followed,  acted  a  most  cou- 
8i)icuou8  pait. 

The  convoy  consisted  of  300  pack-horses,  80  riflemen  under  Capt.  Harts- 
horn, and  50  dragoons  under  Capt.  Taylor;  the  wliole  under  Major  J.  McMa- 
HON.  They  arrived  the  same  evening  at  their  place  of  destination,  without 
accident.  On  the  morning  of  the  last  day  of  June,  as  the  convoy  was  about 
to  resume  its  return  march,  it  was  fiercely  attacked  by  a  lujmerous  body  of 
Indians,  3,000  or  upwards,  as  was  afterwards  ascertained.  Previous  to  march- 
ing, the  pack-horsemen  had  spread  themselves  along  their  road,  and  were 
grazing  their  horses,  and  some  were  nearly  a  mile  from  the  Ibrt  when  the 
onset  begun.  On  hearing  the  firing.  Major  McMahon,  supposing  the  Indians 
but  few,  took  only  the  50  dragoons,  and  pushed  ibrvvm-d  to  the  jjoint  of  attack. 
Near  the  extremity  of  the  line  of  pack-horses,  he  found  himself  almost  en- 
compassed by  Indians,  who,  showing  themselves  of  a  sudden,  seemed  to 
cover  the  ground  for  a  great  distance.  With  their  deafening  yells  they  poured 
av  incessant  fire  upon  the  devoted  band  with  deadly  effect.  Among  tho  first 
killed  was  the  commander,  who  was  shot  dead  from  his  horse.  Cai)t.  Taylor, 
with  the  remainder  of  ihe  troojts,  came  immediately  to  the  rescue,  but  finding 
himself  surrounded  by  the  great  numbers  of  the  enemy,  endeavored  to  cut 
his  retreat  through  them,  and  was  likewise  slain,  as  was  also  Cornet  Terry. 
Capt.  Hartshorn,  who  commanded  the  rifh men,  received  a  severe  wound  in 
the  knee,  and  notwithstanding  he  was  carried  some  uisstance  by  his  men,  he 
was  finally  overtaken  and  killed.  They  gained  an  eminence  and  continued 
the  fight 

111  the  meantime  the  remnant  of  dragoons  and  other  fugitives  had  gained 
the  cleared  ground  adjacent  to  the  Ibrt,  and  were  contending  at  most  ft'arful 
odds  with  their  victorious  enemy.  Seeing  their  desperate  situation,  Capt. 
Gibson  jiermitted  Lieut.  Drake,  at  his  own  request,  to  make  a  sally  fiom  the 
fort  in  aid  uf  his  companions.  "  He  accorduigly  sallied  out,  at  the  liei.d  of 
his  own  men  and  a  portion  of  the  riflemen,  skilfidly  interposed  his  detach- 
ment between  the  retreating  troops  and  the  enemy,  opened  upon  them  a  hot 
fire,  an-ested  their  advance,  and  thus  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  wounded  to 
effect  their  escape,  and  to  the  broken  and  retreating  pomi)anies  to  refiarm  and 
again  to  face  the  enemy.  Tiiroughout  the  whole  aflliir,  Drake's  activity,  skill, 
and  extraordinary  self-possession,  were  most  conspicuous.  The  enemy  ob- 
sened  it  as  well  as  his  friends.  The  munerous  shots  directed  at  him,  how- 
ever, were  turned  aside  by  providential  interference,  tmtil  he  bad  accom- 
jilished  all  that  he  had  been  sent  to  perform.  He  tiien  received  a  ball  through 
his  body  and  fell ;  a  f'>=thful  corporal  came  to  his  assistance,  and  with  his  aid 
he  reached  the  fort;  aii>'  those  two  were  the  last  of  the  retreating  party  that 
entered  it— Drake  making  H  a  prmt  of  honor  that  it  should  be  so."  * 

Lieut.  Drake  was  not  mori.dl/,  though  very  severely  wounded,  but  never  en- 
tirely recovered.  He  returned  home  to  Connecticut  in  the  summer  of  17!l(!,  on 
a  ftu-lough,  and  died  there  shortly  after,  from  the  immediate  effects  of  the  yellow 

*  From  n  roinnumiciition  of  our  present  wortliy  i-liicf  inafristrate.  (iKN.  IlAnnitoN,  by 
whirh  1)0  illiislralrd  in  the  most  hiippv  inanni-r,  tlint  it  was  no  proof  of  cowardice  for  au 
oUicer  to  derlino  lifjiilin-,'  a  duel ;  Drake  having  Wfore  refnsed  to  accept  a  challenge  from, 
notwithstanding  lie  had  been  grossly  insulted  by,  another  ollicer. 


Ch.p.  XV.] 


EXPLOITS  AT  FORT  RECOVERY. 


6S9 


feviT,  it  18  said,  which  he  had  contracted  in  passing  through  Plr.iaaclphia,  in 
his  way.  The  hrave  Capt  Hartshorn,  as  lias  been  mentioned,  was  wounded, 
and  could  not  travel.  He  requested  his  men  to  leave  liim  and  take  core  of 
themselves,  and  imniediutcly  a  British  officer  (tiie  notorious  Capt  M'Kee) 
eanu  to  him,  and  told  him  to  surrender  and  he  should  be  well  treated.  But 
he  had  determined  never  to  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  at 
the  same  moment  aimed  a  blow  at  M'Kee  with  his  rifle,  which  knocked  him 
off  his  horse ;  and  before  he  recovered,  his  negro  servant  and  an  Indian  were 
niton  C.ipt.  Hartshorn,  and  had  despatched  him.  Lieut.  Marks,  of  Capt.  Harts- 
horn's cimpany,  was  surrounded  and  alone.  He  fought,  and  kept  off  the 
Indians  witli  liis  spontoon  until  it  was  broken  to  pieces,  and  then  jumping 
over  the  heads  of  some,  and  knocking  do\vu  with  his  tist  one  tliat  had  taken 
him  prisoner,  escaped. 

Li  this  protracted  and  despirate  fight,  25  of  the  Americans  were  killed  and 
40  wounded,  and  ail  tiie  pack-horses  lost ;  on  many  of  which  the  Indians  con- 
veyed away  their  dead  and  wounded ;  but  their  actual  loss  was  never  known. 
Several  other  American  officers  deserve  especial  notice ;  as  Ensign  Dodd  of 
Lieut.  Drake's  command,  and  Lieut.  Michael  of  Ca[)t.  Hartshorn's.  Michael 
bad  been  detached  with  a  cliosen  party,  all  of  whom  were  killed  but  three  ; 
himself  escaping  in  a  similar  ninnnor  to  that  of  Lieut.  Marks.  The  Lidians 
closely  besieged  the  fort  all  tlu.:  day  and  night,  and  the  next  day  till  about 
noon,  when  they  drew  off  The  Indians  displayed  great  bravery,  olleu  ad- 
vancing in  solid  column  within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  tlie  fort.* 

The  well-known  chiefs,  Little  Turtle  and  Blue  Jacket,  were  among 
the  foremost  leaders  of  the  Indians  in  this  battle.  Of  Capt.  Underwood,  we 
have  no  further  account ;  but  the  sequel  of  the  life  of  his  companion  is  soon 
told.  He  had  about  this  time  been  sent  upon  an  excursion,  and  meeting  with 
a  party  of  the  enemy,  deftiated  them  ;  pursued  one  into  the  midst  of  a  large 
encampment,  where  he  despatched  him ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  lost  his 
own  life. 

There  were,  in  Gen.  Wayne's  army,  20  warriors  out  of  the  tribe  of  Chok- 
taws.  PiOMi.  o,  who  had  been  with  St.  Clair,  was  also  of  the  number.  He 
is  believed  to  have  been  the  same,  atlerwards  called  Gen.  Colburt,  in  which 
suggestion,  if  we  are  correct,  he  was  the  son  of  a  Scotti&ii  geutlenian  by  an 
Indian  woman,  whose  father  was  killed  in  an  affair  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  in  1781.  His  services  under  Gen.  St.  Clair  have  been  touched  upon  ; 
and  for  those  under  Gen.  Washington,  he  received  a  sword,  and  a  commission 
of  major ;  and  Gen.  Jackson  gave  him  a  sword  also,  and  a  colonel's  commis- 
sion. Having  been  always  in  the  interest  of  the  government  of  the  tTnited 
States,  he  supported  the  emigration  principle ;  and  that  his  example  might 
have  weight,  he  went  himself  to  Arkansas,  in  1836,  with  the  Ridge  party. 
But  his  years  there  were  few,  as  doubtless  they  must  have  been  in  the  land 
of  his  nativity,  for  in  1839  he  had  attained  his  l)5tli  year,  which  ended  hia 
earthly  career.    He  died  there  in  November  of  that  year. 

PiOMiNGO  was  a  true  Indian.  His  men  having  taken  a  prisoner  who  had 
been  engaged  in  St.  Clair's  defeat,  he  ordered  him  to  immediate  execution ; 
and  that  no  warrior  should  be  disgraced  by  the  act,  an  old  man  was  ap- 
pointed to  shoot  him.    He  had  joined  Gen.  St.  Clair's  army  with  21  men. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EVENTS    OF    THE    INDIAN    WAR    OF    17(J3  AND    1764,    ON   THE    OHIO. 

Sieire  of  Fort  Pitt—Mlij  ilrfr.nHcd  by  Capt.  Ecvvs.n—Col.  Henry  Bouquet  ordered  to 
march  to  its  rr'icf— Extreme  danger  of  the  undertaking — Throws  succor  into  Fort 

'  1  hnvn  1)0011  lliiis  cirriimslaiUial  in  (lotailiiiij  ll\is  iiiipnriaiit  event  in  our  Indian  wars,  be- 
cause it  lias  not  been  done  by  any  writer ;  several  have,  howi-ver.  noiired  il,  but  (heir  ae- 
eotmH  are  very  inPom|)lete.  My  ciiief  aiidiorilies  are,  ••.1  Liller  dat--it  at  Fori  Gremiille,fiiur 
d.tvi  aftir  the  battle,"  The  We.iteni  Revieiv,  and  Witlier'i  Chro'iicles. 

53*  2T 


690 


BOUQUET'S  EXPEDITION-SIEGE  OF  FORT  PITT.         fBooi  V 


Ugonier,  as  docs  Cant.  Gurry— Fort  Bedford  besieged— BArn-n  of  Bushy  Ron 
— ^  second  battle— End  of  the  campaign— Jin  army  raised  for  another— Col.  Bou- 
quel  commands  it — Col.  Brudstreet  to  cooperate  by  the  lakes — Indians  completely 
subdued  and  sue  for  peace — Surrender  2W  captives. 

Westwaril  the  wavoii  of  populalion  roll, 

Like  tho  wild  pyriiinid  of  uulul  fl,.-o, 
Pwfii'ping  the  bronil  pruirie  without  control, 

Urged  hy  fierce  tcniprsts  which  no  might  can  tamo 

In  this  chapter  it  is  proposed  to  detail  those  events  of  Pontiak's  war  not 
before  particularly  considered.  We  have  seen  the  termination  of  the  siege  of 
Detroit,  and  we  will  now  return  into  the  distant  south,  to  another  besieged 
fort,  upon  the  Ohio,  named  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  great  statesman,  William 
Pitt.  It  had  been  closely  invested  for  many  days,  when  Pontiak  gave  up 
the  siege  of  Detroit,  and  all  communication  was  cut  oft"  from  it,  when  an  order 
was  given  ibr  an  attempt  to  throw  supplies  into  it  by  marching  through  the 
wilderness.  This  fort  stood  upon  a  narrow  tongue  of  land  made  by  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Monongaheia  with  the  Ohio,  and  such  was  the  boldness  of  the 
Indians  that  "  they  had  posted  themselves  under  the  banks  of  both  rivers,  by 
the  very  walls  of  the  fort,  and  continued,  as  it  were,  buried  there,  Irom  day  to 
day,  with  astonishing  patience ;  pouring  in  an  incessant  storm  of  musketiy 
and  fire  arrows ; "  by  which  they  hud  counted  upon  starving  or  burning  out  at 
length  the  beleaguered  garrison. 

Fort  Pitt  was  commanded  by  Capt  Ecuyer,  an  officer  who  did  himself 
much  credit  on  the  occasion,  for  he  had  not  oidy  the  wily  chiefs  of  forty  bands 
of  savages  to  jjrovide  against,  but  the  flood-gates  of  heaven  had  been  opened 
against  him  ;  by  which  the  swollen  rivers  had  nearly  destroyed  the  foundation 
of  his  fortress.  He  Was  200  miles,  by  any  travelled  path;  from  all  settlements, 
and  could  send  no  account  of  his  distressed  condition  beyond  the  walls  of 
the  fort 

Gen.  Amherst  was  acquainted  with  the  fate  of  some  of  the  outposts,  and  he 
had  thrown  succors  into  Detroit ;  but  whetiier  Fort  Pitt  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Indians  or  the  English,  there  was  nothing  beyond  conjecture.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  things  when  he  magnanimously  determiiied  to  send  a  force  to  its 
relief.  He  had  only  the  shattered  remainder  of  the  42d  and  77tli  regiments, 
just  returned  from  the  West  Indies,  that  he  could  spare  for  the  enterprise,  and 
it  was  hazarding  not  a  little  to  attempt  it  with  men  worn  down  with  hard  ser- 
vice and  disease ;  when  those  in  high  spirits  and  sound  health  could  scarcely 
hope  to  pass  Hraddock's  fatal  fields  with  safety. 

The  forces  destined  for  the  expedition  were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Car- 
lisle in  Pennsylvania,  and  Col.  Henry  Bodquet  was  apiminted  to  lead  them. 
Melancholy  forebodings  occupied  the  minds  of  the  frontier  inhabitants ;  a 
great  number  of  plantations  had  been  plundered  and  burnt,  mills  destroyed, 
"and  the  full  ripe  ci'ops  stood  waving  in  the  fields,  ready  for  the  sickle,  but 
the  reapers  were  not  to  be  found."  liut  alwut  500  efJective  men  were  all  that 
the  colonel  could  count  Ujwn,  and  it  was  feared  that  they  would  meet  uith  a 
defeat,  which  would  leave  the  inhabitants  in  a  vastly  worse  condition  than  if 
the  expedition  had  not  been  undertaken.  And  such  was  the  despondency  of 
the  people,  that,  notwithstanding  a  deposit  of  provisions  had  been  ordered  at 
Carlisle  early  in  the  season,  when  Col.  Bouquet  ari'ived  there  in  Jul}-,  he  found 
nothing  had  been  done;  and  instead  of  finding  supplies  for  his  men,  he  fbiuul 
the  wretched  inhabitants  expecting  them  of  him,  and  he  actually  bestowed 
some  upon  them  out  of  his  own  stores.  Yet  in  spite  of  these  discouragements, 
he  was  ready,  in  about  eighteen  days,  to  take  up  his  line  of  march. 

Meanwhile,  Fort  Ligonier,  tiir  advanced  into  the  wilderness,  and  west  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  was  in  the  greatest  danger  of  failing  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  and  all  haste  was  made  by  Col.  Bouquet  to  reach  it  with  the  army 
to  prevent  such  a  catastrophe.  This  was  of  es])ecial  importance,  inasmuch 
as  that  fort  contained  a  large  quantity  of  military  stores,  and  was  in  a  ruinous 
condition,  as  well  as  weakly  garrisoned,  notwithstanding  two  other  small  forts 
had  been  abandoned  to  strengthen  it;  namely,  one  "at  the  crossings  of  the 
Juuiutu,"  and  the  other  at  Stony  Creek. 


Chap.  XV] 


B\TTLE  OF  BUSHY  RUN. 


691 


Not  being  able  to  march  with  the  main  body  as  soon  as  he  deemed  it  neces- 
Bai-y,  Col.  Bouquet  determined  to  send  thirty  men  in  advance  through  the 
woods  to  join  tiie  garrison.  "  For  an  oitject  of  that  imi)ortaiife,  every  risk 
was  to  be  run,"  it  was  said ;  and  they  set  out  on  their  hazardous  journey  with 
email  liopes  from  tlieir  friends.  Contrary  to  what  might  have  been  expected, 
as  well  as  former  experience,  this  little  band  succeeded,  by  ibrccd  marches, 
without  being  discovered  by  the  Indians,  ujitil  they  had  got  within  sight  of  the 
fort,  by  throwing  themselves  into  it ;  and  although  fired  ut>on,  escaped  unin- 
jured. Their  having  been  anticipated,  however,  in  their  benevolent  work, 
detracts  nothing  from  the  honor  of  its  pertbrmance  ;  nor  is  Capt.  Ourry  the 
less  to  be  commended  for  having  encouraged  twenty  volunteers  to  march  from 
Fort  Bedford,  where  he  connnanded,  upon  the  same  ditiicult  service.  These 
few  brave  woodsmen  met  with  a  success  proportionate  to  their  courage. 
"  Here  the  distressed  families,  scattered  for  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  around, 
fled  for  protection,  leaving  most  of  their  effects  a  prey  to  the  savages." 

Fort  Bedford  was  as  clo.-iely  invested  as  Ligonier ;  and  about  this  time  a 
party  of  eighteen  men  were  sur|)rised  in  its  very  neighborhood  and  all  cut  ofj". 
This  happened  but  a  few  days  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Col.  Bouquet  at  that 
place,  which  was  on  the  iJ5  .July,  17(KJ.  Fort  Bedford  was  100  miles  beyond 
tlie  frontier,  and  the  sai.'ie  distance  from  Fort  Pitt. 

As  soon  as  the  Indians  became  acquainted  with  the  march  of  the  English 
army,  they  broke  up  the  si(!jre  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  proceeded  to  waylay  the  route 
tliey  knew  it  must  take.  There  were  many  formidable  leaders  among  them 
at  this  period,  as  Kikyuskung,  the  Wolf,  Delaware  chiefs ;  but  the  most 
savage  and  dreaded  were  Hluiwanese,  whose  names  have  not  reached  us. 
The  colonel  marched  from  Fort  Bedford  on  the  5>H  July,  and  having  to  pass 
several  dangerous  defiles,  he  prudently  determined  to  leave  his  wagons  and 
proceei'  only  with  pack-horses.  Turtle  Creek,  along  which  he  was  to  pass, 
was  commanded  the  whole  way  by  high  and  craggy  hills.  This  place  he 
intended  to  have  passed  on  the  night  of  the  iil*  July,  by  a  forced  march,  thereby, 
if  possible,  to  have  eluded  the  vigilance  of  his  wily  adversary;  but  this  he 
was  not  able  to  effect ;  and  we  will  give,  in  his  own  words,  Col.  Bouquet's 
account  of  the  attack  made  upon  his  men  on  their  march.  His  official  de- 
spatch was  dated  at  Edge  Hill,  twenty-six  miles  from  Fort  Pitt,  5  August,  170^ ; 
and  is  as  follows : — 

"  The  2d  instant  the  troops  and  convoy,  intended  for  Fort  Pitt,  arrived  at 
Ligonier,  where  I  could  obtain  no  intelligence  of  the  enemy;  the  expresses 
sent  since  the  beginning  of  July,  having  been  either  killed,  or  obliged  to 
return,  all  the  passes  being  occupied  by  the  enemy.  On  the  4th,  proceeded 
with  the  troops,  and  about  340  horses  laden  with  floin*.  1  intended  to  have 
halted  to-day  at  Bushy  Run,  a  mile  beyond  this  camp,  and,  after  having 
refreshed  the  men  and  horses,  to  have  mai'chcd  in  the  night  over  Turtle 
Creek,  a  very  dangerous  defile  of  several  miles,  commanded  by  high  and 
craggy  hills ;  but  at  one  o'clock  tliis  afternoon,  after  a  march  of  seventeen  mileH, 
the  savages  suddenly  attacked  our  advanced  guard,  which  was  innnediately 
repulsed  by  the  two  light  infiintry  companies  of  the  42d  regiment,  who  drove 
the  savages  fi-om  their  ambuscade,  and  pursued  them  a  good  way.  They 
immediately  returned  to  the  attack,  and  the  fire  being  obstinate  on  our  front, 
and  extending  along  our  flanks,  we  made  a  general  charge  with  the  whole 
line,  to  dislodge  the  savages  from  the  heights;  in  which  attem|)t  we  suc- 
ceeded, though  without  obtaining  by  it  any  decisive  advantage ;  for  as  soon 
as  they  were  driven  f  roni  one  post,  they  appeared  on  another,  till,  by  continual 
reenfbrceinents,  they  were  at  last  able  to  surround  us,  and  attack  the  convoy 
left  in  our  real".  This  obliged  us  to  march  back  to  protect  it.  The  action  then 
became  general,  and  though  we  were  attacked  on  every  side,  and  the  savages 
exerted  themselves  with  uncommon  resolution,  they  were  constantly  repulsed 
with  loss.  We  also  suttered  considerably :  Capt.  Lieut.  Griiliam  and  Lieut. 
M'Intosh  are  killed,  and  Capt.  Ciraham  wounded.  Of  the  Royal  American 
regiment,  Lieut.  Dow,  who  acted  as  deputy  quartermaster-general,  is  phot 
through  the  body.  Of  the  77th,  Lieut.  Donald  Campix'll,  and  Mr.  Peebles,  a 
volunteer,  are  wouncU'd;  in  all,  above  sixty  are  killed  and  wounded.  The 
action  has  lasted  from  one  o'clock  till  night,  and  we  expect  to  begin  again  at 
daybreak." 


602 


ROUaUET'S  SECOND  EXPEDITION. 


[Cjok  V. 


Thus  rndctl  tlie  first  battle  "near  lliishy  Run," and  both  nrniics  were  deter- 
iiii'icd  (  u  another  tis  soon  us  tliey  coiikl  distiii^nish  triend  ti'oni  foe,  at  the 
earliest  return  of  (hiyh^rlit.  Accordiii<,'ly,  "  in  tlie  inoriiiiig,"  says  Col.  Bou- 
«jnet,  "the  savages  surrounded  our  canij),  at  the  distance  of  about  500  yards, 
and  l)y  shoiitiii'i  and  yelping  quite  round  that  extensive  circuniierencc,  thought 
to  have  terrified  us  with  their  iiund)ers:  they  attacked  us  early,  and  under 
fiivor  of  an  incessant  fire,  made  several  bold  efl()rts  to  penetrate  our  camp ; 
and  though  they  ttiilcd  in  the  atteni|)t,  our  situation  was  not  the  less  perplex- 
ing, liaving  expc^rienced  that  brisk  attacks  had  little  effect  upon  an  enemy  who 
always  gave  way  when  prcEsed,  and  !i])|)earod  again  immediately:  our  troops 
were,  besides,  extremely  fiitigued  with  the  long  march,  and  as  long  action  of 
the  preceiling  day,  and  distressed  to  the  last  degree  by  a  total  want  of  water, 
much  more  intolerable  ihan  the  enemy's  fire." 

Such  was  the  cf.;i>  r.encement  of  the  second  battle  near  Bushy  Run ;  at 
this  stage  of  '  i*"h  many  had  been  killed  and  woundec!,  and  some  had  fallen 
into  the  Ind,  '  'liif  •  Nothing  seemed  to  be  gained,  but  every  thing  wore 
an  unfiivorabli  peel.  Tied  to  their  convoy,  the  vhites  could  neither  iiursue 
the  toe  nor  con:  'd  tiiei.  r  u-ch,  and  many  of  th  !ir  horsee  were  killed,  and 
their  drivers  had  taken  n  i  :  in  the  woods.  A'  length  the  colonel  put  in 
jiractice  a  stratagem,  which  probably  was  the  mly  means  he  could  have 
adopted  to  have  saved  his  army  fiom  a  total  defeat.  lie  saw  that  the  Indians 
iM'came  eveiy  moment  more  and  more  imboldened,  and  to  repulse  them 
efiectcd  nothing,  while  to  him  it  would  soon  amount  to  certain  defeat ;  he 
therefore  made  a  feigned  retreat,  and  so  masterly  was  it  performed,  that  the 
Indians  were  comjiletely  deceived,  and  they  pressed  fbrward  in  u  body  from 
their  coverts  to  gain  the  centre  of  the  circular  encamj)ment,  while  one  ot  the 
wings  of  the  army,  under  Major  Campbell,  seconded  by  Capt.  Basset,  suddenly 
closed  in  ti])on  them  from  a  point  of  the  hill  where  he  could  not  be  observed, 
pouring  in  at  the  same  time  a  tremendoug  fire,  and  then  charging  them  with 
impetuosity.  Many  of  them  were  killed,  and  though  they  returned  the  fire, 
their  ardor  was  damped,  and  victory  was  no  long*  r  doubtful.  The  whole 
army  was  ujion  them  before  they  could  reload,  and  numbers  were  cut  off  by 
a  cross  fire  before  they  could  regain  their  trees. 

The  battle  having  now  closed,  the  army  was  enabled  to  encamp  and  take  a 
little  repose,  of  which  it  was  in  extreme  need.  On  mustering,  it  was  found 
that  115  had  been  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  of  the  regular  troops,  fifty  of 
which  were  of  the  former  number.  Of  the  Indians  they  learned  sixty  were 
killed.  Four  days  after  Col.  Bouquet  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt,  without  any  other 
accident  than  a  few  scattering  shot  fiom  unseen  Indians ;  and  here  he  was 
obliged  to  end  this  campaign,  not  having  suflicicnt  force  to  pursue  the  enemy 
bevond  the  Ohio,  nor  any  juospect  of  a  rcenfbrcement. 

The  next  year  it  was  determined  to  send  out  a  larger  force  imder  the  same 
excellent  coinmander,  which  should  be  able  to  strike  an  eftectual  blow  iipon 
the  Indians  in  their  strong-holds,  or  awe  them  into  submission.  Pennsylva- 
nia was  to  raise  1,000  men ;  Virginia  was  called  upon,  and  200  friendly  Indians 
tendered  their  services.  With  these,  part  of  two  regiments  of  regulars  were 
to  be  joined,  and  the  whole  were  expected  at  Carlisle  ready  to  march  by 
July ;  but  it  was  the  beginning  of  August  before  they  were  ready,  and  then 
no  men  from  Virginia  ai)peared>  and  the  friendly  Indians  never  came.  Vir- 
ginia excused  herself  by  saying  it  liad  already  700  men  in  tlie  field,  and  those 
were  insufficient  to  jjrotect  its  own  frontier. 

Meanwhile,  as  soon  as  the  spring  returned,  the  Indians  fell  anew  upon  the 
back  settlements  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  spread  a  deplorable  "uin 
over  a  great  extent  of  country,  killing  and  carryhig  away  the  inhabitants  with 
their  wonted  barbarity. 

Gen.  Gage  was  now  commander-in-chief  in  the  colonies,  and  he  ordered 
Col.  Bradstrect,  with  a  strong  force,  to  act  in  conjunction  with  Col.  Bouquet, 
by  proceeding  by  way  of  the  lakes,  and  fiilling  upon  the  backs  of  the  Wyan- 
dots,  Ottawas,  and  Mianiies. 

Col.  Boucpict  marched  from  Carlisle  on  the  9  August,  1764,  and  reached 
Fort  Loudon  on  the  Kith.  In  this  march  of  four  days,  desertions  had  become 
alarming  among  the   Pennsylvania  troops,  notwithstanding  they  hud  been 


Chap.  XV] 


BOUQUETS  SECOND  EXPEDITION. 


693 


warned,  both  by  the  commander  and  Gov.  Penn,  of  the  ruin  it  would  create, 
and  the  condign  manner  in  which  it  would  be  punished.  The  latter  geiitio 
man  had  accompanied  Col.  Bouquet  to  Carlisle,  and  there  appiopriati;ly  ad 
dressed  the  troops  before  they  began  their  march.  Nevertheless  the  Pennsyl- 
vania troops  had  decreased  from  1,000  to  700  men,  and  the  colonel  was  obli};i(l 
to  apply  to  the  governor  and  commissioners  to  complete  his  complemcnr. 
And  by  the  exertions  of  Gov.  Fauquier  of  Virginia,  tlie  quota  of  men  from 
.♦iiat  province  were  enabled  to  join  the  expedition  at  Pittsburgh. 

Belbre  leaving  Fort  Loudon,  Col.  Bouquet  received  despatches  from  CoL 
Bradstreet,  acquainting  him  that  he  had  concluded  a  peace  with  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawanese ;  but  Col.  Bouquet  had  no  liiith  in  their  pretensions, 
and  on  communicating  with  Gen.  Gage,  the  treaty  was  rejected  by  him,  and 
offensive  measures  were  not  relaxed. 

As  soon  as  the  army  had  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt,  ten  Indians  were  observed  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  who  signiried  a  desire  for  a  conference.  This  tho 
colonel  looked  upon  as  a  stratagem  made  use  of  by  them  to  get  information 
of  his  strength  and  intentions.  Three  of  the  party  were  induced  to  visit  tlio 
fort ;  and  not  being  able  to  satisfy  the  whites  of  their  good  intentions,  they 
were  held  as  spies,  and  their  associates  fled.  On  the  20  September  the  colo- 
nel sent  one  of  tho  three  out  with  a  message  to  his  cfmtrymen,  informing 
them  that  he  had  heard  of  the  treaty  with  Col.  Bradstn  .  bin  he  had  learned 
too,  that  since  then  they  had  committed  several  murd<.  -^ ;  t  he  was  now 
prepared  to  distress  them  to  the  utmost,  if  they  dii'  not  mediately  stop 
their  depredations,  and  give  assin-ances  of  their  since  ly  b\  leaving  the  path 
open  to  Detroit,  and  safely  returning  the  messengers  he  was  now  to  send  to 
Col.  Bradstreet;  and  if  the  said  messengers  were  detained  or  injured,  he 
would  put  his  hostages  to  death,  and  show  no  mercy  in  "itiu'e  to  any  of  tliem. 
Twenty  days  were  allowed  them  to  perform  the  mission. 

This  talk  had  a  salutary  influence  on  the  mind  ^f  the  chiefs ;  they  had  be- 
come pretty  well  assured  that  Col.  Bouquet  was  ot  to  be  trifled  with,  nor 
caught  asleep ;  and  on  the  1  October,  an  Onondaga  and  one  Oneida  came  to 
Fort  Pitt,  pretending  friendship,  clainjing  to  be  friends  under  the  ancient 
league  between  the  Five  Nations  and  English.  They  offered  him  a  little 
friendly  advice,  as  that  his  force  was  too  small  to  think  of  doing  any  thing 
against  so  numerous  an  enemy  as  were  the  Indians,  and  that  if  he  would  wait 
a  little  they  would  all  come  and  make  peace  with  him ;  and  especially  if  ho 
would  set  at  liberty  those  he  held  as  hostages.  But  Col.  Bouquet  understood 
Indian  talk  quite  as  well  as  they  understood  him,  probably,  when  he  told  them 
he  should  now  proceed  to  Tuscarawas,  and,  if  they  had  any  thing  further  to 
say,  they  might  meet  him  there  ;  but  as  to  delay,  that  was  out  of  the  question. 
And  the  next  day,  October  the  2d,  he  was  reutly  to  take  up  his  line  of  march, 
and  his  entire  force  consisted  of  1,500  men.  Before  leaving,  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  shoot  two  soldiers  for  desertion.  All  the  women,  except  one  to  each 
corps,  and  two  nurses  lor  the  general  hospital,  were  ordered  to  return  to  the 
settlements,  and  every  other  encumbrance  was  avoided  before  taking  up  the 
line  of  march. 

On  the  6th  the  army  reached  Beaver  Creek,  and  here  a  soldier  joined  it, 
who  had  been  taken  near  Fort  Bedford,  and  now  esca|)ed  from  his  captors. 
He  informed  the  colonel  that  the  Indians  had  watched  the  army,  and  were 
surprised  at  its  numbers.  Two  miles  farther  on  was  found  the  skull  of  a 
child  set  upon  a  pole.  On  the  9th  trees  were  seen,  on  the  bark  of  which  were 
many  hieroglyphical  characters  painted,  said  to  have  been  done  by  the  In- 
dians to  denote  their  war  exi)loits.  On  the  13th  the  army  arrived  at  Tusca- 
rawas, and  here  the  colonel  found  the  two  men  who  had  been  sent  to  Col. 
Bradstreet  with  despatches,  before  spoken  of.  They  stated  that  they  had  been 
made  prisoners  by  the  Delawares,  who  carried  them  to  one  of  their  towns.  Hi 
miles  from  Tuscarawas,  where  they  kept  them  until  the  army  reached  here ; 
and  now,  «  making  a  virtue  of  necessity,"  set  them  at  liberty,  and  ordered  them 
to  tell  "  the  great  white  captain "  that  the  head  men  of  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  were  coming  as  soon  as  possible  to  treat  with  him.  On  the  loth 
they  encamped  on  Margaret's  Creek,  and  soon  after  a  deputation  of  six  In- 
dians arrived,  and  informed  Col.  Bouquet  that  the  chiefs  were  in  council  ready 


G94 


DELIVERY  OF  CAPTIVES. 


[Book  V. 


to  treat  with  him,  ahout  eight  miles  otY.  He  returned  answer  that  he  would 
meet  them  the  next  day  ut  a  bower  at  some  distance  tioni  his  own  camp,  and 
in  the  interim  Ibrtified  hia  j»osition,  trusting  nothing  in  their  protestutions  of 
friendship. 

On  the  17  October  the  colonel  marched  to  tiie  bower,  making  the  best  dis- 
play he  could  of  his  best  troops,  and  soon  alter  the  Indians  arrived,  and  were 
as  tbilows:  Kitashuta,  chief  of  the  Senecas,  with  15  warriors;  Custalooa, 
chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe  of  the  Delawares,  and  Beaver,  chief  of  the  Turkey  tribe 
of  the  same  nation,  with  ;20  warriors ;  KEissiNAUTCHTHA.achief  of  the  Shaw- 
anese,  and  ti  warriors.  The  Indian  speakers  were  Kiyasiiuta,  Turtle-heart, 
Custalooa,  and  Beaver.  These  severally  spoke,  but  we  know  not  that  their 
speeches  have  been  preserved ;  but  what  they  said  went  only  to  excuse  iliem- 
selves,  and  cast  the  blame  on  tlieir  young  men,  and  the  Mestern  nations,  over 
whom  they  had  no  control ;  but  "  they  sued  lor  peace  in  the  most  abject  man- 
uer,"  promising  to  deliver  uji  all  their  prisoners  without  delay.  The  colonel 
then  dismissed  them,  and  told  them  he  would  meet  them  again  the  next  day, 
but  owing  to  the  weather  the  meeting  was  deferred  to  the  20th.  He  then  told 
them  their  excuses  amounted  to  nothing ;  recounted  to  them  the  outrages  they 
had  committed,  as  killing  and  captivating  the  traders  sent  among  them  at  their 
own  request ;  attacking  Fort  Pitt,  which  had  been  built  by  their  consent,  mur- 
dering four  men,  who  had  been  sent  to  them  with  messages ;  their  attacking 
his  troops  last  year ;  their  falsifying  their  i)romise  to  Col.  Bradstreet,  of  deliv- 
ering up  their  captives  to  him  by  the  10  of  lust  month,  &c  ;  that  they  might 
rest  assured  that  the  army  would  not  leave  their  country  until  his  terms  were 
cohiplied  with,  and  12  days  were  allowed  them  to  deliver  the  prisoners  in, 
which  was  to  be  done  ot  Wakatamake.  All  persons  were  required, "  English- 
men, Frenchmen,  women  and  children ;  whether  adopted,  married,  or  living 
among  them  under  any  denomination  or  pretence  whatsoever ;  and  to  furnish 
horses,  clothing  and  provisions,  to  carry  them  to  Fort  Pitt."  When  they  had 
fully  con^.plied  with  these  terms,  "  they  were  to  be  inlbrmed  on  what  terms 
they  might  have  peact ." 

It  should  have  been  observed,  that  at  the  first  meeting,  on  the  17th,  the 
Delaware  chiefs  delivered  up  18  white  prisoners,  and  83  small  sticks,  indica- 
ting the  number  still  remaining  in  their  hand:?.  Meanwhile  Col.  Bouquet 
determined  to  march  further  into  their  country,  knowing  that  his  success  in 
getting  jjrisoners  dej)cnded  much  on  the  jjrcscnce  of  his  army  ;  and  on  the  25 
Octol)er  he  arrived  within  a  mile  of  the  Forks  of  Muskingum,  where,  instead 
of  Wakatamake,  the  prisoners  were  to  bo  delivered;  this  position  being 
very  convenient  for  th<^  Indians,  most  of  their  principal  towns  lying  around  it. 
Besides,  it  was  a  position  from  whence  an  efliictual  blow  might  be  struck  at 
any  moment.  Here  convenient  houses  were  built  for  the  reception  of  the 
captives.  On  the  28  October,  Peter,  the  Cuughnawaga  chief,  and  20  otlierH 
of  that  nation,  arrived  from  Sandusky,  bringing  a  letter  Irom  Col.  Bradstreet, 
by  which  it  appeared  he  had  ascended  the  River  Sandusky  as  far  as  he  could 
in  canoes,  but  had  not  effected  any  treaty  or  received  any  prisoners,  and  was 
about  to  leave  that  part  of  the  country. 

By  the  J)  November,  there  were  delivered  to  Col.  Bouquet  206  captives,  of 
which  90  were  Virginians,  and  IIG  belonged  to  Pennsylvania:  among  them 
there  were  125  women  and  children.  There  yet  remained  with  the  Shawa- 
nese  about  100  more,  which,  from  their  scattered  condition,  could  not  be  had, 
but  hostages  were  ttiken  for  their  safe  delivei-y  the  next  spring.  The  separa- 
ting of  these  captives  from  the  Indians,  and  their  meeting  with  tlieir  friends 
and  relatives,  (many  of  whom  were  present,)  was  a  scene  past  description; 
children  brought  up  among  the  Indians  clung  to  their  adopted  mothers,  and 
the  mothers  to  them,  flying  with  tear  from  tlieir  own  ])arents.  The  Indian 
has  by  many  been  denied  that  paternal  affection  so  common  to  humanity ; 
but  had  such  witnessed  this  scene,  their  opinions  would  have  changed.  Some 
would  not  be  separated  liom  tlieir  white  captives,  and  even  followed  the  army 
in  its  march  to  Philadelj)hia.  Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  brilliant  Indian 
expeditions  upon  record;  not  brilliant  by  reason  of  sanguinary  battles,  but 
from  far  more  glorious  deeds  of  hmnanity. 

That  the  Indians  were  completely  humbled  by  the  firm  and  resolute  con- 


Chap.  XV.j 


DOUQUET'S  LAST  CONFERENCE. 


605 


duct  of  Col.  Bouquet,  lias  been  remarked ;  but  we  cannot,  with  juHtice  to  the 
subject,  submit  it,  without  letting  the  chiefs  be  liiily  heard.  Notwithxlanding 
the  rihawaueHU  had,  by  their  deputy,  antsented  to  the  denumda  of  the  colonel, 
as  far  as  they  could  under  present  circumstances,  they  were  considered  "  istill 
out  in  rebellion,"  and  remained  to  be  treated  with.  They  had  shown  "a  dil- 
atoriness  and  sullen  haughtiness  in  all  their  contiuct,  which  rendered  it  very 
suspicious."  Accordingly,  a  separate  conference  was  had  with  them  on  the 
li  November,  when  there  appeared  the  chiefs,  Kkissinadtchtiia  and  \im- 
WHA,  with  the  Ked  Hawk,  Lavissimo,  Be.-osivasica,  Eweccunwee,  Keio- 
LEiuHt^UE,  and  40  warriors.  There  were  also  present,  the  Caughnawaga, 
Seneca,  and  Delaware  chiefs.  Red  Hawk  was  chief  sjieaker  of  tlie  yiiawa- 
uese,  atui  he  thus  addressed  the  Hnglish : — 

"lirolher,  listen  to  us,  your  younger  brothers.  As  we  see  something  in 
your  eyes  that  looks  dissatistiiction,  we  now  clear  them.  You  have  credited 
bad  stories  against  us.  We  clean  your  ears,  that  you  may  hear  better  here- 
aller.  We  wish  to  remove  every  thing  bad  from  your  heart,  that  you  nuiy  be 
as  good  as  your  ancestors.  L4  belt.]  We  saw  you  coming  with  an  uplifted 
tomahawk  in  your  hand.  We  now  take  it  from  you,  and  throw  it  up  to  God 
Let  him  do  with  it  as  he  pleases.  We  hope  never  to  see  it  mort;.  Brother, 
as  you  are  a  warrior,  take  hold  of  this  chain  [hmulinf^  a  belt]  of  triendship,  and 
let  us  think  no  more  of  war,  iii  pity  of  our  old  men,  women,  and  children. 
We,  t(JO,  are  warriors." 

The  remarkable  figure  made  use  of  in  this  speech,  of  throwing  the  hatchet  up 
to  God,  is  new;  and  it  was  remarked  by  Thomas  Hutchins,  who  heard  it, that 
by  it  the  speaker  wished  probably  to  be  understood  that,  by  this  disposition 
of  it,  it  would  be  out  of  the  reach  of  bad  men,  and  would  be  given  only  to  the 
party  in  future,  to  whom  the  r'^ht  of  revenge  belonged;  whereas  if  it  were 
buried  in  the  ground,  any  misci  jant  might  dig  it  up. 

The  English  did  not  nmch  like  the  talk  of  Red  Hawk  ;  they  saw  no  sup- 
plication, but  a  manly  independence,  which  they  ought  to  have  admired,  rather 
than  reprobated.  That  the  Indians,  especially  the  Shawanese,  did  not  ac- 
knowledge themselves  entirely  in  the  wrong,  is  evident  from  their  producing 
at  this  time,  through  their  speaker,  the  treaty  made  with  Pennsylvania  in  1701, 
and  tlu-ee  messages  or  letters  from  that  government,  of  different  dates,  by  which 
they  undoubtedly  intended  to  show  that  the  English  had  been  guilty  of  bar- 
barities as  well  as  the  Lidians.  However,  Red  Hawk  promised,  on  behalf  of 
his  nation,  that  all  the  prisoners  should  be  delivered  up  at  Fort  Pitt  the  next 
spring. 

Col,  Bouquet  finding  no  more  prisoners  could  be  obtained,  owing,  as  has 
been  stated,  to  their  being  scattered  with  their  masters  upon  veiy  distant  hunt- 
ing grounds,  gave  up  his  campaign,  aiid  returned  to  Philadel|>liia,  where  he 
arrived  in  the  beginning  of  January,  1765.  Before  leaving  "  these  remote 
parts,"  however,  the  colonel  gave  the  Lidians  a  talk,  in  which  he  observed, 
that  what  the  Shawanese  had  said  would  have  been  agreeable  to  him,  jirovi- 
ded  their  acts  had  corresponded  with  it.  He  reminded  them  that  they  had 
promised,  at  Tuscarawas,  a  month  before,  that  all  the  prisoners  should  be 
delivered  to  him  at  his  jjresent  encainpment  in  10  days,  and  demanded  what 
right  they  had  to  expect  better  terms  than  the  Delawares  and  others,  who 
had,  without  delay,  brought  in  their  captives.  This  was  rather  unreasonable 
on  the  part  of  the  colonel,  inasmuch  as  he  was  well  aware  that  he  was  press- 
ing an  impossibility.  "  But,"  he  says,  "I  will  cut  this  matter  short  with  you  ; 
and  before  I  explain  myself  further,  I  insist  on  your  immediate  iinswer  to  the 
following  questions :  1st.  Will  you  collect  and  deliver  up  all  the  prisoners, 
taken  in  this  or  former  wars,  whether  French,  English,  or  negroes,  and  with- 
out any  exception  or  evasion  whatsoever?  2d.  Will  you  deliver  G  hostages 
into  my  hands  as  security  for  the  performance  of  your  promise,  and  as  a 
guaranty  that  your  people  shall  commit  no  more  hostilities  on  his  majesty's 
Bubjects?" 

Bensivastca  said  the  Shawanese  would  comply,  excepting  as  regarded  the 
French  ;  but  over  them  they  had  no  control,  and  the  English  might  do  with 
them  as  they  pleased ;  but  he  believed  they  had  nearly  all  returned  to  their 
own  cf/untry.    And  here  it  will  be  proper  to  remark  that  the  captives  were 


(m 


RED  HAWK-CAPT.  PIPE. 


[Booi  V 


delivered  at  Fort  Pitt  agrecnblc  to  this  tivnty.  Aller  the  liOHtagcs  were  deliv- 
ered, Col.  l{oii(|tiet  roinurked  to  tlii-in,  "that  tiic)ii){ii  he  hud  hrou|j;ht  the  toiii- 
ahuwk  in  \m  hutid,  yet  an  tiiey  had  now  stdtrnitted,  he  would  not  let  it  fall  on 
their  headt),  but  let  it  <lrop  to  tiie  ground,"  and  exhorted  them  to  be  kind  to 
the  priHoners,  and  Miid  lie  should  uend  along  with  them  Honic  of  the  Iriendn 
of  the  euptiveH,  to  aid  in  the  collection  of  them.  At  the  Hanie  time  the  chietk 
of  the  other  tribes  preHent,  severally  addrewcd  the  yiiawuiie  chiefs,  whom 
they  called  grandchildren  and  nephews,  and  urged  them  "  to  pertbrm  their 
promises,  and  be  strong  in  doing  good,  thiit  this  peace  might  be  everlasting." 
These  transactions  occurred  on  the  12  Novendier,  17t)4. 

In  the  narration  of  the  delivery  of  captives  on  the  !)  of  the  same  month,  the 
relation  of  a  captive  was  passed  over,  which  shall  here  be  given.  A  Mr. 
8mullman,  who  had  been  a  major  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  and  had  been  made 

Ijrisoner  in  the  summer  of  17(>1,  near  Detroit,  by  the  VVyundots,  who  delivered 
dm  to  the  Shawanese,  was  among  those  surrendered  at  that  time.  He  provi.d 
of  great  service  to  the  whites,  as  well  as  Indians,  on  this  occasion,  by  bi'lng 
able  to  confirm  nnich  of  the  iidbrmation  given  by  the  latter.  He  told  Col. 
Bouquet  that  all  the  Indians  who  had  heard  of  his  diMiuuid  had  come  on  im- 
mediately with  their  captives.  It  hud  been  reported  among  the  Shawanesu 
that  the  object  of  the  English  was  to  put  them  all  to  death.  As  soon  as  this 
news  came  to  be  circulated  among  them,  they  began  to  prepare  to  kill  all  the 
captives;  and  a  French  trader  among  them,  who  had  many  barrels  of  powder 
and  bull,  ottered  it  all  to  them  to  go  out  and  fight  the  English  army.  AVhen 
they  were  about  to  commence  murdering  the  prisoners,  the  message  from  the 
colonel  was  received,  stating  that  he  only  wanted  the  captives  and  to  make 
peace  with  them,  and  thus  a  horrid  tragedy  was  prevented.  Soon  alter, 
when  many  prisoners  had  been  collected,  and  murclied  as  liir  as  VVakauta- 
mikie,  news  came  that  a  soldier  had  been  killed  near  the  camp  of  the  army 
at  Muskingum.  This  the  Indians  thought  would  blast  all  their  hopes  of 
mercy,  and  they  again  resolved  to  put  the  captives  to  death  ;  and  when  tliey 
had  even  got  them  into  a  small  compass  lor  that  purpose,  another  express 
arrived  from  Col.  Uoucpjet,  which  assured  them  that  he  liad  no  suspicion  that 
they  bud  any  knowledge  of  the  murder,  and  thus  a  second  calamity  was 
happily  averted. 

Several  eminent  chiefs,  it  will  tiave  been  perceived,  make  their  appearance 
in  this  part  of  our  work,  and  to  the'n  we  can  add  the  name  of  IIopocan,  or 
Capt.  Pipe.  He  was  one  of  the  two  Indians  whom  we  iiave  mentioned  as 
having  been  detained  as  sjiies  at  Fort  Pitt ;  the  name  of  the  other  was  Capt 
John.  These  were  set  at  liberty  when  the  20(i  captives  were  given  uj).  Of 
the  melancholy  and  barbarous  murder  of  Red  Hawk,  notice  has  been  taken. 

The  causes  of  this  war  were  well  known  in  England,  and  the  compluints 
of  the  Indiuns  were  acknowledged  "  to  have  been  too  well  founded."  They 
had  long  watched  the  progress  of  settlements  upon  the  Siisquehannah,  and 
the  building  of  forts  in  their  country,  against  treaty  stipulations.  They  had 
not  only  submitted  to  this,  but  to  treatment  the  most  insolent.  They  resolved, 
in  the  spring  of  17(k3,  to  drive  backvthcir  oppressors;  not,  however,  without 
first  remonstrating  in  respectful  terms  to  the  English,  in  one  of  their  capitals, 
through  a  deputation  of  their  chiefs.  Here  they  declared  that  whatever  deeds 
might  be  produced  by  one  J.  II.  Lydius  of  Albany,  or  others,  i)retending  to 
claim  lands  upon  the  Sus(iuehunnah,  they  were  utterly  false,  and  would  not 
be  allowed ;  and  that  they  would  defend  them  to  the  last  extremity.  The 
result  we  have  seen. 

Thus  we  have  traced  the  events  of  Pontiak's  war  to  its  close  —  a  glorious 
termination,  inasmuch  as  it  was  a  bloodless  one.  Many  years  of  comparative 
peace  ensued ;  indeed  the  troubles  with  the  Indians  were  not  very  serious 
for  tlie  next  ten  years.  Cresajj's  war  was  the  next,  which  terminated  in  the 
sanguinary  battle  of  Point  Pleasant.  Then  succeeded  the  calamities  of  the 
Revolution,  from  which  the  Lidians  never  recovered. 


i 


m 


APPENDIX. 


I 


EXISTING  CONDITION  OF  THE  EXPATRIATED  INDIAN  TRIBES,  1859. 


\t\ 


The  Indian  tribes  west  of  the  Mississippi  occupy  the  territory  bounded  by 
the  lied  river  and  the  Ne"i>rnsl{a,  between  the  34tli  and  40th  decrees  of  north 
latitude,  and  the  94th  and  100th  dej^rees  of  west  longitude.  The  Cherokees 
hold  15,0()(M>00  acres  on  the  north  bank  of  the  main  channel  of  the  Arkansas 
river,  and  iin  adjoining  tract  of  300,000  acres;  the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws 
own  jointly  15,000,000  acres ;  and  the  Creeks  and  Seminoles  13,140,000  acres. 
Adjacent,  on  the  east,  are  tlie  Quappas,  possessing  90,000  acres  of  land ;  the 
Senecas,  owning  67,000  acres  ;  and  the  mixed  Senecas,  holding  100,000  acres. 
The  latest  census  returns  present  an  aggregate  population  of  97,057,  exclusive 
of  the  indigenous  tribes  within  the  same  area  of  territory,  which  number 
7,355  persons ;  but,  as  these  returns  are  not  of  recent  date,  and  as  the  tribes 
have,  meanwhile,  been  increasing  and  prospering,  the  gross  population  of  the 
four  most  important  tribes,  the  Choctaws,  Cherokees,  Chickasaws,  and  Creeks, 
with  the  affiliated  Seminoles,  may  now  be  estimated  to  exceed  100,000  souls. 
Mr.  Schoolcraft,  who  explored  this  territory  in  1819,  thus  narrates  its  peculiar 
characteristics  and  advantages : 

"Geologically  viewed,  its  surface  consists  of  a  drift  deposit  of  sand,  loam, 
clay,  marl,  and  coimninutcd  gravel,  arising  from  the  broken  down  silurian 
series,  n  which  tlie  leading  strata  of  sandstone,  limestore,  and  slate,  are  the 
paren;  elements.  Over  this,  deposits  of  leaves,  of  the  decayed  forma  of 
organic  life,  and  of  carbonaceous  matter  from  the  forests,  have  fnrnied  a  rich 
mouid,  making  the  soil  mellow  and  easy  to  cultivate.  Much  of  it  is  level,  or 
lying  in  gentle  slopes,  unencumbered  with  a  heavy  furest,  difficult  to  be 
removed  by  the  axe.  It  is,  nevertheless,  well  watered,  and  there  is  a  full 
Bupply  of  timber  for  building  fences,  and  for  firewood. 

"Among  the  advantages  of  the  country  may  be  mentioned  the  saline  forma- 
tion. Salt  springs  exist  in  many  localities,  and  this  geological  trait  is  attended 
with  the  usual  accompaniment  of  this  formation,  namely  gypsum  and  coal. 
The  discovery  of  efflorescent  bodies  of  salt  on  the  prairies,  originated  the  onco 
prevalent  opinion  that  masses  of  rock-salt  were  deposited  beneath  the  soil. 
Through  these  beds,  which  lie  on  gently  sloping  hills  and  in  valleys,  the  Red 
river,  the  Washitaw,  the  Arkansas,  and  the  Kanzas,  flow  out  of,  or  from  the 
direction  of,  the  Rocky  mountains,  and,  with  their  numerous  affiuents,  water 
the  entire  country ;  the  Missouri  washes  its  borders  for  several  hundred 
miles ;  the  Red  river  bounds  its  southern  line  to  the  distance  of  six  degrees 
of  longitude ;  and  the  States  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas  lie  between  its  eastern 
limits  and  the  Mississippi. 

"  Geographically,  this  great  tract  of  arable  land  is  bounded  by  the  Ozark 
liills,  or  mountains,  a  very  broad  midland  range,  resting  on  azoic  rocks,  ex- 
tending from  the  Ilot  Springs  of  Arkansas,  to  the  head  waters  of  the  River 
St.  Francis,  of  Missouri.  At  both  terminal  points  there  arises  a  series  of 
these  rocks  ;  that  at  the  south,  consisting  of  slate,  schist,  and  quartz  ;  and  at 
the  north,  of  granite,  sienite,  trap,  and  porphyry.  Superimposed  upon  these, 
and  frequently  concealed  altogether  for  a  considerable  distance,  are  the 
characteristic  sandstone  and  limestone  formations  of  the  region.  Througl 
these  the  Red  river,  Washitaw,  Arkansas,  Wiiite  river,  and  St.  Francis,  pursu 
their  way  to  the  Mississippi,  producing  rapids,  but  no  striking  falls.  Cou- 
59  ('''•'") 


698 


THE   EXPATRIATED  TRIBES, 


neetcd  with  this  central  upheaval  of  the  old  rocky  strata,  are  developmenta 
of  mineral  wealth. 

"Of  the  climatic  phenomena  of  the  Indian  territories,  thus  bounded,  we 
cannot  epeak  from  instrumental  observations.  It  may  suffice  to  obsorve  that 
travellers,  official  ap;ents,  and  missionary  teachers,  all  concur  in  describing 
the  climate  as  mild,  genial,  and  ftworable  to  the  growth  of  all  the  varieties 
of  cereals  and  esculents.  The  cotton  plant  thrives,  and  is  cultivated  in  the 
southern  portion.  Wheat  and  Indian  corn  are  its  staples ;  and  grazing  is 
nowhere  more  profitably  pursued.  Its  water-power  is  sufficient  for  tlie  pur- 
poses of  mills  and  manufactories." 

The  industrial  condition  and  resources,  the  governmental  polity  and  moral 
status  of  the  four  principal  tribes  cannot  be  better  exhibited  to  the  reader, 
than  as  set  forth  in  the  language  of  Mr.  Armstrong,  the  western  superintend- 
ent of  Indian  afiPairs.  We  will  quote  from  his  report  to  the  government  in 
detail: 

Chocfaws  and  Chicica sates.  —  The  Indians  of  the  former  tribe  have  long 
since  justly  acquired  for  themselves,  not  only  from  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  but  from  the  citizens  with  whom  they  have  intercourse,  a  name 
for  honesty  and  fidelity,  at  least  not  surpassed  by  any  of  our  Indian  tribes. 
They  have,  by  a  steady  attention  to  their  own  business,  since  they  emigrated 
to  their  present  homes,  greatly  increased  in  wealth;  they  have  not  been  un- 
mindful, at  the  same  time,  of  educating  the  rising  generation  and  they  have, 
by  these  means,  added  to  the  general  intelligence  and  standing  of  the  nation. 
This  favorable  change  is  indicated  more  clearly  on  lied  river  than  with  that 
portion  of  the  nation  on  the  Arkansas ;  and  the  wealth  as  well  as  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  nation  are  confined  mainly  to  the  two  districts  on  Red  river. 

The  Choctaws  may  be  considered  as  an  agricultural  and  stock-raising 
people — farms  on  Red  river  will  compare  with  any  in  the  States.  They  have 
great  advantages  over  other  tribes,  as  a  portion  of  their  country  is  located  in 
the  cotton  region.  The  past  year  they  cultivated  this  valuable  staple  to  a 
considerable  extent;  they  have  eight  or  ten  cotton  gins,  and  shipped  between 
700  and  800  bales  of  cotton.  Many  of  tlie  Choctaws  live  in  comfortable 
houses,  and,  with  very  few  exceptions,  even  the  poorer  class  have  good,  sub- 
stantial log  cabins.  They  own  large  stocks  of  horses,  cattle,  hogs,  and  sheep, 
which  constitute  the  wealth  of  those  v,ho  may  be  termed  the  poorer  class.  It 
ii  rare  indeed  to  find  a  family  that  has  not  a  good  supply  of  stock  ;  and  the 
richer  class,  in  addition  to  stock,  own,  many  of  them,  a  number  of  slaves, 
who  are  engaged  generally  in  cultivating  cotton.  The  manufacture  of  salt 
is  carried  on  at  two  points  in  the  Choctaw  nation.  The  works  owned  by  Col. 
David  Folsom,  a  Choctaw  of  respectability  and  energy,  are  perhaps  the  most 
extensive;  about  twenty  bushels  a  day  are  manufactured  —  a  supply  equal  to 
the  demand,  which  no  doubt  will  be  increased  as  the  article  is  wanted. 

The  Choctaws  have  mechanics  in  the  nation,  in  addition  to  those  furnished 
by  the  United  States.  These  consist  of  four  blacksmiths,  two  of  whom  are 
native  Choctaws,  and  all  thc'  strikers  or  assistants  are  youths  selected  from 
the  iiation.  There  i".  also  a  millwright,  who  has  l.con  engaged  in  erecting 
mills  for  the  Ch' ..taws.  Trade  is  carried  on  at  suitable  and  convenient  places 
in  the  nation.  The  most  ertensive  trading  is  at  Doaksville,  within  a  mile  of 
Fort  Towson.  There  .ire  five  stores  at  this  place,  three  of  which  are  owned, 
in  part,  by  Choctaws ;  the  other  two  are  excli>sively  owned  by  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  The  stocks  of  goods  arc  Ji'.rge,  and  the  assortments  such  as 
are  usual  in  stores  —  sugar  and  coffee  being  used  by  all  classes  in  the  nation, 
to  an  extent  at  least  equal  to  the  whites.  It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to 
Ktato,  that  the  village  of  Doaksville  is  one  of  the  most  orderly  ai.d  quiet  towns 
that  may  be  found  in  the  West.  In  addition  to  the  five  stores,  there  are  a 
resident  physician,  a  gooa  tavern,  blacksmith's  shop,  wagon-maker,  and 
wheelwright ;  a  church  has  also  been  erected,  in  which  there  is  preaching 
usually  once  or  twice  every  Sabbath,  by  the  missionaries  who  reside  in  the 
neighborhood  :  a  temperance  society  is  also  organized,  which  numbers  a  large 
portion  of  the  most  respectable  Choctaws  and  Ch'  kasaws,  as  well  as  our  own 
population.  I  have  been  at  this  village  a  week  at  a  time,  without  seeing 
anything  like  ardent  spirits  or  a  drunken  Indian. 


THE   CHICKASAWS. 


699 


The  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws,  to  a  great  extent,  may  be  reprardod  as  one 
people ;  they  speak  the  same  lanjruaire,  and  intormarrieil  with  each  other, 
even  before  the  emigration  of  the  Chiekasaws.  By  an  arrangement  liotween 
the  tribes,  the  Chiekasaws  obtained  what  is  now  called  the  Chickasaw  district 
of  the  Clioctaw  nation,  making  a  fourth  district,  entitling  them  to  an  equal 
representation  in  *ije  general  council,  which  passes  all  laws  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  people.  They  enjoy  equal  privileges,  according  to  the  treaty,  to 
settle  in  whatever  district  they  may  choose,  and  each  to  vote  and  be  eligible 
to  pny  office  within  the  gift  of  the  people.  The  only  difference  is,  that  each 
tribe  manages  its  own  annuities  or  public  moneys  without  any  interference 
from  the  other.  The  country  owned  by  the  Choctaws,  according  to  the  treaty 
and  the  patent  received  from  the  department,  commences  near  Fort  Smith, 
running  up  the  Arkansas  to  the  mouth  of  the  Canadian,  up  the  same  to  the 
limits  of  the  United  States,  and  with  those  limits  to  Red  river,  down  the  same 
to  where  a  due  south  line,  fro.ii  the  beginning  near  Fort  Smith,  will  strike 
the  Red  river,  which  is  the  dividing  line  between  the  State  of  Arkansas  and 
the  Choctaws.    The  line  from  the  Canadian  to  the  Red  river  has  not  been  run. 

The  Choctaws  are  governed  by  written  laws  and  a  constitution  ;  elections 
are  held  annually  for  members  to  the  general  council.  The  nation  is  divided 
into  four  districts  (one  being  the  Chickasaw).  Each  district  elects,  by  the 
qualified  voters,  a  c'  ief,  who  hok'.s  his  office  for  four  years,  and  is  elijriWlo  for 
two  terms.  These  chiefs  receive  a  salary  from  the  United  States  of  §'2')0  each, 
per  annum,  by  treaty  stipulation.  The  general  council,  consisting  (A  forty 
in.  ^ere,  convenes  on  the  first  Monday  in  October ;  a  speaker  and  a  clerk  is 
el<  r  ed  ,  the  speaker  is  addressed  as  is  customary  in  legislative  bodies,  and 
the  lole  business  of  the  council  is  conducted  with  the  utmost  decorum. 
Each  chief  delivers  a  message  in  person  to  the  council,  recommending  such 
laws  as  he  may  deem  conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  people,  and  ns  there  is 
but  one  representative  body,  all  laws  that  are  passed  by  the  council  are  sub- 
mitted to  the  chiefs ;  if  approved,  the  same  become  laws ;  if  not,  tlio  bills  are 
returned  to  the  council,  and  if  passed  by  two-thirds,  become  laws.  The 
council-house,  a  large  and  commodious  building,  with  conimittoc-roonis, 
and  also  seats  for  spectators,  was  erected  under  the  treaty  stipuliitions. 
Much  interest  is  manifested  by  the  people  in  electing  councillors,  and  also 
when  they  meet  together ;  they  usually  remain  in  session  from  ten  to  liftcen 
days,  and  receive  a  per-diem  pay  of  $2.  Judges  are  nominated  by  the  chief  of 
the  district,  and  receive  a  small  compensation  ;  and  trial  by  jury  is  guurantood 
in  all  capital  offenccE  ;  but  there  is  no  law  enforcing  the  collection  of  debts. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Choctaws  have  materially  bettered  their  condition 
by  an  exchange  of  country ;  are  fast  approximating  to  our  own  laws 
and  institutions ;  and  feel  a  deep  interest  in  the  success  and  prosperity  of 
our  own  people,  as  well  as  the  perpetuity  of  our  Government.  Tliey  have 
school  funds  sufficient  to  educate  a  large  portion  of  the  people,  beside  annu- 
ities from  the  United  States,  and  also  an  investment  of  $oOO,l)OU,  at  five  per 
cent.,  in  bonds  of  the  State  of  Alabama,  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people. 
They  have  also  other  sources  of  wealth.  Their  laws  are  generally  respected, 
and  when  violated,  puni'^hment  is  inflicted.  It  is  very  rare  that  acts  of 
violence  take  place  between  themselves ;  every  individual  feels  safe  in  his  own 
property  ;  and  travellers  pass  through  the  nation  with  as  much  safety  as  they 
do  in  any  country. 

The  Chiekasaws  number  about  5000.  They  have  settled  promiscuously 
among  the  Choctaws  ;  lately  they  are  beginning  to  move  up  to  the  district 
assigned  them,  which  they  did  not  do  at  first,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions and  the  exfiosed  situation  of  the  frontier.  The  Chiekasaws  have 
obtainiHl  greater  pecuniary  alvantages  by  the  exchange  of  their  country  than 
tiny  of  the  tribes.  Their  lands  were  surveyed  and  sold  at  a  time  when  specu- 
lation was  at  its  highest,  and  when  the  most  enormous  prices  wore  paid. 
The  funds  thus  arising  were  invested  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation,  after  each 
hi'ad  of  a  fatnily  had  obtained  a  reservation.  Some  profited  by  receiving 
large  amounts;  but  in  most  cases,  the  money  having  been  easily  ()btained, 
was  *is  freely  spent.  It  is,  however,  the  home  the  Chiekasaws  obtained  from 
the  Choctaws   that  compensates   them.    They  are  now  fairly  settled  in  a 


f 


700 


THE  EXPATRIATED  TRIBES. 


country  at  least  ns  fertile  as  the  one  they  left,  and  removed,  to  a  great  extent, 
from  the  evils  that  were  fast  destroying  them  as  a  people.  They  unite  with 
the  Choctaws  in  forming  the  fourth  district,  and  come  into  the  general  council 
of  the  nation  with  a  representation  corresponding  to  their  population.  The 
Chickaeaws  have  ample  national  funds  to  extend  the  mechanic  arts,  as  well 
as  education,  among  their  people.  Some  of  the  more  wealthy  are  planting 
cotton,  and,  with  few  exceptions,  the  people  are  getting  around  them  small 
stocks  of  horses,  cattle,  and  hogs,  which,  with  care  and  attention,  in  a  country 
BO  well  adapted  to  stock-raising,  will  soon  greatly  increase. 

C/ierokees.  —  This  people  combine  more  intelligence  than  any  of  .he  tribes. 
They  have  intermarried  more  with  the  whites,  have  had  the  advantages  of 
education,  and,  by  their  location,  have  had  an  opportunity  of  observing 
more  immediately  the  customs  and  manners  of  a  civilized  people  than  any 
other  of  the  Indian  tribes.  There  are  many  intelligent  and  well-educated 
Cherokees. 

The  nation  consists  of  about  18,000  souls,  spread  over  an  extent  of  country 
sixty  miles  square,  comprising  several  varieties  of  soil.  Estimating  one 
warrior  to  every  five  souls,  would  give  3000.  They  are  improving  in  intel- 
lectual condition ;  have  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  departments;  an 
organized  government;  a  principal  and  assistant  chief,  elective  every  four 
years  ;  a  council  and  committee,  organized  somewhat  upon  the  principle  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  and  Senate  of  the  United  States  —  the  former 
consisting  of  twenty-four  members,  and  the  latter  of  sixteen,  elective  every 
two  years.  They  sit  annually,  and  are  usually  in  session  from  three  to  four 
weeks.  The  judiciary  is  composed  of  a  supreme  bench,  a  circuit  court,  and  a 
district  court;  the  first  consisting  of  live  members,  the  second  of  four,  and 
the  latter  of  eight.  They  have  written  law?,  and  a  criminal  code.  The  circuit 
court  sits  spring  and  fall ;  the  supreme  court  once  a  year ;  the  district  court 
whenever  an  emergency  arises.  They  have  juries,  and  hear  pleadings.  The 
judges  of  the  circuit  and  district  benciies  are  appointed  more  for  their  probity 
and  personal  worth  than  on  account  of  their  legal  attainments,  and  will  com- 
pare, in  point  of  moral  worth,  with  any  similar  body  in  tlie  United  States. 
They  are  rigid  in  the  execution  of  their  laws ;  generally  impartial  in  the 
administration  of  justice,  as  yet  necessarily  in  a  rude  state.  As  many  as  four 
executions  have  taken  place  in  one  year.  The  people  are  very  tenacious  of 
the  management  and  regulation  of  their  internal  affairs. 

There  are  about  2000  professors  of  the  Christian  religion,  consisting  of 
Baptisto,  Methodists,  and  Presbyterians:  the  former,  comprising  much  the 
largest  class,  may  be  considered  the  first  both  for  intelligence  and  general 
integrity.  The  greater  part  of  the  Cherokee  people  are  half-breeds,  or 
what  are  known  to  be  the  middle  class,  who  are  ardent  and  enterprising,  and 
passionately  fond  of  gaming.  When  not  under  the  influence  of  ardent  spirits, 
they  are  hospitable  and  well  disposed  ;  but,  when  under  such  influence,  their 
worst  passions  seem  to  be  roused.  They  have  a  school  fund  of  their  own, 
which  they  are  wisely  appropriating  to  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  throughout 
the  nation,  by  appointing  trustees  to  superintend  the  disbursements. 

The  Cherckees  are  not  naturally  disposed  to  labor;  but  there  is  a  manifest 
change  in  this  particular,  both  from  necessity  and  inclination,  and  they  are 
now  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  Their  country  is  well  watered,  and 
supplies  abundantly  all  the  products  known  to  that  latitude,  such  as  corn, 
wheat,  rye,  oats,  tobacco,  and  hemp.  Within  the  limits  of  the  nation,  there 
are  two  abundant  and  valuable  salt  springs ;  one  of  them  is  leased  to  a 
Cherokee  for  an  inconsiderable  sum,  but  is  not  worked  to  much  advantage, 
either  to  the  proprietor  or  the  nation.  Stone  coal  of  the  finest  quality  abounds 
in  two  adjacent  sections. 

The  Cherokees  have  received  from  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
large  sums  of  money  ;  some  have  profited  by  tiie  money  received,  while  others 
have  lavished  theirs  away,  leaving  only  a  desire  to  be  supplied,  without  any 
disposition  to  do  so  by  their  own  labor.  Their  countr;^  is  well  adapted  to 
raising  corn,  wheat,  oats,  &c.,  with  the  usual  varieties  of  garden  vegetables, 
and  farms,  as  well  as  neat  houses,  are  found  in  many  parts  of  the  nation, 
exhibiting  signs  of  wealth  and  intelligence  unusual  io  au  Indian  couutry.   A 


THE  CREEKS  — SEMINOLES. 


701 


larfl;e  portion  of  the  country  is  well  watered,  is  generally  divided  into  wood- 
land and  prairie,  and  the  lands  are  rich  and  very  productive.  Large  atocka 
of  cattle,  hrrses,  hogs,  and  sheep,  are  owned  by  the  natives,  and  many  have 
also  paid  attention  to  planting  orchards,  which  are  very  unusual  in  an  Indian 
country.  Salt  water  is  found  in  great  abundance,  and  the  Grand  Saline,  if 
judiciously  managed,  is  capable  of  supplying  a  large  portion  of  our  own 
population  with  salt.  Stone  coal  is  to  be  found  in  several  places,  and  if  the 
country  was  examined,  it  would,  no  doubt,  exhibit  great  resources  of  wealth 
in  minerals  and  salt  water. 

They  are  furnished  by  the  United  States  with  four  blacksmiths  and  assist- 
ants, iron,  and  steel ;  also,  a  wheelwright  and  wagon-maker  ;  independent  of 
whom  they  have  mechanics  of  different  kinds  in  the  nation.  They  also  hold 
a  large  fund  for  educational  purposes,  placed  by  treaty  under  the  control  of 
the  national  council,  which,  if  properly  applied,  will  go  far  to  educate  a  large 
portion  of  the  people.  They  are  governed  by  a  constitution  and  laws  adopted 
and  passed  by  the  people.  Debts  are  collected  in  the  usual  way,  by  issuing 
executions ;  letters  of  administration  are  also  granted  on  estates  of  deceased 
persons  in  the  nation ;  and,  indeed,  all  the  firms  and  regulations  are  ob- 
served, usually  in  use  in  the  States.  In  government  the  Clierokecs  are  in 
advance  of  any  of  their  red  brethren. 

Creeks. — These  are  more  numerous  than  any  of  the  tribes,  numbering  at  least 
20,000.  The  census  of  the  nation  has  not  been  taken  since  the  emigration, 
the  annuity  not  being  paid  to  the  heads  of  families.  As  a  people,  they  have 
less  education  at.d  intelligence  than  either  the  Choctaws  or  Ciierokees;  but 
lately  they  have  given  better  evidences  of  a  disposition  to  encourage  education 
than  at  any  previous  time.  Many  of  the  Creeks  have  separate  fields  ,  but 
their  ancient  custom  of  making  a  town  field  is  still,  to  a  great  extent,  observed. 
They  raise  large  quantities  of  corn,  melons,  pumpkins,  beans,  and  are  culti- 
vating rice  to  some  extent,  which  is  said  to  grow  well,  and  will  be  a  groat 
accession  to  their  living.  They  have  four  blacksmiths  and  assistants,  with 
iron  and  steel  furnished  by  treaty  stipulations,  ani  also  a  wheelwright  and 
wagon-maker.  Possessing  but  few,  if  any,  native  mechanics,  they  rely  mainly 
for  their  work  upon  mechanics  furnished  by  the  Government.  Tliey  have 
quite  a  large  annuity,  which  is  paid  to  the  chiefs,  and  by  them  divided 
among  the  different  towns,  in  accordance  with  existing  laws,  and  their 
own  request,  which  at  least  makes  it  satisfactory  to  the  chiefs.  Tiiey  have 
commenced  passing  regular  laws,  which  are  recorded  by  th'-  clerks  appointed 
for  that  purpose  ;  but  they  do  not  elect  representatives,  their  chiefs  being  the 
law-makers  generally.  The  principal  chief.  Roily  M'Intush,  is  a  man  uf  un- 
doubtid  attachment  to  the- United  States  Government,  and  the  same  may  be 
said  of  most  of  the  chiefs.  The  certainty  that  the  country  they  own  is  really 
theirs,  does  much  to  reconcile  old  feelings. 

The  '  te  emigrants,  or  what  are  termed  the  Upper  Creelcs,  although  very 
much  dissatisfied  for  a  length  of  time  after  their  removal  to  their  new  homes, 
owing  mainly  to  their  sufferings  from  sickness,  and  the  great  mortality  that 
prevailed  among  them,  are  now  a  happy,  healthy,  and  contented  people,  are 
much  in  advance  of  the  Lower  Creeks  (or  early  emigrants)  in  the  variety, 
quality,  and  quantity  of  their  agricultural  products,  as  well  as  in  the  man- 
agement of  their  farms,  and  have  larger  and  better  stocks  of  domestic! 
animals.  They  are  likewise  much  in  advance  of  the  Lower  Creeks  in  don-Cdtio 
or  household  manufictures,  making  quantities  of  cotton  cloth  from  the  raw 
material,  planted  and  cultivated  upon  their  own  farms ;  have  also  several 
useful  native  mechanics  among  them,  such  as  carpenters,  wheelwrights, 
loom-makers,  smiths,  &c. ;  and  all  reside  in  good  comfortable  houses  of  their 
own  construction. 

Semiitoles. — This  tribe  have  from  time  to  time  removed,  until  it  is  now  under- 
stood they  have  generally  emigrated.  Unfortunately  for  the  Seminoles,  the 
chief  of  each  party,  as  they  landed  at  or  near  Fort  Gibson,  endeavored  to  settle 
away  from  the  others.  This  was  done  by  the  chiefs,  wiiii  the  hope  ol' keeping 
around  them  a  party  of  which  they  were  the  head,  fearing  tliat  il  they  become 
united,  !.ome  other  more  favored  leader  would  su|icrseao  tin  ni,  and  by  this 
moans  they  were  scattered  not  only  in  the  Creek  but  also  iu  the  Cherokee 


0  n  .1'    f 


70« 


THE   EXPATRIATED  TRIBES. 


ioiintry.  Mioanopy,  and  other  leading  Seminoles,  settled  on  t\o  T)e'»r  Fork 
of  the  Ciinadian,  in  tlie  country  assigned  them.  Etioiia  have  been  ni  ulj 
to  concentrate  the  Seminoles  at  this  point;  buttliis  is  difficult  to  do,  and  does 
not  meet  with  much  favor  from  the  Creeks.  They  are  willing  for  them  to 
settle  in  any  part  of  the  Creek  nation  promiscuously,  giving  as  a  reason  that 
the  Seminoles  themselves  are  not  suited,  from  their  present  feelings,  to  locate 
in  a  body,  and  become  quiet  and  orderly  neighbors.  That  portion  of  the 
Seminoles  who  settled  on  tlie  Deep  Fork  of  tlie  Canadian  have  raised  a 
surplus  of  corn,  beans,  pumpkins,  and  melons,  all  of  which  grow  to  great 
porfection,  and  a  few  have  raised  small  patches  of  rice.  The  labor,  howevev, 
is  principally  performed  by  their  negroes,  who  were  participants  in  the  Florida 
•war,  but  who  have  thus  far  conducted  themselves  with  great  propriety. 

AVhatevei  may  have  been  the  importance  or  distinction  of  the  Seminole 
chiefs  in  Florida,  they  seem  to  lose  their  greatness  in  the  crowd  of  other 
Indians  who  are  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 

The  twenty-one  tribes  transferred  from  the  old  States  and  settled  in  the 
territory  partially  included  in  Kansas,  comprise  the  Uelawares,  Shawnees, 
Wyandots,  Miamies,  Weas,  Piankashaws,  Ottowas,  Chippewas,  Pottawattamies, 
Kickapoos,  Sacs  and  Foxes,  Senecas,  mixed  Senecas  and  Shawnees,  Peorias 
Kaskaskias,  lowas,  Stockbridges  or  Mohicans,  Munsees,  and  portions  of  the 
Iroquois,  forming  together  an  aggregate  population  of  30,8'.)3.  The  indi- 
genous tribes  residing  in  the  territory  are  the  Quappas,  Osages,  Kanzas, 
Pawnees,  and  Arapahoes,  numbering  7358.  The  Otoes,  Omahaws,  Mirsouries, 
Cheyennes,  and  some  other  indigenous  tribes,  have  not  been  enumerated.* 
The  local  agents,  writing  to  the  head  of  the  Bureau  of  Indian  Aifairs,  ;•,  short 
time  after  the  period  of  colonization,  present  a  report  of  the  condic.  i  of  the 
Indians  under  their  jurisdiction,  from  which  we  make  a  few  extract  • 

Quappas.  —  This  tribe  have  greatly  changed  their  habits  withi  i  a  few 
years ;  from  having  been  a  whiskey-drinking,  squalid,  poverty-stricken  race, 
they  Jiave  become  temperate,  frugal,  and  industrious,  directing  ilieir  attention 
to  agriculture,  and  to  the  general  improvement  of  their  condiliori.  They  are 
now  well  clothed,  and  have  enough  to  eat.  This  change  is  in  ]..irt  owing  to 
the  fact,  that  the  venders  of  spirits  in  the  Cherokee  settlements  nt-th  of  the 
Quappas,  whence  tiieir  sup'ilies  were  principally  drawn,  have  abuodoned  tlie 
trade,  in  consequence  of  t  le  opposition  of  some  of  their  more  respectable 
neighbors.  A  great  deal  if  credit  is,  however,  due  to  the  Quappas  them- 
selves, for  they  could,  if  si  disposed,  procure  liquor  from  the  whites ;  but 
they  .lave  listened  to  better  ';.>unsels.  ind  resisted  the  temptation. 

Mixed  Senecas  and  Skawaees.  —  .:  e  Indians  have  never  been  as  much 
inclined  to  intemperpnce  as  some  'i  :''  ether  bands,  and  there  hp.s  not  boon 
so  great  a  change  an.ong  them.  '"-<-„  continue  to  raise  corn,  wheat,  oats, 
garden  vegetables,  &c.,  and,  on  the  whole,  are  improving  rather  than 
otherwise. 

The  country  occupied  by  these  tribes  is  high,  rolling,  healthy,  and  finely 
watered  ;  containing  springs  of  the  best  water  in  every  direction,  sometimes 
gushing  out  of  the  solid  rock  in  streams  large  enough  to  turn  a  mill.  Where 
it  is  fit  for  cultivation  at  all,  the  land  is  fertile ;  but  much  of  it  is  hilly  and 
barren,  worthless  except  for  the  timber.  The  lands  on  the  water-coinsos  are 
of  the  best  quality,  well  suited  to  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  hemp,  corn,  and 
the  small  grains,  and  the  upland  prairies  are  scarcely  inferior ;  but  there  is 
a  much  greater  quantity  of  good  land  than  the  present  occupants  will  ever 
use.  The  heavily-timbered  bottoms  on  the  Pomme  de  Terre  and  the  Neosho 
aiford  not  only  good  winter  range  for  catle,  but  an  abundance  of  marsh  for 
hogs.  The  Quappas  have  a  coal-bank  immediately  on  the  Neosho,  the  coal  in 
■which  is  bituminous,  of  good  quality,  easily  obtained,  and  the  supply  appa- 
rentlv  inexhaustible.  In  the  vicinity  of  this  coal  there  are  several  tar-springs, 
or  rather  springs  of  sulphur-water  and  mineral  tar,  or  petrol'-uiii,  to^rctlior; 
the  latter  substance  rising  with  the  water,  aud  separating  from  it  iminodiately 
after  it  issues  fro  i  the  earth. 

Osages. — Thii  tribe  has  made  but  little  perceptible  improvement  in  agri- 

•  illstory,  Condition,  and  Proapects  of  th«  Indian  Tribes,  Vol.  VI. 


;.li^^  .r 


■^Xft'^' 


SHAWNEES  — OTTOES   ANO   MlaSOtKIAS. 


"rrM 


cultural  pur?i.'ta,  though  some  ton  or  twelve  families  of  Pa-ha-s  en's  (fireor<;e 
White  Hare)  aiid  Clft.mont's  bands,  have  late'}  fenced  and  pl<tii<:li''d  their 
fields.  They  are  still  livinj;;,  with  few  exceptions,  in  large  townn,  where  it 
■will  he  imposriiblo  to  make  much  progress  in  stock-raising  or  farming ;  Tab- 
hu-sca,  the  principal  chief,  and  a  bad  man,  being  much  opposed  to  the  farming 
operations  of  his  people.  They  have  adopted  a  short  code  of  penal  laws  fur 
the  government  of  their  people,  which  forbid,  not  the  introduction,  but  the 
sale,  of  ardent  spirits  in  their  country,  under  the  penalty  of  the  destruction 
of  the  spirits,  and  lashes  on  the  oflFender.  The  people  meet  in  general  council 
once  in  each  and  every  year,  assisted  by  their  agent  and  interpreter,  for  the 
purpose  cf  law-making,  &c. 

Shawnees. — This  tribe  own  a  tiact  of  country  twenty-five  miles  north  and 
Bouth,  and  one  hundred  east  and  west,  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  State  of 
Missouri,  and  on  the  north  by  the  Kanzas  river,  which,  in  point  of  soil, 
timber,  and  water,  is  equalled  by  but  few  tracts  of  the  same  size  in  any 
country ;  though  there  is,  however,  hardly  a  sufficient  proportion  of  timber  for 
the  prairie.  The  Shawnees  have  become  an  agricultural  people ;  their  buildings 
and  farms  being  similar  to  those  of  the  whites  in  a  new-settled  country ; 
enclosed  by  rail  fences,  and  most  of  them  in  good  form ;  each  string  of  fence 
being  straight,  sufiiciently  high  to  secure  their  crops,  and  many  of  them 
staked  and  ridered.  They  all  live  in  comfortable  cabins,  perhaps  half  or 
more  being  built  of  good  hewn  logs,  and  neatly  raised,  with  outhouses,  stables, 
and  barns. 

Delawares.  —  The  Delawares  own  a  tract  of  country  sixty  miles  east  and 
■west,  and  about  twenty-four  miles  north  and  south,  bounded  on  the  south  by 
the  Kanzas  river,  and  on  the  east  by  the  Missouri  river,  or  State  of  Missoari. 
The  soil,  timber,  and  water,  are  generally  very  good.  Like  the  Shawnees, 
they  depend  for  a  subsistence  mainly  on  their  farms,  which,  with  tiieir  horses, 
are  nearly  or  quite  equal  to  those  of  the  Shawnees.  They  cultivate  Indian 
corn,  wheat,  oats,  beans,  peas,  pumpkins,  potatoes,  cabbage,  turnips,  and 
many  other  vegetables  in  abundance,  and  raise  a  great  number  of  horses, 
cattle,  and  hogs. 

Kickapoos.  — The  Kickapoos  own  a  tract  of  country  immediately  north  of 
the  Delawares,  about  sixty  miles  east  and  west,  by  thirty  north  and  south, 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Missouri  river,  or  State  of  Missouri,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  Delaware  country.  They  raise  a  large  surplus  of  Indian  corn  ; 
also  beef  and  pork  for  sale. 

Stockhridges.  —  By  permission,  this  little  band  of  Stockbridges  settled  on 
the  Delaware  lands,  near  the  Missouri  river,  and  about  seven  miles  below 
Fort  Leavenworth,  some  time  in  February,  1840,  since  when  they  liave  built 
for  themselves  a  number  of  neat  log  cabins,  opened  several  small  farms,  and 
raise  more  Indian  corn  than  they  need  for  their  own  use.  They  gr^w  pump- 
kins, beans,  peas,  cabbage,  potatoes,  and  many  other  vegetables,  and  have 
made  good  root-houses  to  preserve  them;  all  of  which  they  have  effected  with 
very  little  means. 

Christian  Indiann. — The  Christian  Indians  came  with,  and  at  the  same 
time  as  the  Stockbridges,  settled  among  the  Delawares,  built  comfortable  little 
cabins,  and  made  small  farms. 

Kanzas.  — The  Kanzas  Indians,  located  on  the  Kanzas  river,  about  eighty 
miles  above  its  mouth,  make  many  excuses  for  not  turning  their  attention  to 
agricultural  pursuits ;  the  principal  one  being,  that  they  are  afraid  to  work, 
for  fear  the  Pawnees  will  come  on  them  and  kill  them  all  ofi".  Thoy  raise  but 
little  grain,  in  fact,  not  enough  to  subsist  them;  and  their  only  dependence 
for  a  subsistence  is  on  the  buffalo,  and  what  few  deer  and  turkeys  they  can 
kill.     They  follow  the  chase. 

Oifoes  and  }fissoiirias.  —  These  Indians  are  in  a  most  deplorable  situation, 
notwithstanding  they  have  had  the  assistance  of  the  Governmnnt  extended  to 
them  for  many  years,  and  that,  during  certain  periods  they  bid  fair  to  follow 
the  example  of  some  of  their  more  advanced  red  brethren  of  the  west  in  the 
pursuits  of  agriculture  and  civilization— having  been  furnished  with  teachers, 
blacksmiths,  and  farmers,  for  these  purposes;  but  tl. )  evil  spirit  found  its 
way,  through  various  chaauels,  into  their  lodges,  aud  ^ionerated  amoug  them 


704 


THE  EXPATRIATED  TRIBES. 


discontent,  jenlousy  and  strife,  which  eventually  terminated  in  butchery  and 
bloodshed.  This  state  of  thinpis  produced  in  their  minds  a  settled  prejudice 
against  the  spot  which  they  then  occupied,  on  the  north  side  of  the  river 
Platte,  under  the  impression  that  an  evil  spirit  hovered  over  and  around 
them  ;  and,  actinp;  under  this  belief,  they,  in  a  moment  of  drunkenness  and 
riot,  set  fiie  to  their  village,  which  was  soon  reduced  to  ashes.  Their  far  n, 
which  was  located  contiguous  to  the  village,  suffered  a  similar  fate ;  the 
greater  part  of  the  fences  having  been  torn  down  and  burnt,  and  the  whole 
is  now  lying  waste  and  uncultivated.  They  have  totally  abandoned  this  ill- 
fated  spot,  and  settled,  rather  temporarily,  in  various  lodges  or  villages  on 
the  L^outii  side  of  the  River  Platte.  The  village  of  the  Missourias  stands  oa 
the  prairie;  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  while  the  Ottoe  villages,  four  in  number, 
are  locatdd  a  short  distance  from  the  river,  between  a  point  five  miles  above 
its  mouth,  and  one  eighteen  miles  higher  up. 

OmaJias.  —  These  Indians  follow  the  chase  as  usual,  and  claim  the  country 
bounded  by  the  Missouri  river  on  the  east,  by  Shell  creek  on  the  west,  by  the 
River  Platte  on  the  south,  and  on  the  north  by  the  Poncas  country.  The 
Elkhorn,  which  runs  in  a  southerly  direction  and  empties  into  the  Platte  about 
twenty  miles  above  its  mouth,  is  the  largest  stream  which  passes  through 
their  territory.  Their  favorite  village  once  stood  near  the  Missouri  river,  and 
about  one  hundred  miles  above  Fort  Leavenworth ;  but  several  years  since 
they  were  driven  from  this  location  by  the  Sioux,  and  since  then  have  settled 
temporarily  on  the  Elkhorn,  where  they  now  suffer  from  extreme  indigence, 
not  using  even  ordinary  savage  exertion  in  the  culture  of  corn. 

Pawnees.  —  The  four  principal  chiefs,  with  a  number  of  their  respective 
bards,  hr.ve  removed  to  their  new  homes  on  the  Loup  fork  of  the  Platte. 
They  generally  evince  a  peaceable  and  friendly  disposition,  though  they  have 
an  unsettled  difficulty  with  the  Ottoes,  growing  out  of  murders  heretofore 
eommitted  by  the  latter  on  some  of  their  people. 

Kaskaskias,  Weas,  Fiankashaws,  and  Foitawattamies.  —  These  tribes  have 
made  but  little  change  in  their  condition ;  owning  some  cattle  and  hogs, 
work-oxen,  farming  utensils,  &c.,  r  1  depending  entirely  on  agricultural  pur- 
su'.ti  for  a  subsisteiioe  ;  though  if  it  were  not  for  the  ruinous  practice  pursued 
by  those  lawless  individuals  who  are  settled  immediately  on  the  line  of  the 
State  of  Missoiiri,  and,  in  violation  of  the  State  laws,  furnish  them  with 
whiskey,  their  improvement  would  be  rapid. 

Ottowas.  —  This  people  is  still  advancing  in  agricultural  pursuits ;  they 
may  be  said  to  havj  entirely  abandoned  the  chase  ;  all  of  them  live  in  good, 
comfortable  log  cabins;  have  fields  enclosed  with  rail-fences;  and  own 
domest'c  inimals.  Out  of  their  annuity  they  have  erected  a  good  horse-mill ; 
many  of  them  are  sowing  wheat,  and  ere  long  they  will  raise  grain  enough 
to  supply  themselves  with  flour  and  meal  for  *heir  own  consumption. 

lowas.  —  This  tribe  is  located  on  the  waters  of  the  Namaha,  a  tributary  of 
the  Missouri,  and  their  principal  village  is  situated  one  mile  above  the  mouth 
of  th  Great  Namaha.  These  Indians  are  much  given  to  intemperance,  and 
while  under  the  influence  of  liquor  act  very  ill  toward  each  other,  as  well  aa 
toward  the  whites. 

<Sa  ■?  and  Foxes. — These  Indians  are  a  proud,  independent  people,  pursuing 
the  chfise  during  the  hunting  season.  They  are  not  so  much  given  to  intem- 
porf.ncc  t-i'  the  lowas,  and  entertain  much  more  respect  and  love  for  the  white 
n^a:'  thitii  lo  the  latter ;  frequently  boasting  of  their  friendship  to  the  whites, 
and  th  ir  I'f'ceable  disposition  toward  their  red  bi*others. 

St'iki.3  yt;irs  later,  the  chief  offioer  of  the  Indian  Bureau  at  Washington, 
mfikt's  U80  ;  '  the  following  language,  after  having  visited  personally  the 
colonized  tril)es : 

"  The  condition  of  the  Indians  located  west  of  Missouri  and  Iowa  is  not  as 
protfj.  reus,  or  their  advance  in  civilization  as  rapid,  as  the  official  reports 
annually  ri'ceived  from  that  part  of  the  country  would  authorize  us  to  expect. 
In  several  tribes  are  to  be  found  some  educated,  intelligent  men  ;  and  many 
are  able,  by  the  cultivation  of  the  earth,  to  subsist  themselves.  Among  these 
clasiies  there  are  some  sincere  professors  of  religion ;  but  the  mass  of  the 


•:  w 


THE  BLACKFEET  INDIANS. 


705 


Indians  are  indolent  and  intemperate,  and  many  of  them  are  degraded  and 
debased. 

"  The  transphinting  of  these  Indians,  and  the  dedication  of  their  present 
country  to  their  use,  and  for  their  future  home,  was  an  emanation  of  the 
puresc  benevolence,  and  the  dictate  of  humanity.  Vast  sums  of  money  have 
been  expended  by  the  Government  for  the  sustenance,  comfort,  and  civiliza- 
tion of  these  unfortunate  people,  and  the  missionary  has  occupied  that  fieM 
of  labor  long  and  faithfully ;  but,  notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  done  by 
the  Government  and  good  men,  the  experiment  has  measurably  failed, 
Located  generally  on  large  tracts  of  land,  separated  into  small  and  distinct 
bands,  roaming  at  will,  and  wandering  in  idleness,  the  mass  of  these  tribes 
are  in  a  degraded  state,  with  no  hope  of  a  considerable  degree  of  reformation 
(even  with  such  improvements  as  are  practicable  in  their  present  manage- 
ment), without  a  change  of  residence." 


A   BRIEF   niSTOIlY   OF   THE   BLACKFEET  INDIANS.* 

The  Blackfeet  originally  inhabited  that  region  of  country  watered  by  the 
Saskatchawain  and  its  tributaries,  never  extending  their  war  parties  farther 
south  th.an  the  head  waters  of  the  Marias  river,  or  farther  east  than  the  head 
waters  of  the  Milk  river,  a  tributary  of  the  Missouri,  into  which  it  empties 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  above  the  Yellow  Stone  river. 

The  cause  of  their  separation  and  dispersion  over  a  wider  range  of  country 
grew  out  of  a  civil  war  regarding  the  claims  of  two  ambitious  chiefs,  each 
claiming  sovereign  powers,  and  each  having  difiTerent-coIored  banners  or  flags 
— the  one  red,  the  other  black.  The  red  was  called  the  bloody  flag,  on  account 
of  the  sanguinary  character  of  the  contending  chief;  the  black  was  one  of 
mourning  for  the  death  of  the  legitimate  chief,  who  had  recently  been  killed 
in  a  great  battle  with  the  Assiniboins.  The  warriors,  being  divided,  enrolled 
themselves  under  the  two  banners ;  the  younger  and  more  warlike  under  the 
rej ;  the  old  men  contending  for  the  claims  of  the  hereditary  chief.  After 
many  skirmishes  and  assassinations,  a  pitched  battle  ensued,  which  resulted 
in  the  disastrous  defeat  of  the  black  chief — the  cont&st  lasting  for  three  days 
and  nights. 

Subsequent  to  their  defeat  the  black  party  fled  toward  the  south ;  marching 
under  their  black  banner,  and  clothed  in  deep  mourning.  They  appear  to 
have  readied  the  Missouri  during  the  fall,  when  the  prairies  were  burning, 
and  the  black  ashes  of  the  consumed  grass  colored  their  moccasins  and  leggins. 
In  this  condition  they  viere  first  seen  by  the  Grow  Indians,  v;  ho  called  them 
Blackfeet,  and  made  known  the  arrival  of  this  strange  tribe  to  the  Gros 
Ventres  and  Mandana,  with  whom  they  were  on  friendly  term;).  Hence  the 
name  became  known  throughout  the  country. 

Another  civil  war  afterwards  broke  out  among  the  Missouri  Blackfeet, 
which  resulted  in  a  second  division  of  the  tribe.  A  chief,  called  the  Peigan, 
or  pheasant,  contended  for  the  chieftainship,  and,  after  being  defeated,  fled 
across  the  Missouri,  and  took  refuge  among  the  mountains,  situated  south  of 
the  three  forks.  The  original  tribe  is  now  divided  into  three  bands — the  Blood 
Indians,  Blackfeet,  and  Peigans.  The  Blood  Indians  still  remain  in  .0  north, 
though  a  portion  of  them  make  an  annual  visit  to  their  relatives  on  the 
Missouri,  when  their  friendly  feelings  are  such  as  to  justify  it.  The  Peigana 
formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  and  friendship  with  the  Flatheads,  wiiich,  with 
few  interruptions,  has  been  keept  in  good  faith  up  to  the  present  time. 

The  section  of  country  that  may  now  be  considered  as  claimed  and  occupied 
by  the  three  bands,  generally  known  as  the  Blackfeet  Nation,  extends  from 
the  waters  of  the  lludson  Bay,  south  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Missouri 
river,  and  to  the  northern  sources  of  the  Yellowstone  river. 

Like  all  prairie  tribes,  the  Blackfeet  are  wandering  hordes,  having  no  fixed 
habitation  ;  but  are  generally  found  following  the  ever  varying  migration  of 
the  buffalo,  except  when  driven  out  of  their  trail  by  a  superior  force  of  their 

*  IliBtory,  Condition,  and  Prospects  of  the  ladian  Tribes,  Appemlix  to  Vol.  V. 
45 


706 


INDIANS  OP   CALIFORNIA. 


enemies.  Their  only  occupations,  beyond  the  social  circle,  are  war  and 
huntin<;.  War,  however,  absorbs  all  other  considentions,  and  this  will  be  the 
case,  BO  lonj;  as  their  present  laws  and  regulations  exist.  As  soon  as  a  youth 
is  capable  of  using  the  how  and  arrow,  ho  enlists  under  tho  wolf-skin  banner 
of  some  favorite  war  chief,  and  joins  in  the  tirst  campaign  against  their 
hereditary  enemies,  the  Crows  and  Assiniboms.  These  war  parties  frequently 
last  for  one  or  more  years,  it  being  considered  disgraceful  to  return  without 
Bcalps ;  and  on  one  occasion,  a  war  party,  consisting  of  300  young  men,  were 
absent  for  four  years,  without  seeing  or  heiiriig  from  their  own  people.  Tho 
cause  of  this  extr?\ordinary  perseverance  may  be  traced  to  their  fundamental 
laws,  one  of  which  prohibits  a  youth  to  marry,  or  have  a  lodge  of  his  own, 
until  he  has  taken  a  acalj.,  or  performed  some  other  military  exploit  that  will 
entitle  him  to  rank  as  a  brave.  N(  'thcr  is  he  permitted  to  sit  in  council,  or 
be  present  at  a  feast;  and,  what  is  slIU  more  mortifying  to  youth,  he  is  not 
allowed  to  join  in  a  war  or  scalp-d;ince,  when  all  the  belles  of  the  tribe  are 
Been  in  gayest  feathers,  jingling  bells,  and  fancy  paints. 

The  laws  or  regulations  by  which  a  Blackfoot  camp  is  governed,  are  well 
adapted  to  their  peculiar  condition,  being  legislative,  judicial,  and  niilitary. 
The  chiefs,  as  a  general  rule,  are  elective,  though  great  respect  is  paid  to 
hereditary  chiefs ;  but  they  have  little  or  no  power,  unless  they  have  distin- 
guished themselves  as  warriors,  and  are  supported  by  a  band  of  braves.  In 
every  camp  there  is  a  military  police,  which  consists  of  all  the  unmarried 
who  rank  themselves  as  braves,  and  a  lodge  for  their  accommodation  is  erected 
in  the  centre  of  the  camp,  which  is  generally  of  a  circular  form.  When  any 
matter  of  sufficient  importance  occurs,  the  subordinate  chiefs  are  summoned 
to  attend  at  the  lodge  of  the  head  chief,  where  the  subject  is  gravely  discussed, 
and  the  decision  made  known  to  the  war  chief,  whose  duty  it  is  to  aL^emble 
his  soldiers,  and  carry  tho  orders  of  the  chief  into  immediate  execution. 
Though  these  orders  from  the  chief  sometimes  condemn  to  death  a  father  or 
a  brother  of  one  or  more  of  the  soldiers,  yet  they  never  hesitate  to  obey.  On 
one  occasion  a  wife  of  one  of  the  chiefs  being  condemned  for  infidelity  to  be 
stripped  of  all  her  clothing,  her  nose  cut  off,  to  be  whipped  out  of  the  camp, 
and  to  become  the  slave  of  any  one  who  chose  to  take  her,  two  of  her  bruthevs 
assisted  in  carrying  the  sentence  into  execution. 

All  questions  of  peace  or  war,  of  the  time  for  raising  the  camp,  or  in  regard 
to  the  regulations  for  a  general  hunt,  are  decided  upon  by  the  chiefs,  and 
carried  into  execution  by  the  soldiers.  Notwithstanding  the  camp  might  be 
in  a  state  of  starvation,  and  there  were  plenty  of  buffalo  or  otiier  game  in 
eight,  no  one,  not  even  tho  head  chiefs,  would  be  allowed  to  disturb  them, 
without  the  consent  of  the  council.  The  policy  of  this  is  obvious,  as  one 
individual  might  frighten  off  a  herd  of  buffalo  sufficient  to  feed  the  whole 
camp. 

The  Blackfoot  has  always  been  regarded  as  a  treacherous,  blood-thirsty 
savage ;  but  this  is  a  mistake,  growing  out  of  ignorance  of  his  true  character. 
!u  is  true,  they  killed  and  scalped  a  great  many  of  the  mountain  trappers  ; 
but  they  found  them  trespassing  on  their  hunting-grounds,  and  killing  off  the 
game  upon  which  they  relied  for  subsistence ;  and  any  other  tribe,  or  even 
civilized  nation,  wotild  have  retaliated  for  much  less  cause  of  provocation. 
Those  who  have  long  resided  among  them,  have  alw.ays  found  them  frank, 
generous,  and  hospitable  —  ready  at  all  times  to  repay  any  kindness  they 
might  receive  from  the  whites. 


INDIANS  OF   CALIFORNIA.* 


so  far  as  dress 


The  men  are  generally  tall  —  living  in  a  state  of  natui' 
goes,  not  even  possessing  'that  natural  article  of  clothing,  a  breech  clout.  The 
dress  of  the  female  consists  mostly  of  a  Tale  skirt,  fastened  around  the  waist 
with  a  cord,  and  extending  loosely  to  a  little  below  the  knees.  They  we.^r 
their  hair  long  behind,  but  so  cut  in  front  as  to  shade  their  eyes ;  tattoo  their 

*  History,  ConditioD,  and  Prospects  of  the  Indian  Tribes,  Appondis  to  Vol.  V. 


SUPERSTITIONS  OP  THE  DAKOTAHS. 


707 


chins  with  three  lines ;  and  wear  ornaments  in  their  ears,  formed  of  the  lcj» 
bonns  of  fowls,  orniimonted  with  carving,  and  used  also  as  a  pipe. 

The  trii)e8  Hvins;  in  the  valley  of  the  San  Joaquin  river  inhabit  houses 
formed  of  mats  laid  on  a  fnmiework  of  willow  or  cotton-wood  ;  but  tlie  Sacra- 
mento tribes  construct  a  more  permanent  habitation,  made  of  a  framework 
of  heavy  timber,  covered  with  mud  and  grass — the  floor  being  about  two  feet 
below  the  level  of  the  ground.  There  are  but  two  openings,  a  door  for 
entrance,  and  a  hole  at  the  top,  for  the  escape  of  tlie  smoke  of  their  tires, 
Mvhich  they  build  on  the  ground.  Tlie  men  are  indolent,  doing  only  the 
lighter  labor,  such  as  making  their  arms  and  nets,  while  the  women  collect 
•  the  grass  seeds,  acorns,  &c.,  for  their  subsistence,  in  which  occupation  they 
are  attended  by  one  or  more  of  the  elders  of  tiio  villages. 

Their  food  consists  of  grass  seeds  and  acorns,  pounded  together,  mixed 
with  water,  and  baked  in  the  sand,  whereby  all  the  deleterious  properties  of 
the  acorn,  as  well  as  its  bitter  taste,  are  reujoved.  Grassiioppers  and  crickets 
also  form  a  part  of  their  subsistence,  and  these  they  collect  by  setting  tire  to 
the  prairies  in  a  circle,  when,  moving  in  a  body  towards  the  centre,  they  drive 
the  insects  into  the  flames,  by  which  their  legs  are  burned  off.  They  are  then 
collected,  and  pounded  witli  deer  talhiw,  or  any  kind  of  grease  they  may 
have,  and  used  for  food.  As  soon  as  the  acorns  commence  falling,  they  collect 
great  quantities  of  them,  which  tiiey  put  u]i  in  cylindrical  stacks,  from  eight 
to  ten  feet  high,  made  of  willows  bound  to;^'!tlier  by  cords  of  wild  hemp. 

Their  weapons  for  war  and  the  chase  consist  of  bows  and  arrows ;  the 
former  being  made  of  a  kind  of  cedar,  covered  on  the  back  with  the  sinews 
of  a  horse  or  elk,  which  make  them  very  strong  and  elastic;  the  latter  are 
chiefly  of  cane  —  those  used  in  the  chase  having  a  point  of  hard  wood,  those 
intended  fur  war  are  pointed  witli  small  heads  of  flint,  beautifully  barbed. 

They  are  superstitious,  knowing  but  little  of  the  Ciiristian  religion,  except 
what  they  have  learned  from  association,  either  with  the  wliites,  or  v,-ith  other 
Indians  who  have  been  educated  at  the  old  Catnolic  mission,  under  Spanish 
rule.  The  first  fish  of  the  season  they  ofi'er  to  the  Deity,  on  a  platform  erected 
in  the  middle  of  a  stream;  the  fish  being  hung  on  a  high  pole,  decorated 
with  feathers  and  other  ornaments,  beside  which  tlie  medicine  man  takes  his 
place,  and  harangues  for  nearly  the  whole  day,  after  which  the  fish  is  left  to 
decay. 

iJvery  village  has  its  sweat-house,  which  is  generally  built  near  the  edge 
of  a  stream,  so  that  when  individuals  have  perspired  sufficiently  within  its 
walls,  they  may  have  the  pleasure  of  an  immersion  in  the  cold  water,  which 
is  their  usual  mode  of  relieving  fatigue. 

The  tribes  of  California  are  divided  into  sn^all  bands,  speaking  different 
languages,  and  warring  on  each  other,  though  living  but  a  few  miles  apart; 
Their  general  dome  tic  habits  vary  but  little,  feeding  upon  the  same  kind  of 
food,  and  preparing  it  in  the  same  manner.  In  their  disposition  they  are 
cowardly;  treachery  and  theft,  as  with  most  Indians,  forming  part  of  their 
creed.  Their  animal  food  consists  of  the  game  of  the  country,  except  the 
grizzly  bear,  which  the  uncivilized  ones  will  not  eat.  Horses,  both  wild  and 
tame,  form,  particularly  among  those  residing  near  the  coast  settlements, 
their  principal  animal  diet. 

In  the  manufacture  of  their  baskets  and  socks  .hey  manifest  much  neatness 
and  taste,  pai'ticularly  in  those  covered  with  feathers,  which  generally  con- 
sist of  those  of  the  summer  duck,  and  scalps  of  the  red-headed  woodpecker, 
bound  round  tie  top  with  beads  of  their  own  manufacture.  They  are  also 
very  expert  in  weaving  blankets  of  feathers,  many  of  which  have  really 
beautiful  figures  worked  on  them. 


ill 


'  III 


SUPERSTITIONS   OP  THE   DAKOTAII   INDIANS. 

According  to  the  llev.  Gideon  II.  Pond,  of  Minnesota,  "  Evory  Piikotah 
warrior  looks  to  the  wakan-man  as  almost  his  only  resource.  From  liim  he 
receives  a  spear  and  tomahawk,  cmistructed  after  the  model  furnit-hcd  from 
the  armory  of  the  gods,  and  also  thu;e  paints  which  serve  as  an  armature  for 


708 


SUPERSTITIONS   OF   THE   DAKOTAIIS. 


liis  linily.  To  nlitiiin  these  tilings,  the  proud  npplicBnt  is  required  to  become 
ft  scrviint  to  the  Ziii/ii-wfiLaii,  while  the  Intter  pioH  through  tlionn  painful  iiiui 
e.xliiuisiiiij:;  porfiiruiancpH  which  are  necos?iar_v  prepiiratoi-y  to  the  hcstowal  of 
thi'in  :  nuch  h.m  viipor-hiiths,  fastiiit^s,  chants,  prayers,  Jkf.  'J'hc  impleim'iits 
of  d<',struction  hi'inj^  thus  eonscorated,  the  person  who  is  tD  receive  theui, 
wailini;  most  pitecusly,  afiproaciics  the  war-pniphet  and  presents  tlie  pipe  to 
hiui  as  to  a  pid;  wliih)  in  the  attitude  of  prayer,  he  lays  his  hands  upon  his 
sacred  head,  ami  jicnetratcd  with  a  sense  of  his  own  iinpotenoy,  sobs  out  his 
request  in  suhstani-e  as  follows:  '  Pity  thou  one  who  is  p(>or  uiid  ludpless — a 
woman  in  action  —  and  hcstow  on  mo  the  ahility  to  pi-rform  manly  deeds.' 
Tiie  prophet  then  presents  the  weapons  desired,  sayiii;;,  'Go  thou,  try  the 
ewiiig  of  this  tomahawk  and  the  thrust  of  this  spear,  and  witness  the  power 
of  the  god  to  whom  they  belong;  but  when  in  victory  thou  shalt  return, 
forget  not  to  perform  thy  vows.'  Each  warrior  is  required  to  paint  himself 
for  battle  in  the  same  manner  as  his  arms  have  been  painted  by  the  prophet; 
and  must  never  paint  in  the  same  manner  at  any  other  time,  except  it  may  be 
in  the  performance  of  extraordinary  religious  rites.  In  this  manner  every 
young  man  is  enlisted  for  life  into  the  service  of  the  war-prophet.  These 
weapons  are  preserved  as  sacredly  by  the  Dakotah  warriors  as  was  tiie  'ark 
of  the  covenant,'  by  the  Israelites,  are  carefully  wrapped  up  in  a  cloth  cover, 
together  with  plumes  and  sacred  pigments,  laid  outside  of  the  tent  every  day, 
except  in  the  storm,  and  must  never  be  touched  by  a  female  who  has  arrived 
at  the  age  of  puberty.  Every  warrior  feels  that  his  success,  both  in  war  and 
hunting,  depends  entirely  ujion  the  strictnesss  with  which  he  conforms  to  the 
rules  and  ceremonies  imposed  u[)on  him  by  the  wakan  warrior.  The  '  armor 
feasts'  are  of  almost  daily  occurrence  in  the  Dakotah  camp,  when  the  fruits 
of  the  chase  are  sufficient  to  supply  them,  at  which  time  these  arms  are 
always  religiously  exhibited.  Thus  the  influenoe  of  the  medicine-man,  as  a 
warrior,  pervades  the  whole  community,  and  it  is  hardly  possible  to  over- 
estimate it;  though,  however,  vastly  weakened  by  coming  in  contact  with 
civilization  and  Christianity.  The  medicine-men  themselves  seem  to  be  well 
aware  of  the  fact,  that  the  disseminati(m  of  knowledge  among  the  people 
tends  directly  to  the  destruction  of  their  influence. 

"  In  the  capacity  of  a  doctor,  or  wupiya,  the  influence  of  the  Dakotah 
medicino-nian  has  scarcely  any  limits,  as  heiilth  is  hardly  more  necessary  to 
the  happiness  of  the  Indian  than  the  wakan-man  is  for  the  preservation  of 
healtii.  It  is  l)elieved  that  they  have  in  their  bodies  animals  (gods),  which 
have  groat  powers  of  suction,  and  which  serve  as  suction-pumps,  such  as  the 
lizard,  bull-frog,  leech,  tortoise,  garter-snake,  &c.  Other  gods  conf'T  on 
them  vocal  powers,  and  their  chants  and  prayers  are  the  gifts  of  inspiration. 

"If  the  doctors  are  long  without  practice,  they  suffer  great  inconvenience 
from  the  restlessness  of  tiie  gods  within  them,  to  pacify  whom  they  sometimes 
take  blood  from  the  arm  of  some  person  and  drink  it.  When  one  of  them, 
having  been  respectfully  and  reverently  called  upon,  and  liberally  prepaid,  is 
about  to  operate  upon  a  suffering  patient  — '  a  little  ox  struggling  on  the 
earth'  —  he  has  him  placed  upon  a  blanket  on  the  ground,  in  a  tent,  with  the 
body  chiefly  naked,  and  also  generally  strips  off  his  own  clothes,  except  the 
niiddle-eloth.  After  chants,  prayers,  the  rattling  of  the  gourd-shell,  and 
innumerable  other  trite  ceremonies,  making  a  variety  of  indescribable  noises, 
and  muttering  something  like  the  following,  '  The  god  told  me  that  having 
this,  I  might  ai^proacii  even  a  skrleton  and  set  it  on  its  feet,'  he  gets  down 
upon  his  knees,  and  applying  his  mouth  to  the  affected  part  of  the  patient, 
sucks  with  an  energy  whiili  would  seem  to  be  almost  superhuman  —  the 
gourd-shell  still  rattling  violently.  In  this  maiiier  the  god  which  is  in  the 
doctor  pumps  the  disease  from  the  sufferer.  After  sucking  thus  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  the  doctor  rises  on  his  feet  in  apparent  agony,  groaning  so  as 
to  be  heard  a  mile  if  tlie  atmosphere  is  clear,  beating  his  sides,  writiiing,  and 
striking  the  earth  with  his  feet  so  as  almost  to  make  it  tremble,  and  holding 
;i  dish  of  water  to  his  mouth,  he  proceeds  with  a  sing-song  bubbling  to 
deposit  in  the  dish  that  which  has  been  drawn  from  the  sick  person.  This 
laborious  and  disgusting  operation  is  repeated  at  short  intervals,  for  hours,  and 
the  operator  is  thus  enabled  not  only  ti  relieve  the  sufferer,  but  also  to  discover 


MYTIIOLOQY   OP  THE  SIX  NATIOXS, 


709 


the  sin  on  account  of  wliich  he  has  been  afflicted,  tho  spirit  of  which  he  rpos 
rush  into  the  htdge,  and  violently  lay  hold  of  the  unfortunate  sinner,  as  if  he 
would  rend  him  to  atoniH.  The  doctor  now  mukoH  an  image  of  tiio  offcmh'il 
animal  whose  enraged  spirit  he  saw,  and  causes  it  to  he  shot  by  tiiree  or  four 
persons  in  quick  succession,  when  the  god  that  is  in  him,  leaping  out,  falls 
upon,  not  the  image,  but  the  spirit  of  the  animal  which  the  image  representf, 
and  kills  it.  Now  the  sick  man  begins  to  cunvalesce,  unless  otin  r  <>ffiMiil".l 
spirits  appear  to  afflict  him;  but  sometimes  tiio  doctor  is  overcome  by  these 
spirits  and  the  patient  dies,  unless  one  of  greater  waknn  powers  can  be  ol)- 
tained  ;  for  they  are  wakaii  to  different  degrees,  corresponding  to  tiie  strength 
of  tills  attribute  as  it  exists  in  the  gods  by  whom  they  are  respectively 
inspired.  It  seems  to  be  the  general  impressi(,n  that  there  are  wakan-mon 
who  are  able  to  subdue  any  foe  to  health  till  the  superior  gods  order  other- 
wise;  bat  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  their  aid;  for  if  they  are  not  properly 
respected  at  all  times,  and  well  remunerated  for  their  services,  they  let  the 
sufferers  perish  without  exerting  their  power  to  save  them — doing  their  work 
deceitfully.  It  is  also  believed  that  they  can  inflict  diseases  as  a  punishment 
for  sins  committed  against  themselves,  that  death  is  often  the  effect  of  their 
xeakaii  power,  and  that  when  they  thus  kill  a  person,  tliey  cut  off  the  tip  of 
liis  tongue  and  jircserve  it  as  a  memonto  of  tlie  fact.  The  people  stand  in 
great  fear  of  these  medicine-men,  and  when  sick  will  give  all  they  possess, 
and  all  they  can  obtain  on  credit,  to  secure  their  services;  frequently  giving 
a  horse  for  a  single  performance.  They  are  always  treated  with  the  greatest 
respect,  and  generally  furnished  with  the  best  of  everything ;  and  if  there 
are  impostors,  this  fact  turns  decidedly  to  the  advantage  of  those  who  are 
belisveii  to  be  true.  There  are  from  five  to  twenty-five  of  these  men  and 
women  at  each  of  the  villages,  most  of  whom  have  a  fair  reputation  and  con- 
siderable employment;  and  that,  notwithstanding  these  Indians  are  now 
receiving  so  much  aid  from  our  own  people  who  follow  the  medical  profession. 
I  do  not  believe  that  an  individual  Dakotah  can  be  found,  who  does  not 
believe  that  these  jugglers  can  heal  diseases  without  the  help  of  vegetai>le  or 
mineral  medicines,  except  as  this  faith  has  been  destroyed  by  the  introduction 
among  them  of  science  and  Christianity ;  and,  even  at  this  day,  the  persons 
who  do  not  eai[rloy  them  as  wata/*  jugglers  are  very  few  indeed." 


MYTHOLOGY  OF  THE  SIX  NATIONS.* 

"An  unlimited  expanse  of  water  once  filled  tho  space  now  occupied  by  the 
world  we  inhabit,  and  here  was  the  a^ode  of  total  darkness,  which  no  ray  of 
light  ever  penetrated.  At  this  time  the  human  family  dwelt  in  a  country 
situated  in  the  upper  regions  of  the  creation,  abounding  in  everything  con- 
ducive to  the  comfort  and  convenience  of  life  ;  the  forests  were  full  of  game ; 
the  lakes  and  streams  swarmed  with  fish  and  fowl ;  while  the  earth  and  fields 
spontaneously  produced  a  profusion  of  vegetables  for  the  use  of  man  ;  an 
unclouded  sun  enlivened  their  days,  and  storms  and  tempests  were  unknown 
in  that  happy  region. 

"The  inhabitants  were  strangers  to  death,  and  its  harbingers,  pain  and 
disease;  while  their  minds,  freed  from  the  corroding  passions  of  jealousy, 
hatred,  malice,  and  revenge,     ere  perfectly  happy. 

"At  length,  however,  an  evisnt  occurred  which  interrupted  their  tranquil- 
lity, and  introduced  care  and  anxiety,  till  then  unknown.  A  certain  young 
man,  of  high  position,  was  observed  to  withdraw  himself  from  the  circle  of 
their  social  amusements  ;  the  solitary  recesses  of  the  grove  became  his  fivorite 
walks;  care  and  chagrin  were  depicted  in  his  countenance  ;  and  his  body, 
from  long  abstinence,  presented  to  the  view  of  his  friends  the  mere  skeleton 
of  a  man.  Anxious  friends  again  and  again  vainly  solicited  to  know  tho 
cause  of  his  grief,  until,  debilitated  both  in  body  and  mind,  he  yielded  to  the 
importunities  of  his  associates,  and  promised  to  disclose  the  cause  of  bin 
troubles,  on  condition  that  they  would  dig  up  by  the  roots  a  certain  white 

•  Paper  by  James  Dean,  Esq.,  of  Oneida  County,  New  York,  in  History,  Ac,  of  Indiaus,  Vol.  VI. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


1.1 


lu  122   12.2 


"f      1*0 


2.0 


F'  i  '-^  IJ4 

< 

6"     

► 

<,1«. 


<^ 


y] 


^> 


V 


Kiotographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STREET 

WlftSTER.N.Y.  MSM 

(716)  t72-4S03 


;\ 


710 


MYTHOLOGY  OP  THR  SIX  NATIONS. 


pine  tree,  lay  him  on  his  robes  neap  the  edge  of  the  hole,  and  seat  his  wife 
by  his  side.  Complying  with  his  request,  the  fatal  tree  was  taken  up  by  the 
roots ;  in  doing  which  the  earth  was  perforated,  and  a  passage  opened  to  the 
abyss  below,  when  the  robe  was  placed  by  the  side  of  the  opening,  and  the 
youth  laid  thereon ;  his  wife  taking  her  seat  by  his  side.  The  multitude, 
eager  to  learn  the  cause  of  such  strange  and  unusual  conduct,  pressed  around ; 
when,  on  a  sudden,  to  their  horror  and  astonishment,  he  seized  upon  the 
woman,  then  enuiente,  and  precipitated  her  headlong  into  the  darkness 
below ;  then,  rising  from  the  ground,  he  informed  the  assembly  that  he  had 
for  some  time  suspected  the  chastity  of  his  wife,  and  that  having  now  dis- 
posed of  the  cause  of  his  mental  suffering,  he  should  soon  recover  bis  usual 
health  and  vivacity. 

"All  the  birds  and  amphibious  animals  which  now  inhabit  the  earth,  then 
occupied  the  watery  waste,  to  which  the  woman  in  her  fall  was  hastening. 
The  loon  first  discovered  her  coming,  and  called  a  council  to  prepare  for  her 
reception.  Observing  that  the  animal  which  approached  was  a  human  being, 
they  knew  that  earth  was  indispensably  necessary  for  her  accommodation, 
and  the  first  subject  of  deliberation  was,  who  should  support  the  burden. 
The  sea  bear  firet  presented  himself  for  a  trial  of  his  strength,  when  instantly 
the  other  animals  gathered  around,  and  seated  themselves  on  his  back  ;  but 
the  bear,  unable  to  support  the  weight,  sunk  beneath  the  surface  of  the  water, 
and  was  judged  by  the  whole  assembly  unequal  to  the  task  of  supporting  her, 
and  her  prerequisite,  the  earth.  Several  others  in  succession  presented  them- 
selves as  candidates  for  the  honor,  and  with  similar  ill-success.  Last  of  all, 
the  turtle  modestly  advanced,  tendering  his  broad  shell  as  the  basis  of  the 
earth,  now  about  to  be  formed.  The  beasts  then  made  trial  of  its  strength 
to  bear  weight,  and  finding  their  united  pressure  unable  to  sink  tii'  turtle 
below  the  surface,  adjudged  to  him  the  honor  of  supporting  the  world.  A 
foundation  being  thus  provided,  the  next  subject  of  deliberation  was,  how  to 
procure  earth,  which,  it  was  concluded,  must  be  obtained  from  the  bottom  of 
the  sea.  Several  of  the  most  expert  divers  went  in  quest  of  it ;  but  invariably, 
when  they  rose  to  the  surface  of  the  water,  they  were  dead.  The  mink  at 
length  took  the  dangerous  plunge,  and  when,  after  a  long  absence,  his  carcass 
floated  to  the  surface,  a  criti<^al  examination  discovered  a  small  quantity  of 
earth  in  one  of  his  claws,  which  he  had  scratched  from  the  bottom,  and  this 
being  carefully  preserved,  was  placed  on  the  back  of  the  turtle.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  woman  continued  falling,  and  at  length  alighted  on  the  back  of  the 
turtle,  on  which  the  earth  had  already  grown  to  the  size  of  a  man's  foot,  and 
on  this  she  stood  with  one  foot  covering  the  other.  Shortly  after  she  had 
room  for  both  feet,  and  was  soon  able  to  sit  down.  The  eDrth  continued  to 
expand,  and  soon  formed  a  small  island,  skirted  with  wiilow,  and  other 
aquatic  plants  ar**  shrubbery;  and  at  length  it  stretched  out  into  a  widely- 
extended  plain,  in  erspersed  with  rivers  and  smaller  streams,  which,  with 
gentle  current,  roiled  forward  their  tributary  waters  to  the  ocean.  Atahent- 
sic,  the  woman,  then  repaired  to  the  sea-shore,  erected  a  habitation,  and 
settled  in  her  new  abode,  where,  not  long  after,  she  became  the  mother  of  a 
daughter,  and  was  supported  by  tSie  spontaneous  productions  of  the  earth 
until  the  child  arrived  at  adult  years,  when  the  latter  was  solicited  in  marriage 
by  several  animals,  changed  into  the  form  of  young  men.  The  loon  first  pre< 
sented  himself  as  a  suitor,  V)  the  form  of  a  tall,  well-dressed,  fine-looking 
young  man,  but  after  due  consultation  with  the  mother,  his  suit  was  rejected. 
Several  others  presented  themselves,  and  were  rejected  by  the  mother ;  until, 
at  length,  the  turtle,  with  his  short  neck,  short  bandy  legs,  and  humped  back, 
offered  himself  as  a  suitor,  and  was  received.  After  she  had  laid  herself 
down  to  sleep,  the  turtle  placed  upon  her  abdomen  two  arrows  in  the  form  of 
a  cross,  one  headed  with  a  flint,  the  other  with  the  rough  bark  of  a  tree,  and 
took  his  leave.  In  due  time  she  became  the  mother  of  two  sons,  called,  in 
Iroquois,  Yoskiki  and  Thoitsaron  ;  but  died  in  giving  tbam  birth.  When  the 
time  arrived  for  the  children  to  be  born,  they  consulted  together  about  the 
lest  mode  of  egress  from  tiieir  place  of  confinement,  and  the  youngest  deter- 
mined to  make  his  exit  by  the  natural  passage,  whilst  the  other  resolved  to 
take  the  shortest  route,  by  breaking  through  the  walls  of  his  prison;  in 


MYTHOLOGY  OP  THE  SIX  NATIONS. 


711 


■t^ 


effecting  which  he  consequently  destroyed  his  mother,  thus  giving  the  first 
evidence  of  his  malignant  disposition.  The  gmndmother,  enraged  at  her 
daughter's  death,  resolved  to  destroy  the  children,  and,  taking  them  in  her 
arms,  threw  them  both  into  the  sea,  bat  scarcely  had  she  reached  her  wigwam, 
when  the  children  appeared  at  the  door.  The  experiment  of  drowning  them 
was  several  times  repeated,  but  in  vain. 

"  Discouraged  by  her  ill  success,  she  determined  to  lot  them  live.     Then, 
dividing  the  corpse  of  her  daughter  into  two  parts,  she  threw  them  upwards 
towards  the  heavens,  when  the  upper  part  became  the  sun  and  the  lower  part 
the  moon,  which  is  the  reas'^n  why  the  latter  has  always  presented  the  form 
of  the  human  face.     At  vuis  time  began  the  succession  of  day  and  night  in 
our  world.    The  children  speedily  became  men,  and  expert  archers.    The 
elder,  whose  name,  in  Oneida,  was  Thau-wisk-a-lau  (a  term  expressive  of  the 
greatest  degree  of  malignity  and  cruelty),  used  the  arrow  of  the  turtle  pointed 
with  flint,  and  killed  with  it  the  largest  beasts  of  the  forest ;  while  the  younger, 
whose  name,  in  the  same  dialect,  was  Tau-lou-ghy-au-wan-goon  (a  name  de- 
doting  unbounded  goodness  and  benevolence),  had  the  arrow  headed  with 
bark ;  but  the  former  was,  on  account  of  his  malignant  disposition,  and  his 
skill  and  success  in  hunting,  a  favorite  with  his  grandmother.     They  livi-d  in 
the  midst  of  plenty,  but  would  not  permit  the  younger  brother,  whose  arrow 
was  not  sufficiently  powerful  to  destroy  anything  but  birds,  to  share  in  their 
abundance.    As  this  young  man  was  one  day  wandering  along  the  shore,  he 
saw  a  bird,  perched  upon  a  bough   projecting  over  the  water,  which   he 
attempted  to  kill ;  but  his  arrow,  till  that  time  unerring,  flew  wide  of  the 
mark  and  sank  in  the  sea.     He  determined  to  recover  it;  and,  swimming  to 
the  place  where  it  fell,  plunged  to  the  bottom,  when,  to  his  astonishment,  he 
found  himself  in  a  small  cottage,  in  which  u  venerable  old  man  was  sitting, 
who  received  him  with  a  smile  of  fraternal  complacency,  and  thus  addressed 
him  :  '  My  son,  I  welcome  you  to  the  habitation  of  your  father.     To  obtain 
this  interview,  I  have  directed  all  the  circumstano.ix  which  have  conspired  to 
bring  you  hither.    Here  is  your  arrow,  and  here  is  aa  car  of  corn,  which  you 
will  find  pleasant  and  wholesome  food.     I  have  watched  the  unkindness  both 
of  your  grandmother  and  your  brother,  and  while  he  lives  the  earth  can  never 
be  peopled ;  you  must,  therefore,  take  his  life.     When  you  return  home,  you 
must  traverse  the  whole  earth ;  collect  all  the  flint-stones  into  heaps  which 
you  find,  and  hang  up  all  the  bucks'-horns,  as  these  are  the  only  things  of 
which  your  brother  is  afraid,  or  which  c:»n  make  any  impression  upon  his 
body,  which  is  made  of  flint.     They  will  furnish  you  with  weapons,  always 
at  hand,  wherever  he  may  direct  bis  course.'     Having  received  these  and 
other  instructions  from  his  father,  he  returned  to  the  world,  and  began  imme- 
diately to  obey  his  father's  directions,  which  being  done,  the  elder  resolved 
on  a  hunting  excursion.     On  their  way  to  the  hunting-ground,  he  inquired 
of  the  younger  what  were  the  objects  of  his  greatest  aversion.     He  informed 
him  (falsely)  that  there  was  nothing  so  terrific  to  him  as  beech-boughs  and 
bulrushes,  and  inquired  in  turn  of  Thau-wink-a-lau  what  he  most  dreaded ; 
he  answered,  nothing  so  much  as  flint-stones   and  bucks'-horns,  and  that 
nothing  else  could  injure  him  ;  and  that  lately  he  had  been  much  annoyed  by 
them  wherever  he  went.    Having  arrived  at  their  place  of  destination,  the 
elder  went  in  quest  of  game,  leaving  the  younger  to  attend  to  the  menial 
occupation  of  erecting  his  hut,  and  preparing  such  other  accommodations  aa 
he  required.    After  an  absence  of  some  time,  the  elder  returned  exhausted 
with  fatigue  and  hunger,  and  partaking  of  a  hearty  repast,  prepared  by  his 
brother,  he  retired  to  his  wigwam  to  sleep ;  but  when  he  had  fallen  into  a 
profound  slumber,  the  younger  kindled  a  large  fire  at  its  entrance.    After  a 
time,  the  elder  found  himself  extremely  incommoded  by  the  heat;  and  the 
flinty  materials  of  his  body,  expanding  by  its  intensity,  were  exploding  in 
large  scales  from  his  carcass.     In  a  great  rage,  and  burning  for  revenge,  he 
broke  through  the  fire  in  front  of  the  hut,  hastened  to  a  neighboring  beech, 
armed  himself  with  a  largo  bough,  and  returned  to  chastise  and  destroy  his 
brother;  but  finding  that  his  repeated  and  violent  blows  had  no  effect  upon 
his  brother,  who  pelted  him  with  flint-stones  and  belabored  him  with  bucks'- 
horns,  which  caused  the  flinty  scales  to  fall  from  his  body  in  copious  showers, 


712 


MYTHOLOGY  OP  TUB  SIX  NATIONS. 


he  betook  hin>delf  to  a  neighboring  roarnh,  where  he  supplied  himself  with  a 
bundle  of  bulrushes,  and  returned  to  the  contest,  though  with  the  same  ill 
success.  Finding  himself  deceived,  and  failing  of  his  purpose,  he  sought 
safety  in  flight.  As  he  fled,  the  earth  trembled.  A  verdant  plain,  bounded 
by  the  distant  ocean,  lay  before  him ;  behind  him,  the  earth  sunk  in  deep 
valleys  and  frightful  chasms,  or  rose  into  lofty  mountains  or  stupendous  pre- 
cipices ;  the  streams  ceased  to  roll  forward  their  waters,  and,  bursting  their 
barriers,  poured  down  the  cliffs  in  cataracts,  or  foamed  through  their  rocky 
channels  to  the  ocean.  The  younger  brother  followed  the  fugitive  with 
vigorous  steps,  wounding  him  continually  with  his  weapons,  and  at  length,  in 
a  far  distant  region,  beyond  the  savannahs  of  the  west,  he  breathed  his  last, 
loading  the  earth  with  his  flinty  form. 

"  The  great  enemy  of  the  race  of  the  turtle  being  destroyed,  they  came  up 
out  of  the  ground  in  human  form,  and  for  some  time  mnltipliod  in  peace,  and 
spread  extensively  over  its  surface.  Atahentsic,  the  grandmother,  roused  to 
furious  resentment  for  the  loss  of  her  darling  son,  and  resolving  to  be 
revenged,  for  many  days  successively,  caused  the  rain  to  descend  in  torrents 
from  the  clouds,  until  the  whole  surfuce  of  the  earth,  and  even  the  highest 
mountains,  were  covered  ;  but  the  inhabitants  fled  to  their  canoes,  and  escaped 
the  impending  destruction.  The  disappointed  grandmother  caused  the  rains 
to  cease,  and  the  waters  to  subside,  when  the  inhabitants  returned  to  their 
former  places  of  abode.  Determining  to  effect  her  purpose  in  another  manner, 
she  covered  the  earth  with  a  deluge  of  snow,  to  escape  which  new  evil  tliey 
betook  themselves  to  their  snow-shoes,  and  thus  eluded  her  vengeance. 
Chagrined  at  length  by  these  disappointments,  she  gave  up  the  idea  of  destroy- 
ing the  whole  human  race  at  once,  and  determined  to  wreak  her  vengeance 
upon  them  in  a  manner  which,  although  less  violent,  should  be  more  efficacious. 
Accordingly,  she  has  ever  since  been  employed  in  gratifying  her  malignant 
disposition,  by  inflicting  upon  mankind  all  those  evils  which  are  suffered  in 
this  present  world.  Tarenyawagon,  in  Oneida,  Tau-lou-ghy-au-wan-gnon,  on 
tht)  other  hand,  displays  the  infinite  benevolence  of  his  nature  by  bestowing 
on  the  human  race  the  blessings  they  enjoy,  all  of  which  flow  from  his 
bountiful  providence.  This  personage  afterwards  dwelt  among  his  brethren 
under  the  name  of  Hiawatha.  The  name  Tarenyawagon,  literally  translated, 
is  *  the  Holder,  or  Supporter  of  the  Heavens.'  Hiawatha  was  the  minister 
of  Tarenyawagon,  and  agent  of  his  good  will  to  mankind," 


NOTES,  ETC. 


713 


NOTES,    ADDITIONS,    AND   CORRECTIONS. 

P.  47. — The  wholo  of  the  letter  of  Gov.  Bradttreet  is  ttoto  printed  in  the  N»t» 
Eng.  Hist,  and  Genealog.  Reg.  ii.  150. 

P.  61. — MuRDEK  OF  Miss  McCuea.  Among  the  many  versions  of  this  tragedy, 
there  is  one  in  Barber's  Hist.  Coll.  of  New  York,  pp.  6G9,  670,  which  may  be 
worth  consulting ;  it  teould  be,  doubtless,  had  he  informed  us  how  he  got  his 
information.  Perhaps  from  people  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  murder.  Wo  do 
not  like  inferences  when  easily  avoided. 

P.  69. — ihis  early  voyage  to  New  England  has  been  reprinted  entire,  in  3  Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vol.  viii. 

P.  83. — Respecting  the  visit  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  to  the  coast  of  New  England 
before  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  our  account  is  pretty  full.  The  conclusion 
there  arrived  at,  that  Drake  did  actually  land  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Cape  Cod,  we  thought  our  authorities  clearly  justified.  But  some  critical  writers 
since  my  work  was  published,  questioning  the  fact,  I  am  ready  to  confess  that 
the  subject  is  not,  nor  did  I  ever  consider  it,  settled  beyond  a  doubt ;  yet,  after 
all,  it  m»y  oe  quite  as  difficult  to  settle  it  the  other  way,  namely,  that  he  did  not 
land  in  New  England. 

P.  111. — On  this,  and  the  pages  immediately  before  and  after  it,  notices  are 
contained  of  several  chiefs  and  others  who  were  living  between  Boston  and  Sa- 
lem when  the  English  came.  The  most  of  them  had  more  or  less  to  do  with 
all  the  whites  who  settled  near  them,  and  especially  -^th  those  who  settled  at 
and  about  Saugus,  afterwards  Ciillcd  Lynn.  This  circumstance  brought  their 
liiatory  particularly  under  the  int  estigation  of  the  accomplished  historian  of  that 
town,  Alonzo  Lewis,  Esq.  Our  text  was  written  before  the  appearance  of  his 
second  edition,  to  which  is  added  a  great  amount  of  the  most  valuable  infor- 
mation, of  which  we  were  not  in  possession.  Therefore,  instead  of  making  a 
long  note  here,  of  extracts,  corrections,  &c.,  we  must  refer  our  readers  to  the 
work  of  Mb.  Lewis,  where  the  numerous  facts  will  be  found,  clothed  in  the  easy 
and  polished  style  of  that  writer. 

P.  111. — Concerning  SAGAMORE  JOHN,  we  have  a  note  as  early  as 
1631.  In  his  letter  to  the  countess  of  Lincoln,  Gov.  Dudley  s&ya,  "John  is  a 
handsome  young  man — conversant  with  vs,  affecting  English  Aparell  and  bow- 
ses, and  speaking  we"  of  our  God." — James,  the  brother  of  John,  "  commanded 
not  above  30  or  40  m«..        Dudley,  ib. 

P.    22. — "  The  most  common  pronunciation  of  the  name  of  MiantonotnovfUl  ap- 
pear, I  imagine,  in  the  following  couplet  from  S.  Danforth's  Almanack  for  1649  : 
'  And  by  thy  fall  comes  in  the  Engluih  wo 
If  it  may  be  by  Miantonomo.' " 

MS.  note  by  John  Farmer. 

P.  182 CAPT.  TOM,  alias  Wattasacompanum.    Some  of  the  proceedings 

against  this  mai.  have  of  late  been  brought  to  light.  His  case  is  one  of  most 
melancholy  interest,  and  his  fate  will  ever  be  deeply  regretted ;  inasmuch  as  the 
proof  against  him,  so  far  as  wo  can  discover,  would  not  at  any  other  time  have 
been  deemed  worthv  of  a  moment's  serious  consideration.  The  younger  Eliot 
pleaded  earnestly  for  him,  that  he  might  even  have  a  new  trial,  but  without 
avail.  In  our  MS.  "  Chronicles  of  the  Indians,"  we  have  this  entry : 
"  22  June,  1676.  Death  warrant  signed  for  Captain  Tom's  execution."  It  is 
directed  to  "  Edward  Mitchelson,  Marshall  Generall,"  who  is  ordered  to  see  that 
"  Captain  Tom  Indian  and  Jno.  Oultuck,  Indian  enemys  be  hanged  on  this  day 
after  y  lecture  till  they  be  dead." 

P.  183.— SAMPSON  OCCOM.  There  was  a  portrait  taken  of  this  distin- 
guished Indian  while  he  was  in  England,  painted  by  M.  Chamberlain,  from 
which  a  fine  mezzotinto  engraving  was  made  by  J.  Spilsbtiry,  and  published  on  a 
folio  sheet  It  is  thus  entitled  :  "  The  Reverend  Mr.  Samson  Occom,  the  first 
Indian  minister  that  ever  was  in  Europe,  end  who  accompanied  the  Kcv.  Nath'l 
"WTiitaker,  D.  D.,  in  an  application  to  Great  Britain  for  Charities  to  support  y* 
Rev.  Dr.  Wheelock's  Indian  Academy,  and  Missionaries  amon^^  y«  Native  Sav- 
ages  of  N.  America."    Published  according  to  act  of  Parliament,  Sept.  20, 


714 


NOTES,  BTC. 


1768,  by  Henry  Parker,  at  No.  82  in  Comhill,  London. 
tA»  aut/ior. 


Portrait  in  pouettion  of 


P.  218.~The  following  curiov.3  document  is  added,  to  throw  eome  light  on  the 
Narraganset  expedition  of  Dec.  1675  : — 

"  Whereas  at  the  fireinee  of  Majo'  Appletons  Tent  at  Narragansitt  Diners 
armcB  and  Clothes  were  lost  by  the  fire  belonging  to  pcrticuler  persons,  a 
list  of  whom  is  taken  and  in  the  hands  of  Capt.  Swayne.  then  Leiut.  to  Majo' 
Appleton,  who  heretofore  haue  rec.  no  satisfaction  for  the  same,  This  Court 
[Gen.  Ct.  of  Ms.]  Doth  order  that  repayration  be  made  by  the  Country  to  the 
persons  Damnily-ed  by  the  s"*  fire,  and  that  the  Committees  of  Militia  in  tlie 
severall  Townes,  doe  allow  Damage  vpon  the  Accounts  afforesd,  and  enter  them 
amongst  the  Disbursements  of  the  s*'  townes.  The  Deputyes  haue  past  this 
Desiring  the  Consent  of  o'  Honor^  Magistrates  hereto. 

William  Torrey,  Cleric. 

15  Sept.  1676.  Consented  to  by  the  magists.  Edw.  Ilawson,  Secrcty." 

P.  222. — Following  other  printed  accounts  of  the  war,  we  gave  the  name  of 
"  Captain  Crowell,"  which  should  bo  "  CoweU."  Jamei  Cowell  was  of  Boston, 
before  and  after  this  war.  In  our  MS.  "  CanoNicLEs,"  above  cited,  we  have  a 
circumstantial  account  of  the  affair  which  at  this  time  brought  him  to  the  notice 
of  the  historians.  The  account  is  by  himself^  as  ho  gave  it  in  a  deposition,  at 
the  trial  of  Capt.  Tom,  and  is  as  follows : — 

"  As  I  was  returning  from  Marlborough  to  Boston,  in  the  Contoryes  searvicc, 
and  had  18  men  under  my  conduct,  and  about  3  miles  from  Sudbury  wee  ware 
Suprysed  with  divers  hundred  of  Indians,  whereof  this  Indian  Tom  was  one, 
none  by  a  grombleing  sign  or  noyse  y'  he  made ;  as  in  my  Judgement  was  y« 
cause  of  our  bejng  flyored  vpon ;  at  which  tjme  fower  of  my  Company  was 
killed  and  one  wounded ;  beside  ffive  horses  were  disinabled,  [being]  shot. 
"Vpon  Capi.  Wadsworth's  ingadgen  wjth  [y*]  Indians,  I  wentt  backe  and  bxiryed 
y  ffower  men  which  ware  killed,  whereof  was  Thomas  [Har  ]  and  Uopkituea 
son  of  Roxbury,  Goodman,  a  son  of  liobirt  Waylea  of  Dorchister."  "  Sworn 
in  Court,  19  June,  1676." 

P.  263. — MATOONAS.  The  following  characteristic  reflections  and  obsen-a- 
tions  of  Dr.  Increase  Mather,  which  the  consideration  of  the  acts  and  fate  of 
this  chief  seemed  to  excite  in  his  mind,  are  extracted,  as  w^orthy  of  preservation 
in  this  connection  : — 

"  How  often  have  we  prayed,  that  the  Lord  would  remember  the  cruelty,  treachery, 
and  above  all  the  blasphemy  of  these  heathen ! — This  prayer  has  been  heard  in 
Heaven.  As  for  their  cruelty,  God  hath  remembered  that,  many  of  them  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Mohawks  or  o'her  Indians,  who  fought  in  our  quarrel,  used 
their  enemies  afte^-  their  own  kind.  And  it  hath  been  observed,  that  the  ven- 
geance from  the  Lord  did  pursue  them  presently  upon  the  perpetration  of  some 
horrid  acts  of  baibarous  cruelty  towards  such  as  fell  into  their  murderous  hands. 
And  as  for  their  treachery,  God  hath  retaliated  that  upon  them  ;  as  for  the  per- 
fidious  Narragansets,  Peter  Indian  was  false  and  perfidious  to  them,  upon  a  dis- 
gust received  amongst  them,  and  directed  our  army  whereto  find  them.  Treach- 
erous Philip,  one  of  his  own  men  ran  away  from  him,  and  told  Capt.  Church 
where  that  grand  enemy  had  hid  himself,  the  issue  of  which  was,  another  Indian 
shot  a  bullet  into  the  treacherous  heart  of  that  covenant-breaking  infidel.  Yea, 
many  of  those  cloudy  and  dcceiptful  Indians  who  were  taken  by  Capt.  Church, 
would  frequently  destroy  and  betray  their  bloudy  and  false-hearted  comrades. 
Matoonas,  who  we s  the  first  Indian  that  treacherously  shed  innocent  English 
blood  in  Massachusetts  Colony,  he  some  years  before  pretended  to  something  of 
religion,  being  a  professor  in  general  (though  never  baptized,  nor  of  the  in- 
churched  Indians)  that  so  he  might  the  more  covertly  manage  the  hellish  design 
of  revenge  that  was  harbored  in  his  divelish  heart." 

P.  263. — "  The  murder  at  Wobum  here  referred  to  by  Hubbard,  apparently 
as  perpetrated  a  little  before  Philip's  war,  was  not  improbably  the  same  as  one 
committed  in  the  west  part  of  Wobum,  now  Burlington,  the  story  of  wliich  has 
been  transmitted  there  by  tradition  from  time  immemorial,  and  is  briefly  as 
follows :  On  a  certain  Sabbath,  an  Indian  concealed  himself  in  a  hop  house,  the 
sit«  of  the  kiln  of  which  is  still  pointed  out,  about  a  mile  from  Burlington  meet- 
ing-house, close  to  the  north  side  of  the  road  to  Bedford,  between  the  houses  of 
Deacon  George  Mclntire  and  of  Miss  Ruth  Wilson.  ^Vhen  he  supposed  the 
neighbors  generally  had  gone  to  meeting,  he  came  out  from  his  lurking-place, 
and  went  to  the  house  which  then  stood  on  the  spot  where  Jliss  Wilson's  now  is. 
Upon  entering,  ho  asked  for  cider  of  a  young  woman  that  had  been  left  at  homo, 


NOTES,  BTC. 


715 


0/ 


In  compliance  with  his  request,  she  wont  to  draw  some ;  but  upon  her  return, 
he  knocked  her  in  the  head  as  she  reached  the  top  of  the  cellar  stairs.  The 
cellar  door  was  dashed  with  her  blood,  the  stain  of  which  was  never  wiped  off ; 
and  when  the  house  camo  to  be  taken  down,  not  far  from  a  century  ago,  to 
build  another  on  its  site,  this  blood-stained  door  was  removed  as  it  was  to  the 
barn,  and  there,  and  at  a  house  in  the  neighborhood  to  which  it  was  subse- 
quently conveyed,  it  continued  for  years  to  be  exhibited  ds  a  memorial  of  this 
instance  of  savage  cruelty."  [Tradition  in  the  Wilson  family,  &c.]— J/S.  Letter 
from  Rev.  Samuel  StuxM,  of  Burlington,  Mi.,  to  the  Author. 

P.  2(54. — In  the  History  of  Framingham,  Ms.,  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Barrt,  will 
be  found  many  important  facts  relative  to  the  destruction  of  the  family  of  Thom- 
as Eames,  of  Sudbury,  which  that  diligent  author  derived  from  original  MSS. 
We  have  many  others,  shedding  further  light,  in  our  MS.  Cuuonicles  above  re- 
ferred to,  but  our  limits  do  not  allow  of  their  admission  here.  A  few  items  from 
himself  are  all  we  can  at  present  add. 

Thomas  Eames  came  to  New  England  about  1634.  He  served  in  the  Pequot 
war,  after  which  he  was  "  maimed  by  the  hand  of  God  in  his  limbs."  He  was 
born  in  the  year  1616,  and  in  1668,  was  "the  father  of  many  children,"  "  but 
had  not  one  foote  of  land  in  y«  countray  of  his  owne,"  and  was  "  very  poore." 
His  fortune  seems  to  have  been  much  improved  not  long  after,  for  when  his 
house  was  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  in  1676,  he  says,  "  Yea,  I  am  now  left  des- 
titute, and  bereaved  of  almost  all  comforts  of  my  liifc,  and  of  cuery  bitt  of  my 
estate,  which  the  other  day  amounted  to  no  less  than  aboue  350  pounds.  And 
being  very  lame  and  aged,  and  have  half  a  dozen  children,  each  under  a  dozen 
years  of  age."  This  was  about  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  at  which  time  he  asks 
the  General  Court  to  grant  him  the  land  which  had  been  possessed  by  those  In- 
dians that  had  destroyed  his  family ;  "  seeing,"  he  says,  "  the  ten  owners  and 
inhabitants  y'of  are  no''  now  extant,  6  of  them  burned  my  house  and  family,  3 
of  whome  houe  been  L<tnged,  and  the  others  are  all  fled  vnto  y"  enemy."  The 
government  granted  him  200  acres  of  land,  but  he  did  not  Uvc  long  to  enjoy  it. 
He  died  on  the  2dth  of  January,  1680,  set.  64.  For  an  account  of  Ids  posterity, 
consult  the  History  of  Framingham. 

P.  280. — The  treaty  entered  into  by  the  chiefs  of  ^he  Eastern  Indinns  and 
English  in  the  midst  of  Philip's  war,  seems  not  to  have  fallen  within  the  notice 
of  the  chroniclers,  cither  of  that  time  or  since.  Possibly  Hubbard  mmj  riler  to 
it  in  his  Indian  Wars.  It  being  a  document  of  great  importance,  is  here  in- 
serted entire,  firom  the  Massachusetts  Archives, 

"  Pascataqua  River,  Cochecho,  3  July  [1676.] 

At  a  meeting  of  y>  Com*  appointed  by  y  Hon"*  Genl.  Ct.for  to  treat  y«  Inds. 
of  the  Eastern  Parts  in  order  for  y  procuring  an  Hon"  Peace  with  y"".  Wee 
w*  y">  muf'  consent  of  y  Sagamores  Underwritten  in  beholfe  of  themseli'.cs  and 
y  men— Indians  belonging  to  them  being  about  300  in  Number,  have  agreed  as 
followcth : 

Uy.  That  hence  forwards  none  of  y«  said  Indians  shall  offer  any  violence  to  y 
persons  of  any  English,  nor  doe  any  Damage  to  thcyrs  Estates  in  any  kind  what- 
soever. And  if  any  Indian  or  Indians  shall  offend  herein,  they  shall  bring  or 
cause  to  bee  brought  y  offender  to  some  English  authority,  there  to  bo  prosecuted 
by  y«  EngUsh  Lawes  according  to  y  Nature  of  y*  Offence. 

21y.  That  none  of  said  Indians  shall  entertain  at  any  time  any  of  our  enemies, 
but  shall  giuo  psent  notice  to  y  Comt«  when  any  come  among  them,  ingaging  to 
goe  forth  w""  y  English  against  them  (if  desired)  in  order  to  y«  seizing  of  them. 
And  if  any  of  s''  Indians  shall  themselucs  at  any  time  bring  such  o'  Enemies 
vnto  vs,  they  shall  for  their  reward  haue  £3.  for  each  they  shall  so  bring  in. 

31y.  The  Indians  performmg  on  their  part,  as  is  before  expressed,  wee  y  com- 
ittee  doe  ingage  in  y«  behalfe  of  y  English  not  to  offer  any  violence  to  any  of 
their  persons  or  estates,  and  -I'  any  injury  be  offered  to  said  Indians  by  any 
English,  they  [their]  complaints  to  Authority,  y  offender  shall  be  prosecuted 
bv  English  Lawes  according  to  y'  nature  of  y  offence.  In  witness  to  each  and 
ail  y*  prmises  we  haue  mutually  shaken  hands  and  subscribed  our  names. 


RicuAiiD  Waldeun 
Comittee  2  Nic :  Shapleiob 
r  Tho  :  Danieli. 


^-"Tj  Wanalanset,  Sagamore 
■^^  .Sampson  Aboquacemoka 
Xi^  Mk.  Wm    Sagamore 
♦V^  Squando  Sagamore 

W    DONY 

a3   Seuogumba 
Sam" Numphow 
The  mark  0  Warockomeb. 


1 


716 


NOTES,  ETC. 


P.  303. — A  more  precious  document  than  the  subject  of  this  note,  we  seldom 
have  the  satixfaction  of  laying  before  the  public.    It  elucidates  a  pass  \ge  in 
New  England's  history  of  the  deepest  interest ;  and  had  wc  space,  much  explan- 
atory matter  might  be  given. 
"  Honoured  Mother 

After  my  duty  and  my  wifcs  presented  to  yourselfe  these  may  inform  you  of 
[our]  present  health  of  our  present  being  when  other  of  ova  friends  are  by  the 
barbarous  heathen  cut  off  from  having  a  being  in  this  world  The  Lord  [of]  late 
hath  renewed  his  witnesses  against  tb,  and  hath  dealt  very  bitterly  \i-ith  us  in 
that  wo  are  deprived  of  the  societie  of  our  nearest  friends  by  the  breaking  in  of 
the  adversarie  against  vs  ;  On  Friday  last  in  the  morning  your  own  son  with 
your  two  sons  in  Law  Anthony  and  Thomas  Bracket  and  their  whole  families 
were  killed  and  taken  by  the  Indians,  we  know  not  how,  tis  certainly  known  by 
us  that  Thomas  is  slain  and  his  wife  aud  children  carried  away  captiue,  and  of 
Anthony  and  his  family  we  haue  no  tidings  and  therefore  think  that  thay  might 
be  captivated  the  night  before  beca'ise  of  the  remoteness  of  their  habitation  from 
neighborhood,  Om  Corban  and  all  his  family  Om  Lewis  and  his  wife,  James 
Ross  and  all  his  family,  Om  Durham,  John  Munjoy,  and  Daniel  Wakcly,  Ben- 
jamin Iladwcll  and  all  his  family  are  lost,  all  slain  by  sun  nr.  hour  high  In  the 
Morning  and  after,  Om  Wallis  his  dwelling  hoase  and  none  besides  his  is  bun.t 
there  are  of  men  slain  11,  of  women  and  children  28  killed  and  taken,  wo  that 
are  alive  are  forced  upon  Mr.  Andrews  his  Island  to  secure  our  own  and  the 
liucs  of  our  families  we  haue  but  littie  provision  and  are  so  few  in  number  that 
we  are  not  able  to  bury  the  dead  till  more  strength  come  to  us,  the  desire  of  the 
people  to  your  selfe  is  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  speak  to  Mr.  Munjoy  and 
Deacon  Philips  that  they  would  entreat  the  Govomour  that  forthwith  aid 
might  be  sent  to  vs  either  to  fight  the  enemie  out  of  our  borders  that  our  Eng- 
lish Corn  may  be  inned  in  whereby  we  may  comfortably  line  or  rcmoue  vs  out 
of  Danger  that  we  may  provide  for  our  selucs  elsewhere  having  no  more  at 
present  but  desiring  your  prayers  to  God  for  his  preservation  of  us  in  these 
times  of  danger,  I  rest  Your  dutifuU  Son 

Thaddeus  Clark. 

ffrom  Casco-bay  16.  6.  76.  remember  my  Love  to  my  Sister  &c. 

These  ffor  his  honoured  Mother  Mri*  Elizabeth  Harvey  living  in  Boblon." 

P.  312. — "  I  have  understood  that  the  town  of  Moultonborough  was  named  in 
honor  of  Gen.  Jonathan  Moulton,  of  Hampton,  who  was  a  principal  proprietor." 
MS.  note  of  John  Faftner  in  a  copy  of  the  3d  Ed.  of  the  Book  of  the  Indians. 

P.  313. — Prop.  Upham,  of  Bowdoin  College,  is  the  author  of  the  ballad  there 
given.     Farmer,  as  above  cited. 

P.  522.— CAPT.  WHITEEYES.  In  the  Narrative  of  Richard  Bard's  Adven- 
tures among  the  Indians  will  be  found  some  interesting  details  for  an  enlarge- 
ment of  the  life  of  this  chief.     See  Loudon's  Selection  of  Jnd.  Nars.  ii.  67—71. 

P.  631. — HALFKING.  Besides  the  different  Indian  names  which  v/e  have 
given  for  this  chief,  another  has  been  published  in  the  "  History  of  Western  Penn- 
sylvania." He  is  there  called  Tanacharison,  where  it  is  also  stated  thau  he  died 
at  Harris  Ferry,  (Harrisburg,)  Oct.  1st,  1764.  In  another  part  of  the  same 
work,  (p.  71,)  it  is  stated  that  he  died  at  the  house  of  John  Harris,  of  that  place, 
and  was  buried  by  him. 

P.  672. — Note  J.  In  the  Boston  Courier  of  31th  August,  1843,  it  is  mentioned 
that  the  Capt.  Newman,  who  fell  in  St.  Clair's  defeat,  was  of  Boston ;  that  he 
was  of  the  class  of  1766,  in  the  Latin  school,  while  of  the  same  class  were  Isaac 
Coffin,  since  Admiral  Sir  Isaac,  Dr.  Jena.  Homer, -late  of  Newton,  Dr.  James 
Freeman,  &c. 

P.  683.  In  our  note  stating  the  age  and  death  of  Daniel  Boone,  we  have 
made  an  alteration  in  conformity  to  inibrmation  received  from  Rev.  J.  M.  Peck. 
It  now  agrees  with  what  he  has  since  published  in  his  excellent  life  of  the  old 
Pioneer,  and  corresponds  very  nearly  with  the  facto  in  Niles's  Register,  printed  at 
the  time. 


INDEX. 


NoTB.— The  namei  of  Indiani  are  printed  in  CAPITALS  ;  and  all  nnmra  of  tilbei  and  Ib> 
dian  name!  of  placrt  ara  let  In  Italic  type.  This  methiid  of  dlsticsulibiny  articlea  tlie  aulbor  haa 
found,  by  eiperience,  (really  to  relieve  the  eyeH. 

Not  only  names  of  tribes,  nationa,  and  cniintriei  are  ilalieiz(d,  but  such  English  names  ara 
printed  in  the  lame  letter  as  have  been  given  to  tribei,  nationa,  and  pinct-n  iiihaSited  by  Indians. 

A  few  baptianial  or  Chriitian  namea,  and  some  nnniea  of  places,  will  be  biund  iu  brocktita. 
Those  are  additions,  and  are  not  iuund  in  the  body  of  the  work. 


AiatoADKasT,  sachem  of  Swan 

Island,  S85. 
Menakta,  iheir  lo^htion,  9,  391. 
Aaci<4Uio,   murder    of,    306; 

another,  333. 
Abiaci,  (Sam  JoKEt,)  403,487. 
AiinAHAM,(a  notrd  JTegro  chief,) 

417,  433.  41)2,  479. 
ArTEon,  gr>..:t  exploit  of,  VtX,  7. 
Adair,  Jaineii,  Hist.  Ind. 305,385. 
Adams,  B.  T.,   his  exploit  in 

Florida,  481. 
Adams,     Henry,    killed,   991 ; 

John,  087  ;  John  ti.,  108,  3»4, 

45ti,  463 ;  Lieut.,  481 )  Mrs.  — , 

killed,  231;    Mr. — ,  escapes 

ninssacre,  434. 
AoAMcri,  (L'Arr.  Tom,)  exploit 

of,  334. 
Jigavam,  Ind.  troubles  there,I10. 
Ahatok,  counsellor  to  WAurA- 

TUCK,  109. 

AHATTAWAIf,TAHATTAWAIt,&C. 
113,  181. 

AiTToif,  John,  chief  of  the  P&- 
nobscota,  330. 

AcKOMroin,  (UiixoMroiit,)  99, 
924. 

Alco:k,  Eliz.,  eaptiv&ted  at 
York,  999, 

Alden,Col.,  billed,  58C;  Eliza- 
beth, 253;  John,  242,  30f; 
Rev.  T.,  997,  615. 

ALOERHArt,  betrays  and  ki  Is 
Philif,  K6 

ALBXArCDEE,  non  of  MA«i\IOIT, 

91,  99, 984,  187—190, 191,  200, 

901. 
Allen,  John  ;  Mason's  Hist.  P»- 

quot  War,  erroneously  ascribed 

to  him,  170. 
Allen,  VVilkea,  Hist,  of  Chelms- 
ford, 181,  282. 
Allen,  W.,  his  Biographical  Dic- 
tionary, 51. 
Allen,  Lieut.  H.,  ki>>«d  at  Point 

Pleasant,  540. 
AU.IGATOB,   a   noted    Seminole 

chief,  961,  318,  :S9,  35.,  ;ia8. 
ALLikUirA,  squaw  chief  o^  ¥o- 

hii^any,  533. 
Allison,  a  capt.  in  the  Florida 

war,  431. 
Alma,  Mr.,  37 ;  John,  t».  249, 

950;  Simon,  ib. 
AIna,  the   brig,    wreck  of,  in 

Florida,  487 
Alston,  Cairt.  in  the  Florida  war, 

494. 


Ambrtster,   Col.,   wounded   at 

ITaetuB,  too,  484. 
America,   .vhy  so  named,  19; 

how  peopled,  90—34. 
Amherat,  Gen.,  318,  547,  551,  9. 
Ainitlas  and  Barlow's  Voyage, 

83,  114,344. 
JInoikeag  f'alU,  Ind.  ace.  of,  903. 
Amoi,  (Jaft.,  exploits  of,  960, 

970. 
AnasagHntaeookt,  country  of,  C, 

Anderson,  O..  in  the  0ght  at 

Dunlawton,  495. 
Anderson,  Mrs.,  her  plantation 

ravaged,  425. 
Andover,  surprised  by  Ind.,  306, 
ArtDREw,  hia  aervlcea,  995, 300. 
Anecdotes,  Ind.,  34— 45,516,596. 
A»inscuggin,  signification   of, 

318 ;  dispersion  of  the  tribe 

of.  316. 
Annawon's  Rock,  description 

of,  937. 
Arnawor,  Caft.,  83,  90O,  901, 

9^,935-939. 
Anne,  Queen,  her  reception  of 

Indian  chiefs,  509,  510. 
Antiquities,  American,  55—04, 

366,604. 
Appleton,  Capt,  hia  defence  oi 

Hatneld,  917,  698. 
jtfKaJiiucAiimi,  (h'oifioia,)  499. 
Aipiidnek,  purchase  of,    by  the 

whites,  194. 
Aratomabaw,  anecdote  of,  41. 
Arbiickle,  Col.,  465. 
Arhutlinot,A.,am  <ngthe  Creikt, 

405,  406 
AacHiHAir,  a  sachem  of  PoU- 

maek,  41. 
Arexus,  his  visit  to  Boston,  333. 
Argal,  CapL,  seizes  Pocahoh- 

TA.,  357. 
Aristotle,  supposed  to  refer  to 

America,  21. 
Arniistead,  Gen.,  in  the  Florida 

w»r,  394,  478,  494. 
Armstrong,  Col.,  destroys  Kit- 

tannintr^  5m. 
Armstrong,  Gen.,  In  the  Florida 

war,  475. 
Armstrong,  Lt.,  falls  at  Fmuk- 

fau,  399. 
Armstrong,  Lieut.,  in  ifarmar's 

cum|Hilgiis,  686. 
Arnold,  Gen.,  1.57;  Quebec  ex- 
pedition, 319,  338. 
ArnoH,  Lieut.,  killed  in  Har- 

mnr's  defeat,  687. 
Anecdotes,  Ind.  34-45, 516, 39& 


Anilrcseojinn,  aignidration    of, 

318 ;  dispersion   of   tlie  iriba 

of,  316. 
Arrahawikwabemt,     put     to 

death,  :<04. 
Arthur,  Lt.  in  the  Florida  war, 

493. 
AncAisAioTicK.   138;    hia  war, 

14.,  144. 
Aahliy,  Capt.,  471 ;  aeizes  Oicb- 

OLA,  482. 
AiHFBToif,  his  exploit  at  Deer- 

field,  989. 
AaFi  NET,  aach.  of  Jfmuet,  78, 80. 
AiFinquiD,  a  TamUiAe,  tables 

about,  278. 
AiSACAMRi'iT,  a   Tarratne,  9M, 

323,  324,  340. 
A>SAci;itET,  sold  into  slavery, 

70,  73. 
AsiiKii<AiqvA,a  TarratiAetWitt, 

985,989. 
Aisinnaboinet,  10 ;  devastated  by 

smnll-pox,  077. 
AsuHMEitviN,  a  name  of  Mas- 

SAsniT,  81,  938. 
Atherton,  Maj.  Humphrey,  129, 

134,  14.5,  I.'i.i. 
Atkinson,  Thco., a  prisoner,  999. 
Atkinson,    tiiineral,    in  Black 

Hawk's  war,  644 — 654. 
Attakullakvlla,  373— 376. 
At  water,  C,  un  western  mounds, 

57,  59. 
Aubert,  flrst  carries  Indians  to 

France,  6a 
Jliuoiifta,  lAbenakin)  country, 

112,  2n. 

AUM>A<)l'EI«,  (AWASAql'lif,)  134. 

Autoaia,  massacre  of  Indiani  at, 

39I,:!97. 
Aver;-,  Capl.in  Philip's  war,  233. 
AwASHAW,  a  noted  A'arnxgan^ 

«(«,  361,  263. 
AwASHoKKs,  of  Stgkmatt,  949, 

—2.57. 
ATANEMa,  (MinioRET,)  which 

sec. 

B. 

Badlock,  Cnpinin,  tortured   at 

Wyoming,  585. 
Bagnal,  Walter,  murder  of,  112. 
Bailey,  Cul.,at  battle  of  Ouitbla- 

coochp,  423. 
Raker,  Ensign,  killed  at  Point 

PItasnnt,  540. 
Bak'T,  Mr.,  himself  and  family 

cut  off,  487. 
Bald    Eagle,    murder  of,    b} 

whites,  538L 

71T 


718 


INDEX. 


Bnliimnre,  Indlnnii  viait  tn,  CtfO. 
Bancruft,  Lieut.,  relleveii  Kxuter, 

XH. 
Bancroft,  Otxtrge,  hi*  llialory  of 

U.  Stalei,  64,  S.'M!,  »il,  »B. 
Ban|pi,J.,  Ii'mr'u  try  liiiix.,  190. 
BarlHiur,  J.,  uov, Truup'ntlirual 

againM,  455. 
Barelaj',  Robert,  (107. 
Darker,  8.,  of  Plymouth  cnl.,  919. 
Barlow,  on  dentli  uf  Mian  .Mc- 

Crea,  51 ;  on  character  of  Po- 

CAHOIfTAI,  359. 

BAaxAao,  a  noted  C9k«rfi;««  war- 
rior, -.m, 
Barre,  Governor,  hi*  Indian  ex- 
pedition, 501—503. 
BAaaow,  Sam,  taken  and  put  to 

death,  946,  347. 
Barry,  W.  T.,(P.  M.)  455. 
Barry,    Rev.    VV.,    llUtory   of 

FrniiilnKiian),  715. 
Bnrton,  Dr.  B.  8.,  04,  .MS,  544. 
Bartrnin,  VV.,  travels  in  I'lorida, 

63,64. 
Ba>hara,  a   name   of  eastern 

chiefs,  71, 277. 
Basset,  Cnptain,  In  the  eastern 

wars,  370,  690. 
Bassiniier,  LL,  killed  lu  Dade's 

Bght,  418. 
Bateman,  Edwnrd,  buys  lands 

of  the  Iiids.,  S&l. 
Baltlea — The  first  with  Indians 
In  Now  England,  73 ;  Htrick- 
land's  Plain,  133;  PuniaUe- 
irt,  910 ;  PotasaH,  311 ;  Sugar- 
lionf  Hill,  SIS;  Rehnboth 
Plain,  319;  Bloody  Brook, 
316 ;  ^iirramnutt  StBomp,  919 ; 
Biidbury,  £23;  Biidgewater, 
S33 ;  Paittuka,  231, 334 ;  Mat- 
tapoiset  JVeek,  246;  Tur- 
ner's Falls,  259 ;  fTorridireaok, 
311;  Pequawket,  313;  Wheel- 
wright's Pond,  335;  Falls  of 
James  River,  363;  KtcUoe, 
377 ;  Autonae,  391 ,  397  ;  Horse- 
shoe, (Tohapeka,)  391—400; 
7'aifu«AaCe*«,396;  TMadtga, 
397 ;  Holy  Oround,  398;  Emuk- 
fauy  399 ;  Enotochopko,  399 ; 
Davis's  Creek,  406  ;  near  Sa- 
vannah, 407 ;  Ouithlaeooeke, 
493;  Wetumka,  424;  of  Okt- 
chobe,  483;  Great  Meadows, 
533  ;  Dunlawton.  435 ;  Lake 
George,  535 :  o.  t/atehe  Luste, 
478 ;  Lake  Monroe,  479 ;  Pt. 
Pleasant,  539;  Detroit,  551; 
8t.  Mary's,  57;  Miami  Rap- 
ids, 576 ;  Oritkana,  579 ;  John- 
ston, 587 ;  of  Newtown,  ib.  i 
Minumk,  588;  Fort  George, 
596 ;  MonongiAela,  608 ;  JHp- 
puimot,  690 ;  Thama,  ib, ;  Ma- 
gaugo,  6QI ;  River  Raisin,  635 ; 
Sycamore  Creek,  645;  Ouis- 
ctnrin,  650;  Mississippi,  653. 
Baxter,  Mr.,  of  Kmntbunk,  336. 
Baylies'  History  of  New  Plym- 
outh, S96. 
Beall,  Capuin,  487 ;  exploits  of, 

488,493. 
Beal,  Col.,  his  exploit   in  .42a- 

bamt,  436. 
Beane,  Joseph,  a  captive,  393. 
Beard,  Inds.  not  without,  588. 
Beaty,  narrative  among   Indi- 
ans, 53,  54,  117. 
Beasley,  Mo^or,  surprised  and 

slain,  389. 
Beaujeii,  M.  de,  commands  at 

Braddock's  defeat,  608. 
Beck,  L.  C,  on  western  antiqui- 
ties, 62. 


Beekman,  Capl.,  battle  of  Baa 
Felnsco,  474. 

Beers,  Cnpt.,  bis  defeat  and 
death,  915. 

Rrllatny,  (,'apt.  In  Flor.  war,  494. 

Bellows,  Col.,  his  signal  ex- 
ploit, 338,  330. 

Belton,  Major,  in  the  Florida 
war,  4IU. 

Benton,  Thoa.  II.,  427,448,449. 

Berkeley,  Governor,  defeats  Or- 

CKAIfKAIfO,  361. 

Bcaar,  MAJoa  Jack,  606 ;  death 

of,  073. 
Bible,  the,  in  lndian,96,33,llS, 

17&  .     .     I       . 

Bigelow,  Col.  Timothy,  390. 
Bio  Elk.    See  OnorATonoA. 
Bio  Kettli,  a  &>n«acliier,ti06. 
Hio  Trib,  607  ;  his  death,  IX)1. 
Bio  Warrior,    speech    of,    to 

Jackson.  409. 
Biles,  William,  of  Pennsylva 

niii,  329. 
Billings,  Rev.  Mr.,  257. 
Billlngton,  John,   lost    in  the 

woods,  78. 
Black  Bird,  takes  Fort  Dear 

born,  630. 
Black  BurrALO,  a  Shu*  chief, 

dies,  633. 
Black  Dirt,  419,  433,  468. 
Black  Feet,  destroyed  by  amall- 

pox,  677;  history  of,  706. 
Black  Hawk,  43;  in  N.  York, 
665 ;  escapes  a  biographer, 
666  ;  visits  the  Srocas,  667 ; 
liberation  of,  6C8 ;  his  visit  to 
Boston,  674 — 676  :  his  wars, 
637—604. 
Black  Kettlk,  of   Ontndaga, 

503 ;  killed,  505. 
Black  Snakb,  a  Sn.  chief,  597. 
Black  Thundsr,  a  fox  chief, 

631. 
Black  William,  murder  of,  113. 
Bliick  Point,  Ind.  ra\  ages  at,  994. 
Blind    Will,    killed    by    M»- 

hmeks.aaa. 
Bliss's  History  of  Rehoboth,330, 
Block  Island,  expedition  against, 
116,  168,    169  ;  called  .tfaau- 
(u  by  the  Indians,  167. 
Bloino,  R.,  his  account  of  Amer- 
ica. 517. 
Bloodhounds,  used  against  Indi- 
ans, 489—494. 
Bloody  Brook,  disastrous  battle 

of,  916. 
Blueford,  Captain  T.,  killed  at 

Point  Pleasant,  540. 
Blue    Jacket,     defeated      by 
Wayne,  576;    his  daring  at 
Fort  Recovery,  683. 
Blue  Licks,  battle  of  the,  684. 
Bolton,    Commodore,    on   the 

Florida  station,  429. 
BoMAZEEK,   383—305;   impris- 
oned, 332;  death,  304. 
Bonithon,  Capt.,  defends  Saeo, 

386. 
Books,  notions  of  Indians  con- 
cerning, 53,676;  written  with 
one  pen,  178. 
Boone,  Dan.,  681,  683—685,  716. 
Bostick,  Mr.,  wounded  in  Flor- 
ida, 471. 
Boston,  (SAawmut,)   discovered 
by    the  Pilgrims,  104;  early 
visits  of  Indiaiis  to,  91 ;  first 
Indian  sachem  of,  known  to 
the  English,  94,  108,  110,  111, 
113;  Indiana  send  word  they 
will  dine  there  on   Election 
day,  223;    they  ihreaten    to 
burn  it,  366. 


fioiidlnot.  Dr.,  on  origin  of  tbit 
Indians,  135. 

BuuDiNoT,  E.,  459,  460;  execu- 
tion of,  4i>U, 

Bouquet,  Col.,  Ohioexpeditioos, 

BowLBot,  aiioled  Srmijioie  war- 
rior, 400. 
Uiiwers,  J.,  attacked  at  Mosqui- 
to, 435. 
Bowles,  W.  A.,  386,  3P7. 
Boyle,  Hon.  R.,  115,  '»i,  28.^ 
Boyer,  Mr.,  on  N.  E,  na(iuiis,23. 
Brackenridge,  on  wvsL  mounds, 

56,  57. 
Bracket,  Capt.   Anthony,  cap- 
tivity and  death  of,  99t),  3(«, 
308,  334,  700. 
Braddock,  expedition  and  death 

of,  (»7— 609. 
Bradford,  Gov.  William,  anec- 
dote of,  37. 
Bradford,  attacked  by  Indians, 

981,  295. 
Bradford,  Captain,  killed  nt  .Mi- 
ami, 57-i ;  another,  wounded 
at  Kmulffau,  399. 
Bradford,  .Mnj.,  ft  Poetueet,  %& 
Bradford,  Col.,  in  the  Fluridl. 

war,  476. 
Bradalreet,  Gov.,  47,  697;  Col., 

expedition  of,  .522,  5.53,  099. 
Branham,  J.,  kid.  in  Flor.,  47L 
Brant,  a  Mvhatck  chief,  577— 

593. 
Brewster,  Capt  Benjamin,  156 : 

Mrs.,  145. 
Briggs,    Major,    killed    in   St 

Clair's  defeat,  971. 
Bridges,  Lieut.,  killed  in  Har- 

mar's  defeat,  087. 
Bridgewnter,  alarmed,  293 ;  fight 

there,  a. ;  burnt,  249. 
Brioht  Hork,  exploit  of,  638. 
Broadhead,Col.,  his  expeditions. 
557.  ' 

Brock,  General,  and  Tec  vitsKH, 

623. 
Brocklebank,  Captain  Samuel, 

killed,  939. 
Brooke,  Lieut.,  killed  at  Okee- 
chobee, 483. 
BrookHeld,  besieged  and  burnt, 

313, 914,  20a 
Brooks.  Wm.,  Juror  to  try  Indi- 
ans, 196. 
Brooks,  Mary,  murdered,  327. 
Brown,  Col.,  in  tlie  Florida  war, 

476. 
Brown,   James,   of   Swanzey, 

198,  905,  906. 
Brown,  Sir  T.,  on  color  of  Indi- 
ans,-.27,  28;  Mary,  955;  John, 
900,284. 
Bruten,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  4TJ,  174. 
Bryant's    Station,    memorabla 

seige  of,  689. 
Buffon,  on  Anier.  animals,  28. 
Bull's  garrison  taken  and  burnt, 

262. 
Bull,  Capi.,  at  Sehmeetady,  47. 
Bunch,  Mr.,  family  of,  cut  off  In 

Florida,  489. 
BuoKonoAHELAi,  558 — 561. 
Burgoyne,  Gen.,  employs  Indi- 
ans, 219. 
Burr,  Col.,  his  Q,uebee  expedi- 
tion, 320. 
Burton,  J.,  murders  an  Ind.,369 
Burton,  Col.,  wounded  at  Mo- 

nongahela,  609. 
Bushy  Run,  buttle  of,  091,693 
Butler,  Richard,  Ind.  com.,  007. 
Butler,  Col.,  killed  at  St.  Clair's 
defeat,  570 


INDEX. 


719 


Butler,   Jokn,   rnminandcr    at 

IfiHtininf,  585,  iM. 
Butler,  Mr.,  niiiMiuaary  to  Ibe 

Cktrokeim.  450. 
Butler,  Waller,  •  lory  leader  of 

Iiidlanii,  507. 
Butler,  Col.,  In  tile  Florida  war, 

AM. 
Biitrick,  Mr.,  ralwlonarjr  lo  the 

IikIiriih,  395. 
Butterfleld,  Mr.,  killed  bjr  Ui« 

Ptq^oU,  1U9. 

C. 

Cabot,  8.,  takes  Indlani  to  Eng- 
land. 67. 
Cabrera,    P.  P.,    on    peopling 

America,  33. 
Ciesnr,  35, 65 ;  never  fought  In- 

dinna,  477. 
Calhoun,  J.  C.lnd.  Rep. nf,  445. 
Uulieree,  De,  his  /rofiwu  eipe- 

diticin,  504. 
C<i'>/»'-">aiu.  unlike  the  Ailaliea, 

X) ;  unuwDt  oonditlon,  706. 
Cttll,  Gov.  of  Florida,  416,  475— 

479  490. 
Collei'ider"  John,  Century  Dli- 

coiirae  of,  906,  253. 
Calumet,  100  ;    origin  of  the 

name,  554,  a. 
Calvert,  Gov.,  arrives  In  Mary 

land,  41. 
Cambrt!leng,Mr.,on  the  Florida 

war,  428. 
Campbell,  T.,  hU  Last  Man,  80, 

584. 
Campbel,  Lt.Col.,  at  Owtoaa, 

581. 
Cauimrtt,  8.,  wrecked  on  coast 

of  Florida,  488. 
Canada,  why  to  named,  39. 
Canajoharney  destroyed   by  the 

Indiana,  588. 
Canaiatkoo,  a  Delaware  chief, 

514— 51& 
Cundilf,  Ensign,  killed  at  Point 

Pleasant,  540. 

CaNONCHBT,  (NAWOKTEItnO,) 

which  see. 

CA!io!(icui,aA'urrafSiu<t  chief, 
118—121. 

Capron,  LieuL,  In  the  Florida 
war,  433. 

Card,  F.,  his  captivity,  994. 

Carlton,  Gov.,  employ*  Indians, 
340. 

Carpenter,  John,  perUoui  escape 
of,  519. 

Carpenter,  W.,  distress  In  Phil- 
ip's war,  920. 

Carroll,  Gen..  399 ;  Cktrokte 
mission  of,  443. 

Carthaginians,  peopled  Amer- 
ica (.')  31. 

Cartier,  carries  Inds.  to  France, 
69. 

Carver,  CapL  J.,  his  western 
travels,  548,  549. 

Caaco,  anciently  ^acoeuca.  119  ; 
battle  of,  86 ;  siege  of,174  ;  de- 
struction of,  176,303,716;  Col. 
Church's  operations  at,  376. 

CASHAWAatET,  131,  174,  199. 

CASiASiiitNAiieit,  163,  174,  333. 

Cass,  Col.  L.,  631  ;  governor, 
635,637,673. 

Castiens,  Baron,  notice  o(,  290 
—293. 

Caswell,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  424. 

Catapazat,  a  Pequot,  146, 333. 

Catatadoh,  brother  of  Pow- 
hatan, 353. 


Callln,  Oeorse,  his  sketches  of 
Indians,  (vM). 

CsafAMiMfa,  a  place  of  pray- 
ing Indians,  611. 

Cadnsitant,  03  i  •  war  with 
him,  94. 

Cawldeld,  Col.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  478. 

Center.AdJ.,  kid.  alOt<'c*o»«,4a3. 

CHAiBiaA,  surprised  and  killed, 
495. 

Chairs,  Mr.  G.,  family  of  mur- 
dered, 489. 

Challons,  Capt.,  voyage  to  N. 
England,  70. 

Chalmers,  George,  Political  An- 
nals, 75. 

Chamberlain,  John,  kills  Pau- 
ot't,  306. 

Chamners,  Lieut.,  his  suci 
in  Florida,  478. 

Chanco, betrays  OrsiAiiaAno't 
plot,  361. 

Chandler,  Gen.,  taken  prisoner, 

vas. 

Chapin,  Cor.,  in  the  battle  of 
OmtUi€aoeJut,  423. 

Chaplain,  Abraliam,  on  H'tUh 
Indiaiu,  54. 

Charles  I,  did  not  name  New 
£nKlnnd,  83 ;  Charles  V.,  364!  i 
Charles  III.  of  Hpain,  385;  of 
England,  38,  207. 

Charles  River,  fiilla  of,  (  CowaU,) 
179. 

Charlevoix,  HisL  of  N.  France, 
48 ;  on  '  ::  destruction  of  Aur- 
vidgimvik,  311 ;  on  Aisacam- 
BuiT,  333 ;  his  account  of  the 
destruction  of  Haverhill,  325 ; 
of  Meerfleld,  327,3'i8 ;  of  Sche- 
nectady, 47 — M  \  observations 
of,  199,  500,  506,  509,  546. 

Charlotte  Harbor,  attack  upon, 
471. 

Chelmsford,  {ffltmeieakt,)  179; 
truulilea  there,  180;  Indians 
massacred  there,  301 ;  Allen's 
History  of,  181,  383 

Chtroktu,  3*>4 — 366  ;  eipntria- 
tiounl',437 — 172;  70O,  uews- 
pnpcr,  454,  458,  459 

Cherry  Valley,  destruction  of, 
583,585,6. 

Chieataijbut,  94,  99,  107— 
109. 

Cmikatomo,  depredations  of, 
565,  5(>9. 

Chieor,  a  MirragatuH  chief, 
killed,  96a 

Chiknabt,  relieved  by  Jackson, 
395. 

Chlucco,  a  S-iminoU  chief,  379, 
380. 

Chocobva,  legend  concerning, 
985. 

Ckotaavt,  oountry  o(  7, 365, 698. 

Cbopart,  M.,  killed  for  his 
abuses,  38S,  383. 

Christianity,  why  it  has  de- 
clined among  Indians,  175. 

Chronicles  of  the  Indians,  713. 

Chrysostom  derides  philosophy, 
30. 

Chubb,  Capt.,  305;  killed  at 
Andover,  306. 

Church,  Coi.  Benj.,  188, 189,197, 
900, 210, 219, 223—227, 235—9, 
343—257,  270,  294,  307,  330, 
33^;  Caleb,  363. 

Churchman,  John,  on  Indian 
troubles  in  Pa.,  680. 

CHU4CACt;TrAOUB,      (DotrsLE 

head,)  killed,  461. 
Claiborne,  Gen.,  expeditions  of, 

398. 


Clark,  T,,  his  letter  nn  the  de 

sinirlion  of  CaMif,  Till. 
Clark,  K.,  eaca|K-s  Iruui  Dade's 

ina«sacre,  418. 
Clarke,  (Thomas.')   hmlly  de- 
stroyed,   945  :    Grn.,   U.    R., 

Slil  ;    his    «S)ieililions,    t£5; 

Lirut.,  killed  in  liarnier's  d»- 

leal,  687. 
Clay,  Henry,  496,  4.19,  44a 
Clayton,  Judge  A.  H.,  and  the 

Chenkun,  453 — 155. 
Clinch,  Gen.  D.   L.,  416,  409, 

469—471. 
Clinton.  Ue  Witt,  34,  597. 
Cloeu,  Mn.,  lias  the  Arst  child 

born  in  Georgia,  3li9. 
Cloyce,  '^arah,  accused  of  wiiell- 

cnih,  184. 
Clyde,  M^Jor,   in  the  light  at 

Obiseana,581. 
CoAcHuocHE,  (WiLo  Cat,)  481, 

483. 
CoAHAfo,    (Allioatob,)    961, 

318,  9ii,  331,  338. 
Cobbet,  Thus.,  his  captivity,  290. 
Cuburn,  K.,  Indian  agent,' 340. 
Coekeeo,  (Dover,  .\.ll.,)2»<0,281  ; 

serious  irraihlea  there,  296 — 9 ; 

deslniction  of,  398, 30} ;  treaty 

with  eastern  Inds.  there,  715. 
Cocke,  Gen.,  in  llie  Cr««k  war, 

397. 
Coddingtnn,  W.,  purchases  R. 

Island,  124. 
Coffee,  Gen.,  in  the  Crest  war, 

391,  .195,  396,  399. 
Cogu'eshall,  John,  199. 
Cohen,   Mr.,  his    HisL  of  the 

Florida  War,  436. 
Cold,  CArr.,  in    fight  at  Fort 

George,  907. 
Colden,  ilisL  of  Firs  AiKi«a«,48. 
Cole,  Hugh,  199,  JOe. 
Collicut,  (Culacut  in  text,)  in  the 

Peqiiot  war,  171. 
Colbubt,  GEn.,B  OkiAoMHi, 401 
Coligni  sends  a  colony  to  Flori 

da,  366. 
Collins,  Mr.,  killed  by  the  In- 
dians, 133. 
Colinan,  John,  killed,  68. 
Colootkaukit,  massacre  al,  489. 
Columbus    takes     Indians     to 

Spain,  t)7,  68. 
Colton,  Mr.,  killed  by  Inds.,43S 
Comets,  viewed  as  ominous,  80. 
Concord,  Mass.,  IMtukttaniid,) 

119,181. 
ConjAKAiiDoiio,  a  M'amgmuet 

chief,  122. 
CoNKECTicaTi,     a      Mektran 

chief,  166. 
Converse,  Capt.  J.,  his  heroic  de- 
fence of  Wells,  991,  335. 
CoifWAT,  Peteb,  a  Al0mwk,375. 
Con.seit,  Cornelius,  908, 909, 915. 

398. 
Cook,  Caleb,  bad  the  gun  that 

killed  King  Philip,  396. 
Cook,  John,  of  jtauknrt,  346. 
Cook,  Zarock,  killed  in  Florida, 

271. 
Cooly,  Mr.,  fiimlly  murdered  in 

Florida,  415. 
Cooper,    MaJ.,  in  the   Florida 

war,  423,  470. 
CoorEB,(OtDCHEE,)  killed,  478L 
Copp,  W.,  an  early  resident  of 

Boston,  104. 
Corban,  goodman,  killed  at  Ctt- 

ee,  716. 
Cornelius. —  8ee  Consert 
Corlis,  George,  46. 
CoBMAK,  231 ;  insulted  in  Bo* 

ton,  S29 


^■^  j 

in 


n 


720 


INDEX. 


ComhIII,  W.,  Oimllr  of  mur- 
dered by  Indinna,  133. 

CoaitpLAiiT,  a  Stnum  chief,  606 
—616. 

CoiniTiLK,  iSIUiMiM*,  S38-546. 

Corey,  Mnrtlia,  accuaed  of 
wiichcrnn,  184. 

CoihocUm,  taken  and  deitroyed, 
S57. 

Coiterel,  BIr  Clement,  370. 

Colymore,  Capt.,  killed,  375. 

Cmircy,  Mr.,  family  murdered, 

Cowell,  Capt.  Jamea,  299,  698. 

Cowetatit,  a  tribe  of  Creeka,  397, 
500.  ' 

Cox,  Col.,  killed  at  Ortakana,S81. 

Cr*w«,  Kiwo,  (VorAr,)  097. 

Cranflcid,  Gov.,  perftdiouily  at- 
lempta  to  bring  down  the  Mo- 
hawka  on  the  N.  E.  Indi.,997. 

Crawford,  Col.,  expedition  and 
death  of,  S63— 365. 

Crawley,  Mr.,  hie  houae  plun- 
dered, 29.V 

Creeks,  (eoiraphy  of  their  coun- 
try, II,  :)§4,  31«;  we»t,V01. 

CrM»,  dealroyed  by  email  poi, 
677. 

Creaap,  Col.,  brinn  on  a  war, 
537,696. 

Creua,  Dr.,  kil'd  in  Florida,  471. 

Crevler,  M.,  killed  at  Salmon 
Falla,  301. 

Crocker,  William,  Juror,  ise. 

Croglian,  Col.,  5ia,  .590,591,  b09. 

Crosa  Timbi-ra,  battle  of  the,  67.1. 

Crowell,  [Cowell,]  Captain. 
[Jamea.'/ 989,  696. 

Crowell,  Col.,  hia  plantaUon 
ravaged,  433. 

Crown,  John,  the  poet,  38. 

Cruder,  Lieut.  Col.,  of  8.  C,  53  j 

Criifter,  Mr.,  hia  plantation  rav- 
aRed,  416. 

Cudworth,  Jamea,  109. 

Cumming.Col.,  in  Block-hawk'a 
war,  649. 

Cuinming,  Sir  A.,  travela  of, 
366,  367. 

CutTALOOA,  [KDiTALOOA,]  694. 

Cuthbert,  Lieut.,  at  Battle  of 
OuilUeeooehee,  433. 

Cuthbertaon,  Cuthbert,  of  Ply- 
mouth, 99. 

Cdtihamokiit,  105, 109, 110, 115 
-117,  147,  169, 164,  179,  174, 
177,  979. 

CuTTAiiuin,  attempts  (JncAa'a 
life,  137. 


D. 

Dade,  Major,  defeat  and  death 
of,  416,  417. 

Dallaa,  Com.,  on  Florida  ata- 
tion,  499. 

Dalton,  a  soldier,  killed  In  Flo- 
rida, 470. 

Dalyell,  Capt,  killed  at  Detroit, 

Dancy,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  432. 
Danfurth,  Jonn.,  181 ;  Tho8.,906. 
Danicl,  a  capt.  under  Church, 

870. 
Daniel,  Col.,  expedition  of,  41. 
Daniel,  Thomas,  aigna  Indian 

treaty  at  Dover,  716. 
Dark,  Col.,  under  St.  Clair,  570. 
Dartmouth,  Lord,  183. 
Davenport,    Lieut.,    168,   171; 

another,  670. 
Davey,  John,  a  Welshman,  53. 
Davidaon,  Capt.,  death  of,  496. 


Davis,  R.  purehaaea  Swan  Isl- 
and, 965, 
Davia,  Capt.  Willlaiu,  commla- 

aioner,906. 
Deane,  Samuel,  Hiat  of  Bcltu- 

ate,  9:11,939. 
Dearborn,  Gen.  Henry,  390. 
Decalierea,  liia  Iremvit  expedi- 
tion, 604. 
DacKARo,  JoNit,  a  Smaca  chief, 

6a. 
DacoRii,  death  of,  MS,  607, 679. 
Dedham,  ( fVooUommoHupvofui,) 

196 ;  murder  there,  atii. 
Deerfleld,(P()C(niniliu(,)  attacked, 

963 )  destroyed,  395. 
Do  Foe,  hia  Robinson  Crusoe,  87. 
DBEARiioaA,  an  Irvmuit  chief, 

505w 
Delaware,  Lord,  cruelty  to  In- 
diana, :IS5  ;   lakea  Focahor- 
TA>  to  court,  :I58. 
Deniaon.Cap.,  931, 933, 934,900 ; 

Gen.  970. 
Oennia,Mr.,pr()ceedln|a  againat, 

455. 
Denny,  Got.,  507, 598. 
Depeyater,  Mr.,  hia  plantation 

ravaged,  416. 
Dermer,  Capt,  voyagea  of,  74, 

84,%). 
Devil'a  Hole,  roaaaacre  at,  605. 
Devil,  aingulir  charges  againat, 
95,  100  ;  a  true  prophet  to  the 
Indians,  30ri. 
Diamond,     'ohn,   tortured    at 

Wells.  S91. 
Dieahaw,   Qen.,  defeated    and 

a!ain,  536. 
Uickinaon,  Y.,  killed  at  Point 

Pleaaant,  540. 
Dighton,  Buppoaed   Inacription 

there,  60. 
Diodorua  auppoaed  to  refer  to 

America,  91. 
Doddridge's  Indian  Wars,  519, 
90, 537, 539—54 1 ,  543, 557,  558. 
Dodd,  Ensign,  in  the  Battle  of 

Fort  Recovery,  689. 
Dodge,   J.,  53;    Gen.,   againat 

Blacx-hawk,  647—657. 
Dogs  employed  againat  Indians, 

489—494. 
DoifAcoifA,  tha   chief,  dlea   in 

France,  69. 
Donaldaon,  Cot.,  killed  at  Emuk- 

fau,  399. 
Done,  J.,  Juror  to  try  Inda.,  196. 
Dony,  hia  fort  taken,  308,  309 ; 

aigna  a  treaty,  T16. 
Dorcheater,    [.tfatepaa,]     Kvt- 
BHAMAKiif,   ita   nrat  aachem 
known  to  the  Engliah,  106. 
Dorsey,  Mr.,  hia  bouse  burnt, 

494. 
Doi;BLaHBAD,   44  :    murdered, 

461. 
Douglas,  Mr.,  In  a  fight  at  Dun- 

lawton,  495. 
Douglaaa,  Dr.,  on  the   Indian 

Bible,  178. 
Doughty,  Mqjor,  dis'jvter  of,  685. 
Dover,  N.  H.,  {Coeheco,)  great 
moaaacre  there,  998, 999  ;  In- 
diana  aurprised    there,   180  ; 
Indiana  imprisoned  tliere,99o. 
Downing,  E.,  of  London,  111. 
Drake,  Abraham,  of  Hampton, 
996 ;  Daniel,  on  Western  An- 
tiquities, 56, 57  ;  Capt.  George, 
first  Gnglisliman  in  the  River 
St.  Lawrence,  84  ;  J.  R.,  499  ; 
Lieut.,  gallant  exploit  of,  688  ; 
Sir  Bernard,  84  ;  Sir  Francis, 
83,  87, 114,  346,  713;  Samuel, 
Indian  teacher,  117. 


Drane,  Capt.,  In   the   Florida 

war,  402. 
Dmne,  (Fort,)  attack  upon,  471. 
Dudley,     (Chabanakvngkcmun.) 

179. 
Dudley,  Col.,  hia    defeat    and 

death,  690;  Gov.,  35, 119, 19U, 

994. 
Duer,  William,  escape  of  f^oni 

captivity,  5ti«i. 
Duinns,   M.,  at  Braddock's  d<w 

feat,  608. 
Dummer,  Rev.  8.,  kid,,  901,  :i39. 
Ounimrtt,  Col.,  his  plantation 

ravaged,  416—425. 
Du  Mu'4,  M.,  goes  against  St. 

John,  .n.i. 
Duniiur,  Col.,  under  Braildock, 

607. 
Duncan,  Lieut.,  In  the  Florida 

war,  416. 
Dunham,  Mr.,  hia  house  plun- 
dered, 416. 
Diinonceau,  P.  8.,  on    Penn'a 

Treaty,  517. 
Durnnt,  Mr.,  a.^cends  at  N.Vork, 

664. 
Durham,  aflhirs  at,  303,  »04. 
Durham,    goodnian,   killed   at 

Casco,  716. 
Durill,  Philip,  family  destroyed, 

335  ;  John,  X%. 
Duston,  Han.,  her  narrative,  4.^ 
Outch,  of  N.  York,  their  Indian 

war,  139. 
Duvali,  Gov ,  distresaea  the  In- 
dians, 411,  463. 
Dwight,  Dr.  T.,  on  the  destruc- 
tion of  PcquoU,  17:1. 
Dwight,  Timothy,  of  Dedham, 

180. 

E. 

Eamea,  Thomaa,  hia  family  de- 
stroyed, 964 ;  ftirther  account 
of,  715. 

Eastman,  Amoa,  taken  captive, 
336,7. 

Eastman,  Philip,  a  captive,  381. 

Eaton,  Major  J.  II.,  448. 

Edson,  Jos.,  of  Bridge  water,993 

£rAota,  a  Cherokee  toWn,  44'i. 

EoEREMiT,  a  Tarratine  chief, 
987,304. 

Eliot,  John,  109,  lis,  145,  176, 
181,  998,  969,  980. 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  84,  114,  341. 

ELLiNirsico  cruelly  murdered, 
545. 

Elliott,Mr.,  proceedings  against, 
455. 

Ellis,  Capt.,  hia  exploit,  487. 

Ellskwatawa,  a  SAateanue  pro- 
phet, 634. 

Emathla,  Chables,  465,  475. 

EmsTEisioo,  hia  defeat  and 
death,  407. 

Endicot,  Gov.  John,  expedition 
against  the  PetpioU,  116,  168  ; 
allows  NiHORST  "  to  right 
himself,"  144. 

EnsEFroKE  entertains  early  voy- 
agera,  344. 

Efakow,  (Afarow,)  71—74,  94, 

Ephhaim,  Cai>t.,  940,  373,  37& 

Estill,  Capt,  defeat  and  death 
of,  681. 

Ethrington,  Major,  aurprisal  of, 
548. 

EtowohkoaM  visits  Eng.,  510. 

Evans,  Mr.,  about  Welsk  In- 
dians, 64. 

Everett,  Guv.  Ed.,  316,  674,  676 

Everett,  surgeon  in  U.  S.  army, 
649. 


INDEX. 


781 


Falnnjr,  Mr.,  wounded  In  Plori- 

ds,  m 
Fnll  Aicht,  [Turner'!  Fnlla]  SM. 
FannliiK,  Cnl.,  In  Ilia  Florida 

wnr,  4!»,  471). 
FkiiMEii't   Hhothiii,  590,  603— 

tnti. 

Farinur,  John,  cummiinlcnlloni 

of,  »-4,  yiM. 
Fnrnngtiiii,  Thomna,  killed,  139. 
Farwell,  IJeiiU  J.,  under  Luve- 

well,  315. 
lelt,  J.  B.,  hiK  lliat.  of  Ipawich, 

IK),  lll,:t'J3. 
Fenner,  </'iipl.  Arthur,  capturea 

Tift,  a  1 9. 
Field,  Cul.,  wounded  at  Point 

Pleiiannt,  .539 ;  at  Braddock'a 

dufeat,  l>09. 
Fin,  Jim,  Ughta  under  Jack- 

aon,  399. 
Flfllta.  —  Hee  Dattlca. 
Filwn,  J.,  hia  lliat.  of  Kentucky, 

M. 
Fialier,  Copt.,  In   the   Florida 

war,  472. 
Fiakfl,  Mr.,  hia  interview  with 

WAK4LANCBT,  !M3. 

Filch,  Jaiiie»,  iniaaionary  to  tlie 
Mvhe/ran^t,  149. 

Fivt  Jrationa,  erroneoualy  lo 
called,  SlU. 

Flagg,  Liuut.   killed,  335. 

Flaminuo,  v.aita  Philadelphia, 
44. 

FIninatead,  Dr.,  visited  by  In- 
dian^*,  .511. 

Flat-heath,  tiieir  country,  8; 
their  name,  305. 

Fleming,  Pi^ggy,  a  captive,  re- 
loiiaud,  5l'i8. 

Fleming,  Ciipl.  W.,  killed  at 
Point  Pleasant,  540. 

Flinton,  Mr.,  murdered  In  Flori- 
da, 415. 

Florida,  why  ao  named,  366. 

FloridnWnr,  410—416,  461—406. 

Flournoy,  Culonel,  killed,  433. 

Floyd,  Cupt.,  hia  retreat  tVoro 
Lee,  335. 

Floyd,  Gen.,  wounded  at  ^u- 
ioisu,  397. 

Fldellc:*,  an  eaatem  chief,  975. 

Fontaine,* M^.,  killed  aX  Miami, 
68t!. 

Foot,  Capt.  Samuel,  tortured  to 
death,335. 

Foote,  G.  T.,  note  of,  on  the 
Senecas,  615. 

Forbes,  eacapea  Indians  in  Flor- 
ida, 493. 

Ford,  capt.  in  St.  Clalr'a  army, 
572. 

Fort  Aufustua,  680;  Cataro- 
quoy,  504,  505, 506, 510 ;  Cum- 
berland, 609;  Dearborn,  630; 
Defiance,  569,  576 ;  Oepoaite, 
576  ;  Detroit,  546—553  ;  Du- 
quesne,  607,  608;  Edward, 
547;  Erie,  667;  Fmnklin,607; 
Greenville,576,577;  Hamilton, 
570;  Hnriner,  607,  613;  In- 
dustry, 575;  JeflTeraon,  570,571, 
661 ;  Kntarokkui,  504,505,510 ; 
La  Bay,  549  ;  Leboeuf,  549  ; 
Loudon,37S — 7;  Madiaon, 678 ; 
Maumne,  576 ;  Meiga,  620 ; 
Miami,  549 ;  Michilimakinnk, 
548;  M'Henry,  663;  M'ln- 
tosh,  561,564;  Mimma,  389  ; 
MlHticic,  169;  Monroe,  662: 
Narraeiin.set,  217 ;  Necessity, 
5:12;  Niagara,  698;  Ouchta- 
nun,  549  ;  Pitt,  549 ;  Pocasaet, 

61 


019  ;    Preaq'Iale,    M9,    576 ; 

Prince  (ieoric,  377 ;    Rernv 

ery,  57i,57n,(5M7,688;  Bumiua 

ky,  51!) ;  Shirley,  534  ;  Htnn 

wU,  ni3  ;    HI.  Juhn'a,  -.fil  ; 

HI.  Jowpii'a,  ,549;   Venangi), 

Xn,  549;    Wualilngtun,  .'M '.), 

(>H7  ;    Wayne,  .569,  57:1,  574  ; 

Wtiit('rmiM)i,  58;). 
Fuater,  Cul,,  in  the  Florida  war, 

477,  484. 
Fowler,  Lieut.,  in  the  Fluridii 

war,  484. 
Foiii!t,awitncaaforUnraa,  161, 
Kux  I'l.,  N.  11.,  dt'atriiyed.  :t34. 
Krakl-ii,    uf    A'liiurt,    2<)l  ;    a 

Srminult,  exociiled,  400,  403  ; 

of  PeHubteat,  320. 
Franklin.  Uin.,  98,  41, 43  ;  61.5. 
Frnzer,  (.'npl,,  in    the  Florida 

war,  416—419. 
Freeman,  Mr.  John,  90,5, 
Frenchmen  taken   by  Indiana, 

64,85. 
Fronlenac,  Gov.,  anecdote  of, 

334. 
Froxti  Capt.,  981,  990;  killed, 

302. 
Frye,  Jonathan,  killed  at  Pig- 

leoket,  315. 
Fullum,  Jacob,  killed  at  Pineo- 

ket,  317. 
Fuller,    Dr.   Samuel,   of   Ply^ 

mouth,  191. 
Fuller,  Capt.,  flghti  Philif  at 

fooujel,  210,  911. 
Fuller'a  Vvorthiea  of  England, 

70,  178 ;  Worthiea  of  Devon, 

85. 
Furnia,  T.,  about  the   fValkiitg 

Purehaae,  529. 
Fuxii,  murd.  in  Florida,  470. 

o. 

Gadaden,  Col.,  agent  in  Florida, 
463,  464. 

Gage,  Gen.,  at  Braddock'a  fight, 
60& 

Gainca,  Gen.,in  Ifucimnii,  643 ; 
in  the  Florida  war,  429. 

Gallup,  Capt,  exploit,  167 ;  ex- 
ecutioner, 170. 

Gamble,  Col.,  in  Florida  war, 
423,  494. 

Gamea,  Indiana  addicted  to,  89, 
548. 

Ganaevoort,  Col.,  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  579-581. 

Gardner,  Capt.,  in  Dade's  fight, 
417,  418  ;  killed,  961. 

Gardner,  Major,  in  the  Florida 
war,  476,  480. 

Gary,  Major,  mad  prank  of,  684. 

Galea,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  492. 

Galea,  Gen.  Ilnratio,  SI. 

Gatlin,  Dr.,  killed  in  Dade'a 
battle,  Florida,  418. 

Gedney, ':ol.,  306. 

Geiger,  Mr.,  murdered  in  Flori- 
da, 494. 

Gelleherd.  —  See     Kelala- 

MAKO,  561. 
Gemeraye,  Lt.,defeated,504,505. 
Gendol,   Capt.,   aeizea   Muoo, 

289. 
Gentry,  Col.,  killed  at  Oktuho- 

iee,  483. 
Geoffret,  a  noted  MtndH^S. 
George,  Caft.,  death  of,  673. 
George  Sec,  307—369;  Third, 

conrera  lands  on  Brant,  591. 
Gkoroe,   BAQAMoaE,    (iVinne-'] 

puriet,)  106,111,978. 

2V 


Oeorgea,  8lr  F.,  Ilia  prnceMliiiga 

ilNiiil  Sew  Kn||lniiil,  1.9,  <4. 
Geiirgia,  early  Iii<l4iry  nl,  L'l>9  ; 

nr»l  whin-  child  born  in,  3  9. 
Gibliona,  Major  I^dwanl,  I.V>. 
Ginax,  JoiiM,  an  Iniiiuii  prvarh 

er,  'JO-J. 
Olhlx,  rapt.,  [Ilenjiiinln?]   hia 

Ireiitini'iil  of  liie  l'ru}iiiK  lii- 

dlnna,  1(^0. 
r.lliKon,  Col.,  .5-10. 
(jili<iih,rapL,,u  Fnrt  Recovery, 

nilliirl,  Sir  llumiihrcy,  114. 
(fill,  )  ui.,  in  itie  Florida  war, 

47,5. 
Oilimr,  Giiv.  of  fin.,  443,  4.')n. 
Gilmoro,   .Mr.,  killfd  at    Point 

PI  nattlll,  .515. 
Girnrd,    Hicplirn,  and    Blace- 

HAWK,    6111, 

Oirty,  Hinion,  lender  of  Indiana 

.Vit'i— ,570,  i«l 
Gial,  Mr.,  with  Wajhinglun,  14, 

Gladwin,  .Maj,,  Gov.  uf  Detroit, 

547— 5iM). 
Glen,  Alex.,  at  Srlirncrlndv.  4S. 
OLixHKAn,  518  ;  niiirdi're<l,5l  I 
Gnadenliuetten,  innsaacre  there, 

519,  .520. 
Godfrey,  Mr.,  his  marriage,  95\ 
Godfrey,  T.,  esrniH!  of  hia  fuiu- 

ily  In  Florida,  41.5. 
Godinan,  J.  D.,  hia  Nat.   IIi<- 

tory.tas. 
Goff,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida  war, 

47,5. 
Golding,  Capt.  Roger,  310,  235, 

23«!. 
Gold,  Miaa    H.  R.,  marriea  a 

Cherokee,  459, 
Good,  Dorotliy,  184  ;  Sarah, 184. 
GtMMlinan,  Lieut.,  killed  at  PL 

Pleaaaiit,  540. 
Guoo-Peter,    taken    priaoner, 

602. 
Goodwin,  Col.,  in  Florida  war, 

471. 
Gookin,  Major  Dnniel,  176, 180, 

181,   19.5,  -iVi,  iM3,  928,  9B6, 

273,  276  ;  death  of,  195,  noU. 
Gordon,  Major,  in  the  Florida 

war,  475, 
Gorham,  Major,  in  the  Florida 

war,  478. 
Gorton,  Rev.  Samuel,  119, 198, 

189,  935,  957. 
Goanoid,  Cnpt.,  hia  voyage  to 

New  England,  84. 
Gould,  E.,  loat  in  the  fight  at 

Dunlawton,  496. 
Grafton,  (Hiuaanamtnt,)  a  town 

of  Praying  Indiana,  179. 
Grafton,  duke  of,  371. 
Graham,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  432,  423. 
Graham,  J.  A.,  speech  to  Indi- 
ana, 665. 
Graham,    Lieut.,  wounded   si 

Ouitideeoodut,  499. 
Grand  Sun  reaiala  the  French, 

389,383. 
GnANOANEi<E0,aVirginia  chief, 

346,347. 
Granger,  Mr.,  on  the   Florida 

war,  427, 498. 
Gbanoula,  apeech  of  to  Da  It 

Barre,  .502. 
Gmnt,  Col.,  his  expeditions,  379. 
Gray,  Edward,  242;   n  family 

murdered,  4b8. 
Grayson,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

wur,  417. 
Great  Mortar,  a  itsled  JAm> 

fa)j'M,384. 


723 


INDEX 


Oregoty.   (Pop«,)  reronni  toe 

calenanr,  85. 
Oreen,    Cul.,  exploit   ot',   49S; 

Mra.,  i-<Ued,  493. 
Green,  B.,  printer  of  books  in 

Indian,  115. 
Greenland,  N.  H.,  depredations 

at,  395. 
Greenville,  Sir  R.,345— 347;  3P0. 
Griffin,  Mr.,  an  original  grantee 

of  Sudbury,  117. 
GrotiuB,  H.,  on  peopling  >nier- 

icH,  22—26. 
Groton,  Mass.,  attacked  by  the 

AYpmuAu,  221 .  2C6,  332. 
Groves,  Capt.,  in  tlie  Florida 

war,  476. 
Gciai,  Georoe,  invents  letters, 

364. 
GumiTiRsiao,  his  defeat  and 

death,  407. 
Gramtwaia,     (Cornplantsr,) 

606— C16. 
Gyles,  J.,  291 ;  Cap.,  killed,  333. 

H. 

Kadley,  tmtibles  there,  281. 
Iladwell,  BcnJ.,  killed  at  C<ueo, 
716. 

llAHATCIf,  (Ah«TI01«,)   10". 

Halec-Haoo,   his  parley   with 

Jessup,  486. 
Halkc-Tu»tenuooe,  499,  494. 
HALP-Kino,  a  Iliiron,  518,  519, 

531,  532,  .154,  55.1,  716. 
Half-Towh,  a  Seneca  chief,  597, 

606,607. 
Halket,  Sir  Peter,  killed  at  Mo- 

nongohela,  609. 
Halkett,  Julin,  Notes  on  the  In- 
dians, 178. 
Hallibees,  massacre  of  the,  397. 
Hall,  Mr.,  family  of,  captivated, 

646. 
Hamble,  Mr.,  attacked  at  Cherry 

Valley,  586. 
Hamden,  Mr.,conjecture8  about, 

83,89. 
Hamilton,  Cnpt.,  wounded   at 

Emukftv,  399. 
Hamilton,  Dr.,  at  OMUhltcoochte 

fight,  423. 
Hammond,   W.,   killed    by   a 

giant-like  Indian,  138. 
Hampton,  [  ffinnicumet,]  attack 

U|Kin,  307. 
Hamtramk,  Col.,  with  Gen.  St 

Clair,  570. 
Hanam,  Capt.,  voyage  to  New 

England,  70. 
Hand,  Gen.,  his  Indian  expedi- 
tion, 546. 
Hanno,  his  voyage  about  Africa, 

30. 
Hars-Jacob,  son  of  Caraisat- 

Eoo,  516. 
Hanson,  Col.,  493,  494;  Lt.  W. 

K.,  494. 
Hanson,  Hans,  anecdote  of,  515, 

516. 
Hardiue,  Datid,  surprisal  of, 

436. 
Hardin,  Col.  John,  a  prisoner. 

5,19 ;  killed,  5<iu,  (29  ;  officer 

under  Harmer,  C85. 
Harding,  Capt.,  ambassador  to 

M'arragannets,  1.17. 
Harding,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  484. 
Harjo,  his  embassy  to  Florida, 

417. 
Harlan,  Major,  killed  at  Miami, 

684. 
Harmer,   Gen.,  his   disastrous 


campaign,  569,  685 ;  treaty  of 
Fort  llarmer,  607,  613. 

Harmon,  Major,  takes  JVor- 
ridgeicok,  311. 

Homey,  Col.,  disaster  at  Syne- 
bal,  480,  489,  495 ;  among  the 
everglades,  ib. 

Harper,  Cul.,  .'amous  exploit  of, 
809. 

Harpersfield,  destroyed  by  In- 
dians, 588. 

Harris,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  478. 

Harris,  Dr.  John,  Collection  of 
Voyages,  .19,  68. 

Harris,  Ur.  T.  M.,  on  Wtstern 
Antiiinities,  58,  109. 

Harris,  Thomas,  oiJ^arraganttt, 
320. 

Harrison,  Gen.,  his  campaigns, 
617—620. 

Harrison,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  484. 

Harrison,  ,  buys  lands  of 

PequoU,  150. 

Hart,  Maj.,  in  the  Florida  r.-ar, 
47;i. 

Hnrtshorn,Capt  '\y>— 688;  kid., 
689. 

Hnrvey   'liUz.,  of  Boston,  700. 

Harwood,  John,  kilied  at  Pig- 
teoket,  313. 

HasfiMimesit,  its  etymology,  115, 
1711 

Hatch,  VVm.,  buys  lands  of  In- 
dians, 109. 

Hatfield,  Indians  attempt  upon, 
217,981,283. 

Hatherly,  Timothy,  buys  Indian 
intids,  109. 

Hatliorne,  Capt.,  surprises  In- 
dians, 281. 

Hatvat,  1  chief,  burnt  nt  St. 
Dominpo,  44. 

Haverhillattacked, 45 ;  sacked, 
334. 

Hatkri,  Jack,  a  Wampmoag, 
355. 

Hawkiits,  (Kaiiraiiaoui,)297 — 
300. 

HAMrnini,  Ben,  severely  woun- 
ded, 394. 

Hawkiri,  Sam,  executed,  394. 

Hawley,  Rev.  Gideon,  oi  Marah- 
pee,  J36. 

Haynes,  J.,  detects  IJrcas's  per- 
fidy, 133,  125,  141. 

Haywood,  Dorothv,  killed  at 
Dartmouth,  345. ' 

Haywood,  John,  History  of 
Tennessee,  376. 

Heads  of  Englishmen,  some 
sent  by  the  Jfarraganstts  to 
the  JVipmuks,  273 ;  tliat  of 
PniLir  set  on  a  gibbet,  337 ; 
that  of  Matooras,  264;  of 
Pequots,  set  upon  Saybrook 
fort,  169. 

Heald,  Capt.,  defeated  and  kid., 
360. 

Hearne,S.,  Journey  to  Northern 
Ocear.,  40. 

Heckewelder,  John,  captivity 
of,  519,  534. 

Ileillmnn,  Major,  dies  in  Flori- 
da, 471. 

Henchman,  Capt.,  expedition 
of,  976,  280. 

Henderson,  Cul.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  478. 

Henderson,  William,  385;  Col., 
478. 

Henderson,  Lieut.,  killed  in 
Dade's  fight,  418—490. 

Herdhick,  kid.  at  Lake  George, 
535. 


HERocEPDiHBt,  a  noted  Del* 

teare,  5B1. 
Hennepin,  Father,  Travels  in 

America,  365. 
Henry,  Alexander,  Travels  in 

the  West,  548. 
Henry,  Patrick,  and  CoRNiTALR, 

546. 
Henry  Seventh,  of  England, 67. 
Herkimer,  Gen.,  579;  kilied  at 

OrUkana,  581. 
Hernandes,  Gen.,  478,  480—489. 
Uerteli,    sacks    Salmon    Falls, 

301—302  :  defeated  by  Blacv 

KETTLE,  504;  killed,  334. 
Hiacooiies,  a  Christian  Indian, 

182. 
Hicks,  C.  R.,  a  Cherokee  chief, 

45.5. 
Hicks,      (Tuko-See-Mathla,) 

395,  413. 
Hicks,  Levi,  a  captive,  53. 
Hide,  Richard,  his  account  ol 

Miarturnomoh'i  dealh,  131 
Ilins,   oAM,   a   noted    Indian, 

death  of,  37. 
Higginhothnin,  Mr.,  escape  ib 

Florida,  472—473. 
Higgins,   BenJ.,  a  juror,  196; 

Paul,  a  captive,  340. 
Higgins,  Ensign,  killed  in  Har- 

nier's  defeat,  687. 
HioooR,  Neu,  398,   303,   308, 

310. 
Hill,  Col.,  is  defeated  by  Indi- 
ans, 363. 
HiLLUHAOo,  398 — 403 ;  hanged, 

404. 
Hilton,  Capt.,  bis  garrison  at- 
tacked, 334. 
Hindly,  Lieut.,  at  battle  of  San 

Fclosco,  474 
Hinkley,  Guv.,  4  :  Mr.  Thomas, 

305. 
HioH,  chief  of    New  Albion, 

(Ca/i/omia,)83. 
History,  true,  little  read,  299; 

is  not  always  the  same,  363. 
Hitchcock,  Capu,  in  the  Florida 

war,  419,  433. 
Hitchcock,  Prof.,  on  Geology, 

259. 
Ilitzler,  Mr.,  killed  at   Camp 

King,  Florida,  431. 
Hit,  Johr,  a  Seminole,  463,481. 
Hoare,  Mr.  John,  109 ;  ambas- 
sador, 340,  ^75. 
HoBoHOK        H'ampanoag,  93— 

104. 
HoRsoR,  Caft.,  voyage  to  New 

England,  Ti. 
Hogtown,  murder  of   Indian* 

there,  414,  470. 
HOLATOOCHEE.  479,  494. 

Holioke,   Opt.,    at    Turner's 

Falls,  359. 
Holmes,  J.,  Travels  in  America, 

44. 
Ilolloman,  Capt.,  killed  at  camp 

McLeniure,  432. 
Homer,  Jonatiian,  History   of 

Newton,  180. 
Homer,   supposed  to  refer  to 

America,  31. 
Iloodcr,  Capt.,  his  fight  at  Lakt 

Suanee,  436. 
Hooke,  Capt.,  meets  Indians  at 

Ciisco,  398. 
Ho-rec-veth-Taw-ro-Row, 

vixits  England,  510. 
HoPEHooD,  989,  S97,  298,  300, 

309,308,334,  335. 
Hopkins,  Edward,  treaty  with 

Indians,  125. 
Hopkins,  Stephen,  anecdote  of 

89,  37.  40. 


INDEX. 


723 


Ropkina,  Hiitor  of  Bnuatonie 
Indiana,  281. 

Hoiikinton,    (MairMnkiimog,) 
Fraying  Indians  of,  179. 

Hup><on,  LieuU,  in  tbe  Florida 
war,  490. 

Horace,  «uppoaed  to  refer  to 
America.  SI. 

lIoanoTLiMKD  taken  and 
banized,  404. 

Ilorseneck,  Indians  defeated 
there,  133. 

IIostaKCB,  Indian,  137,  149 ; 
murder  of,  531. 

Howard,  Mr.,  wounded  in  Flor- 
ida, 470. 

Howell,  Mr.,  liU  hmily  de- 
Btroyed,  493. 

Howland,  Isaac,  Lieut  in  Phil- 
ip's war,  aus,  'iUS. 

Howland,  Lieut.  J.,  S35,  236, 
239;  Jolni,2.V). 

Hoyt,  Gen.  E.,  liia  Antiquarian 
Researches,  SI4,  215, 217,  221. 

Hf'lihras,  ludicrous  passage 
from,  50. 

Hudson,  Capt.,  discovers  the 
river  of  the  name,  C8.  [Its 
Indian  nnrae  was  Mauhekum.] 

Hulbert,  Liect.,  killed,  489. 

Hull,  Gen.  W.,  in  llie  war  of 
1812,  629. 

Hull,  Mrs.,  redeemed  fh>m  cap- 
tivity, 305. 

Hume,  Mr.,  his  Indian  charity, 
3«9. 

Humphrey,  Col.,  of  Florida,  462, 
482. 

Hunter,  C*  rr.,  a  ^npmuk  war- 
rior, 272. 

Hunter,  Lieut.,  at  the  battle  of 
OuUliluoodtee,  423. 

Hunter,  Mr.,  his  plantation  rav- 
aged, 416. 

Huiinewell,  Lt.,  wounded,  308. 

Hunt,  Capt.,  voyage  of  to  New 
England,  72,  78. 

Hunter,  Mr.,  remarkable  escape 
of,  474. 

Hutchinson,  Ann,  murd.,  133. 

Hutchinsim,  Capt.,  ambushed 
and  killed,  211,  213. 

Hutchinscm,  Gov.  T.,  132,  536. 

Hutchinson,  Mr.,  commissioner, 
.105. 

Hussey,  Mrs.,  killed  at  Hamp- 
ton, 307. 


Iberville,  M.,  takes  Fort  St. 
Johns,  323. 

Ijaiocke,  a  tVampanoag,  188. 

Indian  Bible,  account  of  the 
printing  of,  115. 

Iifuiin  Billy,  killed  in  Florida, 
475. 

Indian  Creek,  III.,  murder 
there,  646. 

Indian  Key,  Florida,  massacre 
at,  493. 

Indians,  origin  of  their  name, 
19 ;  some  have  no  tradition 
of  tiK.'ir  origin,  23 ;  render 
g<«Ml  for  '-':!,  34;  tlieir  mnn- 
aguiiient  of  wives,  36  ;  toler- 
ant in  rtligion,  36  s  lirsl  seon 
in  Europe,  (i8;  cannibals,  08, 
129,  liK),  5ii8  ;  llieir  proci-ed- 
i:ig4  with  the  cinpiish  at  Ply- 
iiiniilli,  75,  76  ;  dance  whim 
visited  by  strangers,  79  ;  great 
plague  01  niorlulity  among,  8U, 
»l,  83,  139;  "so  many,  God 
canimt  kill  them,"  8U  ;  never 


forget  injuries,  8S ;  their  beds, 
89 ;  some  whipped  at  Boston, 
108  ;  ravages  of  the  small-pox 
among.  111,  677;  addicted  to 
gaming,  89 ;  will  play  awny 
the  skins  rrnm  tlieir  wives 
barks,  9.t  iiploy  games  as 
stratagui  .AS  ;  exact  in  the 
bounds  t^  their  lands,  120, 
124 ;  abuse  squaw  captives, 
145 ;  never  insult  white 
squaws,  229 :  never  abandon 
their  slain  except  to  save  their 
own  lives,  207  ;  their  sagacity 
in  following  a  track,  224 ; 
made  siave.s  of,  72,  171,  224, 
2112,  288;  dress  of  those  of 
New  England,  86,  240;  natii- 
ra!  swiiiiiiiers,  286  ;  first  em- 
ployed in  the  Revolution,  320, 
:H0  ;  why  called  Flatheads, 
3l'>5  ;  not  without  beard,  588 ; 
manner  of  hurini,  107  ;  enu 
menition  of  the  tribes  of,  in  N. 
America,  9 — 16;  specimen  of 
their  laws,  120, 124, 177  ;  nide 
epithets  applied  to,  228,  698. 

Inni-8,  Judge,  nrcpunt  of  Lo- 
gan's speech  .'>44. 

foway  Rivrr,  Indians  defeated 
neor,  652,  653. 

Ipswich,  (^guaam,)  expedition 
against  fails,  ilO. 

lromu>i»,  (Five  JVutioiu,)  499,.501. 

Irving.    Washington,    visit    to 
Black-hawk,  39,  661. 

Irwinstown,  Ga.,  burnt  by  Indi- 
ans, 433. 

IiHKATAPPA,  a  PatDnne  chief,633, 

Itean,  {PaJottcas,)  captive,  res- 
cued, 634. 

Itopatir,  (Or:TCHEPAn,)  353, 
355, 

Iwiktiu,  (TieigMirees,)  16,  502. 

Itakouoh,  a  IVampanoag  chief, 
78,  9fi. 

Izard,  Lt.,  killed  in  Florida,  439. 

J. 

Jaci-of-the-pbather,    (Nsh- 

ATTAJIOW,)  3li0. 

Jack  Kerrt,  a  Smeea  interpret- 
er, 606. 
Jackson,  Gen.,  390—392,395— 

400,  442—448,  455,  458. 
Jackson,  Serg.,  wounded  near 

Fort  King,  492. 
Jacrstraw,  servant  to  Sir  W 

Raleigh,  113. 
James  First,  his  grant  to  the 

Flymnuth  company ,7.5,76  ;  his 

treatment    of    Raleigh,   114 ; 

acknowledged  by  the  English 

01  New  England,  104,  1U7. 
James  Second,  treaty  in  N.  H. 

under,  298. 
Jacob,  (japl.,  [John,]  in  Philip'i 

war,  221,  222. 
Jacobs,  Capt.,  533,    killed    at 

Kittunnug,  534. 
James-the-printer,    114,   115, 

240,  265,  331. 
James,    Baoahore,   (Moifxow- 

ampate,)  105,111,697. 
Janemo,  (.Niniuret,)  131,  1.5,3. 
Japazaws,    betrays    I'ocahun- 

tas,  357. 
Jaqiics,  Lieut.,  kills  the  Jesuit 

Rasle,  311. 
Jac)i'kt,  Peter,  an  Oncjt/a  chief, 

(io:i. 
Jeflei'son,  Pres.,  answer  to  Biif- 

fon,  28 ;  on  Am.  Antiquities, 

55,  60  ;  on  tlie  murder  of  Lo- 


OAit,  536, 537 ;  on  Ind.  rights, 
449,550. 
Jeffert,  a   IVampanocf,   343. 

Jenks,  Gov.  Joseph,  anecdote 
of,  44. 

Jennings,  Lt.,  kilted  in  Florida, 
484. 

Jenyson,  Lieut.,  in  the  Ptqutit 
war,  108. 

Jeoffret,  (Oeoffret,)  an  .*»- 
eiiaJri,  295. 

Jesiip,  Gen.,  in  Florida,  435,436, 
475-480,  486. 

Jethro,  Old, 205 ;  TAKTAMars, 
2*i7. 

Jethro,  Pf.ter,  "  that  abomi- 
nable Indian,"  0(:5,  267,  271. 

Jewell,  Aaron,  killed  iu  Dade's 
fight,  417. 

Jews,  not  the  aiiceslors  of  In- 
dians, 34. 

Jm-Bor,  employed  by  the 
whites,  43<'>,  474. 

Job,  Cou,  insolence  of,  at  a 
treaty,  336  ;  dies  in  prison  at 
Boston,  310. 

John  Nuh,  a  IVampanoag,  ex- 
ecuted, 245. 

John  Sky,  a  Senica  chief,  599, 
606. 

Johns,  Mrs.,  barbarously  killed, 
473. 

John,  Saoamore,  (Wonoka- 
IHUAHAM,)  104, '/13. 

John,  Sagamore,  of  Pawtuck- 
et,  113. 

John,  accused  of  witchcraft, 
184. 

Johnson,  Serg.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  423. 

Johnson,  Capt.  Edward,  98  ; 
Isaac,  276  ;  Gov.  Robert,  of 
Carolina,  308 ;  Col.  R.  M., 
G2J;  Sir  William,  535,  577; 
a  chief,  597. 

Johnson,  Mr.  J.,  his  house  at- 
tacked and  iieople  killed  at 
OseilUt,  490. 

Johnson,  Capt.  E.,  Wonder- 
working Providence,  111,  134. 

Johnson,  Jemmy,  a  Seneca 
chief,  599. 

Johnston,  Charles,  his  captivity, 
565,566. 

Johonnet,  Serg.  Jackson,  686. 

Jones,  C.ipt.  Duvid,  51 ;  W.,  493 

Jones,  Major,  wounded  at  the 
Har(ua,  484. 

Jones,  Gen.  R.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  488. 

Jo«IAH,(WAMPATltCK,)  108,301. 
JOSIAH,    Capt.,    (PENNAHANir,) 

180. 
JotiAS,     Charles,     (Wampa- 

TUCK,)   109. 

Josselvn,  John,  on  Indian  mon- 
ey, 229. 

Judd,  Lieut.,  falls  'nto  an  am- 
bush, 495. 

Juet,  R.,  journal  of  II'Adson'i 
voyage,  08. 

Jumonville,  expedition  and 
death  of,  5.T2,  53;). 

Jumper,  433,404,478,479 ;  death 
of,  487. 

JUSKAKAKA,      (I.ITTLE       BlLLY,) 

532,  OUO. 

K. 

Kailarakkui,  ,5*1—500;    its  ety- 

miilogy,  510. 
Kaliiies,  liord    in  origin  of  !■• 

diuns,  33. 


i 

II- 


724 


INDEX. 


KAMK.tiiAr.uj   destroys   Dover, 

297—3)0. 
K*tte:».»!«it,  Job,  2TI— 273. 
KmiM,  Uieiil.,  killoil  in  l)iiilc'» 

liBlK,  in  Florida, 'lid— 4m 
Kcr.wituoL'sHKUM,    an    Ottava 

cliief,  (i3(!. 
Keissikautchtha,  a  Shaaanee 

rliiff,  (i!M. 
Kli.elamand,  a  Vctuware  cMet, 

Kelliig'x  Grove,  ttRlit  tliere,  048. 

Kelly.  Mr.,  i'HVe»  tlie  life  of  his 
commander,  474. 

Krnisliini^,  John,  killed  pt 
Greenhind,  Q!)4. 

Ke>.'«kiii9, an  ancient  Tarratine 
chief,  S!85. 

Kcnncbunk,  depredation  there, 
33.1. 

Kennedy,  Cap.,  embassy  of,  318. 

Kenton,  Sergeant,  wounded  at 
OuUliUcooeltee,  S43. 

Kentv  n,  Simon,  a  pioneer,  341 ; 
dies,  CTS. 

Kent,  Chancellor,  on  the  Chero- 
kee ease,  4:t9. 

Kent,  W.,  messenger  in  Philip's 
war,  205. 

KioKUK.WO,  fi-ll,  608,  CC9,  071 ; 
at  Biiston,  G74. 

Ker,  Henry,  discovers  ffelsh 
Indians,  .54,  55. 

Keweenam,  a  H'ampanoag  war- 
rior, 245. 

KEVEKDEAitDi,  It  Sflicca  Chief, 
606. 

Keys,  Solomon,  killed  in  Love- 
well's  nglit,  316. 

KiANDOGEWA,  a  Scneea  chief, 
607. 

Kichtan,  a  name  for  God,  96. 

KlEMMO,  (.N'iMORET,)  153. 

Kikaiiiwx,    12 ;    somit    sent    to 

Florida,  480;  west,  703. 
Killiiirn,   John,    defends   Wal 

pole,  338,  339. 
Kinilial,  Thomas,  of  Bradford, 

killed,  281,295. 
Kin|!,  nhsiird  name  for  Indian 

cliicfs,  387. 
KiNR-cRAMi,   a    n'vandot,  '68, 

626. 
KiNG-PAiitE,  desperate  fight  and 

death  of,  406,  464. 
Kinshoit,  the  Iroqnoh  name  for 

New  England,  501. 
KiTAGUJTA,  (Skijaoi'sta,)  37Sk 
Kitlaninir,  Indians  burnt  there, 

53^1. 
Kittel,  Mrs.,  a  captive,  274. 
KiYASHUTA,  chief  of  the  Sen- 

ectts,  694. 
Knight,   Mrs,,  travels  in  New 

England,  87. 
Knight,    Dr.,    (lerilous    escape 

from  captivity,  5<i3. 
Knox,  Gen.  H.,  380,  449,  685. 
KoNRAPcT,  John,  a  Sloekbridgt 

cliief,  536. 
KoqCETHAGAEEHLOn,    (VVhitb 

Eves,)  ,'i56. 
Koskiusko,  General,  interview 

with  Little  Turtle,  574. 
KOMSKAKA,  brother  to  Tecum- 

sEii,  623. 
Ki;>TALo(jA,  a  noted  Delaware, 

5)3,  694. 
KuTsHAMAKin,  lO.'j,  109,  no,  115 

—117,  147,  159,  104,172,  174, 

177,  279. 

L.. 

Labrncrs,  Gen.  of  the  French, 
lulled  at  Wells,  291. 


Tjnfnyette,  Gen.,  403,  600 

Lafli'iau,  J.  F.,  un  the  origin  of 
Indians,  29. 

Lahdnlan,  Baron,  travels  in 
America,  7«,  90,  293,  499, 
601,  502. 

Lone,  Gov.,  his  conduct  in  Vir- 
ginia, 344;  Col.,  47-t;  death 
of.  475  1  John,  340. 

Lane,  Col.,  in  the  Florida  war, 
474 ;  dies,  475k 

Lane,  Mr.,  an  original  grantee 
of  Sudbury,  117. 

Lane,  Capt.  Jo!';.,  ■,  rJered  to 
raise  a  company  of  Inds.,  340. 

Language,  Indian,  87,90;  sjie- 
cimen  of  the  Mokegan,  151 ; 
of  the  M'ampanocff  ana  J<'ip- 
muk,  224,  283;  of  the  Tarra- 
bne,  318, 321  >  of  the  southern 
tribes,  364  ;  of  the  Five  JVa- 
tions,  or  Iroqiiois,  501 ;  of  the 
Skawaneae,  623  ;  Indian  and 
IVeUh  compared,  628. 

Lambert,  J.,  his  travels  in  N. 
America,  625. 

Lamb,  Mr.,  his  family  destroyed, 
492. 

Lancaster,  {JVashimoy,)  dest'yed 
by  Ind*.,  239,  264—266. 

Lasley,  Mr.,  murdered  in  Flori- 
da, 487. 

Land,  Lt.,  wounded  at  Point 
PWasant,  540. 

Lauderdale,  Major,  in  the  Flori- 
da war,  487. 

I<awrence,  Dr.,  on  Nat  History 
of  Man,  27,  31. 

Lawrence,  Dr.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  431. 

Lawson,  C,  buys  lands  of  the 
Indians,  285. 

Lawson,  John,  on  money  of 
Indians,  328. 

Lee,  Arthur,  Indian  commis- 
sioner, 561,  607. 

Lee,  Capt.,  in  the  Florida  war, 
470—478. 

Lee,  It.  H.,  compared  to  Corn- 

■  TA1.K,  546. 

Lee,  Rev.  i^amuel,  of  Bristol, 
death  of,  228. 

Leffingwell  Lt,  relieves  Un- 
CAS,  156,  157. 

Leiiner,  Dr.,  killed  in  Florida, 
484. 

Leonardson,  Samuel,  captivity 
of,  46. 

Leteleiha,  (Old  K:<irE,)  633, 
634. 

Letters  written  by  Indians,  221, 
267,  331. 

Leverett's  M'arraganset  eipedi- 
tion,  147 ;  Gov.,  20ti,  280.  331. 

Levin,  Col.,  killed  in  St.  Clair's 
deteat,571;  in  Braddock's  de- 
feat, 609. 

Lewis,  A.,  his  History  of  Lynn, 
10.5, 110,  111,  713. 

Lewis,  Col.,  killed  at  Point 
Pleosant,  639. 

Lewis,  goodman,  killed  at  Cas- 
co,  700. 

Lewis  Mnth,  of  France,  25. 

Lewii,  Tom,  a  western  depre- 
dator, 507. 

LlOHTFOOT,  Caft.,  •  H'ttvipa- 
mmg,  294,  270. 

LighlliHit,  Capt  John,  of  Bos- 
ton, 141. 

Lincoln,  W.,  History  of  Wor- 
cester, 268. 

Lindsay,  Col.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  431,  471 

Lillafuche,  town  of,  captured, 
396. 


Little  RiLtr,  a  Seneea  warrior 

532,  597, 1.06. 
Little    Black,  speech    of,  t« 

Gen.  Gaines,  643,  646. 
Little  Carpenter,  (Attakvi 

lakull*,)  373—376. 
Little    Cloud,  417,  179,  481 

483. 
Little     Eves,    a    H'ampanoag 

warrior,  252,  270. 
Little   Turtle,  (MisHiKiiti- 

KWA,)  569,  689. 
Little,  Thomas,  buys  lands  in 

Middleboro',  241. 
Littleton,   (A'a^hubak,)  a  town 

of  Praying  Indians,  179,  180. 
Lofton,  Serg.,   in  the  fight  at 

OuithUcooeliee,  423. 
Logan,  Col.,  his  Indian  expedi- 
tion, 685. 
Logan,  James,  of  Pennsylvania, 

537. 
LooAif,  a  Cayuga  chief,  537; 

his  famous  speech,  542;    its 

genuineness  doubled,  543. 
Logan,  the  Shaicanee,  death  of, 

628. 
Long,  J.,  the  Indian  trader,  40. 
Longevity  in  N.  Eng,  113,  255. 
Long-Knives,  Indians  so  name 

Virginians,  543,  462. 
Lorette,(G    (NO  Louis,)  death 

of,  673. 
LoHON,  his  embassy  to  Boston, 

333. 
Lothrop,  Captain,  defeat   and 

death  o^  215, 216. 
Lothrop,  Isaac,  Esq.,  of   Ply- 
mouth, S26. 
Loudon,  A.,  his  collection  of 

Indian  Narratives,  716. 
Louis  Fifteenth,  oi' France,  378. 
Louisbourg,  capture  of,  319. 
Lotett,  a  Creek  chief,  394. 
Lovewell,  Capt, expeditions  of, 

31S^-317. 
Low,  Capt  A.,  relieves  Capt 

Church,  2.'>4,  255. 
LowRv,  Col.,  a  Cherokee  chief, 

401. 
Ludlow,  Mr.  Koger,  171,  173. 
Lucas,  I'homas,  of  Plymouth, 

killed,  225. 
Lumpkin,  Gov.,  and  the  Chero- 

kees,  455,  4.57. 
Lynn,  (Saugua,)  History  of.  — 

See  Lewis,  A. 
Lytle,  Major,  at  the  battle  of 

the  Ouitliucooehee,  423. 

m. 

Macomb,  Gen.,  454,  488 ;    hi* 

treaty,  489. 
McClenehan,  R.,  killed  at  Point 

Pleasant,540. 
Macy,  Air.  Zaccheu8,203 ;  Obed, 

202. 
Maddoo,  a  Creek  warrior,  .T87. 
Mad-dogs-iok,  in  .Sutossee  bat- 
tle, 391. 
Madokawando,    288—193,302, 

331,  342. 
Madoc,  a  Welsh  voyager,  54, 

294. 
Mad-wolp,  r  .Mikmauky,  killed, 

132. 
Maeaugo,  Inds.  defeated  there, 

621. 
MAONt'i,     (SqUAW     Sachem,) 

killed,  248,  2.54. 
Maitland,  Lieul.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  402,  193. 
Maliine,  Capt,   in  the  Florida 

war,  470, 471. 


INDEX. 


725 


Mammoth  bone*,  diKovery  of, 
44,  45. 

Manilans,\3 ;  destroy'd  by  imoll- 
pox,  C77. 

Man,  dot-R   not  degenerate   in 
America,  28,  355. 

Manatahi)Ua,  murder  of,  112. 

Manteo,  early  known  in  Vir- 
ginia, 347. 

M.'ircli,  UupL,  besieged  at  Casca, 
•J94. 

Murks,  Mr.,  escape  from  Dun- 
lawton,  436. 

Mnrl<s,  1.1.,  signal  exploit  of,  689, 

Murlliorougli,  ^Okommakamesit,) 
Indinns  surprised  there,  222. 

Marshall,  John,  on  Ind.  riglita, 
451,  583. 

Mnrshull,  E.,  about  the  Ifalkittg 
Pitrehasr,  5iB. 

Mar^lie,  Witiiam,  interpreter, 
515. 

Marthpeu,^H'ampaiuittgt,)l'ifi36. 

Martin,  Lieut.,  cut  off  in  Flori- 
da, 648. 

Miulin,  Cora.,  brings  Indians 
from  England,  51 L 

MAscavoNoMOjof  Ipswich,  105, 

106,  no. 

Mascus,  brother  of  CAXonicut, 
119. 

Mason,  Capt.,  shot  by  accident 
in  Florida,  493. 

Mason,  Capt.  John,  142,  155, 
104,  1C9. 

Mason,  Capt  Hugh,  at  Sudbury, 
2«J. 

Ma-iaaehusettn,  origin  of  tlie 
name,  «1,  106  ;  tribe  of,  vis- 
ited, 104 ;  country  of,  106. 

Massakdowet,  a  Petuuikook, 
297—299. 

Maisasoit  receive!  tlie  Pil 
crims,  79—94,  103,  104,  113, 
162,  103,  201. 

Mataktuck,  (Quaiafbk,)  125 
—128,  134. 

Mather,  Eleazer,  of  Northamp- 
ton, %27. 

Mather,  Dr.  Cotton, 23,  283;  bis 
Magnnlia,  25, 4!i,  129,  177, 178, 
228,  283, 290, 291, 293, 301,305, 
310,  323,  334. 

Mather,  Dr.  Increase,  170 ;  re- 
markable expressions  of,  228, 
244  ;  death  oil  283  ;  his  Brief 
History,  92,  115,  184,  189, 193, 
Sll,  21U,  218,  221,  231,  234, 
245,  347,  249,  259,  2G0,  262, 
S(>3, 281) )  his  Relation,  92,  111, 
122,  124,  133,  134,  142,  147, 
150,  151,  169,  170,  174,  190— 
195,201,303,223,328,231,2:0, 
282;  his  Remarkable  Provi- 
dences, 282. 
Matoonas,  a  JVipmui, executed, 

2t>3,  364,  698. 
Mattahanado,  killed  at  Pema- 

qiM,  30J. 
Matthew,  [ntph.  to  Sholan,] 

269. 
Mautahf,  a  JVipmuk  chief,  266, 

271. 
Mauxis,  [perhaps  Moius,]  323, 
Mayhuw,  Experience, and  Nik- 

lORET,  178. 

Mayhew,  Rev.  Thomas,  182. 

McArthur,  General,  621. 

McArthur,  Lieut.,  in  the  Flori- 
da war,  484. 

HcCrabb,  Mr.,  dies  at  8t  Au 
gustine,  490. 

McCrea,  Miss  Jane,  murder  of, 
51,713. 

McCulloh,  Dr.  J.  H.,  bis  re 
•earches,  30,  31. 

Gl* 


McOary,    Mi^or,  nuhnesf    In 

danger,  684. 
McGavock,  Capt,  wounded  at 

KmuJifau,  39X 
McGiLLiTRAT,  Ger.,   a    Creek 

chief,  385—387. 
Mcintosh,  Cul.,  MOuUlUeeoockee, 
433,  433. 

Mcintosh,  Gen.  L.,  523;   Fort, 
5(il,  564. 

McIriTotH,  Gek.,  367,391—393, 
447 ;  Chilly,  394,  4l». 

Mcintosh,    Cul.,    property   de- 
stroyed in  Florida,  471. 

McKean,  Capt,  operations   to 
entrap  Bba!<t,  582,  58(1 

McKee,  Capt.,  leader  of  Inds., 
559,  576,  ti89. 

McKriminon,  rescue)*  from  tor- 
ture, 403. 

McLane,   Mr.,  his   family  cut 
oir,  492. 

McLane,  Mr.,  on  Indian  rights, 
439. 

McLcmnne,  M^jor,  in  the  Flori- 
da war,  431. 

McMalion,    Major,  defeat   and 
death  of,  688. 

McMullen,  Miijor,  in  Harmer's 
expedition,  686. 

.McMurtrie,  H.,  on  western  an- 
tiquities, as. 

McMurtrie,  Cnpt,  killed  in  Har- 
mer's defeat,  687. 

McNenI,  Mrs.,  account  of  Miss 
SIcCrea,  51. 

McNeill,  Lt,  killed  in  the  Flor 
Ida  wmr,  481. 

McQdeem,  a  Creek  warrior,  400. 

McRea,  Rev.  Mr.,  killed,  491. 

Hedfield  assaulted  by  Indians, 
221,266. 

Meoanohbt,   a    Tarratint,   at 
Boston,  333. 

MEOunnEWAr,  a7Viira(fn<,shot, 
302,303. 

Meigs,  Maj.  R.  /.,  Indian  agent, 
320,  401. 

Mellon,  Capt.,   433;    killed  In 
Florida,  479. 

Memecho,    a    friendly    Indian 
warrior,  313,  314. 

Menatonon,  a  Virginia  thief, 
344,  345. 

Menawav,    a    Creek   chief  of 
note,  393. 

Mendun,  Englishman  killed 
there,  363. 

Menomittes,l2, 549, 638— f)40,667. 

Mercer,  Captain,  (afterwards 
general,)  534. 

Merrill,  .Mrs.  J.,  heroic  conduct 
of,  52. 

Meiamhomet,  a  TVirratins  of 
Androscoggin,  308. 

MesHe-mgHot,  13 ;  join  the  Fire 
Jfalions,  500. 

Metacomet,  (PniLir  of  Poka- 
noket,)  187. 

Metea,  a  PotloieaUomie  chief, 
tins. 

Miahtoskomoh,  chief  of  the 
JfarranaiueU,  91 ;  accused  of 
plots,  119;  at  war  with  the 
Wampanoaga,  120 ;  conquest 
over  the  t'equoU,  121  ;  his 
birth  and  parentage,  122 ;  a 
great  friend  to  Enitlish,  133 ; 
without  his  aid  the  Pequoti 
could  not  have  been  conquered 
by  the  English,  13:1 ;  sells  K. 
Inland,  124;  falsely  accused, 
125 ;  appears  at  Boston  to  vm- 
front  his  accusers,  136  ;  is 
there  insulted  — his  mngnani- 
moui  conduct,  126 ;  his  war 


with  the  Mokegaiu,  127  :  his 
capture  and  death,  138—131 ; 
oroniinciation   of  his  name, 
713. 
MiCAXorr,  a  Seminole  chief,  41? 

—414,  463—469,  494. 
Michael,    Lieut,  dlslingui!ihed 

at  Fort  Recovery,  t»9.' 
Miililleboro',   Indians  captured 

there,  243. 
Miflin,Gpn.,  gives  lands  to  Cor:« 

Plantee,  612. 
Mikaaaukies,  ( Seminolea,)  9,  433, 

468. 
Miller,  Col.,  "II  ;  John,  5 ,. 
Milfort,  General,  his  renidenca 

among  Indians,  38.5,  386. 
Mills,  LtCol.,   in  the  Florida 

war,  42 1,  473. 
Mi\ton,(Uneat<i<ptiaaet,)  116. 
Mims,  Port,  surprise  and  mas- 
sacre there,  389, 
Minatareea  destroyed  by  small- 
pox, 677. 
Miniaink  destroyed   by  the   In- 
dians, 588. 
MioiEo,    Indian   of   Martha's 

Vineyard,  18a 
Mishikikakwa,  (Little  Ti'«- 
tle,)  a  Miami  chief,  ,569 ;  op- 
posed llarmer  and  8t  Clair, 
5;i9 ;  defeated  by  Gen.VVayne, 
572 ;  his  interview  with  tlie 
traveller    Voliiey,  573,   574 ; 
anecdotes  of,  575. 
Miatic,  Fnrt,wherp situated,  Ifi9. 
MisTic,  Geoege,  a  Praying  In- 
dian, 181. 
Mitchell,  Jacob,  killed,  245. 
Mitchell,  Experience,  of  Bridge- 
water,  341. 
Mitchell,  S.,  his  Hist  of  Bridge- 
water,  2-33,  245. 
Mitchel,  W.  S  ,  marries  an  In- 
dian, 394. 
Mitchelson,    Edward,  Marshal 

of  Suffolk,  697. 
Mitchill,  Dr.  S.  L.,  on  origin  of 

Indians,  29. 
Mono,  a   Tarratine  chief,  310 ; 

killed,  311,  313. 
Mahaaka,  109,  113,  132, 148,321, 
278,  281,  997,  ;(99  ;  some  ac- 
count of  them,  500. 
Mohegana,  geography  of  their 
country,  1.50  ;  their  language, 
151;  their  troubles,  153,  153, 
SSL 

MONAKATOOCHA,  (HaLF-KiNO,) 

531,  679. 
MowcACHTAPE,  narrative  of  his 

travels,  380. 
Money,  how  made  by  the  Indi- 
ans, 229,  328 ;  Snean,  143. 
MoNiAC,  Maj.,  killed  at  Wakoo, 

476. 
Mowoco,  a  JVipmuk  chief,  264; 

hanged,  266. 
Monohoe,    a    Creek    prophet, 

killed,  401. 
MoifCforro,  a  Pequot,  116,  166, 

171,  173,  171. 
MoNopoiDE,  a  Peqaot  warrior, 

2;a 

Monroe,   Capt.,    in    battle    of 

Okeechobee,  4t»3. 
Monroe,  Pres.,  4.')1,  4,"i2,  661. 
Moiitfnrt,   Major  .lohii,  in    the 

Florida  war,  417,  418. 
Montgomery,  Col.,  in  Cherokei 

war,  377. 
Montgomery,    Mrs.,    killed    in 

Florida,  496. 
Montour,  And.,  Interpreter,  679. 
MoNTOWAMPATE,     a     ^VipmuM 

chief,  105,   111. 


726 


INDEX. 


Uontiftny,  M.,  his  Indian  expe- 
dition. 333. 
Blontrenl  naclced  by  the  IroquaU, 

504— 50fi. 
MooAi<Aii,(ALXxAr«Din,)wbich 

see^ 
Moody,  Mrs.,  and  family,  mur- 
dered, 1%2. 
MtKMly,  Mr.  Joshiin,  339. 
Moure,  Col.,  41 ;  Governor,  372. 
Moore,  J.  B.,  on  the  avalanche 
of  the  Wliite  Mountains,  315, 
316. 
Moravian  Indians,  massacre  of, 

530—525. 
Morgan,  Col.  George,  his  em- 

bassy,  513. 
Morgan,  Gen.  Daniel,  390. 
tlorris,  Major,  in  the  Florida 

wor,  478. 
Morris,  Robert,  60<i ;  wonnded 

nt  Monottguhtla,  609. 
Morrison,  Capt.,  in  the  Chert- 

kre  war,  377. 
Morton,  T.,  of  Merry  Mount,  SS, 

81,  100,  107. 
Morton,  William,  159,  ICO. 
Morse,  Dr.  J.,  his  report  on  In- 
dian Atfnirs,  r)33,  l>34 
Mosely,  Capt.  9.,  148,  208,  216 
—918,  261,  9C5, 366,  273,  279, 
280. 
Moses,  Capt.,  a  depredator, 337. 1 
MotE>,  Sam,  killed  at Ouco,  271).  I 
BluMur,  a  name  of  Pessacus, 

1-J9. 
Mott.  Mr.,  killed  in  Florida,  471. 
Muiilton,  Joseph,  of  York,  293. 
Moulton,  Capt.,  surprises  JVor- 

rulvnaok,  311. 
Muultonhoroiigh,    whence     its 

name,  716. 
Moxus,  a  Tamtine  chief,  his 
attempt  U|ion  Wells  fails,  £91 ; 
goes  to  surprise  the  fort  at 
C'uco,  294  ;  makes  |ienco,  308 ; 
destroys  Pemmaquid,  3:<2. 
Houui'b,  traditions  concerning, 

30,  604. 
Mount  Hope,  description  of,  82, 

83. 
MovTOT,  a  Oieroket  chief,  367, 

31 ». 
Mriksam,  120, 124, 134, 139, 140, 

148,  149. 
Muchin,    Christopher,    a    cap- 
tive, 274. 
Mudge,  Lieut.,  killed  in  Dade's 

fight,  418. 
Mlt.o,  a  noted  Tarratine  chief, 

2^9,294. 
Munjoy,    Jnhu,  killed  at  Pal- 
mouth,  303,  716. 
Murray,  Capt.,  killed  at  Point 

Pleasant,  .'•40. 
Murmy,    Cnl.,    surprises    Fort 

JV-mj,^i-ra,  (128. 
Mu.ikctaquid,     since     Concord, 

Mass.,   112. 
Miuikiigeeji,  ( Creeks,)  364. 
Mi'SHALATUBEE,  8  Chactaw,  402, 

488. 
Mi'sHqUASH,  0  ffompano/if ,  24.'). 
M\rlik,  B.  L.,  his  IJintory  of 

Hiiverliill,  45. 
Wyrick,  Lieut.,  in  the  Fluiidu 
war,  476 


N. 


N»AWA»nUAW,   (Naakuhcow,) 

113. 
Xaamkeke,  179,  277,  979,  280  j 

meaning  of,  383. 
NiMONTACK,  a  Virginia  chief, 


«enl  by  Powhatan  to  live  with 
the  English,  and  to  learn  their 
arts  and  customs,  351 ;  goes 
to  England,  351. 

Namumfum,  (WsaTAMOo,)  187 
—189. 

NANAHEri*T,a  Wompoiioaf ,  193. 

NAIfANURTNBW,  a  WamwtwMii, 
199i 

Nauapaihemit,  a  M^fmuk  of 
great  fam<-  near  Skatemut,  104 ; 
his  residence  and  place  of 
interment,  105. 

NANTAiiuAf,  a  son  of  PowhatoH, 
350. 

Nanuktkkoo,  a  A'arm^an.iet 
chief  of  great  renown,  230  ; 
his  men  defeat  the  English 
under  Capt.  Pierce,  931 ;  sur- 
prised and  taken  prisoner, 
233;  his  magnanimous  beha- 
vior in  captivity,  234  ;  Eng- 
lish advise  his  execution, 
235 ;  he  is  shot  at  Stunington, 
2;i4,  235,  399,  330. 

Naoai,  aJ^ipmuk  chief,  114,180. 

Naopofe,  a  Sae  chief,  second  to 
Black-hawk,  655 ;  his  ac- 
count of  himself,  655. 

Napoleon,     MiAnTuitnouoH 
compared  to,  139, 

JVarraganset,  variously  written, 
85,  102 ;  its  meaning,  87 ;  ge- 
ography of  the  country,  117  ; 
war  with  the  Pujuuts,  83 ; 
conduct  of  the  English  to- 
wards, 158  ;  participate  in 
PHiLir'a  war,  907 ;  send  some 
of  the  heads  of  the  English 
to  the  .^'•■.-mKilu,  972,  273; 
great  dp  '*."jGticn  of  ttiem  in 
the  Fou  Fight,  i.'7;  desert 
Philip,  97i>. 

JVaskubah,  [Littleton,]  a  town 
of  Praying  Indians,  180. 

Nashoo.non,  a  Christian  JVtji- 
muk,  94,  106. 

Nasheeskuk,  son  of  Black- 
hawk,  661. 

Nasott,  Job,  a  JVTjmntl  coun- 
sellor, 10». 

NAiiowANoo,  son  of  Nashoo- 

HOK,  106. 

Natahis  in  Arnold's  expedition 

to  Quebec,  319  ;  wounded  and 

taken,  320,  496. 
JVatckes     oppressed      by     the 

French,  383  ;  they  massacre 

the  colony,  383. 
JVatick,   meaning  of  the  name, 

178. 
Natohbauet,  sachem  of  Saeo, 

298. 
Nattahanada,      a      Tarratine 

chief,  985. 
Nattahattawakts,   a  M'lpmuk 

chief,  181. 
Nattawahukt,  (Nashoohok,) 

94. 
Nattawobmet,  father  of  Nat- 

TAHANADA,  -81. 

Nai-hnocomwit,  ordered  to  Ply- 

niuiilll,  344. 
Nawaihasuck,    quarrels    with 

Pl'MHAH,  258. 

NchkIi',  Mr.,  paints  portraits  of 

Indians,  (35. 
Xciil,  Daniel,  his  History  of  N. 

Englnnd,  IWi,  176— 17& 
Neamathla,  a   Heminole  chief, 

411,4:14—436. 
Nebise,  an  Menaki   warrior, 

333. 
Nefr,'Marv,  47  ;  William,  47. 
Nelxon,  Gen.,  in    the    Florida 

war,  327,  398. 


Nelson,  Col.  of  a  Georgia  gnanl 
455. 

Nemattakow  put  to  death,  360. 

NepakeTiToii,  a  Ai/nmJIc Chris- 
tian, 240 ;  ambassador  ia 
Philip's  war,  274,  275,  330, 
331. 

Nepxof,  a  Wampmitug  warrior, 
93. 

Neptuhe,  John,  a  Penobscot 
captain,  330. 

Nesutan,  Job,  n  Jfipmnk,  as- 
sists Eliot  to  trnnslnte  the 
Bible  into  Indiaa,  115,  176; 
killed  in  Philip's  war,  176. 

Netaump,  (Mautamf  .')  271. 

Netawatwees,  a  DelamreJlSS, 
523. 

Nr'Js,  a  JVTpntUi,  his  depreda- 
tions. -^64. 

New  Albion,  Drake's  discovery 
of,  83. 

New  Ariow,  a  Seneca  chief, 
607. 

Newbury  attacked  by  the  Indi- 
ans, r?05  ;  the  first  white  child 
bom  lliere,  255. 

Newbury,  Cnpt.,  inassac  %  100 
Indians,  249. 

JVeto  Kckota,  Indian  treaty  there, 
442. 

New  England,  so  named  from 
Nova  Albion,  83 ;  called  by 
the  Five  Nations,  Kinskon, 
501 ;  first  white  child  bom 
in,  255. 

Newman,  Capt.,  killed  in  St. 
Clair's  defeat,  572,  7J)0. 

Newman,  Gen.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  3'J8,  406. 

Newman,  Rev.  Noah,  of  Reho- 
both,  912,  2:U. 

Newport,  Gov.,  duped  by  Pow- 

HATAK,  352. 

New  River,  settlement  at,  de- 
stroyed, 415. 

New  (Smyrna,  Florida,  de- 
stroy e<  I,  416. 

New  ^lyie,  an  explanation  of, 
85 

Mowspapers.in  Cfter«tee,S54, 558 
— 560 ;  used  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  the  Indians,  4I>3. 

Newton,  (AimantHm,}  Eliot  be- 
gins to  preach  at,  176, 

Newtown,  Brakt  defeated 
there,  587. 

Jfiagara  described  by  an  Indian, 

Jfianticks,  country  of  the,  131. 
Nicholsou,  Colonel  F.,  47,  373, 

511. 
Nickotawarcb,     a     Virginia 

chief,  36i 
NiHononTAOOWA,  (Bio  Thee,) 

607. 

NlMROD,     (WOWASHUM,)      199— 

304,  319. 
NiniGRET,  chief  of  the  AVan- 
tiks,  131 ;  his  troubles  with 
other  chiefs,  134 ;  threatened 
by  the  En;>lish,  136 ;  new 
difflculties,  137  ;  his  war  with 
AscASsAssoTiK,  1:<8  ;  msidefi 
among  the  Dutch,  139 ;  speech 
to  thum,  140,  141  ;  mortgages 
his  coiintrv,  1-1.^  ;  his  contempt 
of  Christinnity,  146—148  ; 
known  by  viirious  mimes, 
15;) ;  determines  on  a  war 
with  the  Muhegant.  l.M  ;  will 
have  the  held  of  Uhcas,  I.W  ; 
screens  fugitive  Prquiilf,  170  ; 
shrewd  reply  to  Mr.  Mnyhew, 
178  ;  opposes  tlie  introduction 
of    Christianity   among    hit 


INDEX. 


727 


people,  SfiO ;  "an  old,  crafty 
Rnchfin,"  1<15. 

NiHiaRET,  fiunily  of,  146,  149. 

J\npmukii,  their  cuiiniry,  83 ; 
iiniler  Squtw  Sachkm,  104  ; 
at  war  with  tlie  Muk.jans, 
lUI,  ll>4i  tliey  obanilun  Phil- 
ip, 315. 

NiTTANAHoif,  B  aachem  on  L. 
lelund,  143. 

JVohMUtt  Hill,  near  Sudbury ,9G7. 

Noma:*,  a  fVampanoag,  249. 

NuuDNr,  John,   a   Pmnakook, 

NoHPAaH,  a   Wampanoag,  189; 

ANUUrAaH,3Sl ;  o( Sonkonate, 

2Xi  ;  death  of,  357. 
No.NsciiUEssKwiT,  Gsc,  a  AVp- 

muk,  3ti5. 
Northiiinpton  attacked  by  the 

Indinii:),  223. 
Nurihtield,  ( SfitJIira ?,)  339. 
Norton,    Capt.,   kilisd    by   the 

PequoU,  167. 
Norton,  John,  (TEYONinHOEE- 

RAWEfc,)  637,  (128. 
M'tn-ridgeieok,  303 :   capture  of, 

311. 
Nurvell,  J.,  on  the  cholera  in 

the  West,  649. 
NowEqUA,  his  expeditions,  161. 
NuMPHow,  S.,  184,  368 ;  makes 

a  treaty  at  Dover,  715. 
Nurse,    Rebecca,    accused    of 

witchcraft,  184. 


o. 

Oakman,  Tobias,  taken,  293. 
Oakmulge     Fields,     auti(|uities 

there,  665. 
Oakes,   Lieut.,   [Edward,]  ex- 
ploit of,  210,  313. 
Obbatinnua,  sachem  of  SItaa- 

mut,  94,  104. 
Obeal,  »on  of  Corr-Plakter, 

597,  599,  615. 
Obechikwoo,    of    the  Pequot 

tribe,  16a 
OBTAKiEsT,anoted  ffampatioag, 

99. 
OccoM,    Sampsoh,  a   Mohegan 

preacher,  183,  713. 
OcKONosToTA,  rpnuwHcd  Creek 

chief,  373;  treaU  with  Gov. 

Littleton,    374 ;    takes     Fort 

Ijoiulon,  375;   attempt  upon 

Fort  Prince  George  fails,  377. 
OcoNNOECA,  a   Cherokee  chief, 

374. 
Oconas,  (or  Oeonees,)  a  tribe  of 

Cherokies,  369. 

ODDERU99IN,    hlS    Visjt    tO    BOS- 

ton,  677. 

O'DriscuU,  Mr.,  killed  in  Flori- 
da, 489. 

0£TAN,a  nameof  OriTCHEPAit, 
3.VJ. 

Orrscow,  Jeremiah,  order  for 
his  apprehension,  180. 

Oa£E3E,  a.  Creek  warrior,  369. 

Oiilelluirpe,  Gen.,  brings  a  cul- 
uny  to  Carolina,  369  ;  his 
speech  to  the  Indians,  370; 
t.ikes  several  of  thera  to  Eng- 
land, 371. 

Ohi)Uahehuo,  a  JVdmpanoag, 
94. 

Okase,  Okoko,  (Uncas,)  151. 

Okecliohe,  battle  iil',  483. 

Old  IIrim,  a  noted  Creek  chief, 
:)ii9, 

Oldham,  Mr.  John,  killed  by 
Pei/itoU,  167.  ' 


Oldham,  Major,  killed    in  St 

Clair's  detent,  571. 
Old  Indian  Chronicle,  what  it 

is,  197 ;  references  to,  67,  189, 

909,  20    216,  217,  320,  222, 

223,  S4l,  j90. 
Old  Jethro,  (Tantamoui,)  a 

AVpiimi  chief,  betrayed  and 

hanxed,  265, 266. 
OLD-KNirE,  (Leteleiha,)  633, 

634. 
Oldinixon,rJ.,1  his  America,  41, 

306,509—511. 
Olo-Ui'een,  (Quaiape.i,)  134, 

248.  249. 
Old  Style,  explanation  of,  85. 
Oliver,  Capt.  James,  iu  PuiLip't 

w.ir,  319,  261. 
Oliver,  A.,  his  house  attacked 

by  Indians,  490. 
Omakaa,  their  country,  14,  SXi, 

633 ;  some  visit  the  Atlantic 

cities,  677 ;  went,  704. 
Omathla,  Charles,  a  Seminole, 

412. 
OhAMon,  a  Christian  A^pmuk, 

113,  180,  181. 
O.f  AS,  Indians  so  named  VVm 

Penn,  517. 
One-eted-john,       (Monoco,) 

264;  hanged,  366. 
Oneco,  son  of  Uncai,  a  noted 

depredator,  93,  149. 
Oneidiu,  tlieir  country,  14  ;  500, 

503. 
OnqpatoN'    ,,    (Ilio    Elk,)   an 

Omaha   cl:ief,   633 ;    visit   to 

Washington,  G3.I. 
Onottdagiu,  one  of  the  Five  M'a- 

tioiu,  14,  500,  503. 
ONupEquiN,  a  sachem  of  Qua- 

baog,  164. 
Onux,    one  of  the  wives   of 

UUINNAPIN,  240. 

Opachisl'o,  uncle  of  Pocahon- 
tas, 358. 

Opekankano,  sachem  of  Pa- 
munky,  348  ;  brother  ul  Pow- 
hatan, 353  ;  his  origin,  339  ; 
seized  by  Capt.  Smith,  360  ; 
leader  in  a  great  massacre  of 
the  English,  360 ;  is  token 
and  killed,  363. 

Opitchapan,  brother  of  Pow- 
hatan, 353;  i.Itopatin,)J.'>5  ; 
(Oeian,)  359. 

Oppahyluah,  a  Delivare  chief, 
44. 

Oruftana,  India''  '  'otory  there, 
579. 

Orine,  Cnpt,  wounded  at  Mo- 
nongaheCa,  609. 

Ormond,  Uiike  of,  visited  by 
Indians,  511. 

Orono,  chief  of  the  Penohfcots, 
339,  340. 

Orvilliers,  D',  sent  against  the 
Senectu,  504. 

Osborn,  !^nrah,  accused  of  witch- 
craft, 184. 

Osceola,  a  Florida  chief,  410  ; 
early  didiculties  with,  413 ; 
seized  and  put  in  irons,  413  ; 
not  a  chief  by  birth,  420  ;  his 
town  destroyed,  425;  meets 
Gen.  Gaines  on  the  OuMle- 
eoDchee,  429,  430  ;  a  parley 
with  Gaines,  431 ;  kills  EmatK- 
la,  465 ;  review  of  earlier 
events  in  his  life,  470;  at- 
tacked near  Fort  Drane,  472 ; 
makes  a  narrow  escape,  475  ; 
flglits  Gen.  Call  in  the  Wahoo, 
476,477;  report  of  cowardice, 
479 ;  appears  at  Fort  Mellon, 
480  i    tiis   capture   by   Gen. 


Jes»iip,481,483;  Sent  to  Pott 

Moultrie,  and   there  dies  of 

fever,  485  ;  his  character,  485 
OsgcKMl,  William,  295. 
Usteen,  Mr.  J.,  his  house  a* 

saiilted,  489. 
Oii-CHEE,  surprised  and  killed 

478. 
Otaciti,  a  Cherokee  chief,  372 

treats    with    Gov.    Littleton,' 

:<75;  visits  England,  367. 
OUiesj    coiinlry    ul,    14 ;    some 

visit  Boston,  577;  wei't.70:i 
OUoteat,  their  country,  14  ;  their 

origin,  5;t7;  west,  704. 
OiTiudHKOREE,     uu      troqitoU 

warrior,  507 
OucHEE  Billy, (UcHcE  Billy.) 

431. 
OuEKACHUMPA,  chief  of  OCOHIU. 

375. 
Oi'i.TucK,  a  Aipinu*,  hanged  at 

Boston,  713. 
Oi'NA»ANNowiNE,aCr«A  chief, 

367. 
OuRAouHARE,  a  fainous  Iroquou, 

507. 
Ot'THLATABOA,  a   Creek   cliiuf, 

369.  ' 

Ot'iAMEqui.'*,  a  name  of  Mas- 

•  AIOIT,  91, 

OuiANATANAH,  a  Cherokce,  mur- 
dered, 375. 

Oxford,  (Manrknge,)  a  town 
of  Praying  Indians,  179. 

Oyster  Kiv»r,  depredations  at, 
303,  304.  492. 


P. 

Paddy  Carr,  goes  to  Florida, 

474,  479. 
Paddy,  Air.  William,  death  of, 

285. 
Paoatt,  Joseph,  a  IVwnpanoag, 

122. 
Paget,  Corporal,  in  the  tight  at 

Oaithlecoochee,  433. 
Pahkehpunnasoo,    a    PraytHg 

IiidiaH,  182 
Paige,  Col.  Nicholas,  [of  Bol- 
ton,] 311. 
Paiiie,  Mr.  J.  H.,  visit  to  J.  Rots, 

459. 
Paine,  Nathaniel,  198. 
Paine,  Thus.,  of  Eiisthnm,  241. 
Paint  Creek,  nnliciuities  llj<re^ 

5& 
Pakanke,  aDclaaare  chii'f,5l7. 
Pakachoog,  a  town  of  Prai/mf 

fiiilianx,  179. 
Palmer,  .Major,  in  Philip's  war, 

3;i3. 
Faiiiesc,  conjurors  or  su|ierior 

cliit'fs,  100. 
PaiiLi,  a  nation  ii|K)n  the  JUis- 

sniiri,  II,  KM,  IB'J. 
Parish,    Col.,   in    the    Seminole 

war,  424. 
Paris,  .Mr.,  implicated  in  witch- 

cnirt,  18,1,  184, 
Parkin,   Col.,  at  the  battle  of 

OnilMrcuochee,  4t£l. 
Parimepahho,  his  visit  to  Bos- 
ton, 670. 
Paisaconaway,  chief  of  Mt- 

rimack  country,  111,    1.19;   a 

Bashaha,   277  ;     his   farewell 

speech,  278;  his  death,  378, 

280. 
Paammnquoddy,  14  ;    definition 

of,  319. 
Path-killer,  39.5,  396;     Geu. 

Jackson  and,  446, 


Il-.i  '■ 


728 


Patrick,  Mn.,  murdered  In  Flor- 
ida, 491. 

PiTucKsoif  accused  of  the  mur- 
der of  Sah *MoK,  195. 

Patuzet,  the  Indian's  name  of 
Flyniuuth,  95. 

Paugdi,  aachem  of  Pequawket ; 
cunducta  the  memorable  flght 
with  the  Engliali  under  Love- 
well,  and  is  killed,  :<13— 317. 

Paw>a4ueni,  counsellor  to 
Philip,    199. 

Pawtucket,  bloody  fight  there, 
231,  232. 

Pax  NOUS,  a  warrior  chief  of  the 
Sliavanue,  534. 

Peabody,  Mr.,  matiinfie  of,  255. 

Peak,  Mr.,  [John!  Jdlled  at  VVal- 
pole,  N.  H.,  Xii. 

Peai-cresk-Johr,  a  Seminole 
warrior,  479. 

Pechmo,  signal  exploit  of,  71. 

Pecidock,  Leonard, a  pilgrim, 8.5. 

Peere,  counsellor  to  PHILIP, 
killed,  200,  210. 

Peupy,  Josiah,  interpr:!ter,  53. 

Pock,  J.  M.,  on  Western  oii- 
tiquities,  64. 

PsciiN,  his  J\npmuk  expedition, 
273, 

Peirse,  Copt.,  exped'tion  nnd 
death,  231,  232,  270.  [He  was 
a  brother  of  Copt.  P(>';se,  of 
London.] 

Peisxaret,  his  adventures  and 
death,  507,  508. 

Ptjepseot,  depredations  there, 
299. 

Pekanimre,  one  carried  ofT  by 
llnrlow,  71. 

Pekillon,  a  troitorous  Dela- 
ware, 557. 

Pekoatk,  mistake  for  Pequot,  113. 

Pekbuot,  a  noted  IVampanoag 
Paniese,  95,  100;  killed  by 
Cnpt.  Standish,  100. 

PEMia9APA.N,  (WlNOINA,)  344, 
345. 

Pemmaquid,  destruction  of,  332. 

Penachasok,  a  Wampauiiag 
warrior,  270. 

/>ennacou<r«,  14;  their  troubles, 
278,  279. 

Pennahanit,  a  fftpmuk  con- 
vert, 180,181. 

Pendarvis,  Mr.,  family  of,cut  off, 
488. 

Penn,  Wm.,bis  treaty,  51C,517, 
528,  615. 

Penobscot,  meaning  of  the  name, 
321. 

Pepper,  Rolert,  escape  at  Beer's 
fight,  215. 

PtqaoU,  14 ;  "a  great  Saga- 
mure,''  113  ;  their  country  de- 
scribed, 165,  172  ;  at  war 
',vith  the  JVarraganaeU,  107; 
tlieir  wars  and  final  deHtriic- 
tion,  1G5— 174  ;  mop  of  their 
country,  161) ;  "  Pequot  souls 
brought  down  to  hell,"  170 ; 
Boine  executed  and  cast  into 
tlio  sea,  170  ;  many  sold  into 
slavery,  171. 

Perkins,  John,  of  Jlgaitam,  110. 

Perkins,  Samuel,  History  of  tiie 
Laie  War,  391,  393. 

Pcrrine,  Dr.  11.,  killed  in  Flori- 
da, 49a 

PEssAcu«,a  noted  JVarragartnel 
chief,  122  ;  visits  Boston,  137  ; 
invaded  by  the  English,  148  ; 
his  war  with  Uncas,  154; 
lends  presents  to  ttie  governiir 
ol  Mass.,  156 ;  killed  by  the 
Moheuks,  122,  323. 


INDEX. 

Petaleihaboo,  a  Pamiee  brave, 
hi.i  visit  tu  Washington,  633  i 
a  great  exploit  of,  UI4. 

Petananuet,  husband  of  Wee- 

TAMOO,  229. 

Peters,  'I  hos.,  Illst.  of  CuHHtcti- 
eut,  34  ;  letter  about  the  Pe- 
quoU,  133,  150,  159,  166. 

Peter,  a  rurratiiie,  attacks 
Bradford,  295. 

Peter,  son  of  Awashoni'  '< 
traitor  to  Philip,  23.^  ;  a  ciiic. 
captain,  253 ;  serves  under 
Church,  255 ;  one  betrays  the 
•fiTarraganaeta,  218,  714. 

Pewazegsake,  of  JV>if «,«.«f /, 284. 

Peyrouny,  Copt.,  at  braddock's 
defeat,  609. 

Peyton,  Lieu!.,  Mr  exploit,  481, 
483. 

Phagan,  MnJ.,  agent  in  Florida, 
4ll4,  4115. 

Philadelphia,  its  Ind.  name,  83. 

Philip,  socliem  of  the  Wampa- 
noaga,  93  ;  why  called  Philip, 
187  ;  his  people  hold  a  war 
dance,  189;  causes  of  his  be- 
ginning a  war,  193  ;  his  tnie 
name,  197 ;  sales  of  his  lands, 
198— roO  ;  colled  ffcwosoiran- 
tiet,  200  ;  Philip  a  nick-name, 
other  causes  of  war,  202; 
Eiiglisli  prepare  for  hostilities, 
20?. ;  Philip  disclaims  war, 
and  agrees  to  pay  a  triliute, 
203  ;  his  diHici'liies  with  Ply- 
mouth, 304  ;  refuses  to  treat 
with  inferiors,  207 ;  his  men 
begin  the  war,  307  ;  fights  the 
English  at  Poraaaet,  911 ;  re- 
treats and  is  attacked  on  Ko- 
hoboth  Plain,  213;  cuts  off 
Cnpt.  Beers,  215  ;  surprises 
niid  cuts  off  Capt   Ixttlirop, 

216  ;  his  attack  on  Hutfi.  Id, 

217  ;  besieged  in  a  fort  in 
Ji'arraganaet,  nnd  desperately 
defends  it,  218—220  ;  retreats 
into  the  country  of  the  A'ip- 
mu(»,230  ;  imputed  murderer 
of  some  Muhauikf,  221  ;  sajks 
Lancaster,  Medlield,  and  cuts 
off  Capt.  Wadaworth  at  Piiii- 
biiry,  22? ;  retreats  into  Ply- 
mouth colony,  233 ;  driven 
from  place  to  place  with  loss, 
233 ;  his  sister  nnd  uncle 
killed,  233  ;  his  wife  and  sun 
taken,  224 ;  surprised  in  a 
swamp,  but  esca|ir?.235 ;  flies 
to  />u<caiuiAc(,  where  he  <8  pur- 
sued and  iiilled,  235;  inci- 
dents attending  this  last  trag- 
edy, 220—238  ;  religious  an- 
ecdote of,  228  ;  a  "  Idasphe- 
mous  leviathan,"  228  ;  Mrs. 
Rowlanuson's  anecdotes  of, 
239,  240  ;  his  ornaments  pos- 
sessed by  Ctipt.  .4ttiuiu)aii,239 ; 
otiier  facts,  254,  275. 

Philip,  a  Seminole  chief,  <!6; 
attacks  New  Snivrna,  416 ; 
of  TupkoUky,  325,  331  ;  taken 
prisoner,  481. 

Philip,  sachem  of  Pigfoket, 
316 ;  at  the  taking  of  $(.  Fran- 
cis, 318  ;  at  the  taking  of  t.ou- 
ishonrg,  319;  defeoted  ui  Wal- 
p(de,  3;'8. 

Philip  11.,  ludicrous  error  con- 
cerning, 38. 

Phillips  Adj.,  at  the  battle  of 
Ouithleeoochee,  423, 

Pliillips,  Maj.,  [William,]  suc- 
cess'- 'y  defends  his  garrison 
at  So„», -JSO,  287, 


Philoiophical  Tiani,,  R,8.,  274 

Phi|ia,  Sit  William,  292,  3U5. 

PiAMBoHoi;,  a  M^pmuk,  ruler  tt 
Natick,  180. 

Piankatanka,  a  tribe  of  Virgin- 
ia, 14,  349. 

Pickens,  tieneral,  in  the  war 
with  the  Ckrrukeea,  407. 

Pickering,  Sarah,  u  witness, 
329. 

Pidgeon,  Major,  interpreter, 
510, 

Pierce,  Major,  In  the  Florida 
war,  473,  475,  470, 

Pilgrims,  their  arrival  at  Ply, 
nioiiih,  75;  account  of  their 
laniling  there,  76;  their  inter- 
course with  the  Indiuiid,  77 
—79. 

Pinchon,  Major,  147,  1C4,  173, 
179,  332, 

PloMl.lOU,  (CoLBl'RT,)  401,  403, 

689, 

PiowAKT,  0  IVampanoae,  168, 
198  242. 

Pipe,'Capt.,  519:  of  the  Wolf 
tribe  of  D  lawares,  554—556, 
561,  5(J3,  b9t>. 

Pi|>e  of  Peace,  (Calumet,)  554. 

Pitt,  WiiliaMi,  Fort  Pitt  named 
lor,  690. 

PiTruE,  Andrew,  a  Jfipmuk, 
272,  276. 

Plague  among  the  N,  England 
Indians,  80, 

Pliistowe,  I  Josins,]  degraded  for 
robbing  Indians,  and  loses  hia 
"tie  of  Mr.,  1U8. 

Plaii..  supposed  to  refer  to 
Ame.  "u,  :;:i. 

Pliinimer,  Capt,,  cast  nway  on 
Florida,  and  killed,  487, 

Plymouth,  first  settlement  of, 
75;  (Pattixit,)  P5 ;  {^paum, 
Umpane,)  251, 

Pocahohtai,  daughter  of  Pow- 
hatan, preserves  tlie  life  of 
Capt.  Smith,  350  ;  reveals  a 
plot  against  his  life,  354  ; 
B.'iveB  the  life  of  Mr,  t^pilmnn, 
357  ;  betrayed  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  357  ;  marries 
Mr,  Rulfe,  an  KngllMhman, 
nnd  goes  to  Engl;;nd,  where 
she  dies,  358. 

Pocasact,  swamp  fight  there,  311. 

PoooAPANoaso,  (Tobias,)  exe- 
cuted, 194,  242. 

Point  Pleasant,  battle  of.  5.19 ; 
serioiis  troubles  tjere,  545. 

Pokanokit,  descripti<in  of,  83,83. 

PoKATTAWAGu,  a  fVampauoagf 
251. 

Pole,  [Poole,]  George,  of  Ply- 
mouth, 86. 

Pollard,  Capt.,  a  Seneca  chief, 
597,  606;  visited  by  Black- 
hawk,  667. 

Poison,  Capt.,  .it  Broddock's 
defeat,  G09. 

Polwhcle,  Dr.  Richard,  iiisio- 
riau,  114. 

Pohase,  a  JVarragaiiaet  warrior, 
159. 

PoMETACoH,  (Philip,)  197. 

PoHPAquASE,  a  H'ainpanoag,l98, 

Pom  oye,  E.,  troubled  by  the 
Inil.ans,  146. 

PoMUMsKS,  a  Jfarragansct,  143. 

PoNTiAK,  cliluf  of  tliK  Ottawas, 
516;  begins  a  war  with  tlie 
Englisli,  549 ;  defeats  them 
Willi  great  loss,  551 ;  captures 
several  vessels,  55i  ;  ralset 
tlie  siege  of  Detroit ;  is  ast>u», 
sinated,  553. 


INDEX. 


730 


Poor.  Gen.,  rtefeati  the  Western 
Iniiiana,  1^7. 

Poole-  Cnpt.,  [Jonsthan,]  in 
P;<i'Lip'i  war,  217. 

Pope,  John,  iimrder  of,  245. 

Pophnin,  Lord,  Hendti  Prln  to 
New  Eniiland,  70,  71. 

VoqciN,  'Poquuiu,)  a  M'arra- 
ganutt,  146. 

Purt!<inoutb,  depredations  at, 
S95. 

'/osey,  Gen.,  in  BLACKhAWic'i 
war,  G53,  <i53. 

Post,  Frederick,  western  mii- 
Rion  of,  51(i,  535. 

PoTOK,  opimsed  to  Christianity, 
3(K) ;  taken  In  PuiLir't  war 
and  executed,  3()1. 

Potter,  E.  R.,  History  o(  Jfar- 
rajfaiMtt,  930,  241. 

Potter,  Serit.,  in  the  battle  of 
Ouithlttooche,  423. 

Potter,  W.,  Hist,  of  the  Florida 
War,  462. 

PoUoaatomies,  account  of,  14, 
610,  (i38. 

Powaw,  or  Powwow,  conjurers 
or  prophets,  so  called  among 
Indians,  105,  175. 

Powell,  Lieut.,  his  defeat,  484. 

VowHiTAN,  Rreat  sachem  of 
Virgmia,  347  ;  extent  of  his 
country,  347 ;  surprises  and 
destroys  the  Payankatanks, 
348 ;  orders  the  execution  of 
Cnpt.  Hmith,  350  ;  outwils 
Gov.  Newport,  351 ;  a  house 
built  fur  him,  353, 354  ;  orders 
his  men  to  kill  Smith,  355  ;  a 
crown  '-  nt  over  from  Eng- 
land, an",  lie  is  crowned,  351 ; 
his  death,  35£. 

Powhalans,  tribes  of  Virginia, 
14,  344. 

Pownal,  Gov.  Thomas,  on  the 
colonies,  48,  507. 

Prat,  Phineas,  his  narrow  es- 
cape, 99,  507. 

Praying  Indiaiu,  account  of,  175 

.'renlice,  Thomas,  captain  in 
PniLip'a  war,  258. 

fresqiie  Isle,  Indiana  defeated 
there,  57ii. 

Priest,  Josiah,  on  western  an- 
tiquities, 62. 

^rinn,  or  Prin,  Martin,  his  voy- 
age to  New  England,  70 ;  car- 
ries Indians  to  England,  70. 

Prince,  Gov.  T.,  Awashonei'i 
letter  to,  250. 

Prince,  Thomas,  his  Annals, 
81,  104,  111 ;  Williams's  Re- 
deemed Captive,  325. 

Prince,  John,  Worthies  of  Eng- 
land, 70,  84,  358. 

Proctor,  J.,  missionary  to  Clier- 
okees,  454. 

Proctor,  Gen.,  defeated  at  the 
Thames,  620  ;  his  conduct  at 
the  River  Raisin,  625,  626. 

Proctor,  John,  accused  of  witch- 
craft, 184 ;  Elizabeth,  184. 

Proctor,  Lieut.,  310,  311. 

Pbofhet,  the  Skawanee,  (Ells- 
KWATAWA,)  his  agency  at 
Tippecanoe,  620 ;  his  singular 
history,  623—625. 

Prophet,  the  Seminole,  (Hil- 
LliHAQO,)  403. 

Prophet,  the  IVinnebago,  (Wa- 

B0KIE9HISE,)  658. 

PoKEEiHENo,  father  of  Tecok- 

•EH,  633. 
FoMHAM,  a  noted  M'arragansel 

chief,  92,  130;  claim*  Shao- 


met,  86  ;  troubles,  I.W,  159  ; 
kind  to  the  English,  257  ;  his 
town  burnt,  260  ;  his  melan- 
choly fate,  260. 

PuMPAtA,  (NiMROD,)  winch  see. 

PunkaUtsrt,  great  fight  th'/e, 
310. 

PupoMPooEi,  brother  of  Sassa- 
cui,  165. 

Purchase,  Thomas,  wron<^  In- 
diana, 299. 

Purchan,  Samuel,  his  Pilgrims, 
84,  355,  366. 

PutHMATAHA,  death  of,  396 — 
402. 

PuTTA(n;FPDUiiEO,a  Pequet.lTi. 

Psniter,  The,  printed  in  Indian, 

Putnam,   General,  and  Coait- 

PLANTER,  612. 

Putnam,  Major,  in  the  Florida 
war,  435. 


Quabaoffii  attacked  by  Uncai, 
163  ;  cut  off  Capt.  Hutchinson 
in  Philip's  war.  9ia 

Qi'ADEiiuiNA,  brother  of  Mai- 
lAiOiT,  85 ;  visits  the  Pilgrims, 
86  ;  treaty  with,  94. 

Qua'apen,  of  great  note  and 
authority  among  the  JVurro- 
goHtels,  134  ;  killeu  in  Phil- 
ip's war,  near  Warwick,  348, 
349. 

(Quakers,  friends  to  the  Indians, 
220. 

Quami,  a  Peftuit  prisoner,  173. 

UuANitAPOHiT,  James,  a  M\p- 
muk,  364 ;  serves  the  English 
OS  a  spy,  365,  371. 

Quannapohit,  Thomas,  973, 
273,  376. 

AuANONCHiT.  —  See    Nakoh- 

TENOO. 

QuANOwiic,  a  IVampanoag,  188. 

Qua^ualh,  wounded  in  a  light, 
358. 

QuA(ti;Eiiuu!<SET,  of  QuoAo- 
bakonk,  16a 

^,uatoghiu,  country  of,  14  ;  Ha- 
Tons,  508. 

^nebeck,  meaning  of  the  name, 
546. 

(luiinby,  Mrs.,  assaulted  by  In- 
dians, 395. 

QuiNNAPin,  a  noble  Jfarragan- 
»et,  son  of  CoKjANAquoND, 
brothcr-ii-law  to  Philip,  pur- 
chases Mrs.  Rowland!i<ui,239 ; 
her  account  of  him,  241  ;  falls 
into  the  hands  of  the  English, 
and  is  shot  at  Newport,  241. 

ftl!E<lur,0UNENT,il  J^uTragansH, 
son  of  Quaiapen,  145  j  called 
Gideon,  248. 

QuiNEMiiiUET,     daughter     of 

dUAIAPEN,  248, 

Quissoquus,  u  M'arraganset, 
145. 

Q,uochecho,  (Dover,  N.  H.,)  prop- 
erly Coclucho,  winch  see, 

B. 

Rains,  Capt,  defeated  in  Flor- 
ida, 492. 

Raisin,  (River,)  battle  of  the, 
625. 

Ralegh,  Sir  Walter,  settles  Vir- 
ginia, 34  ;  anecdote  of,  113  ; 
beheaded, 114. 

Ralle,  or  Rasle,  Jesuit  mission- 


ary, 310 ;  ir  killed  at  MWridgt- 
«»*,  311,  312. 

RAHBGin,  sachem  of  Jfegiutet, 
284,  J85. 

Randolph,  Dr.,  at  the  battle  of 
OuiUiUcooche,  43:1 

Randolph,  John,  of  Roanoke, 
dies,  359. 

Rapp,  Mr.,  of  New  Harmony, 
20,  3L 

Ratclltf,  Mr.,  his  house  burnt  in 
Florida,  416. 

Rawhukt,  of  Virginia,  anec- 
dote of,  350. 

Rawson,  Edward,  letter  of  to 
Indians,  3c<0,  698. 

Read,  Capt.  L.,  in  the  Floridn 
war,  4:i3. 

Reckakecriana,  war  with  theio, 
3.9. 

Recovery,  (Fort,)  571,  576  j 
buttle  of,  689. 

Redbiro,  a  Siaiu,die8  in  prison, 
638,  639. 

Reuhawk,  murder  of,  545,  695, 
696. 

Red  Jacket,  (Saootcwatha,) 
anecdote  of,  43,  593 ;  speech 
of  to  a  missionary,  .'>94,  595  ; 
in  the  war  of  1812, 596  ;  letter 
to  the  governor  of  N.  York, 
596—599 ;  in  a  witchcraft  case, 
599 ;  interview  with  Lafay- 
ette, 600  ;  at  Philadelphia, 
601 ;  death  of,  60J. 

Redalieka,  a  tribe  of  Seminoles, 
404. 

Reed,  Joseph,  anecdote  of  hit 
patriotism,  139. 

Reed,  W.,  wrecked  and  mur- 
dered in  Florida,  487,  488. 

Rees,  Dr.  A.,  his  Encyclopedia, 
30. 

Rehobotb,  bought  of  the  Indi- 
ans, 91 ;  distressed  in  Phiiip't 
war,  276  ;  burnt,  962. 

Reid,  Col.,  at  the  battle  of  Oui'fA- 
leeooeke^  423. 

Removal  of  Indians,  its  policy 
examined,  4f>(i. 

Rhode  Island,  (Aquiilneck,)  bo't 
of  the  Indians,  124. 

Ricarecu,  destroyed  by  small- 
pox, 677. 

Richmond,  Capt.,  of  Sogkonate, 
953. 

Richards,  Major,  [John  .'j  bit 
Moiiawk  agency,  323. 

RiDOE,  Major,  a  CherokeecMeT, 
401,  440,  448 ;  murdered  by 
his  own  people,  460. 

Ridgely,  Lt.,  wounded  at  0»ith- 
lecoocke,  433. 

Riley,  Cot.,  his  exploit  In  Flor- 
ida, 492. 

Ringe,  Andrew,  Jr.,  196. 

Riser  /ndiaiu,  their  locality,  281, 
510. 

Roanoke,  flr«t  English  settle- 
ment there,  344. 

Bobbins,  Lt.,  lost  at  Lovewell't 
fight,  3i7. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  his  manner  of 
peoiiling  America,  22  ;  all 
men  have  one  origin,  26;  in 
error  respecting  the  name  of 
New  England,  K), 

Rolieson,  Lieut.,  killed  at  Point 
Pleasant,  540. 

Robinhood.  —  See  RAMEOiif. 

Robinson,  life  saved  by  Looaii, 
538. 

Robinson,  John,  reproves  th« 
Pilgrims,  102. 

Roliin  M.,  his  speech  of  Looam 
543. 


730 


INDEX. 


U" 

It 


RoBiH,  >  Creek  war  cnptain,  309. 

Robin,  a  TamUiiie, »bU*  JVegdt- 
»(,  384. 

RoBiif,  of  Agawum,  prevents  th-^ 
Tarralinet  ftum  deitroying 
Ipneieh,  110, 

Rocklcfr,  O.  W.,  attacked  at 
Mosquito,  495. 

Rodney,  Lieut.,  diea  In  Florida, 
490. 

RoDonnonAiut,  a  Tarratine 
chief,  297. 

Rogera,  Major,  40, 54  ;  siirprisKR 
and  innkeii  ciiptivcit  of  tlie  Sl 
FraneU  liidjnnii,  MIS,  338. 

Rogers,  EruHtus,  killed  in  Flor- 
ida, 431. 

Rogers,  Lieut.,  killed  in  Ilar- 
mer'a  defeat,  687. 

RoaoiiOK.  —  See  Raheqir. 

Rolfe,  Jolin,  marries  Pocahor- 
Tii,  358. 

Rollins,  Mr,,  his  family  cut  ofT, 
488, 

RoNMisooKc,  a  M'ipmuk  of  Na- 
tjck,  143. 

UoMi,  Adjutant,  a  L'kerokee 
chief,  401. 

Rosi,  John,  393,  440,  '47,  448, 
458,  481. 

Rom,  James,  killed  at  CSueo, 
700. 

RocNDHEAD,  a  IVya^dot  chief, 
235  ;  takes  Gen.  Winchester 
prisoner,  235 :  at  the  capture 
of  Detroit,  2T8. 

Rouviile,  H.  Do,  his  expedition, 
328. 

Howell,  Capt,  defeated  in  Flor- 
ida, 488, 

Rowe,  N.,  a  passage  from  his 
Liican,  238, 

Rowlandson,  Mrs.,  her  captiv- 
ity ;  interview  with  Philip, 
239;  incidents  of  lier  cnpliv- 
ii.-,  240,  241,  2<i6,  267  ;  other 
iiic'dents,  374,  375, 

RowLES,  an  ancient  Tarratine 
chief,  3SS. 

RuHNErHARiH,  Gkoboe,  —  See 
WiNHEruBKiTT.  —  See  also 
276, 

Russell,  Capt.,  ambiubed  in 
Florida,  488. 


s. 

Babatis,  a  Tarratine  chief,  cap- 
tured at  SL  Franeii,  319  ;  Sab- 
BADii,  320  ;  anotlier  of  the 
name,  murdered,  338. 

Babine,  W.,  a  juror  to  try  Indi- 
ans, 196. 

Sachem's  Head,  why  such  a 
name,  151. 

Baco,  burnt,  and  people  killed 
there,  386,  387. 

Sacs,  (Sauks,)  early  visited  by 
Jesuits,  638 ;  incorpornt«a 
with  the  Foxes,  638 ;  their 
war  with  the  Menominies,  640 ; 
make  partial  sale  of  their 
roiintry,  640  ;  description  of 
III  ir  villago,  641 ;  insulted  by 
iiiirii>li;rd,  lAl  ;  Gov.  Rey- 
nold's proclamation  against 
them,  i>43;  driven  from  their 
country  by  whites,  643;  wur 
ensues,  645—653  ;  war  with 
the  Sioux,  673. 

Sagadahoek,  English  flrst  settle 
at,  71. 

Baoauoi::  John,  a  M^pmuk 
chief,  sua 


SAnAMoai  Sam,  (Shoihahim,) 
2)i9, 

Sagamr  M,  it*  signification,  104, 
37T. 

Saoatiathbuaoithton,  [spelt 
in  the  Genealogicol  and  An- 
tiquarian Registvr,HAaArE/.N- 
4UABASHT0W,  who  was  the 
grandfather  of  BaANT,]  bis 
visit  to  England,  510. 

Saqotiwatha  (Kbd  Jacket,) 
593-603. 

Saguabum,  (LoBON|)333. 

Sakaweiior,  a  N.  England  In- 
dian, taken  to  England  by 
Capt.  Harlow,  and  thence  goes 
in  tile  war  against  Bohemia, 
72. 

Salmon  Falls,  destruction  of, 
300    301, 

Saltonstallj  Sir  Richard,  111. 

Sam  Hide, a  noted  lying  Indian, 
37, 

Sam  Jorxs,  (Abfaca,)  479,  481, 
483, 

SaMKAMA,  COUn«("11or  to  Pk!L!P, 

203. 

Samoset  welcomes  the  PilgBima 
to  Plymouth,  76  ;  his  services 
to  them,  77  ;  goes  with  them 
to  PokttHoket,  86,  87. 

Sampson,  H.,  buys  land  of  In- 
dians in  Middleboro',  341. 

Sampso>4,  a  barbarous  Tarratine, 
304,  715. 

Sampion,  an  attorney  to  Pi  ilip, 
198. 

Samuel,  Capt.,  308 ,  speech  of, 
309,  310, 

Sanamahonoa,  (Stone-bateb,) 
638. 

Sanderson,  Lt.,  defeat  and  death 
of,  493. 

Sanders,  John,  of  Wessagusset, 
99. 

Sanders,  Lt.,  killed  in  Hariner's 
defeat,  687. 

Sanders,  Mr.,  Killed  in  Florida, 
492. 

San  Felasco,  battle  of,  473. 

Sanford,  Major,  goes  to  attack 
Phi  MP,  226, 

Sanford,  J.,  complaint  against, 
188. 

Sannap,  the  station  or  office  of 
a,  133. 

SA<tUAREXi>,  a  TVirrad'ns,  a  hos- 
tage, 333. 

Saisacus,  chief  of  the  Pequats, 
116  ;  '*  malignant  and  furi- 
ous," 137  i  "  a  terror  to  his 
neighbors,"  165 ;  tite  English 
make  war  upon  him,  170  ;  his 
sales  of  land,  173;  killed  by 
the  Mohauiks,  173, 

Sasienow,  a  Tarratine  of  Sag- 
adahoek, 71, 

Saoamon,  John,  a  missionary 
to  the  Pequots,  172  ;  secretar)' 
to  Philip,  193  ;  preacher  at 
M'amasket,  193  ;  goes  in  the 
war  against  the  Pequots,  194  ; 
found  dead  in  a  pund,  195 ; 
supposed  murderers  detected, 
195  ;  the  proceedings  ORuinst 
tliem,  196  ;  other  items  in  his 
history,  198.  303, 

Saiiamon,  Rolars,  interpreter 
to  Alexardeb,  191 ;  brother 
to  John,  198, 

Saisehobe,  daughter  of  John 
Sakamon,  194. 

Saugiis,  (Lynn,)  111,  697,  —  See 
Lynn, 

Saunders,  Capt.,  disaster  of, 
333. 


Saunders,  Lt.,  barbarity  of.  It 

Florida,  494. 
Sauieman,  a  principal  Sogkf- 

naU.  S50. 
Savafie,  Ensign,  wounded,  209: 

Major,  273. 
Savage,   Mr.,   trarels    in    the 

West,  62. 
Savage,   Captain    T.,  marchei 

nnuinst  Philip,  308. 
Sccips,  flrst  ti.ken   in   Philip's 

war,  210  ;  Engllxh  offer  a  re- 
ward for,  311,373. 
Scarborough   taken    by   Mooo, 

294. 

ScAROTADA,    (MoROKATOOCHA.) 

531,  679. 
Schenectady,  destruction  of,  47. 
Schermerhorn,  Rev.  J.  F.,  441. 
Scoffitild,  Berg.,  in  the  Ouithle- 

cooche  fight,  423. 
Sthoolcralt,  U.  R.,  on  Mounds. 

02. 
Scliuyler,  Major,  his  expedition 

against  tlie  French,  5'j;!;  ac- 

CC^ipSTlICS    xi'iuirtiia     tu     J:.||M- 

land,  511;  Colonel,  48. 
Scott,  Gen.,  in  Florida,  432, 435 ; 

sent  to  reduce  the  Cherokeet, 

443  ;  in  Florida,  471. 
Scott,  Sir  Walter,  said  to  re- 
semble Blackhawk,  661. 
ScBART,  Old,  wonderful  escape 

of,  39. 
Scuttup,  a  Jfarragansel  chief, 

145,  248. 
Scythians,  said  tc  resemble  In- 
dians, 25. 
Sealy,   Lieut.,   in   the    Pequot 

war,  155. 
Searle,  Lieut.,  in  battle  of  HtU 

chee  Lustee,  478. 
Searle,  Capt.,  in  Florida,  killed, 

490 ;  Fort,  493. 
Seat  of   Kino  Philip,  descrip- 
tion of,  227. 
Semimles,  their  name  and  origin, 

531  ;    wars    with,    403—406, 

410 — 436  ;  removal  by  the  U. 

S.  frou^lieir  country,  405; 

tliey  resist,  and  war  ensues, 

461—496 ;  west,  701. 
Serauki,  his  visit  to  England, 

370. 
Seneca,  supposed   to   refer  to 

America,  33. 
Seneeas,  fourth    nation    of   the 

Iroquois,  500;  west,  702. 
SEQUAiiOA,  chief  under  Miar- 

tunnomoh,  138;  one  of  his 

men  wounds  Uncai,  153. 
SEauiN,  a  Pequot,  supposed  au- 

tlior  of  a  cruel  massacre  at 

Wealiierslield,  143. 
Sewali,  S.,  New-  Heaven,  tec, 

355  ;  Rev.  Samuel,  '15. 
Shalliiloske,  a  hostage,  mur- 
dered, 375. 
Shajiokin,  Daniel,  meets  with 

C.  F.  Post,  535. 
Shapleigh,    N.,    signs    indion 

treaty  at  Dover,  715. 
SHATTOoKituis,     sacliem      of 

Brooktiuld,  366. 
Shiiltiick,  L,,  Hist,  of  Concord, 

Mass.,  104— lOti,  112. 
Shawanese,  facts  in  the  h.story 

of,  15,  500;  wopt.  7011. 
Shaw,   [Charles,]    History    of 

Boston,  104. 
Shaw,  J.,  a  juror  to  try  Indians 

196. 
Skairmul,  "ince  Boston,  whict: 

see. 
Siieed,  Mr.,  tutor  to  the  chief 

Al'Giia.iTaAr,  385. 


fl'. 


INDEX. 


731 


SHiincoTT,  JoHif,  a  Tarratint, 
305. 

Sliuflall,  Dr.,  wounded  at  h^a- 
ea.te  4    , 

Hhulliy,  [Icaac,]  Gov.  of  Ken- 
tucky, (>3y. 

Bhilokta,  a  Cntk,  ion  of  Chi- 
itAiir,  :i95. 

Bhelton,  Gen.,  wounded,  433. 

Bherburn,  Capt.,  Bkiriuiab  with 
HurEHoob,  335. 

Sherwwid,  Li'-ut.,  killed.  496. 

8hikclliii(;<i,  ftither  uf  Looar, 
513  ;  nt  Philadtlphia ;  a  Cay- 
uga; his  drath,  514. 

SHi!<oit,  n  L<»laii>are  chief,  vis- 
ited by  Wa8hii>!(tnn,  531;  dis- 
appointi  him,  539  ;  a  bounty 
offered  for  his  head,  533 ; 
■rent  warrior  of  hiH  tiiub.  U4  ; 
brfHends  Frederick  Post,  535. 

Shirley,  Gen.,  warns  the  ftai 
tiers  against  surprise,  338. 

Bholan,  sachem  of  Nashua,  1S9, 
9*39. 

9H'>«H«<trM,  (RtaAMoai  Sam.) 
159  ;  betrayed  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  who  hang  him, 
S67;  change  of  his  name  to 
UsKATUHOi'if,  269;  his  letter 
to  hi*  enemies,  374 ;  other 
letters  from,  367— 2b9. 

'jhrimpton,  Samuel,  oi  Boston, 
135,338. 

Shurd,  Abraham,  of  Pemaquid, 
11% 

Sihiy,  Mary,  confesses  witch- 
craft, 184. 

Sill,  I  Joseph,]  Capt.,  in  Philip's 
war,  281. 

SiLouE,  saves  the  life  of  Col. 
Bird,  378. 

SiLTEa-HEELs,  in  the  war  of 
1813,  597. 

Si  HMO,  Caft.,  a  Tamtine,  chief 
speaker  at  the  treaty  of  1703, 
308,  309. 

Simon,  JoHif,  anecdotes  of,  39, 
257. 

Simpklns,  Capt.,  and  the  ludl- 
ans,  141. 

Singletary,  Mr,  himself  and 
family  murdered,  487. 

Si^quisTER,  a  Creek  prophet, 
398  ;  killed  in  the  battle  of 
'I'ohnpeka,  40 (. 

8i:«ToucHi,  his  visit  to  Eng- 
land, 370. 

Siinix,  15 ;  at  Boston,  674  ;  at 
wiir,  (174. 

Sit/.,  Peter,  taken  prisoner  by 
Bbaut,  582. 

Siz  .Vrifioas.  —  See  Five  A(i(i/>n», 
Iroqufis;  mytliolofcy  of  709. 

S>iE.'<\riDu,an  OitnV/a,  anecdote 
of,  5'i5. 

Sketwarroes,  carried  to  Knc- 
liind  by  Cupt.  Weymouth,  70; 
retiirni)  again,  70. 

Bkijaousta,  head  warrior  of 
Passctchie,  367 ;  goes  to  Eng- 
lunil,  3K8  ;  makes  a  speech  to 
the  king,  3(i8  ;  death  of,  3t;9. 

Bkiko,  a  sachem  of  Virginia, 

:m. 

SInlne,  Mr.  John,  a  merchant 
of  Ixindon,  78. 

Slaves,  Indian,  79, 171,224,988. 

9malley,Wm.,  narrative  of,  560. 

Sniallniun,  Mr.,  his  captivity, 
696. 

9innll-pnx,  its  ravages,  111,677. 

.Smith,  Capt.  Jot.n,  surveys  the 
coast  of,  and  names  New 
Knglnnd,  83 ;  brought  to  no- 
tice by  Sir  W.  Salegb,  113 ; 


learns  tha  Indian  names  of 
places  in  N.  England,  377 ; 
goes  to  Virginia.  348  ;  his 
severity  tu  the  Inuiani'  there, 
.1481  they  take  him  pritoner, 
348  ;  show  him  aboiit  the 
country,  348;  be  is  delivered 
to  Powhatan,  348  ;  practise 
conjurations  upon  him,  349  ; 
Powhatan  determines  to 
have  him  killed,  350  ;  his  life 
is  spared  by  the  entreaty  of 
Pocahontas,  350  ;  ia  made 
armorer  to  the  chief,  351 ;  he 
Is  at  length  liberated, 351  ;  an 
anecdote,  351  ;  elected  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia  ;  Powhat- 
an plots  his  death  ;  Pucahon- 
ta>  frustrates  thede8ien,354  ; 
meets  with  an  accident,  and 
returns  to  England  ;  dies  in 
Iiondon,  354. 

jinilii ,  Col.,  in  the  Florida  war, 
487. 

Smith,  James,  buys  tftguMatt, 
384. 

Hmith,  Kichard,  bu/s  land"  nf 
Massasoit,  99  ;  at  JVurrafon- 
tet,  117, 139, 140, 145, 146,330, 
331. 

Smith,  S.  S.,  on  the  Human 
Spccios,  36,  38. 

Siriih,  T.,  about  the  Walking 
ji'urclia»e,  529,  531. 

Smith,  William,  of  Rehobotb, 
3h7. 

Smith,  Zachary,  killed  by  In- 
dians, 363. 

Smith,  Lt.  C,  kid.  in  Flor.,  431. 

Smyth,  Francis,  messenger  to 
PE9SACt;t,  154. 

Snelling,  Col,,  [Josiab,]  and 
Red-Jacket,  o9ti ;  takes  a 
chief  prisoner  at  Tippecanoe, 
6S0 ;  iu  the  battle  of  Magaugo, 
621. 

Snelling,  W.  J.,  on  Indian  cus- 
toms, 588,  667. 

Snow,  C.  H.,  History  of  Boston, 
104,  109, 

SocHoto,  a  great  Ptmat  chief, 
131. 

SocoHONOco,  a  Mhrrafoiuet 
chief,  130  ;  difiiculties  with 
the  Enelish,  155, 156, 159. 258. 

SoMPoiNTEKN,  a  IVuiitpaHoag, 
199. 

SoNcoNEWHEW,  a  fPdmpanoag, 
200. 

SoNoaEEHOOD,  a  Tarratine,  284. 

SooNONOoisE,  a  Sen«ui,  puts  a 
woman  to  death  for  witch- 
craft, 599  ;  tried  for  murder 
by  the  whites,  599. 

Soto,  Ferdinand  de,  ravages 
Florida  to  And  gold,  and  dies 
in  the  country,  3(i(!. 

Southack,  Cupt.,  relieves  Casco, 
294. 

Soiithworth,  Constant,  199,205, 
212,  242,  25,5. 

South  worth,  Lieut.  N.,25'>,  3.m 

Sparkinan,  Mr.,  tragedy  at  the 
residence  ,)f,  47;i. 

Spnrki,  Fared,  note  on  Half- 
Kino,  »31,  577. 

Sparks,  Major,  wounded  nt 
Brnddock's  defeat,  ):09. 

Sparks,  Capt.,  in  St.  CIair'3 
army,  401. 

SrECKLED-SNAKE,speech  of,450. 

Speeches  ;  Maiiasoit  to  the 
Pilgrims,  b8;  of  Canonicus, 
l-.>0  ;  Miantunnomoh,  120; 
same   to  Waiandarce,  137  ; 

UhcaI      to    MlAHTUNNOMOH, 


130;  of  NiNinarT,  at  Boston, 
13ti;  of  MeiaM,  1..9;  of  Pes- 
SACUs  and  Niniuiet,  I4t) ;  uf 
PcttAct's,  I4H  ;  of  Philip 
9<I7,  2i9;  of  Pasiaconawat 
378;  of  Wanalaniet,  •J«2 
nf  Aisimina>i)Ua,  389;  of 
Madokawandu,29I  ;  of  Kan 
kamaous, 997  ;  of  Capt.  Him- 
MO,  309;  of  Capt.  Sami'bi., 
309;  of  John  Neptune,  331 ; 
of  Powhatan,  3.%2 — 3.'>4  ;  of 
ToMocuMO,  3.'>5  ;  of  Pocahon- 
tas, 357  ;  of  Opekankano, 
369 ;  of  Sai^tAoi'tTA,  368  ;  of 
a  chief  lo  Gen.  Oglethorpe, 
370  ;  of  ToMocHicHi,  370  ; 
of  Attakullakulla,  374 ;  of 
MoNCACHTAPK,  380;  of  Mad 
Doa,  388;  of  Weatherfokd, 
390  ;  of  Mi'iHALATUBEE,  402 ; 
of  Pi;sHAMATA,40'i;  of  Gran- 
nuLACOPPAK,  408;  of  Bia 
Warrior,  409;  of  Osceola, 
412;  of  GRANOIII.A,  SHU;  nf 
AoARio,  505 ;  of  the  five 
chiefs  to  Queen  Anne,  510; 

of  CANAtATEOO,5l5;  ofGLIK- 
HIKAR,    518;     of    IlALr-KINO, 

518;  of  Netawatweei,  592; 
of  Tadeu>kund,532;  uf  Keo- 
JACKET,  594 ;  on  wilclirraf), 
600;  to  Lafayette,  600;  to 
G<iv.  Penn,  601 ;  of  Farmer's 
Brother,  604;  ofCoR.NpLAN- 
TER  to  Washington,  l>iiU;  of 
Teci'Hseh,  617;  of  Bl/-:k- 
thl'nder,  632 ;  of  Onopa- 
TANaA,U3:t;)>f  Petale^hahoo, 
634  ;  of  Metea,  635  ;  of  Kek- 
WAOoushKUM,  fkl6  ;  of  Black- 
hawk,  641) ;  uf  Little-hlack, 
645;  of  Neapope,  )>55 ;  ol^ 
Decori,65.5;  Black-hawk  on 
his  surrender,  657  ;  his  speech- 
es to  Jackson,  660;  of  Wa- 
bokieshiek,  663. 

SpEEN,  Abraham,  a  Christian 
JVipmuk,  265. 

SpEEN,  James,  a  Christian  JVTp- 
muk,  373  ;  narrow  escape 
from  Mukaieks,  282. 

SpEEN,  John,  teacher  at  JVoticA, 
dies  a  drunkard,  180. 

Speen,  Thomas,  a  Christian 
Aiiticft,  180. 

Spilnian,  Henry,  his  life  saved 
by  Pocahuntas,  357. 

Spookant,  Joseph.  —  See  Wa- 

TAPACOSIN. 

Spragiie,  Charles,  Pcem  on  the 
Indians,  2W. 

Springfleld  attacked  by  the  In- 
dians, 316. 

Spring,  Dr.  S.,  chaplain  with 
Arnold,  330. 

Sqi'ABSEN,  a  fVampanoaf,  188 

SquAMAUo,  counsellor  to  Wah- 

PATUK,  108. 
Sqi'AMATT,  son  of  AWASHONKS, 

251. 

Sqnannkonk  Swamp,  description 
of,  216,  2:i7. 

SquANDo,  sagamore  of  Snco,  his 
singular  vision,  386  ;  his  wife 
and  child  insulted,  ':86  ;  bums 
Saco,  287 ;  restores  a  captive, 
288  ;  a  powwow,  ^88  ;  makes 
a  treaty  at  Cochecho,  715. 

SqUANTo,a  Wumpanooff,  carried 
to  England  by  Capt.  Wey- 
mouth, 69,  70  ;  errors  of  au- 
thors about  him,  71  ;  inter- 
preter to  the  Pilgrims,  78  ; 
his  death,  79  ;  the  only  Indian 
wlio  escaped  the  great  plague. 


732 


INDEX. 


m 


p.!  .'i  1 


It- 

m 


60;  MTef  the  life  nf  Cipt 
Drrnier,  B4  ;  McsmpanleM 
MAiiAtdiT  lu  Plymoiitii,  87  ; 
■liDWa  tlieni  liow  to  take  eelM, 
87  ;  taken  |iriK»ner  l)y  Caun- 
■  ITAHT.  93  ;  wt  ut  liberty,  93  ; 
acriued  uf  deception,  109  ; 
pilots  ilie  i'llgriins  to  Mmua- 
ehunrttM,  104  ;  Squa»tiim  to 
nnined  from,  lOG. 

SquAW  Sachem,  of  Mat—cku- 
setu,  104;  t.ldow  of  Nana- 
rAiHAMET,  mnrriei  Wkbco 
WIT,  105 ;  treaty  with  the 
EnKllsb,  106. —  Uee  Maomoi 
and  Wectamoo. 

BquiDBATKT,  hanged  for  mur- 
der, 113. 

BtandiHh,  Alexander,  great  age 
of,  255. 

StanHiah,  Capt.  Milei,  hia  diffl- 
ciiltiea  with  the  Indiana,  80, 
87 ;  takes  pnrt  with  Maiia- 
•orT  nitniiiat  other  [nuian9,gi, 
03;  discovers  an  Indian  plot, 
96  ;  sent  againat  tliein,  99  j 
kills  sevenl  of  them,  99, 

Btaflbrd,  Capt.,  massacres  Indi- 
ana, 345. 

Stanley's  plantation,  attack  en, 
4!»Q. 

Stanton,  John,  933. 

Stanton,  Robert,  SX3. 

Stanton,  Thomas,  135,  139,  149, 
153,  102. 

Stan wix.  Port,  .Wi2, 579,  filO,  611. 

Staples,  William  R.,  SHJO. 

Stark,  John,  33(i ;  captivity  of, 
337. 

St.  CInir,  Sir  John,  wounded  at 
Monongahfla,  609. 

St.  Clair,  Gen.,  401;  his  account 
of  the  disaster  of  his  army, 
S70 ;  some  account  of,  572,607. 

Stcbl.ins,  Benjamin,  a  captive, 
982. 

Stedman,  John,  killed  at  Point 
Pleasant,  540. 

Sterling,  nVcahakim^)  967. 

Steuart,  Capt.,  a  prisoner,  377, 
378. 

Stevenson,  Mi\).,  defeated,  638. 

Stevens,  Cnpt,  Phineua,  337. 

SL  Francis,  origin  of  the  tribe 
of,  316 ;  destroyed,  318. 

St.  Gregory,  opinion  of,  respect- 
ing a  country  west  of  Europe, 
22. 

Stinson,  David,  killed,  337. 

St.  Jnint's's  palace,  Indians  visit 
there,  511. 

St.  Jolina,  Fort,  taken,  333. 

Stiles,  Ezra,  his  edition  of  the 
History  of  Philip's  War,  62, 
218. 

Stiilman,  Major,  his  defeat,  645. 

St.  I>eger,  Gen.,  invests  Fort 
Stanwix,  579. 

Stockwell,  Quentin,  his  cap- 
tivity, 289. 

Stokes,  Gen.,  in  the  Florida 
war,  468. 

Stone,  Capt,  killed  by  the  Pe- 
quots,  166,  177. 

Stone,  Simon,  extraordinary  es- 
cape of,  334. 

Stone-eater,  (Sanahahoroa,) 
620,  C38. 

Stone-waluJohh,  961  ;  his 
death,  2ii2. 

Stoiighton,  Capt.,  in  the  Peqiiot 
war,  171  i  LieuL  Gov.  Wil- 
liam, 332. 

Etougliton,  {Pttkmitt,  Punkapa- 
og,)  a  town  of  Pramng  Iniii- 
aiu,  Ub,  m. 


Btnet,  0«p  ACB-Miws  de- 
livered t 

Strickland's  battle  of,  133. 

Stroko,  (Ki  ,}  a  Stntta 

chief,  606. 

Stuart,  Arabella,  ii.iplicaled  In 
the  char^«  against  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh,  il4. 

Stuart,  J.,  his  acrount  of  Wtltk 
Indiatu,  52. 

Studwn,  Robert,  of  Bcituate, 
109. 

Btukely.  f.r  Lewis,  receives  the 
son  of  Pocahortai  to  educate 
him,  3.'>8,  359  ;  his  nefarious 
conduct  to  Sir  W,  Ralegh, 
360  ;  dies  in  wretchedness, 
3U0, 

Sturgeon  Creek,  depredations 
there,  295. 

Sturgis,  Edward,  a  Juror  to  try 
Indians,  196. 

Stuyvesant,  Gov.,  his  troubles 
with  the  English,  149. 

Style  of  commencing  the  year, 
85 ;  diflerence  between  Old 
and  New  Style,  301,  302. 

Sudbury,  its  purchase  of  the  In- 
dians, 117  :  "  sore  defeat  "  of 
the  English  there,  2^.2. 

Sugar-loaf-Hill,  bloody  light 
there,  215,  SI6. 

Suggs,  Mr.,  killed  at  Camp 
King,  421. 

Sullivan,  Gen.,  his  Indian  expe- 
dition, 587. 

S(;nDAr,  Capt.,  an  ^bcnaka 
chief,  277, 

SurfotiiAUoutiDO,  a  Tarraiine, 
:i36. 

SuNK-tqVAW,  (QUAIArEN,)  134, 
248,  249. 

SuNSETo,  epitaph  on,  at  Moke- 
gan,  149. 

SuiEr,  a  Penobscot,  tried  for 
murder,  320. 

Sutton,  Benjamin,  a  captive,  53. 

Swan  Island  purcliased  of  the 
Iniliuns,  985. 

Swayne,  Lieut.,  at  the  AVirra- 
ganset  fight,  714. 

Sweet,  Lieut.,  killed  in  Har- 
mer's  defeat,  687. 

Swamp  Fights  ;  at  Pocassf.1,^11 ; 
in  M'arruganset,  218 ;  near 
Taunton  Uiver,  224  ;  near 
Warwick,  249.  —  See  Bottles. 

Swanzey,  Philip's  war  begins 
there,  907,  208. 

Swift,  Dean,  his  notice  of  Indi- 
ans, 510. 

Swinton,  Dr.,  on  origin  of  Indi- 
ans, 32, 

Syll,  (Sill,)  Capt.,  in  Philip's 
war,  973. 

Stmok,  a  notorious  Tarratine 
depredator,  attacks  Newbury, 
995  ;  Sturgeon  Creek,  i;95  ; 
Casco,  296;  completely  ruins 
Casco,  and  kills  many  people, 
303. 

T. 

Taeonrt,  (Winslow,  Me.,)  285; 

treaty  of,  988,  289. 
Tadeuskund,  a  noted  Ddmaart 

chief,  524. 
Tahatoner,  hisson  murdered, 

181. 
Tahatawak,       (Nattahatta- 

wanti,)  181. 
Talcott,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  42:),  471. 
Talcott,  Mnj.  J.,  cuts  ofT  Quir- 

AfCN,  249. 


TalUdtgu,  severe  tmllle  of,  397 

Talmage,  Lieut.,  killed  at  &**• 
ntctaily,  47. 

Talmon,  IVter,  complaint  of 
Philip,  80. 

Tame-Kiro,  a  CrtA  chief,  38fl, 
387.  ' 

TAMMART.an  ancient  Drlaware, 
519  i  a  society  of  whilea  tako 
his  name,  513  ;  legends  con- 
cerning, 513. 

Tamoueeiam,  (JErPERr,)  • 
Wampanoag,  949, 

Tanner,  Nicholas,  about  tha 
Dutch  Plot,  143. 

Tartamoui,  (Old  Jethro,) 
965,  966. 

Ta  NToiti'i  EioR,n  Mokfgan  cant, 

telEPa     MlARTURNOMOH,    128  J 

his  life  attempted,  IX'I. 

Tartom,  a  N.  England  Indian, 
assisu  Capt.  Smith  in  his  sur- 
vey of  the  coast,  72. 

TAitUARSiciE,  a  Wampanoag, 
19o. 

Tarhe,  or  the  Crarx,  a  //iir«n 
chief,  697. 

rarraftiiM,  15 ;  dreaded  by  the 
MassachusHU,  81,  104,  106  ; 
their  ex|ipdiliiin  against  Agui- 
warn  discovered  and  prevent- 
ed, 110  ;  situation  of  their 
dominions,  977. 

Taruukir,  a  chief  of  the  ^n- 
droscoggins,iiSi) ;  S|ieech  of  in 
the  Taronnet  council,  289. 

Tashtassuck,  ancient  chief  of 
the  JfarraganseU,  and  father 
of  Caroricus,  117. 

TAisAqi'ARRAWiT,  a  ATurroffon- 
set,  159. 

Tamul'ke,  brother  of  Natta- 

HARADA,985. 

Tatamomok  sells  lands  in 
Swanzey,  188  j  others  near 
Pokanvkit,  199 ;  (Aturia- 
momake,)  199. 

Tachiciuochi,  aCrMit  chief,  3691. 

Tatosor,  a  noted  Wampanoag 
captain  under  Philip,  944  ; 
takes  a  garrison  at  Plymouth, 
945  ;  surrenders  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  is  beheaded,  94i> ;  in- 
cidents in  his  history,  9(i9. 

Tattacomhet,  949,  251 ;  (Tox- 
auora,)  257. 

Taunton,  attack  upon  by  Kixa 
Philip,  223. 

Tavosee,  one  of  Philip's  coun- 
sellors, 203. 

Taweraket,  a  noted  Iroquois 
chief,  47,  48. 

TATLOR,CAPT.,a  Cherokee  ctAet, 
401. 

Taylor,  Capt,  at  Fort  Recovery, 
688. 

Tavlor,  Major  J.  S.,  bis  bouse 
burnt,  490. 

Taylor,  Col.  Zachnry,  fights  the 
Indiana  at  Okeechobee,  483; 
gen.,  487  ;  recommend?  blood- 
hounds, 489 ;  a  col.  in  Black- 
hawk's  war,  656. 

Taylor,  Rebecca,  a  captive,  304. 

TlAiLAEOEE,  son  of  CoRR- 
PLAHTER,   616. 

TicuusEH,  chief  of  the  Skaira- 
nees,  exerts  himself  to  drive 
back  the  whites,  395 ;  an  early 
expedition  against  the  whites, 
616;  a  speech  to  Gov.  Harri- 
son, 617;  continued  dithcul- 
ties  with  the  whites, 620  :  de- 
feats a  body  of  troops  under 
Vanhorn,  Wl ;  various  traits 
of  character,  622  ;  incideuu 


J-Lt  1 

Si 


INDEX. 


7;)3 


and  nnrcdntm  of,  603  ;  de- 
(eatAd  al  the  River  Thamea, 
and  killed,  (BO. 

IsaTaiNKHuaAaoWiVlsiU  Eng- 
land, MO. 

Telfair,  Ouv.,  and  Otn.  ti'Oiv- 
Lira*T,  :I8(>. 

Temple,  LieuL,  In  Uie  Florida 
war,  47 J. 

TViuait,  ■ettlement  of,  de- 
itruyed,  395. 

Tewkalmry,  {IVamuU,)  a  town 
of  Praymg  iHdiant,  179. 

TarOMIMHOKERAWEN,  (NOR- 

TON,) yiHit  to  EnKlnnd,  037  ; 
at  the  capture  n(  M'iagara,  (iSB. 

Tbacher,  Anthony,  of  I'lym- 
outh,  b*i. 

Thacher,  Dr.  Jamee,  of  Plym- 
outh, 585. 

Tbarp,  Capt.,  killed  in  Ilarmer'a 
defeat,  m. 

THaic,  (PcEBi,)  killed  in 
PHiLip't  war,  200,  210,  279. 

TheopompiiH,  siippi'iwd  to  refer 
to  America,  19. 

Thomas,  Capl.,  caat  away  In 
Florida,  487. 

THOMAt,  JoH:t,  dici  above  100 
yeara  old,  1 1."). 

Thoniaa,  J.,  eacapea  from  Dade'a 
masaacre,  418. 

Thnmnti,  Lt.,  nt  battle  of  Lake 
Monroe,  479,  4«8. 

Thomai,  of  A'asko'ia,  189. 

Thomai,  of  JVemiuktt,  194. 

Thomai,  a  'J'arr<Ui»e,  of  M'r^nu- 
ift,  984. 

Thnmpaon,  Col.,  killed  in  Flor- 
ida, 431,  4i;2,  48.% 

Thompson,  Gen.,  Indian  agent, 
464. 

Thompson,  J.  VV.  B.,  extraordi- 
nary eacaiie  of,  471. 

Thompson,  Rev.  Mr.,  of  Brain 
tree,  ehnpliiin  in  the  JVitrra- 
ganset  war,  147. 

Thompson,  John,  miaaionary  to 
Cherokeea,  4.54. 

Thompson,  William,  miaaion- 
ary to  Cherokeea,  4.54. 

TboroWRood,  T.,  on  origin  of 
Indiana,  24,  9(i9. 

Thornton,  Mr.,  and  Tetokik- 
hakeraweh,  627. 

Threlkeld,  Ensign,  killed  in 
Harmer's  defeat,  687. 

Throgmorton,  J.,  family  of, 
murdered,  13a 

Tift,  Joahua,  executed  as  a  trai- 
tor, 919. 

TioER-TAiL,  a  noted  Florida 
chief,  489,  494. 

Tilden,  Joseph,  buys  land  of 

Indiana,  109. 
Tilly,  John,  murdered  by  the 
Piquots,  1G9. 

Tilton,  Lieut,  [Jacob,]  his  des- 
perate combat  and  extraordi- 
nary escape  from  three  Tar- 
ratintf,  310. 

TmroocHiE-BARRDEL,      (Bar- 
nard,) 398. 
Tippuano,  battle  of,  620. 

Tippin,  (Tiippan .')  Lieut.,  kills 

a  chief,  394. 
Ti9PA<iUiN,      (V'ataspmoin,) 

193,  196-  944. 
TiaqUANTUM,    (Si)Dahto,)    69, 

70. 
Tituba,  accused  of  witchcraft, 

302,  303. 
Tobacco-eatkr,   a    Muteogu, 

540. 
I^bacco,  act  against  disorderly 
drinking   of,    86;    tbe   first 

62 


known  In  England,  carried 
by  Drake's  marinera,  lU ; 
tfptiwtk.  346. 
ToBiAa,  194;  one  of  the  aup- 
posed  murderera  of  Sasia- 
MOH,  135,  942. 

ToBT,  (NAUHNOCOIIWIT,)9t4. 

TocRAMocR,  a  IVamptHoog,  198. 
Tottd,  Cul.,  killed  al  the  Blue 
Licks,  684. 

TOHATOONER,    (NaTTAHATTA- 

WANTl,)  W. 

TokopekA,  bloody  battle  there, 
391,  4U0. 

ToKAMAHtMoN,  a  Wampanoag, 
78;  faithful  to  the  Enfliah, 
69-— 93;  goes  against  Caunbi- 
TANT  with  t^lnndish,  9:1. 

ToKAiioNA,  sarlieni  of  Steonrt, 
904 ;  goes  with  PiiiLir  tu  Ply- 
mouth, to  conArm  a  treaty, 
904  ;  killed  by  the  JVarraguH- 
$eU,  9()4. 

ToKiNoiH,  an  Indian  preacher, 
182. 

ToLoNT,  a  husband  of  Awa- 
•HoNRi,  949,  951. 

Ton,  Capt.,  (WaTtasacompo- 
NOM,)  181,  277,  334,  H97. 

Tom,  Capt.,  a  mischievous 
Tarratine,  kills  |ieople  at 
Hamilton,  N.  II., 307. 

Tom  JEMMr,(SooNANaisE,)599, 

Tomoka,  John,  token  prisoner, 
48L 

ToMocHicHi,  sachem  of  Yama- 
eraie,  369 ;  goes  to  England 
with  Gen.  Ogli-thorp,  370  ;  his 
speech  to  the  king,  370  ;  re- 
turns to  Carolina ;  dies ;  mon- 
ument to  bis  metmiry,  371. 

ToMocoMO,  counsellor  to  Pow- 
hatan, who  aenda  him  to 
England  as  a  spy,  354 ;  his 
attempt  to  enumerate  the 
people,  355 ;  marries  a  sister 
of  Pocahontas,  355. 

Tompkins,  Capt.,  in  Florida 
war    474    476. 

Tompkins, 'd.  D.,  Gov.  of  New 
York,  666. 

TompsoD,  John,  of  Barnstable, 
949. 

TooNARowi,  goes  to  England, 
369,  370. 

ToquELMUT,  a  Tarratiiu  chief, 
306. 

Torrey,  J.,  boys  land  of  Indi- 
ans, 109. 

Torrey,  William,  clerk  of  Gen- 
eral Coun  of  .Mass.,  714. 

ToiREOEE,  defeats  Lt.  Powell, 
484,  485 ;  has  a  talk  with  Gen. 
Jesup,  486;  escap-^,  488,  489. 

Toxua,  (Moxua,)  291,  &c. 

ToToroTOMoi,  917 ;  chief  of 
Faminky,  and  successor  of 
N.to  rowANCE;  killed  in  the 
Reelti  kechriait  war,  36a 

ToToi'/N,  a  spelling  of  Tato- 
10  N.  which  see. 

Tour,  Lord  de  la,  307. 

Townsend,  [P.,]  treats  with  In- 
dians, 305. 

Traditions,  not  to  be  relied 
upon,  129, 130,  156,  365. 

Traskb,  Joseph,  (Baoesion,) 
298. 

Treaties  ;  with  Massaboit,  86  ; 
with  nine  chiefs,  94 ;  with 
the  MassaehusetU,  104,  105  ; 
Mpmuka,  106 ;  Mokegans  and 
Mhrragaiuets,  134  ;  M'iantUca 
and  Mytrrcgansets,  134;  with 
Pessacds  and  others,  158, 159; 
witb  the  PtquaU,  ICO;  with 


Niantunnomoh,  169;  with 
Philip,  901  ;  A*a/TiiMiu<t«, 
911 1  TamUimfM,  <aw ;  of  Pern- 
iiiaf«i<(,993  ;  of  Ili7(>,  at  Cockf 
tko,  715 ;  of  17KI,  .UW,  [M*}  ;  of 
1717,  390;  of  I7.T7,  .137;  of 
1749,  at  Philadp|pliia,5l4  ;  of 
1754,  XVi;  with  sevrn  chiefs 
In  England,  3li8  ;  of  Paiiie's 
I.«niliiig,  411,  46:1,  464;  of 
Fort  Urernville,  577;  of  Fort 
Ilarni>>r^iiU7,6l3;  witli  Hlacr- 
hawk,)>4:I;  of  Indian  Springs, 
:<99  ;  of  Bclieriiwrliiirn  Willi 
the  Chmkttt,  441,  4-19  ; 
Dtlttienrtj  and  Pennsylvania, 
514  ;  William  Prnn  and  the 
Indians,  517 ;  at  Portsiiioiilh 
with  the  E.  Indians,  :VH  , 
with  .Mvoo  at  Ronton,  980; 
with  Mauokawando  al  V'o- 
connri,  288,  28!l ;  at  Eastun, 
Ptt.,  325;  of  .Wiami,  592;  of 
Moscow,  616  ;  of  Urlmit,  697  ; 
of  liriikvn  Arrow,  :nj2. 

Trent,  .Major,  relieves  Captain 
Mt>sely  210. 

Trewsdale,  Col.,  in  Florida 
war,  475,  476. 

Trigg.  Col.,  killed  at  the  Blu« 
Licks,  084. 

Tmtt,  Kev.  Mr.,  proceeding! 
against,  455. 

Troiip,  Gov.  G.  M.,  his  opprea- 
sive  conduct  luwarils  the  CA«- 
rokttt,  393,  394,  444,  446,  465- 

Triieman,  .Major,  and  others, 
miirili-red,  5.')9. 

Tnimbiill,  U.,  his  Indian  Wara, 
129,  130. 

T*ckabaUktt,aS» ;  Tuekabatck*. 
391. 

Tuckerman,  Mr.  E.,  on  Indian 
namea,  115. 

TucRPoo,  (VVati;ckpoo,)  199, 
245. 

Tt;K  'wiLUH,  a  preacher,  114, 
25. 

TuM  aooktoo,  a  Tarratine, 
98  . 

Turner,  Capt.  Nathaniel,  sent 
against  the  PtquoU  with  Bn- 
dicolt,  116,  Ui8. 

Turner,  Ephraim,  of  Boston, 
135. 

Turner,Capt.,  [William,]  killed 
in  a  desperate  fight  at  the 
falls  above  Drirneid,  359. 
[He  had  a  grandson  (William 
Turner)  living  iu  Swanzey  in 
1736.] 

Turner,  Humphrey,  buys  lands 
of  Indians,  109. 

TVaearoro-t,  16 ;  join  the  In- 
THOU,  500. 

Tdsodooen,  (TiiPAQuiN,)  943. 

Tdsrihajo,  a  SemtHole  chief, 
405. 

Twentt  Canoes,  a  Seatca  chief, 
t.06. 

Twiggs,  Cd.,  429:  exploit  in 
Florida,  487,  490,  491,  649. 

T\iigktu)ies,  16  ;  at  war  with 
the  Iroquois,  .102. 

Two  Guns,  a  Sentca  chief,  606. 

TrASHq,  one  of  Philip's  cap- 
tains, 247. 

u. 

Ubry,    Capt.,    killed    in    Van- 
horn's  defeat,  621. 
Uektu,  their  country.  9,  16 
Uuhee   Billt,  wounded,  431 
killed,  48L 


734 


INDEX. 


UliH*tNV«,(WooittlHUH,)  QOO. 

Vmuamf,  «■   Indian   ninw    of 
Plyniuiith,  mi. 

UarTAKMosa,  •  Watmanoag, 
900. 

UiiuAi,  Ntchem  of  th«  Moke 
gaiu  I  llii  cuniluct  tu  tlio  A'ar- 
rugmnseU,  133 ;  the  Knullah 
favor  him,  lan  ;  hii  war  witli 
HaqUAiaon,  I'JS  ;  wiir  with 
MiAHTUNaoiiaH,  VXJ  ;  lie- 
iieiied  In  hi*  fort,  130  ;  an 
MUimpI  to  kill  him,  13^ ;  com- 
plain* of  witchcraft,  135  ; 
coinmil*  depredation*  npim 
Ni  NioaRT,  138, 139  ;  the  KnK- 
liaii  blind  to  hit  vlllaniei,  141, 
149 ;  miirderi  eight  of  liia 
neiKhbon,  147 ;  outlived  hla 
eniMiiiei ;  hi*  artillcr*  in  the 
Pequot  war,  ISO  ;  his  wrvlcex 
to  the  English,  l.U  ;  wounded, 
1S9;  plot*  against  Miantuk- 
RuMoH,  1S9  ;  war  with  Pei- 
iAL'ut ;  nsaisted  by  the  Knx- 
linh,  154  j  attack*  a  AVirra- 
rantet  sachem,  ISO  ;  the  Eng- 
lish aflect  to  try  him,  lU)  ; 
thi-y  pronounce  him  guilty  of 
a<'devili*h  falaehood,"  160; 
forcibly  take*  another'*  wife, 
ItK)  i  another  similar  outrage, 
161 ;  makes  war  on  Ousamk- 
iiuiif,  169;  English  send  n 
force  against  him,  164  ;  inci- 
dents, 169  ;  a  sorry  Christian, 
149 ;  with  the  English  in 
PHiLir's  war,  919;  protettto 
against  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  oroong  his  people, 

UncATAquisiET,  lince  Milton, 
Mass  .  116. 

Underhiii,  Capt.  John,  nssists 
the  Dutch  ngninst  the  Indi- 
ans, 139  ;  in  tlie  Pequot  war, 
168-170. 

UNDEawooD,  a  Ckickaiaw  chief, 
killed,  687,  688. 

Unaoiiroin,  (Akkompoir,)  un- 
cle to  Philip,  99  ;  his  chief 
counsellor,  7a;  claims  lands 
in  Hwnnzey,  80 ;  executes  a 
treaty  at  Plymouth,  81 ;  called 
Wookkaponehunt,  83;  and 
WoHKOBirAHEniTT,84;  killed 
near  the  close  of  Philip's  war, 
99,994. 

llpham,  T.  C,  his  Poem  on 
Lovewell's  Fight,  313,  400. 

UrrARiPPA<iUEM,aJV1i;miuft,968. 

Oppotcoc,  Indian  name  of  to- 
bacco, 346. 

Upsawa,  an  Menaki,  998. 

Upt'grove,  Mr.,  and  wife  killed 
in  Florida,  474. 

Uring,  Capt.,  his  voyage  to  N. 
England,  35. 

UsKDTDHOUn,  (Shosharim,) 
969. 

UiaAUBItUlIf,     (OwsAHEIlUIN,) 

81. 

UTTAMATOMAKIIf,  (TOWOCOHO,) 

354. 
Uttioowceit,    a    Ifampanoag 

warrior,  945. 
Uxbridge,  (Ifaeuntug,)  Praying 

Indian  settlement,  179. 

T. 

Van  nuren,  Martin,  443,  467. 
Vane,  Gov.,  Sir  Henry,  168, 171. 
Varr,  Datid,  a  Cheiokee  sena- 
tor, 455. 


Vanne*,  Lt.,  woondad   at  Pi. 

Plenaanl,  540, 
Vniihorn,   Major,  defeated   by 

Tei  UMIIH,  69l. 

Vnniiwi'nringFn,Cap(.,  killed  In 

FIciridn,  483. 
Vaiirireuil,     Onv,,     expedition 

again*t  N.  England,  394. 
Veni'ga*,   Fnlher,  on    (leopling 

Ainrrica,  93. 
V«rn/.zini,    Capt.,    hi*    voyage 

nnd  deatli,  68. 
Verchcrpi,  ('apt.,  killed  at  lla- 

vrrhdl,  394. 
Vetch,  Col.,  in  the  French  war, 

5il. 
Vinll,  John,  complains  against 

\Ue  ^arragaittrU,  148. 
Vini'eiit,  (icn.,  in  the   war  of 

IHI-J,  698. 
Viiiei),   K.,  an  early  lettler  in 

N.  England,  81. 
Vinton,  Mr.,  s|iecch  on  the  In- 
dian Bill,  467. 
Virginia,    {n'ingandacoa,)    flrat 

•i'llleincnt  of,  354 — :ii)4. 
Vixon,  Robert,  a  juror  to  try 

Indian*,  196. 
Volney,  C.  F.,  his  travid*  -tmong 

the  Indians,  573,  574. 
Voltaire,  M.  de,  on  Indians, 31, 

98,  517,  588. 


w. 

Wabar,  a  well-known  Pramg 
Mpmuk  I  his  marriage,  113 
called,  in  1646,  "  a  new  sa 
chem,"  117  ;  his  first  reception 
of  Eliot,  176;  hia  residence 
and  age,  178  ;  settles  at  Na- 
tick  ;  it*  chief  governor  or 
civil  offlcer,  179;  B))ccimen  of 
a  writ  issued  by  him,  180 ; 
time  of  hi*  death  uncertain, 
180 ;  gives  notice  of  the  hos- 
tile designs  of  Philip,  195; 
Saoamohe  Sam'i  letter  to, 968. 

Wabinga,  (Hiver  Indiana,)  981, 
510. 

Wabokibihiex,   a  Winnebago, 
641—659. 

Waeaaa  Stcamp,  fight  there,  464, 

Waekuaet,  {Princeton,)  104,  110, 
999,  974. 

Wadsworth,  Capt.,  defeat  and 
death  of,  239, 993,  973,  698. 

Wadsworth,  John,  of  Plymouth, 
19& 

WAOcaoKE,   {Philip,)   a   fTam- 

Wmnoag,  188,  909, 968. 
nggoner,  J.,  escape  of  from 

Tecumseh,  616. 
Wahoumacut,  his  visit  to  Bos- 
ton, 113,  179. 
Wahoo   Svamp,  bloody   battles 

there,  484. 
Wahowah,    (Hopehood,)  114, 

313. 
Waiardarib,  n   Long   Island 

chief,  197, 138. 
Waite,  Serg.  Richard,  139, 148, 

968. 
Waire,  Col.,  in  the  Florida  war, 

476. 
Wakely,  T.,  himself  and  fomily 

cut  ofiT,  987. 
Wakely,  Isaac,  killed  at  Caaeo, 

303. 
Wakely,  Daniel,  killed  at  Caseo, 

700. 
Walcot,  called  a  "ruler"  of 

Kino  Philip,  195. 
WoldroD,  Major  R.,  192,  381 ; 


miirdenid.   009 ;    Ms    trraly 

with  the  Indians,  TIA. 
Walker,    Majok,    a    Chtrokrl 

chief,  401. 
Wnlkcr,  Jns.,  of  Plymouth,  9(M. 
Walker,    Herg.,    killed    at    tlie 

flght  in  Ue,  N.  II.,  335. 
Walker,  Cap!.,  In  the  Florida 

war,  473-477. 
Walking  purchase,  in  Pennayl- 

vania,  599. 

WALa-IR-THB-WATEB,  699,  696, 
697. 

Wallace,  Wm.,  his  family  mur- 
dered, 519. 

Waller,  the  iMH-t,  extract  from, 
:M4. 

Wallis,  goodman,  killed  at  Cat- 
CO,  700. 

Walpole,  brave  defence  of,  3:'9. 

Walton,  ('ol.,  hi*  eastern  exiie- 
dition,  304, 

WALtrMRB,  (WoaoMBo,)  991, 
997,  :iOO,  .106. 

WAMnERqijASKR,  a  Peipiot,  173. 

ffammit,  Indians  cruelly  burnt 
there,  181. 

Wampanoagi,  country  of,  16,  69. 

Wampapaquah,  executed  for 
murder,  IU6. 

Wampatuce,  snchemof  A)iia<u- 
.MiiMtl,  sells  Bonton  and  coun- 
try adjacent,  101), -JOl  ;  his  son 
sells  Brainlree,  108  ;  some  of 
his  tribe  killed  by  Urcai, 
144  ;  goe*  against  the  Mo- 
kavka,  and  Is  killed,  109. 

Wampet,  G.,  109;  "a  sage  In- 
dian," 196. 

Wampum,  how  valued,  I35,9.'>0; 
how  manufactured,  999 ; 
"  neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can 
counterfeit,"  999;  significa- 
tion of  the  word.  939. 

Wamiutta,  (Alexardeb,) 
which  see. 

Waraduoi'rbuert,  a  Tarra- 
line,  308. 

Warahataramet,  of  Amiii- 
ntk,  (R.  I.,)  194. 

Wahnalarcet, sachem  ofMer- 
rimaek,  181 ;  made  prisoner  by 
the  English,  979  ;  friend  of 
them,  279 ;  governor  of  Mass. 
writes  a  letter  to,  980 ;  re- 
stores English  captives,  981  ; 
Mosely  sent  into  his  country 
and  commits  depredations, 
381 ;  imprisoned  for  debt,  989; 
■achem  of  Pennakook,  998 ; 
makes  a  treaty  at  Dover,  715. 

WARRo,a  ffampanoag,  194, 196, 
199,  944. 

Waruho,  a  Mohegan  sachem, 
149. 

Warurooret,  a  noted  T'orra- 
tine,  994. 

Waparsxth,  a  PottomMomii, 
649. 

Wapella,  a  Savk  chief,  at  Bos- 
ton, 674. 

Ward,  Capt,  in  battle  of  San 
Felasco,  474. 

Ward,  Cupt.  James,  killed  at 
Pt.  Pleasant,  540. 

Ward,  N.,  his  Simple  Cobler  of 
Agawam,  95. 

Warham,  John,  first  of  the  nnine 
in  N.  England,  327. 

War,  the  first  proclaimed  by  the 
English  in  N.  England,  99; 
land  the  chief  cause  of,  with 
Indians,  590  ;  ail  wars  barba- 
rous, 590. 

Warner,  Capt  John,  in  Florida 
war,  493. 


i'' 


INDEX. 


736 


Wiirrrn,  C<>l.,  In  the  FInridn 
wnr,  4lli-4J(»,  471,  474. 

WAiiiiuiiavNT,al'tMt<  ac  chief, 
■Mti. 

Watwitk,{jln»iitiig,  Skaamtl,) 
troiihli'f  ut,  m,  m 

W*ucaiHtutHH,  kid.,  073,  n74. 

WuKhiiKtiin,  Orii.,  BiiHcUiile  nf 
■  nicilal  nf,  4:i ;  Iiidlnni  viilt 
hltn  lit  (.'ainliridKi',  :>40 ;  at 
New  York,  liM) )  lilit  einbiKiiy 
to  the  Krench  on  the  Uliio, 
ft)l— .VKI;  takei  meamire*  for 
deTence  nuainiit  the  weatern 
Irilieit,  .ViU,  ri<>9  i  hii  wrviceH 
under  llrnddock,  608,  OOU  , 
bin  aniiwer*  to  CuRNrLAffTCK, 
Oil  )  hia  kIndneM  lowarda 
him,  GU  ;  monument.  U64. 

WAiiAMBoMiT,  a  noted  Tarra- 
tinr,  3115. 

WAtiAriNKWAT,  brother  of  Oa- 
takiiit,  90. 

Waimihct,  a  Tarratiiit  chief, 
985. 

VVATArAcoton,  a  Xipmuk  war- 
rior, 9i>5. 

•Vatapatahui,  a  WamfutuMg, 
198. 

Watombamkt,  a  TarriUitu,  306, 

WatHon,  C'npl.,  defeated  at  Bry- 
aiit'ii  Ferry,  -ISW. 

WatHon,  Jonoi  Indian  meaaen- 
Rcr,  9(J5 

WatKon,  M^Jor,  in  battle  of 
Orukana.  581,  58^. 

(Vutaon,  .Major,  in  the  Florida 
war,  474. 

Wattanumor,  a  Tarralini,  308, 
309. 

WATTAiAcoMroNoii,  cxecuted, 
181,277,713,714. 

Watts,  John,  a  Crtek  warrior, 
386. 

Watuepoo,  n  ^am^anoa^iCoun- 
aellur  to  Philip,  199 ;  taken 
prJHuner,  345. 

Watlupkhuim,  (Thp«<juii«,)  a 
grent  H'(iinuanaa|rca|ituln,and 
aachein  ol  Aatataomatt,  193  ; 
becomes  aurety  for  other  In 
dinns,  196 ;  aefls  landa  Jointly 
with  Philip,  QUO)  other  aalex, 
943  ;  his  depredntions  in 
Philip's  war, 343;  biirnrf  part 
of  Bridgewater  and  Plyni 
outh,  343 ;  aurrendera  to  the 
English,  and  they  execute 
him,  !M4. 

Wauohwamiro,  a  Jfarraganstt, 
159. 

Wawaloam,  wife  of  MiANTDif- 

HOMOH,  135. 

Wawnahtok,  a  Yanklon  chief, 
031. 

Wayles,  Robert,  killed  at  Sud 
bury,  714. 

Wuymuuth,  Capt.,  voyage  to 
N.  England,  69,  70,  697. 

Wayne,  Uen.,  hia  Indian  names, 
573  i  his  western  expedition, 
576  ;  a  hnrd  flght  with  the 
aouthern  Indians,  407. 

Weathekford,  a  great  Oreik 
chief,  388 ;  takes  Fort  Mimms, 
389 ;  surrenders  himself  to 
Gen.  Jackson,  389 ;  mokes  a 
masterly  speech  to  him,  390. 

WsnATAMUK,  (Wkpitxahok,) 
148,  159,  166. 

Wibcowit,  a  J^f^pnuk  powwow, 
106. 

Webb,  Capt.,  on  the  Florida 
station,  439. 

Webb,  Wm.,  about  the  Walking 
PuTokate,  514. 


Wehnler,  linn.  Daniel,  on  Flor- 
ida war,  436,  437,  4:H). 

WacuPAUHiH,  a  Wantfantag, 
lUH. 

Weedinan,  Mr.,  killed  near  8t. 
Auguntine,  490, 

WlBTAMOO,  wife  ol  Albian- 
nca,  187  ;  complains  against 
her  husband.  188  ;  Join*  Phil- 
ip, 189;  wife  of  UuiNNAPiN, 
18U,  190;  drnwnrd  in  Taun- 
ton River,  190  ;  Mrs.  Row- 
landnon'a  account  of,  940. 

Wbhanownowit,  aacliem  of 
Suanueot,  984. 

Weiser,  Ciinrad,  interpreter, 
514,  515,  679. 

Welborne,  Mr.,  meBsenger  to 
JVarraganurt ,  157. 

Welford,  Mnjiir,  at  battle  of 
OuithluoiKlu,  493. 

Welike,  Florida,  battle  there, 
471. 

Wells,  Capt.,  masaacred  at  Fort 
Dearborn,  U:i(). 

Wells,  Mr.,  killed  at  Cherry 
Valley,  686. 

Wells,  (Wtbhmntt,)  attacked, 
391. 

WeUk  Indians,  59,  64,  994,  697. 

WcnAMOTET,  an  ^ienaki,  393, 
333. 

Wbwew,  a  JfarragansH  war- 
rior, 311. 

Wbuwchim,  a  A*arraj'aiw«(,  911. 

Wbpiteamuk,  his  stin  and  ;>0 
others  killed,  144  ;  (Wbbata- 
MUK,)  148,  159,  160. 

WaqUASH,  131,  138,  159,  100, 
166,  169. 

Weakakom  Pond,  many  Indians 
killed  there,  976  ;  Sterling, 
907. 

Westbrook,  Col.,  his  expedition, 
311. 

Westerly,    R.  I.,    (fVekoftug,) 

WeKtern  antiquities,  55—64. 

West,  Francis,  complains  of 
Philip,  910. 

West,  John,  a  Cherokee,  115. 

Weston,  Capt.  7'hamai,  79,  97. 

West,  Sir  B.,  his  •'  Penn's 
Treaty,"  517. 

Wethersfleld,  (Pygvag,)  massa- 
cre there,  143,  169. 

WEWAiOWANUET,(PHILIP,)  900, 

9^9. 
Weymouth,  Edward,  'i  house 

burnt,  395. 
Whedan,  Lt.,  kid.  in  Flor.,  4Kl. 
VVheelbarbow,  a  Seneca  chief, 

606. 
Wlieeler,  Capt., badly  wounded, 

913. 
Wheeler,  J.  F.,  Ckerokee  printer, 

454. 
Wlieelock,  Dr.  E.,  Indian  labors 

of,  183. 
Wheelock,  Lieut.,  dies  in  Flor- 
ida, 471. 
Wheelwright,  Rev.  J.,  his  In- 
dian deed,  384. 
Wheelwright's  Pond,  battle  of, 

3:15. 
Whitaker,    Mr.,    wounded    in 

Florida,  489. 
Whitaker,   a  miscreant,  with 

the  Indians,  5Ud. 
Whitchenst,  Lt.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  481. 
WHiTE-XTEi,  a  noted  Delauare 

chief,  5.23,  533  ;    (Ko^ueth- 

aoaeelon,)  556,  716. 
Wliite,  Gen.,  destroys  the  ^d- 

Uieet,  307. 


Whitehall,  (Eng.,)  Indian  treaty 

Whi'te  Hills,  description  or,3l.^ 
White   Lion,  a   llumn    chief, 

6311. 
White  Loon,  a  fVinntiara,  638. 
White,  Mr.,  on  the  Florida  war, 

437,  498. 
While,  Mr.,  hia  family  attacked, 

488. 
White,    Nathaniel,  ■    captive, 

3M. 
While,  Peregrine,  the  flrat  white 

child  horn  In  N.  l.hgland,3a.'). 
White  Thundeb,  un   Iroauou 

cliinf,  .VU. 
Whitley,  Lieut.,  in  the  Florida 

war,  471. 
Whitman,  Vallentine,  interpret- 
er. 139. 
(fickabaug  Ponds,ambush  there, 

Wickford,  ( Cocuswcbmiic,) 

troubles  at,  330. 
Wighliiian,  Dr.,  at  the  battle  of 

OuilA;»(iiN;*«,  433. 
Willierforce,     W.,    asslsta    in 

tninalating  Indian  language, 

627. 
Wilcox,  Daniel,  Interpreter,  95.% 
WiLDBOw,  8am,  a  AiirravaajKt, 

9t)l. 
Wildcat,   (Coacoochee,)    479, 

493;  attack  :)n  some  players, 

4>J:|  ;  b(dd  exploit  of,  494,  495. 
Willard,  J.,  his  History  of  Laii- 

coNter,  966, 
Willard,      Major,     119;    sent 

against  Uncas,  983  ;  relieves 

Urookfleld,   313 ;    his    house 

burned,  931. 
Willet,  Capt.  Thomas,  190,  19j, 

199. 
Willet,  Col.  Marrinus,  386, 579, 

581,587. 
Williamson,  Col.,  expedition  of, 

519,  531,  5i». 
Williamson,  Hugh,  on  origin  of 

the  Indians,  33. 
Williamson,  Peter,  his  Narra 

live,  678. 
Williams,  Col.  E.,  killed  at  L 

George,  535. 
Williams,  John,  Narrative  of 

his  captivity,  395. 
Williams,  J,  L,  his  account  of 

Florida,  465. 
Williams,  Mi^or,  killed  in  Flor- 
ida, 479. 
Williams,  Roger,  81 ;  kind   to 

Indians,  91 ;  his  account  of 

the  ^arraganseU,   1 19  ;    not 

allowed  to  visit  Boston,  135  ; 

interpreter  157. 
Willis,  Comfort,  of  Bridgew.vter, 

393,  393. 
Wilson,  Capt.  Samuel,  killed  at 

Point  Pleasant,  540. 
WiNcuMBoNE,  wife    of  MONO- 

noTTo,  saves  the  lives  of  two 

captive  girls,  173  ;  of  an  Eng- 
lishman, an  enemy,  174. 
Winche8ter,^Gen.,   his  defeat, 

635. 
Winder,  Capt.,  his  exploit,  484. 
Winder,  Gen.,  taken  prisoner, 

6J8. 
WitTGENiM,  a  Delaaart  chief, 

563,564. 
WiNoiNA,   an    early   Vi/ginia 

chief,  344,  345. 
fVinnebagoes,  country  of,  16, 637, 

639. 

WiNNEMAK,     opposes      TecUM- 

SEH,  618 ;  fought  alTippecanoa, 
639 ;  killed  by  Loqan,  629. 


i 


736 

WiwwiFomiTT,  ion  of  Nawa' 
PAiKiMiT,  105 ;  bis  marriage, 
111;  anecdote  of,  37d. 

fVinnmiiiogee.  {M^puipitpte,)  334. 

Winsfow,  Edward,  Ki,  88,  89, 
92,95. 

Winslow,  Mqjor,  191,  199 ; 
cominnnda  in  the  yafaganaet 
light,  319  ;  wounded,  255. 

VVin«low,  Nathaniel,  of  Plym- 
outh, 196. 

Winsluw'i  Rock,  Long  Reach, 
284.  .         B  . 

VVinatanly,  W.,  bis  Worttaies 

of  England,  113,  437. 
Winthrop,  Gov.  John,  91,  107, 

126. 
Winthrop,  Gov.  J.,  Jr.,  110, 141, 

160, 161,  179,  206. 
Wirt,  William,  439  j  bis  death, 

440. 
Wisfoii,  (WooirAiDCK,)  210. 

WlSSEHEMET,  (NlTAHCMET,) 
305    312. 

iViswalt,  Capt.,  killed  iu  Lee, 
N.  H.,  335. 

Withers,  A.  S.,  his  Chronicles, 
539,540,541,545,565. 

WiTTAWAfH,  a  Miuraganset, 
134,  159. 

WiTTDWAHXT,  a  Wampanoug 
chief,  96;  surprised  and  bar- 
barously slain,  100. 

Woburn,  murders  there,  S63, 
714. 

WoHWA,  (HoriROOD,)  which 
see. 

Wolcott,  Oliver,  Indian  com- 
missioner, 607. 

Wolcott,  R.,  his  Poem  on  Indi- 
ans, 165,  171, 173. 

WoLr-KiNo,  a  Critk  chief,  363. 

Wolf,  a  Mohegan,  380  ;  a  Shav- 
anM,  546. 

WonoHAQDAHAM,  (Sao.  JoBit,) 
son  of  NARArAiHAMET,  104 ; 
aids  CANonicus  in  war,  106  ; 
his  house  burnt.  111. 

Woodcock,  a  fVampanoag,  245. 

Wood,  Heniy,  of  Hiddleboro', 
242. 

Wood,  Joseph,  of  Pennsylvania, 


INDEX. 

Wood,  W.,  his  New  England's 

Prophet,  23,  112,  290,  !»1. 
WooDWABo,  T.,  a  Cheroku,  im- 

W|>risoned,  455. 
oodstock,    (.Mamtzit,    Qiion- 
tiuet,  fTabputiet,)  179. 
Woody,  R.,  complains  of  Pbs- 

•Acus,  147. 
Wooif  ASHE  NAM,  a  Wampanaag, 

WooftAiHCV,  (NiMBOD,)  199 ; 
(MuifAiHUM,)  200;  makes  a 
treaty  at  Plymouthj^l ;  coun- 
sellor to  Philip,  203  ;  makes 
another  treaty,  204 ;  killed  in 
the  fight  on  Rebobotb  Plain, 
212. 

WooiPASUcs,  a  counsellor  to 
Philip,  203. 

WooTonBKAMuaia,  wife  of 
Philip,  194  ;  discovery  of  the 
name,  197 ;  sister  to  toe  wife 
of  auinifAPiN,  239;  (Tata- 
MUMAquB,)  199. 

WoquACAiinoiE,  a  M'arraganaet, 
145. 

Worcester,  Mr.  B.  A.,  impris- 
oned, 454,  457. 

Worley,  LieuL,  killed  in  Har- 
mer's  defeat,  687. 

Wormwood,  Lieut.,  killed,  582. 

WoHOHBO,  s  Tarratine,  291 ;  his 
residence,  397;  his  furt  taken, 
300 ;  treaty  with,  306. 

Wortbington,  E,,  History  of 
Dedham,  108, 198. 

WoTOKOM,  a  counsellor  to  Fhii/- 
ir,303. 

Wrentham,     (Jfottomenopoag,) 
purchase  of,  198. 
right,  Capt.,  W.,  messenger 
to  CANoificui,  148. 

WuTTACK«viAKOMiir,  B  Pequot, 
166. 

Wtejah,  a  Cherofiee.  375. 

Wyer,  E.,  wrecked  in  Florida, 
488. 

Wyffin,  R.,  his  life  saved  by 

PoCAHORTAa,  356. 

Wyllya,  Major,  killed  in  Har- 

mer's  defeat,  686. 
Wyinan,  Seth,  kills  PavousjSIS. 
fryoming,  desUuction  of,  271. 


pur 

Wrigl 


X. 


Xatisb,  FRAifoit.  an  JibenM 
chief,  333. 


T. 


Yahaitlakbe,    a   Creek    chief, 

525. 
Yaholoochie,  (Little  Cloud,) 

417,  479. 

YAHTAHTUITAItAGB,  (GbBAT- 
MORTAB,)  364. 

Yamacraw,  settlement  there, 
369. 

Yatiuuees,  country  of,  16;  the 
last  of  the  race,  478. 

Yamoyden,  a  Tale  of  the  Wars 
of  Kino  Philip,  170,  190. 

Yankee,  origin  of  the  name, 
39. 

Yaioos,  country  of,  16 ;  de- 
stroyed, 365. 

Yeardly,  Sir  George,  Gov.  of 
Virginia,  360. 

Yeates,  J.,  on  the  Walking  Pur- 
eJuue,SS9. 

Yeoman,  Lieut.,  wounded,  423. 

York,  Me.,  (^gamentaau,)  de- 
stroyed, 390, 393. 

YoTASH,  (YoTHEiH,  fcc.)  See 
Otash. 

YoDnOEIT-Or-THE-THURDERi, 

639. 
Young,  Dr.,  bis  Revenge,  238. 
YoiTNG-xiifo,    a    Seneca  chief, 

606. 
Younglove,  Dr.,  his  captivity, 

679. 


Zeigler,  Serg.,  his  Florida  fight, 
493. 

Zeisberger,  David,  missionary, 
519,555. 

Zinzendorf,  Count,  a  mission- 
ary to  the  Dalawares,  514. 


I.  an  AbenM 


X  Cre$k    chief, 
jiTTLi  Cloud,) 

LOI,         (G««AT- 

jement    there, 

[ry  of,  16;  the 
B,  478. 

lie  of  the  War* 
IP,  170,  190. 
of  the   name, 

r    of,   16;    de- 

eorge,  Gov.  of 

le  tValking  Pur- 

,  wounded,  493. 

'ameniaeus,)  de- 

292. 

EiH,  kc.)    See 

KE-THUnDEBI, 

Bevenge,  238. 
n    Smua   chief, 

.,  bis  captivity, 


E. 


hia  Florida  fight, 

,vid,  missionary, 

Dunt,  a  mission- 
ilawares,  514. 


